"Wind of Change (speech) The ""Wind of Change"" speech was a historically significant address made by the UK Prime Minister Harold Macmillan to the Parliament of South Africa, on 3 February 1960 in Cape Town. He had spent a month in Africa visiting a number of what were then British colonies. The speech signalled clearly that the Conservative-led UK Government had no intention to block the independence to many of these territories. The Labour government of 1945–51 had started a process of decolonisation, but this policy had been halted by the Conservative governments from 1951 onwards. The speech acquired its"
"name from a quotation embedded in it. Macmillan said: The wind of change is blowing through this continent. Whether we like it or not, this growth of national consciousness is a political fact. The occasion was in fact the second time on which Macmillan had given this speech: he was repeating an address already made in Accra, Ghana (formerly the British colony of the Gold Coast) on 10 January 1960. This time it received press attention, at least partly because of the stony reception that greeted it. Macmillan's Cape Town speech also made it clear that Macmillan included South Africa"
"By 1960, Macmillan's Conservative government was becoming worried about the effects of violent confrontations with the African nationalists in the Belgian Congo and French Algeria. The Conservatives were fearful of this violent activity spilling over into British colonies. This is when Macmillan went to Africa to circulate and deliver his speech ""Wind of Change"", which is named for its line: ""The wind of change is blowing through this continent and whether we like it or not, this growth of national consciousness is a political fact. We must all accept it as a fact, and our national policies must take account"
"Year of Africa O. H. Morris of the British Ministry of Colonies predicted in early January that ""1960 will be a year of Africa"". The phrase ""year of Africa"" was also used by Ralph Bunche on 16 February 1960. Bunche anticipated that many states would achieve independence in that year due to the ""well nigh explosive rapidity with which the peoples of Africa in all sectors are emerging from colonialism."" The concept of a ""Year of Africa"" drew international media attention. The mythology of the year was also influenced by the ""Wind of Change"" speech, delivered on 3 February 1960"
"Parliament he gave his famous Winds of Change speech, which was interpreted as an end to British support for White rule. This speech, which implicitly criticized apartheid together with the worldwide criticism following the Sharpville massacre, created a ""siege mentality"" in South Africa, which Verwoerd seized upon to booster his case for a republic, presenting Elizabeth II as the ruler of a hostile power. Verwoerd also ensured that South African media gave generous coverage of the breakdown of society in the Congo in the summer of 1960 following independence from Belgium as an example of the sort of ""horrors"" that"
"the time supported Lord Home, the changes were already on the horizon. In Britain, Macmillan said that it was essential ""to keep the Tory party on modern and progressive lines"", noting electoral developments and especially the rise of the Labour Party. By the time Macmillan went on his famous 1960 African tour leading to his ""Wind of Change"" speech to Parliament in Cape Town change was well underway. By 1960, French African colonies had already become independent. Belgium more hastily vacated its colony and thousands of European refugees fled the Belgian Congo from the brutalities of the civil war and"
"and Kennedy consulted him by telephone every day. The British Ambassador David Ormsby-Gore was a close family friend of the President and actively involved in White House discussions on how to resolve the crisis. After Kennedy was assassinated, he wrote the Kennedy's wife Jacqueline Kennedy a letter of condolence. Macmillan's first government had seen the first phase of the sub-Saharan African independence movement, which accelerated under his second government. He embarked on his ""Wind of Change"" tour of Africa, starting in Ghana on 6 January 1960. He made the famous 'wind of change' speech in Cape Town on 3 February"
"the change in the UK's attitude to African self-government is usually considered to have been significant. In South Africa, the speech was received with discomfort. There was an extended backlash against the speech from the right of the Conservative Party, who wished that Britain retain its imperial possessions. The speech led directly to the formation of the Conservative Monday Club pressure group. The speech is also popularly known as the """"Winds of Change"""" speech. Macmillan himself, in titling the first volume of his memoirs ""Winds of Change (1966), misquoted the original text. The Portuguese Colonial War started in 1961 in"
"the devaluation of the CFA Franc. Seeing an ""East wind"" blowing in the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, he stated that a ""Southern wind"" was also blowing in Africa, and that state leaders had to respond to the populations' wishes and aspirations by a ""democratic opening"", which included a representative system, free elections, multipartyism, freedom of the press, an independent judiciary, and abolition of censorship. Claiming that France was the country making the most important effort concerning development aid, he announced that the least developed countries (LDCs) would henceforth receive only grants from France, as opposed to loans (in"
"deviation from the inevitable course of events"". The project faced black opposition from the start, and ultimately failed because of the shifting international attitudes and rising black Rhodesian ambitions of the late 1950s and early 1960s, often collectively called the Wind of Change. Britain, France and Belgium vastly accelerated their withdrawal from Africa during this period, believing colonial rule to be no longer sustainable geopolitically or ethically. The idea of ""no independence before majority rule"", commonly abbreviated to ""NIBMAR"", gained considerable ground in British political circles. When Huggins (who had been recently ennobled as Lord Malvern) asked Britain to make"
"promised to transform their continent. That dream was dubbed the African Renaissance. This concept is often defined in contrast to the big man syndrome - the autocratic rule by the so-called ""big men"" of African politics during the first two decades after independence. When US president Bill Clinton made his African journey in March 1998, he helped popularize this notion when he said he placed hope in a new generation of African leaders devoted to democracy and economic reforms. Although Clinton did not identify the African leaders by name, it is generally assumed that he was referring to, among others,"
"African Renaissance The African Renaissance is the concept that African people and nations shall overcome the current challenges confronting the continent and achieve cultural, scientific, and economic renewal. The African Renaissance concept was first articulated by Cheikh Anta Diop in a series of essays beginning in 1946, which are collected in his book ""Towards the African Renaissance: Essays in Culture and Development, 1946-1960"". This concept has been further popularized by former South African President Thabo Mbeki during his term of office, heralding the beginning of The African Renaissance, and it continues to be a key part of the post-apartheid intellectual"
"He moves with the measured gait and sure gestures of a leader secure in his power and his vision. It is little wonder. To hear some of the diplomats and African experts tell it, President Yoweri K. Museveni started an ideological movement that is reshaping much of Africa, spelling the end of the corrupt, strong-man governments that characterized the cold-war era. These days, political pundits across the continent are calling Mr. Museveni an African Bismarck. Some people now refer to him as Africa's ""other statesman,"" second only to the venerated South African President Nelson Mandela. In official briefing papers from"
"Mwenda of ""The Independent"" called it ""a book that combines intellectual depth with practical hands-on business experience. It is a must-read for those interested in the challenge to creating wealth through private entrepreneurial innovation and talent in Africa."" Harriet Lamb called it a good read. Stephen Timm of ""Business Day"" called it ""an inspiring story of how the continent is fast turning itself around"". He added that ""Africa needs more entrepreneurs to tell how they did it."" T. J. Strydom for ""The Times"" notes that ""the story is a hopeful one and does show the first glimpses of how ""trade"
"Africa, the list was headed by Nelson Mandela, a predictable and highly popular choice, given his global stature as a statesman and symbol of post-apartheid liberation and reconciliation. Other popular choices ranged from Professor Christiaan Barnard, the pioneering heart surgeon, to General Jan Smuts, wartime Prime Minister and co-founder of the League of Nations, to Shaka Zulu, the 19th Century warrior leader of the Zulu Nation, to Internet entrepreneur and civilian space traveller Mark Shuttleworth. Two days after the list was announced, Nelson Mandela had already received several thousands of votes more than any other candidate. At the time when"
"at the All-African Peoples' Conferences held in Tunis in 1960 and Cairo in 1961. Internal calls for his release came from Kenyan Asian activists in the Kenya Indian Congress, while a colonial government commissioned poll revealed that most of Kenya's indigenous Africans wanted this outcome. By this point, it was widely accepted that Kenyan independence was inevitable, with the British Empire having been dismantled throughout much of Asia and Macmillan having made his ""Wind of Change"" speech. In January 1960, the British government made its intention to free Kenya apparent. It invited representatives of Kenya's anti-colonial movement to discuss the"
"have lived through and because of that experience, they are determined to define for themselves who they are and who they should be. In April 1997, Mbeki articulated the elements that comprise the African Renaissance: social cohesion, democracy, economic rebuilding and growth, and the establishment of Africa as a significant player in geo-political affairs. In June 1997, an advisor to Mbeki, Vusi Maviembela, wrote that the African Renaissance was the ""third moment"" in post-colonial Africa, following decolonization and the outbreak of democracy across the continent during the early 1990s. Deputy President Mbeki himself melded the various reforms he had discussed"
"in his 1998 'African Renaissance' speech: ""In our world in which the generation of new knowledge and its application to change the human condition is the engine which moves human society further away from barbarism, do we not have need to recall Africa's hundreds of thousands of intellectuals back from their places of emigration in Western Europe and North America, to rejoin those who remain still within our shores! I dream of the day when these, the African mathematicians and computer specialists in Washington and New York, the African physicists, engineers, doctors, business managers and economists, will return from London"
"bases, harbours and airfield facilities, a modern developed industry and stable government."" South Africa was also a pivotal partner to the West in the years of the Cold War. If the West ever required martial, maritime or air-force services on the African continent, it would have to rely on South Africa's assistance. From 1960 to 1961, the relationship between South Africa and Britain started to change. In his ""Wind of Change"" speech in Cape Town, Harold Macmillan spoke of the changes in Africa and how South Africa's racist policies were swimming upstream. Even as more countries added to the call"
"marked a turning point in the composition of the Congress, with prosperous farmers and small businessmen taking the place of the civil servants, clergy and teachers who until then had led the movement. After the meeting, Chinyama organized a tour of the Central and Southern provinces to publicize the Congress. At a conference at Lancaster House in London in April 1952, the newly elected Conservative government together with Godfrey Huggins (prime minister of Southern Rhodesia) and Roy Welensky (future prime minister) as well as representatives of African interests (though it was boycotted by Nyasaland Africans), concluded by publishing a draft"
"and English speakers, but rather White and Black ethnicities. Most Afrikaners supported the notion of unanimity of White people to ensure their safety. White voters of British descent were divided. Many had opposed a republic, leading to a majority ""no"" vote in Natal. Later, however, some of them recognized the perceived need for White unity, convinced by the growing trend of decolonization elsewhere in Africa, which left them apprehensive. Harold Macmillan's ""Wind of Change"" pronouncement left the British faction feeling that Britain had abandoned them. The more conservative English-speakers gave support to Verwoerd; others were troubled by the severing of"
"favour of apartheid and those against it. The ethnic division would no longer be between Afrikaans and English speakers, but between blacks and whites. Most Afrikaners supported the notion of unanimity of white people to ensure their safety. White voters of British descent were divided. Many had opposed a republic, leading to a majority ""no"" vote in Natal. Later, some of them recognised the perceived need for white unity, convinced by the growing trend of decolonisation elsewhere in Africa, which concerned them. British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan's ""Wind of Change"" speech left the British faction feeling that the UK had"
"the 1950s. While these countries were proud of their independence from Britain, many of them elected to remain within the Commonwealth of Nations. The ""Commonwealth club"" provided a forum where the heads of government of the newly independent states met on equal terms with the heads of older self-governing Dominions like Australia, New Zealand, Canada and South Africa. In 1960 the British Prime Minister, Harold MacMillan responded to the Sharpeville massacre by delivering his ""Winds of Change"" speech to the South African Parliament. The speech recognised the inevitable growth of African national consciousness, which could no longer be ignored. MacMillan's"
"Amy Ashwood Garvey. As Carol Polsgrove has shown in ""Ending British Rule in Africa: Writers in a Common Cause,"" Padmore and his allies in the 1930s and 1940s—among them C. L. R. James, Kenya's Jomo Kenyatta, the Gold Coast's Kwame Nkrumah and South Africa's Peter Abrahams—saw publishing as a strategy for political change. They published small periodicals, which were sometimes seized by authorities when they reached the colonies. They published articles in other people's periodicals, for instance, the Independent Labour Party's ""New Leader"". They published pamphlets. They wrote letters to the editor; and, thanks to the support of publisher Fredric"
"new, more Afrocentric era in African studies, marked by the founding of the ""Cahiers d'Études africaines"" and the ""Journal of African History"". The Year of Africa was a major boost for African Americans, themselves engaged in the Civil Rights Movement within the United States. The ""Baltimore Afro-American"", confident that sit-ins would defeat segregation in the Southern United States, editorialized: ""The 'winds of change' which are sweeping over Africa, are blowing in the benighted areas of the United States, too."" Professor James H. Meriwether, looking back on the Year of Africa, writes: ""The events of 1960 strengthened links between African Americans"
"faces and is the source of instability in many countries on the continent, including civil wars.He expresses strong Pan-Africanist views in his writings and sees Africa as a collective entity and one organic body and has strongly been influenced by staunch Pan-Africanist leaders such as Kwame Nkrumah, Julius Nyerere, Ahmed Sekou Toure and Patrice Lumumba whom he also strongly admires. He also strongly admires Thomas Sankara as a man of the people like Nyerere and contends that among the new breed of African leaders, Sankara showed great promise but was eliminated by some of his so-called compatriots working for France"
"factor for explaining the breadth of the third wave. For example, once it was clear that the reformist Solidarity in Poland would come to power, reformists in other eastern European countries gained energy to push for change. As the wave swept through Eastern Europe, African leaders began to see ’the winds of change’ and subsequently redrafted their constitutions to allow for multiparty elections, fearing that any resistance to reforms would lead to an emboldened opposition. Consolidation after ""two-turnover test"" (Huntington 1991) Huntington believed in the importance of individual agents in the transition to democracy: “democracies are created not by causes"
"commonly known as the ""Winds of Change""; he had input from numerous friends and colleagues who helped derive the perfect wording for the delicate situation. The Prime Minister wanted to separate the British nation, but also inspire the black nationalists there to pursue their freedom and equality subtly. The other hidden motive is that during this period there was much dissent amongst the powerful Western nations over the level of involvement and the continued interference of Britain in her colonies. By separating themselves from the archaic practices that were condemned by their powerful allies they opened themselves up to more"
"political change was declared at a time when neither the National Party or African National Congress were looking for peaceful solutions or dialogue. The declaration was heralded by the English speaking press as a breakthrough in race relations in South Africa. The declaration was endorsed by several chief ministers of the black homelands, including Cedric Phatudi (Lebowa), Lucas Mangope (Bophuthatswana) and Hudson Nisanwisi (Gazankulu). The declaration also received praise from liberal figures such as Alan Paton. The declaration drew much media interest from both inside and outside South Africa. However, the declaration provoked an angry response from the UP's 'Old"
"ever required martial, maritime or air-force services on the African continent, it would have to rely on South Africa's assistance. From 1960-61, the relationship between South Africa and the UK started to change. In his ""Winds of Change"" speech in Cape Town, UK Prime Minister Harold Macmillan spoke of the changes in Africa and how South Africa's racist policies were swimming upstream. Even as more countries added to the call for sanctions, the UK remained unwilling to sever ties with the apartheid regime. Possible reasons were her copious assets in the state, an unwillingness to hazard turbulence brought on by"
"and spoke out publicly against the policies of the South African government despite efforts by the MCC to silence him. Otherwise, there was little protest in England against South African cricket during the 1950s. From the mid-1950s, the United Nations began to express concern over apartheid, and there was a growing general awareness in Britain of its effects. In 1960 the UK Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan, criticised apartheid in his ""Wind of Change"" speech to the South African parliament. However, the British government was cautious; the large number of British passport holders and businesses based in South Africa made them"
"national broadcast on 19 September. Lloyd kept a detailed diary between 1 November 1959 and his sacking from the Exchequer in July 1962. Many of the press still saw Lloyd as an insignificant Foreign Secretary, although this was no longer the opinion of many of those who knew him. Lloyd also accompanied Macmillan to a meeting in Paris in December 1959. He approved of Macmillan's ""Winds of Change"" speech in February 1960, which predicted the end of rule by Europeans in Africa. In February 1960 Lloyd urged Macmillan, having rebuilt bridges with the Americans, to build bridges with France by"
"Frances Ademola, Cameron Duodu, Kofi Awoonor; from South Africa: Ezekiel Mphahlele, Bloke Modisane, Lewis Nkosi, Dennis Brutus, Arthur Maimane; from East Africa Ngũgĩ wa Thiong'o (then known as James Ngugi), Robert Serumaga, Rajat Neogy (founder of ""Transition Magazine""), Okot p'Bitek, Pio Zirimu (credited with coining the term ""orature""), Grace Ogot, Rebecca Njau, David Rubadiri, Jonathan Kariara; and from the African diaspora Langston Hughes. The conference was ""not only the very first major international gathering of writers and critics of African literature on the African continent; it was also held at the very cusp of political independence for most African countries."""