"playing the harmonica/harpsichord meets a bunch of frogs on helium."" This mixture of styles creates an ""absurdly catchy"" and unique record, which has been variously described as ""discoish"" and ""Spooky bouzouki"" and as sounding like it was written by the maverick US pop and rock group Sparks. The celebratory lyrics of ""Shoes"" are undercut by Reparata's understated vocal delivery. She sings in a much lower register than she had used on previous recordings as lead singer of the Reparata and the Delrons, and some listeners have believed they were listening to a male vocal. This ambiguity of the singer's gender"
"Canada along with both Patty and Vito DeFilippo and several other associates. The group was alleged to have met with the family's powerful Canadian faction and attended the wedding of Vito Rizzuto. In the 1980s, Patty was promoted to caporegime under reputed family leaders Philip ""Rusty"" Rastelli and Joseph ""Big Joe"" Massino. DeFilippo's early criminal activities included labor and construction racketeering, extortion, loansharking, illegal gambling, and bookmaking. Reportedly a Bronx faction leader of the Bonanno crime family since the 1980s, DeFilippo was also an associate of capo Dominick ""Sonny Black"" Napolitano, whom he supported during the Bonanno internal rivalries. In"
"extensive investigation of mob control at the New York newspapers, including the Post. Three years later, Embarrato was indicted on charges related to this investigation. In the late 1970s, Philip Rastelli became the boss of the Bonanno family, causing a major split in the membership. Philip Giaccone, Dominick Trinchera and Alphonse Indelicato opposed Rastelli and began plotting his downfall. However, Rastelli heard about the plot and instead arranged an ambush for the three conspirators. On May 5, 1981, the day of the ambush, Rastelli loyalist Dominick Napolitano asked Embarrato to come down to The Motion Lounge for a ""sitdown"". At"
"revolt and offered its services to President Márquez to fight it. They wanted Márquez to name José María Obando to pacify Pasto. They hoped that Obando would gain prestige in the fighting that would aid him in the presidential elections scheduled for the following year. Nevertheless, the defense of the government was given principally to Generals Pedro Alcántara Herrán and Tomás Cipriano de Mosquera, members of the governing party (""Partido Ministerial"", or ""Partido de la Casaca Negra""). This party was later renamed the Conservative Party of Colombia. Obando, who was friends with the leaders of the revolt but did not"
"reconstruction. Recommended by an Italian noblewoman, Anna Casati Stampa, he moved to Milan in 1968 to work and to study at the Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore. Moretti did not take part in the upheaval of 1968. In Milan, Moretti worked at Sit-Siemens, where he met Corrado Alunni, Giorgio Semeria and Paola Besuschio, future members of the Red Brigades (BR). He also became a member of CISL, the largest Catholic-oriented trade union in Italy. Together with others, he adhered to the Collettivo Politico Metropolitano founded by Renato Curcio and Margherita Cagol, which formed the historical nucleus of the Red Brigades"
"Rojas was close to Mariano Ospina Pérez and his faction of the Conservative Party as well as to some moderate liberals. Rojas began his government with the support of prominent politicians of both parties, yet he decided to make his own political party in 1955, the ""Popular Action Movement"". Rojas censored and closed important newspapers and began the process for a reelection. Fearing a possible dictatorship, members of the Conservative and Liberal parties created an alliance called the National Front () that avoided Rojas from staying more time as president. The National Front was a pact in which for sixteen"
"crew of fellow Castellammarese Carmine Galante and later under Joe Notaro, both top Joe Bonanno loyalists. During the conflict between the Bonannos and Gaspar DiGregorio, Mike Sabella initially remained loyal to the Bonanno faction, but eventually the Commission convinced him to join DiGregorio's group. As a result, he was rewarded with a promotion to capo of his old crew. Sabella worked closely with Nicholas Marangello, Galante's consigliere and became a close confidant to his former captain Carmine Galante, who by the mid-1970s had become the street boss of the organization. Sabella's crew was among the largest in the Family, with"
"administration remains to be fully implemented. Nilo dela Cruz and a group of former RPA-ABB members calling themselves ""Democratic Front for Filipinism"" issued a statement supporting Rodrigo Duterte's war on drugs, and his ""revolution against the oligarchs and the exploiters of the Filipino masses"". Revolutionary Proletarian Army The Revolutionary Proletarian Army, also known by the acronym RPA, was the military wing of the Rebolusyonaryong Partido ng Manggagawà ng Pilipinas (RPM-P), a communist party that split from the Communist Party of the Philippines. The ""Rebolusyonaryong Partido ng Manggagawà ng Pilipinas"" (""Revolutionary Workers' Party of the Philippines"") was established after the Negros"
"was trimmed and led to a choice between de Venecia and then National Defense Secretary Renato de Villa. Though De Villa was seem as the frontrunner, De Venecia won the convention vote and De Villa bolted the party to form a new one called ""Partido Reporma"". De Venecia garnered the 2nd highest number of votes in a field of 11 candidates, though he was far behind the winner, Joseph Estrada. After he lost his bid, he departed from media attention and political limelight. In one of his interviews, De Venecia said that he was depressed and took several months to"
"more wide-ranging social reforms than set out in the Plan of Guadalupe. The Villistas were supported by Emiliano Zapata, leader of the Liberation Army of the South, who had issued his own Plan of Ayala, which called for wide-ranging social reforms. For a month and a half, Obregón maintained neutrality between the two sides, and tried to reach a middle ground that would avoid a civil war. Eventually, it became clear that the Villistas/Zapatistas had prevailed at the Convention; Carranza, however, refused to accept the Convention's preparations for a ""preconstitutional"" regime, which Carranza believed was totally inadequate, and in late"
"a complicated situation. On April 1964, Goulart was deposed by a US-backed military coup d'état, which had the support of most UDN members. Lacerda, then governor of the Guanabara State hoped to win the scheduled presidential election of 1965. However, the military regime cancelled this election and suppressed all the political parties, including UDN. Most of its members subsequently joined the National Renewal Alliance Party (""Aliança Renovadora Nacional – Arena""), a new party created to endorse the military regime. Even before UDN supported the 1964 Brazilian Coup d'état, opponents of UDN characterized it as a ""golpista"" (pro-coups d'état) party. However,"
"he became part in 1906 of the charity emergency clinic operated by ""La Prensa"" (then Argentina's second-most circulated newspaper). These accomplishments and the enactment of universal (male) suffrage in Argentina helped lead to Repetto's election to the Argentine Chamber of Deputies for the federal district of Buenos Aires, in 1912. A close ally of the Federación Agraria Argentina, a small-holders' organization, he supported assistance to family farms and worked to expose abusive labor conditions in plantations throughout the north. He received his party's nomination for the presidency in 1922, a campaign hampered by violence from the paramilitary Argentine Patriotic League"
"Indelicato. After the Galante execution, several Galante supporters, including Michael Sabella, were demoted, as Trinchera, Napolitano and Bonventre were all promoted to captains of the Bonanno crime family. It is suspected his death was arranged by the heads of the other major Five Families in New York, who had decided Galante's greed and ambition over the control of the multimillion-dollar heroin business were a threat to all their interests. Phillip ""Rusty"" Rastelli was also involved and remained boss of the Bonannos. With Dominick ""Sonny Black"" Napolitano as capo, The Motion Lounge crew would receive massive income as one of the"
"with the Bonanno family, the boss was the imprisoned Philip ""Rusty"" Rastelli. Rastelli's reign was threatened by Carmine ""Lilo"" Galante, who felt he was the rightful boss because he had been underboss and consigliere under boss Joe Bonanno. Santora started out in a crew led by Galante-supporter Michael ""Mikey"" Sabella, and became heavily involved with extortion, loansharking, labor racketeering, illegal gambling, truck hijacking, and murder for hire. By 1978, Rastelli had heard rumors of Carmine Galante being the new boss of the Bonannos, but wouldn't tolerate it. Another caporegime, Alphonse ""Sonny Red"" Indelicato, would be approached by Rastelli to organize"
"led them to join him in the conspiracy to rebel against, and gain independence from, Spain. The Rojas brothers became the independence leaders in Lares and their code name was ""Centro Bravo"" (Bravo Center). Manuel Rojas, Bracetti's brother-in-law, was named Commander of the Liberation Army. Mathias Brugman was the independence leader in Mayagüez and his group went by the code name of ""Capá Prieto"" (Dark Cape). Bracetti's nickname was ""Brazo de Oro"" (Golden Arm) and she was appointed the leader of the ""Lares's Revolutionary Council."" Betances suggested that Bracetti knit the first flag (modeled on the Dominican republic's flag) of"
"Reform Party of the United States of America The Reform Party of the United States of America (RPUSA), generally known as the Reform Party USA or the Reform Party, is a political party in the United States, founded in 1995 by Ross Perot. Perot, who received 18.9% of the popular vote as an independent candidate in the 1992 presidential election and wanted to participate also in the 1996 presidential election, thought Americans were disillusioned with the state of politics as being corrupt and unable to deal with vital issues. Perot claimed to represent a viable alternative to Republicans and Democrats,"
"Revolutionary Action Party Revolutionary Action Party (Spanish: ""Partido Acción Revolucionaria"", PAR) was a leftist political party in Guatemala during the ten-year Guatemalan Revolution. Formed in 1945, the party went through a series of mergers and fractures before dissolving in 1954 after the United States-backed coup d'état. The PAR was formed in November 1945 through the merger of the National Renovation Party (PRN) and the Popular Liberation Front (FPL), which had supported the presidency of Juan José Arévalo. The two parties together held a large majority in parliament during the entirety of Arévalo's term. 18 months after coming together, the FPL"
"his friend, Homero Expósito. The album's success brought him to the attention of Buenos Aires big band leader Raúl Marengo and in 1944 of Mexican songwriter Agustín Lara (internationally known by then for his pop standard ""Granada""). His many appearances in Argentine radio led to a pseudonym, ""Tito Alberti"" and to a close friendship with a moderately successful matinée star, Eva Duarte. Her subsequent relationship with the populist Labor Minister, Juan Perón, helped lead to Argentina's Peronist movement (the country's central political development since 1945), among whose first adherents was the increasingly well-known drummer. He continued to receive lucrative contracts:"
"whose leader was Mathias Brugman and code named ""Capa Prieto"" and that of Lares, code named ""Centro Bravo"" and headed by Manuel Rojas. ""Centro Bravo"" was the main center of operations and was located in the Rojas plantation. Manuel Rojas was named ""Commander of the Liberation Army"" by Betances. Mariana Bracetti (wife of Miguel) was named ""Leader of the Lares Revolutionary Council"". Upon the request of Betances, Bracetti knitted the revolutionary Flag of Lares known as ""La Bandera de Lares"". The Revolutionary Committee named twelve of their members generals of the revolution. They were: The Spanish authorities found out about"
"Failla. After returning to the DeCavalcante crime family in the early 1970s, LaRasso's position gradually declined as DeCavalcante retired from the New Jersey rackets and moved to Florida, handing the leadership over to Giovanni Riggi. Riggi promoted Girolamo ""Jimmy"" Palermo as new acting underboss of the family in the late 1970s, leaving LaRasso's position becoming only official. During the 1980s, Riggi continued to run the large labor and construction racketeering operations in North Jersey with help from various capos Giacomo ""Jake"" Amari and Giuseppe ""Pino"" Schifilliti. As LaRasso's friend Frank Majuri died and the position of consigliere went to Stefano"
"broker of one of the most powerful 'Ndrangheta clans. He was also befriended with Lodovico Ligato, the Christian Democrat politician from Reggio Calabria and former head of the Italian State Railways who was murdered in 1989. Ligato had been elected to parliament in 1979 with a large majority. He had won 80,000 votes thanks to the support of the De Stefano 'ndrina. While his close ally Giovanni Tegano became a member of ""La Provincia"", a provincial commission of the 'Ndrangheta, formed at the end of the war to avoid further internal conflicts, he was in the care of Giorgio De"
"to Dinkins. Later, when D'Amato and the Governor-Elect Pataki decided to foment a coup against then-Majority Leader Ralph Marino, who had clashed repeatedly with Pataki during the latter's brief tenure in the New York State Senate, Velella acted as Pataki's and D'Amato's agent, drafting Senate Members for a Thanksgiving coup in 1994 against Long Island's Marino and in favor of upstate Rensselaer County's Joe Bruno. This occurred even though Velella had been, upon the retirement of former Majority Leader Warren M. Anderson, one of a small circle who had helped to engineer Marino's ascension to the Leader's post and was"
"La Piedrita was also headed by Lina Ron, who at the time of her leadership stated that thousands of Bolivarian Circles such as her own were ""armed to the teeth"". Ron allegedly had a connection with Diosdado Cabello as well from as early as 2002 where Cabello was allegedly the key supporter of Ron. Also, Cabello had supposedly mediated between La Piedrita and the Tupamaros when they had a conflict in 2010. The Revolutionary Tupamaro Movement (Tupamaro) is a far left Marxist colectivo and political organization in Venezuela. Several Tupamaros participate in peaceful movements while some believe the ""idea of"
"roof with his pigeons. Napolitano rose to prominence in 1973 as a soldier for Michael Sabella and was promoted to capo, replacing his mentor after the gangland execution of the powerful rival capo Carmine ""The Cigar"" Galante. Sabella was demoted and Napolitano took over the crew. He became a trusted confidante of the imprisoned mobster Phillip ""Rusty"" Rastelli who took over leadership permanently again. But when Rastelli took over, it caused the Bonannos to split into two factions, one loyal to Rastelli, the other attempting to overthrow him in favor of the Sicilian faction, led by Alphonse ""Sonny Red"" Indelicato."
"specified that Italian justice has recognized the innocence of all people close to the Hyperion School. In 1981, the Red Brigades had split into two factions: the majority faction of the ""Communist Combatant Party"" (Red Brigades-PCC, led by Barbara Balzerani) and the minority of the ""Union of Combatant Communists"" (Red Brigades-UCC, led by Giovanni Senzani). In 1984, the Red Brigades claimed responsibility for the murder of Leamon Hunt, United States chief of the Sinai Multinational Force and Observer Group. In the same year, Curcio, Moretti, Iannelli and Bertolazzi, rejected the armed struggle as pointless. In the 1980s, the arrests rate"
"candidates, all of whom were defeated. By 1949 the National Renovation Party and the PAR were both openly hostile to Arana, while a small fragment of the Popular Liberation Front split off to support him. The leftist parties decided to back Árbenz instead, as they believed that only a military officer could defeat Arana. On 16 July 1949, Arana delivered an ultimatum to Arévalo, demanding the expulsion of all of Árbenz's supporters from the cabinet and the military; he threatened a coup if his demands were not met. Arévalo informed Árbenz and other progressive leaders of the ultimatum, who all"
"parties. The PR drew a lot of its members from the activist base that had been created during the agrarian reform program begun by former president Jacobo Arbenz in 1952, and these individuals were targeted by the Mano Blanca. When it was founded, the group had the specific aim of preventing Julio César Méndez Montenegro of the PR from taking power. During the 1960s, Mano Blanca's front man was Raúl Lorenzana. Lorenzana was close to the Guatemalan military and operated out of the headquarters of the Guatemalan Army's ""Cuartel de Matamoros"" and a government safehouse at La Aurora airbase. Human"
"was a powerful figure in the early republic, but he was unable to persuade the state legislature to support Guerrero in the indirect elections. Santa Anna resigned the governorship and led 800 troops loyal to him in capturing the fortress of Perote, near Xalapa. He issued a political plan there calling for the nullification of Gómez Pedraza's election and the declaration of Guerrero as president. In November 1828 in Mexico City, Guerrero supporters took control of the Acordada, a former prison transformed into an armory, and days of fighting occurred in the capital. President-elect Gómez Pedraza had not yet taken"
"The most dissatisfied group was the Gallo faction led by Joe Gallo with his brothers Larry Gallo and Albert Gallo. The final insult came when Profaci ordered the killing of Frank Abbatemarco, a Gallo associate, then took all of Abbbatemarco's rackets away from the Gallos. In February 1961, the Gallos kidnapped Magliocco, Frank Persico, and then-capo Joseph Colombo. They also tried to get Profaci, but he managed to escape to Florida. After several weeks of negotiation, the Gallos reached an agreement with Profaci on an improved financial arrangement and released the three men. However, six months later, Profaci reneged on"
"The negotiation there was for sure, as confirmed by definitive sentences where the word ""negotiation"" is put down in black and white. According to the reenactments, in September–October 1991, during some meetings of the Cosa Nostra ""Interprovincial Commission"" occurred in Enna or thereabouts and led by the boss Salvatore Riina, it was decided to start with terrorist actions, because 475 people suspected to be mafiosi were arrested. Mafia terrorism against Italian state had to be claimed under the name ""Falange Armata"". Thereupon, in December 1991, there was another ""Interprovincial Commission"" meeting, always led by Riina, in which it was decided"
"an obscure diplomat who had represented Mexico in Washington, for the presidency. As government supporters suppressed and killed those for Obregón, the general decided that Carranza would never leave the office peacefully. Obregón and allied Sonoran generals (including Plutarco Elías Calles and Adolfo de la Huerta), who were the strongest power bloc in Mexico, issued the Plan of Agua Prieta. This repudiated Carranza's government and renewed the Revolution on their own. On 8 April 1920, a campaign aide to Obregón attempted to assassinate Carranza. After the failure, Obregón brought his army to Mexico City and drove Carranza out. Carranza set"
"relations to minority-owned savings and loan institutions under a federal contract. Villalpando was an early supporter of George H. W. Bush for the 1980 election cycle. After Ronald Reagan secured the GOP nomination, she enthusiastically volunteered in the Reagan-Bush campaign effort in Texas. She was rewarded with a position as staff assistant in the White House Office of Presidential Personnel when Reagan took up office in 1981. Later that year, she returned to Texas where she served as the voter groups coordinator for the TRP. For the next two years, Villalpando was a prolific activist in both Republican and Hispanic"
"the corner of Warren Street and the Eastern Main Road, Saint Augustine. However, the band drew the majority of its membership and strength of its support from outside the area - as far as Arouca, Arima and Santa Cruz. For this reason, it was decided to remove the city name ""Curepe"" from the band's title, in contrast to its predecessor, which is still known as Curepe Scherzando. In 1984 Sforzata was evicted from its panyard and forced to take up residence on a vacant lot near the Priority Bus Route. New support from the area at this time was encouraged"