"""I don't see why we need to stand by and watch a country go Communist because of the irresponsibility of its own people."" Whose words that preceded a 1973 coup in a South American country?"
"U.S. continued a vigorous overt and covert campaign to undermine Allende's Presidency, which may have created the conditions for Allende's overthrow in a violent coup, although the U.S. was not directly implicated in the coup. American official Henry Kissinger was quoted by ""Newsweek"" in 1974 saying this about Chile: ""I don't see why we have to let a country go communist due to the irresponsibility of its own people"". Between 1960 and 1969, the Soviet government funded the communist party of Chile at a rate of between $50,000 and $400,000 annually. In the 1964 Chilean elections the U.S. Government supplied"
"in Latin America including Ivan Duque of Colombia and Jair Bolsonaro of Brazil. He also condemned socialism saying ""the problems we see in Latin America today have not emerged because socialism has been implemented poorly. On the contrary, the Cuban, Venezuelan, and Nicaraguan people suffer in misery because socialism has been implemented effectively"" and that the troika was ""the cause of immense human suffering, the impetus of enormous regional instability, and the genesis of a sordid cradle of communism in the western hemisphere"". Bolton concluded his speech stating ""Look to the North; look to our flag; look to your own."
"knew."" Additionally, Powell has been critical of other instances of U.S. foreign policy in the past, such as its support for the 1973 Chilean coup d'état. From two separate interviews in 2003, Powell stated in one about the 1973 event ""I can't justify or explain the actions and decisions that were made at that time. It was a different time. There was a great deal of concern about communism in this part of the world. Communism was a threat to the democracies in this part of the world. It was a threat to the United States."" In another interview, however,"
"used Allende as a warning example for the most radical of his followers. In September just a few days before the 1973 Chilean coup d'etat he addressed the Tendencia Revolucionaria: Perón condemned the 1973 coup as a ""fatality for the continent"" stating that the coup leader Augusto Pinochet represented interests ""well known"" to him. He praised Allende for his ""valiant attitude"" of committing suicide. He took note of the role of the United States in instigating the coup by recalling his familiarity with coup-making processes. Salvador Allende's predecessor, President Frei, improved relations with the USSR. In February 1970, President Frei's"
"Clave"" on March 16, 2003, he declared about the dictatorship in Argentina from 1976 to 1983 that ""The rational behavior, in any war, is to be on the side of the winners"". On the day of former Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet's death, he declared in the same program that ""If Allende had stayed in power, Chile would have probably become a communist country"", as well as ""I can understand that someone that has a fascist ideology, will try to live by what he considers his ""principles"" [...], but what really disappointed me is the fact that he had bank accounts"
"coup. After Pinochet assumed power, U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger told Nixon that the United States ""didn't do it"" (referring to the coup itself) but had ""created the conditions as great as possible"". In October 1972, Chile saw the first of what were to be a wave of confrontational strikes led by some of the historically well-off sectors of Chilean society; these received the open support of United States President Richard Nixon. A strike by trucking company owners, which the CIA supported by funding them with US$2 million within the frame of the ""September Plan"", began on 9 October"
"Allende to purge these before they led a coup. Castro was proven right; in 1973, Chile's military led a coup d'état, banned elections, executed thousands and established a military junta led by Commander-in-Chief Augusto Pinochet. Castro proceeded to West Africa to meet socialist Guinean President Sékou Touré, where he informed a crowd of Guineans that theirs was Africa's greatest leader. He then went on a seven-week tour visiting other leftist allies in Africa and Eurasia: Algeria, Bulgaria, Hungary, Poland, East Germany, Czechoslovakia and the Soviet Union. On every trip he was eager to meet with ordinary people by visiting factories"
"in 1973, with the consequent coup d'état (a background blamed on supporters of the No side), and improving the general perception of Augusto Pinochet, regarded by the public as an arrogant and authoritarian leader. The spots included jingles with lyrics supportive of the Junta and songs that were close to promoting a cult of personality around Pinochet, such as the main campaign anthem, ""Un horizonte de esperanza"" (A Horizon of Hope) or a Rapa Nui folk song, ""Iorana, Presidente"" (Hello, President). In its early stages the campaign put its focus on the economic success achieved by the government, but when"
"them"" and with ""greater courage we will ensure that our citizen's revolution would not be stopped by anything. Until victory, always!"" His criticism included statements saying his administration had supported the police and were ""stabbed in the back"" by those who ""bring shame to the national police,"" even though it was only a few members of the police who acted only for financial reasons and for medals and honours, out of ignorance of the real content of the law. President Correa said that ""the uprising was incited for political motives"" and accused former President Lucio Gutiérrez and other opposition politicians"
"military intervention in the civilian government of President Salvador Allende. Due to this incident, the last senior officer opposed to military intervention in the increasingly polarized and disintegrating political situation of the Allende government was forced out, thus paving the way for an eventual coup d'état on September 11, 1973, exactly one month after Prats resigned. At the time of this incident, civil unrest was at its height in Chile, both in favor of and against Salvador Allende's policies. General Carlos Prats, Army Commander-in-chief and Interior minister, was responsible for maintaining order in an increasingly polarized country. On June 27,"
"exclusion' to disappear from our language and lives forever. Economic growth and social inclusion will march together."" In tackling social conflict and drug trafficking he said that the United States is a ""strategic partner."" He also quoted South Africa's Nelson Mandela when he argued that there cannot be a democracy where misery and ""social asymmetry"" persist."" However, he broke with tradition when he did not travel to Congress to attend the inauguration. During the swearing-in ceremony he was shouted down by the ""Fujimoristas"" (supporters of Keiko Fujimori and her father Alberto) after he said that was taking power"" in the"
"the other, the extreme leftists accelerated the process and left less room for political moderation than the extreme rightists. He writes ""By its actions, the revolutionary Left, which had always ridiculed the possibility of a socialist transformation through peaceful means, was engaged in a self-fulfilling prophecy."" On 26 May 1973, the Supreme Court of Chile unanimously denounced the Allende government's disruption of the legality of the nation in its failure to uphold judicial decisions, because of its continual refusal to permit police execution of judicial decisions contrary to the government's own measures. On 22 August 1973, the Christian Democrats and"
"needs and values of the strong"" as something which ""should obsess the popular imagination"" of ""all healthy societies"". He defended the conduct of Pinochet's forces in the 1973 Chilean coup, and wrote that he hoped the British army would launch a coup in Britain if a radical minority socialist government should ever enter power. In 1978 Worsthorne did not see the potential for elements of his views (the end of socialism as an alternative in Britain) to be reflected in the forthcoming change of government (in what the political scientist Andrew Gamble came to call ""the free economy and the"
"40 years when they participated in the Tacnazo. The Tacnazo was not a proper coup, but a protest against under-funding. In retrospect General Carlos Prats considered that Christian Democrats who were in power in 1969 committed the error of not taking the military's grievances seriously. Governments of Argentina (1966), Bolivia (1969), Brazil (1964) and Peru (1968) were all overthrown in coups and replaced by military governments. In June 1973 Uruguay joined the coup d'état wave that swept through the region. The poor conditions of the Chilean military contrasted with the change of fortune the military of neighboring countries experienced as"
"constitutional crisis with a plebiscite. His speech outlining such a solution was scheduled for 11 September, but he was never able to deliver it. On 11 September 1973, the Chilean military, aided by the United States and its CIA, staged a coup against Allende. Just before the capture of La Moneda (the Presidential Palace), with gunfire and explosions clearly audible in the background, Allende gave his farewell speech to Chileans on live radio, speaking of himself in the past tense, of his love for Chile and of his deep faith in its future. He stated that his commitment to Chile"
"country was disintegrating and that if urgent measures were not taken, Chile would fall under a bloody Cuban-style Marxist dictatorship. Frei responded: ""There is nothing that can be done by myself, by the Congress, or by any civilian. Unfortunately, this problem can only be fixed with guns."" Instead of going to the Congress, we should go to the regiments. ""I fully share your apprehensions, and I advise you to state them plainly to commanders-in-chief of the Armed Forces, hopefully today."" On September 11, 1973, during the coup d’etát President Salvador Allende died, most likely by committing suicide, in the presidential"
"outlawed after the 1973 coup d'état that deposed President Salvador Allende. Much of the Communist leadership went underground, and for a while the party's moderation continued even after the coup had taken place. Also, it has been argued by Mark Ensalaco that crushing the Communist Party was not a top priority for the military junta. In its first statement after the coup, the party leadership still argued that the coup could succeed because the Unidad Popular was too isolated, due to actions of the 'far-left'. Around 1977, the party changed direction. Communist Party members set up a guerrilla organization, the"
"unionize and organize. After the 1973 coup, which ousted Unidad Popular President Salvador Allende and instituted a military dictatorship led by General Augusto Pinochet, land reforms were effectively scaled back. Pinochet reportedly declared that he wanted ""to make Chile not a nation of proletarians, but a nation of proprietors"", thus moving Chile into a free-market economy. In ending the land reform movements, many of the peasants began to sell their back, which leads to reconcentration of land in the hands of few. Around the La Ligua River, this leads to “the expansion and conversion of land to non-traditional export crops.”"
"Revolucionaria: Perón condemned the coup as a ""fatality for the continent"" stating that the coup leader Augusto Pinochet represented interests ""well known"" to him. He praised Allende for his ""valiant attitude"" of committing suicide. He took note of the role of the United States in instigating the coup by recalling his familiarity with coup-making processes. On 14 May 1974 Perón received Augusto Pinochet at the Morón Airbase. Pinochet was heading to meet Alfredo Stroessner in Paraguay so the encounter at Argentina was technically a stop over. Pinochet and Perón are both reported to have felt uncomfortable during the meeting. Perón"
"socialist regimes. In Central and South America various coups d'états in Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Ecuador, El Salvador and dictatorships led to instability and decimation of indigenous populations. Responses to the conflict often had additional repercussions, such as the 1973 Oil embargo, a response to the Arab-Israeli conflict, which caused the price of oil to rise on the world market from three dollars per barrel to twelve dollars per barrel. The embargo was followed by the 1979 energy crisis, sparked by concerns over lowered production caused by the Iranian Revolution and how continued instability might impact oil availability. That in turn"
"change the course of nations. In a speech to thousands on the Swedish island of Visby, he said: ""I am not interested, nor do I think it adequate, if we are going to begin just to start another revival. Whatever thoughtful statesman you talk to will tell you that every country needs a moral and spiritual awakening."" Referring to the Spanish Civil War, he continued: ""I find here the same sort of inflammable matter that made Spain possible. Unless we and others see the bigger vision of spiritual revolution, the other may be possible."" At this point, some who had"
"he confronted Raul Castro and Ernesto ""Che"" Guevara about the political nature of the Cuban Revolution he had supported. He left Cuba abruptly, never to return, when Castro and Guevara failed to convince him that the Cuban Revolution was ""nationalistic"". A self proclaimed ""anti-communist"", he explained that he had supported the Cuban Revolution because its leadership had assured him that it was not communist. On July 22, 1972 he performed in the inauguration ceremony of ""El Balcon del Pueblo"", a building owned by Radio Cristal, which was located at Guayaquil. In this activity he performed for two consecutive hours, working"
"started to make increasingly outlandish claims for the ""Great Civilisation"", telling the Italian journalist Oriana Fallaci in a 1973 interview: Halfway measures, compromises, are unfeasible. In other words, either one is a revolutionary or one demands law and order. One can't be a revolutionary with law and order. And even less with tolerance ... when Castro came to power, he killed at least 10, 000 people ... in a sense, he was really capable, because he's still in power. So am I, however! And I intend to stay there, and to demonstrate that one can achieve a great many things"
"for ""attempting to instigate a coup"". He said that there were infiltrates from ""well-known political parties"" among the rebellious police. Police were also heard chanting ""Lucio Gutiérrez president"" while Correa spoke to them. Gutiérrez' former lawyer was reported to have been spotted amongst a crowd of officers that stormed the building of the state television ECTV and cut off the transmission. Lucio Gutiérrez, a former president ousted by a popular uprising and leader of the opposition Sociedad Patriótica Party, who had participated in the coup d'état against Jamil Mahuad said that the only responsible for the situation was Correa himself"
"Rodríguez describes Chile prior to the Chilean coup of 1973, as ""a place of hope, a place where a peaceful road to socialism could have become a model for social justice around the world. It was not to be. Lost profits and the threat of diminished power spoke loudly and acted relentlessly"". At the time of coup, which occurred on September 11, Rodríguez was teaching at the University of Austral in the south of Chile. On that day, the President of the Chilean government was overthrown by the military. Although she did not belong to any official political parties at"
"Lorenzo Miguel. Repression affected trade unionists of large firms such as Ford, Fiat, Renault, Mercedes Benz, Peugeot and Chrysler and was sometimes carried on with support from the firms' executives and from the trade unionist bureaucracies. The sentence of the Trials to the Junta states: ""The subversives had not taken control of any part of the national territory; they had not obtained recognition of interior or anterior belligerency, they were not massively supported by any foreign power, and they lacked the population's support"". However, the supposed threat was used for the coup. In 1975, President Isabel Perón, under pressure from"
"inherently unsustainable. This would precipitate a brutal counter-reaction, with capitalists preserving their power by discarding democracy and instituting a brutal repressive regime. Although this exact scenario never came to pass in the US, where the Socialist Party remained small and marginal, events closely followed London's script elsewhere; for example, in Chile in 1973, where the government of socialist president Salvador Allende was overthrown by a CIA-backed coup led by General Augusto Pinochet. This prompted later publishers of London's book to use a cover illustration depicting a poster of Allende being ground beneath the heel of a boot. The idea of"
"they were published by Communist Parties sympathetic to the Soviet Union. The Cuban media is operated under the supervision of the Communist Party's ""Department of Revolutionary Orientation"", which ""develops and coordinates propaganda strategies"". In 1973, a military coup took power in Uruguay, and the state employed censorship. For example, writer Eduardo Galeano was imprisoned and later was forced to flee. His book ""Open Veins of Latin America"" was banned by the right-wing military government, not only in Uruguay, but also in Chile and Argentina. Many countries' campaign finance laws restrict speech on candidates and political issues. In Citizens United v."
"of the copper industry. There was rising polarization and violence in Chile and increasing hostility of the administration of U.S. President Richard Nixon. A military coup against Allende on September 11, 1973, during which he committed suicide. This marked the end of the transition to socialism and ushered in an era of political repression and economic course changes. The successful 1973 coup in Chile signaled that substantial political and change would not come without violence. Leftist revolutions in Nicaragua (1979) and the protracted warfare in El Salvador saw the U.S. back low-intensity warfare in the 1980s, one component of which"
"by Colonel Benjamin Mejia, launched a coup on March 25, 1972. Their immediate goal was the establishment of a ""revolutionary junta."" It seemed clear, however, that the officers favored the installation of Duarte as president. Mejia and his followers initiated their action by seizing the presidential residence and taking Sanchez and some of his family members hostage. From that point on, however, events ran against the insurgents. The thunder of aerial bombing over the capital soon announced the loyalty of the air force to the government. The coup attempt never gained the support of more than a minority within the"
"labeling him a ""caudillo"" (dictator); he argued that a successful revolution could not be run by committee and required a strong leader. In 1955, bombings and violent demonstrations led to a crackdown on dissent, with Castro and Raúl fleeing the country to evade arrest. Castro sent a letter to the press, declaring that he was ""leaving Cuba because all doors of peaceful struggle have been closed to me ... As a follower of Martí, I believe the hour has come to take our rights and not beg for them, to fight instead of pleading for them."" The Castros and several"
"overthrow of Salvador Allende's elected government in Chile. The coup reinforced the American ""fears"" of socialism succeeding in America. That year, the NACLA report called ""Facing the Blockade"" documented President Richard Nixon's Administration's ""invisible blockade"" that denied Allende and his regime's ""credit arrangements necessary for export-import operations"". Salvador Allende responded to NACLA's book called ""New Chile"" in his speech to the United Nations by saying, ""If you want to know how the U.S. has affected Chile, just read ""New Chile"" by NACLA."" In 1978, NACLA split into two groups, with one group moving to Oakland, California called the ""Data Center""."
"happened in Chile under his regime, though he still defended the 1973 coup against Salvador Allende. In a statement read by his wife Lucia Hiriart, he said, ""Today, near the end of my days, I want to say that I harbour no rancour against anybody, that I love my fatherland above all. ... I take political responsibility for everything that was done"". Despite this statement, Pinochet always refused to be confronted to Chilean justice, claiming that he was senile. He died two weeks later while indicted on human rights and corruption charges, but without having been sentenced. Military dictatorship of"