What political term originates from the interview of a general during the Spanish Civil War who said that as his four groups of troops approached Madrid, another group of supporters inside the city would support him?
"The Fifth Column and Four Stories of the Spanish Civil War The Fifth Column and Four Stories of the Spanish Civil War is a collection of works by Ernest Hemingway. It contains Hemingway's only full length play, ""The Fifth Column"", which was previously published along with the ""First Forty-Nine Stories"" in 1938, along with four unpublished works about Hemingway's experiences during the Spanish Civil War. The four stories are about the Spanish Civil War: ""The Denunciation,"" ""The Butterfly and the Tank,"" ""Night Before Battle,"" and ""Under The Ridge"". Chicote's bar and the Hotel Florida in Madrid are recurrent settings in"
"streets, avenues and squares in many cities and towns in Spain with names of generals from during the Civil War and the Nationalist party, military commanders such as Mola, Sanjurjo, Moscardó, Yagüe and Millán Astray. Other names from the Franco time were used, such as José Antonio Primo de Rivera, Ramiro Ledesma, Onésimo Redondo, José Calvo Sotelo, etc.. Those that did not have a personal relationship with Franco, were those who had died before or during the war; José Antonio Primo de Rivera, who was imprisoned, opposed the National Uprising and become part of the earlier conspiracy. In January 1980"
"Connolly Column The Connolly Column (, ) is a phrase retroactively applied to a group of Irish republican socialist volunteers who fought for the Second Spanish Republic in the International Brigades during the Spanish Civil War. They were named after James Connolly, the executed leader of the Irish Citizen Army. They were a company-strength unit of the American Lincoln Battalion of the XV International Brigade, formed from Irishmen who were earlier part of the British Battalion of the same Brigade. On the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War in July 1936, support for the Spanish Republic grew among left-wing organizations,"
"refer to the loyalists— is considered by some authors as a term linked with the propaganda of that faction, therefore in academic circles the term 'rebels' ""(Bando sublevado)"" is preferred. Throughout the civil war the term 'Nationalist' was mainly used by the members and supporters of the rebel faction, while its opponents used the terms ""fascistas"" (fascists) or ""facciosos"" (sectarians) to refer to this faction. The military rebellion found wide areas of support both inside Spain and in the international sphere. In Spain the Francoist side was mainly supported by the predominantly conservative upper class, liberal professionals, religious organizations and"
"in 1936 that as his four columns of troops approached Madrid, a ""fifth column"" () of supporters inside the city would support him and undermine the Republican government from within. Though Mola's 1936 usage is widely regarded as the origins of the phrase, historian Christopher Clark quotes a February 1906 letter by Austrian military attaché Joseph Pomiankowski using the phrase, ""...the fifth-column work of the [Serbian] Radicals in peacetime, which systematically poisons the attitude of our South Slav population and could, if the worst came to the worst, create very serious difficulties for our army."" The term was then widely"
"The term ""fifth column"" became a synonym for spies or traitors on the Republican side and paranoia regarding them led to massacre of Nationalist prisoners in Madrid during the ensuing battle. The government including Caballero expected Madrid to fall and so made a pre-planned move from Madrid on 6 November to Valencia. General Miaja and the political leaders who remained formed the ""Junta de Defensa de Madrid"" (Committee for the Defence of Madrid) to organise the republican defenders. However, the Nationalists' attempt to capture Madrid had some serious tactical drawbacks. For one thing, their troops were outnumbered over two to"
"fell to Franco's forces. In spite of Casado's efforts at negotiation, many of the Republican defenders of Madrid were among the up to 200,000 people who were executed or died during imprisonment by Franco's regime between 1939 and 1943. The Siege of Madrid became an almost mythical subject in the popular imagination during the Spanish Civil War. The besieged capital of Spain, with the enemy so close, yet unable to take the city for years on end, became the subject of songs, such as ""Los Emboscados"" — a version of ""Si me quieres escribir"", and poems like this one by"
"Madrid Defense Council The Madrid Defense Council () was an ad-hoc governing body that ran Madrid, Spain, for about six months during the Spanish Civil War (1936–39). It was formed in November 1936 after the Spanish Republican government had fled to Valencia when General Francisco Franco's forces advanced on Madrid. It was expected that the city would fall within a few days, but the arrival of the International Brigades halted the rebel advance, and the situation settled into a stalemate. The council was dominated by communists, who had superior organization and propaganda to the other groups. Their policy was to"
"explicitly in Madrid. Madrid was one of the most heavily affected cities of Spain in the Civil War (1936–1939). The city was a stronghold of the Republicans from July 1936. Its western suburbs were the scene of an all-out battle in November 1936 and during the Civil War the city was also bombed by aeroplanes. (See Siege of Madrid (1936–39)). During the economic boom in Spain from 1959 to 1973, the city experienced unprecedented, extraordinary development in terms of population and wealth, becoming the largest GDP city in Spain, and ranking third in Western Europe. The municipality was extended, annexing"
"beginning of the uprising in Madrid. On the morning of July 19, General Fanjul arrived at the Montaña Barracks, as did groups of officers from the other Madrid garrisons and a number of falangist and monarchist volunteers. After giving a lecture to his fellow officers on the political goals of the military rising, Fanjul tried to advance into the central city streets with his troops (now numbering approximately 2,000 officers, military cadets and soldiers plus 500 volunteers). However a crowd of about 8,000 organized by the ""CNT"" and the ""UGT"", some armed, had gathered around the barracks. Assault Guards were"
"front of liberals, communists, anarchists, socialists, agricultural laborers, workers and the educated middle class. The war begun after General Franco made a coup d' etat against the elected government. The nationalists were headed by General Francisco Franco, while the republicans by the socialist leader, Francisco Largo Caballero. Both sides sought help from abroad: the republicans gained equipment and supplies from the Soviets, while also receiving help from Mexico and the Popular Front of France. The nationalists gained troops, tanks, and planes from Germany and Italy. Ultimately the Nationalists won as they took over Madrid on March 28, 1939. Many have"
"Cazorla. The Defense Council was replaced by a new city council. The council members were: Madrid Defense Council The Madrid Defense Council () was an ad-hoc governing body that ran Madrid, Spain, for about six months during the Spanish Civil War (1936–39). It was formed in November 1936 after the Spanish Republican government had fled to Valencia when General Francisco Franco's forces advanced on Madrid. It was expected that the city would fall within a few days, but the arrival of the International Brigades halted the rebel advance, and the situation settled into a stalemate. The council was dominated by"
"of Franco's officers. The Nationalists reached Madrid in early November 1936, approaching it from the north (along the Corunna Road and west Extremadura road. On 29 October, a Republican counterattack by the 5th (communist) regiment under Enrique Líster was beaten off at Parla. On 2 November, Brunete fell to the nationalists, leaving their troops at the western suburb of Madrid. Mola famously remarked to an English journalist that he would take Madrid with his four columns, of regular and Moroccan troops from southwest in Spain, outside the city and his ""Fifth column"" - composed of right wing sympathisers within it."
"Spanish Civil War. In October 1934 Asturian miners and other workers staged an armed uprising (see Revolution of Asturias) to oppose the coming to power of the right-wing CEDA party, which had obtained three ministerial posts in the centralist government of the Second Spanish Republic. For a month, a Popular Front Committee exercised control in southern Asturias, while local workers committees sprang up elsewhere in the region. A war committee dominated by anarcho-syndicalist supporters took power in Oviedo . Troops under the command of a then unknown general named Francisco Franco Bahamonde were brought from Spanish Morocco to suppress the"
"the democratically elected Popular Front government. This led to a military uprising which precipitated the Spanish Civil War on 17 July 1936. Yagüe's forces revolted in Ceuta before crossing the Straits of Gibraltar to link up with Nationalist forces in Seville, led by Queipo de Llano. Yagüe advanced northward, first seizing Mérida before attacking Badajoz with 3,000 troops on 14 August 1936. Bitter street fighting took place when the Nationalists advanced into the city. Yagüe's forces eventually gained control of Badajoz, with both sides suffering heavy casualties. Under Yagüe's direction hundreds of prisoners, military and civilians, were killed or executed"
"military rising in 1820, demanding the restoration of the Constitution of 1812. For the next half-century a cycle of military interventions, both ""pronunciamientos"" and classic ""coup d'états"", would occur whenever Spain entered a deadlocked political crisis. Intervention could come from generals associated with the Radical-democratic left (Prim), the Liberal centre-left (Espartero), the conservative-liberal centre(O'Donnell) or the Conservative-liberal right (Narváez, Martínez Campos). This particular fifty-year cycle came to a fifty-year close with the Bourbon Restoration of 1874. Outside of the Hispanophone and Lusophone world, events that have been termed a ""pronunciamiento"" include: Pronunciamiento A pronunciamiento (, ; ""proclamation , announcement or"
"General Goriev was their overall commander. General Smushkevic controlled the air forces sent from the USSR and General Dmitry Pavlov commanded their armoured forces. Most of the Republican defenders of Madrid (c.90%) were militias, raised by left-wing political parties or trade unions, who elected their own leaders. The Republican command had relatively little control over these units in the early phase of the Civil War. On the other side, both Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy supplied Franco with air cover and armoured units for his assault on Madrid, while the Luftwaffe units in Spain, the Condor Legion, were commanded independently"
"the Civil War after attempting to negotiate peace with Franco, who only accepted an unconditional surrender. Accused of being a mere marionette of the communists and of having led the Republic to disaster, the issue of the ""Moscow gold"" was one of the arguments used against Negrín in the controversies that followed. After the end of the war, the PSOE initiated a slow reconstruction in exile. The party formed around the ideological leadership of Indalecio Prieto from his refuge in Mexico, where party supporters of Negrín had been excluded. The exiled PSOE grouped the leaders of the three political leanings"
"the Civil War started (July 1936), Rojo - a devout Catholic, and linked to the conservative Unión Militar Española - stayed loyal to the Republican Government and was one of the military professionals who participated in the reorganization of the Spanish Republican Army. In October 1936 he was promoted to lieutenant colonel and was designated head of the General Staff of the Forces of Defense commanded by General Jose Miaja, head of the Junta de Defensa de Madrid created to defend the capital at all costs after the transfer of the Republican government from Madrid to Valencia. In this capacity"
"Fifth column A fifth column is any group of people who undermine a larger group from within, usually in favour of an enemy group or nation. The activities of a fifth column can be overt or clandestine. Forces gathered in secret can mobilize openly to assist an external attack. This term is also extended to organised actions by military personnel. Clandestine fifth column activities can involve acts of sabotage, disinformation, or espionage executed within defense lines by secret sympathizers with an external force. During the Siege of Madrid in the Spanish Civil War, Nationalist general Emilio Mola told a journalist"
"take the Republican capital. The highest military awards of the Spanish Republic, the Laureate Plate of Madrid () and the Madrid Distinction (), established by the Republican government in order to reward courage, were named after the capital of Spain owing to the city symbolizing valour and Antifascist resistance during the long siege throughout the Civil War. The Spanish Civil War began with a failed ""coup d'état"" against the Popular Front Government of the Spanish Republic by right-wing Spanish Army officers led by Francisco Franco on 18 July 1936. In Madrid, the Republican government was unsure of what to do."
"Armed Forces. The Spanish Civil War (1936–9) began right after the Spanish coup of July 1936, a partially successful ""coup d'état"" by a section of the Spanish Army against the government of the Spanish Republic. The ensuing Civil War devastated Spain, ending with the victory of the rebels and the founding of a dictatorship led by Generalissimo Francisco Franco, the leader of the Nationalist army. The civil war was marked by the extensive involvement of international units. Many joined the Republican side under the banner of the International Brigades. The Nationalists enjoyed support from Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, with"
"Spanish Civil War by Lázaro Cárdenas. The group neither sought nor had influence outside this immigrant population, however. A ""Partido Nacional Socialista Mexicano"" was also active, with most of its 15,000 members being of German background. The dominance of right-wing politics in Central America by populism and the military has meant that there has been little space for the development of proper fascist movements. The Central American leader who came closest to being an important domestic fascist was Arnulfo Arias of Panama who, during the 1940s, became a strong admirer of Italian fascism and advocated it following his ascension to"
"policy and anarchist votes helped bring the popular front back to power. Months later, the former ruling class responded with an attempted coup causing the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939). In response to the army rebellion, an anarchist-inspired movement of peasants and workers, supported by armed militias, took control of Barcelona and of large areas of rural Spain where they collectivised the land. However, even before the fascist victory in 1939 the anarchists were losing ground in a bitter struggle with the Stalinists, who controlled the distribution of military aid to the Republican cause from the Soviet Union. Stalinist-led troops suppressed"
"Spanish Civil War. The Spanish Civil War was a major conflict in Spain that started after an attempted ""coup d'état"" by parts of the army, led by the Nationalist General Francisco Franco, against the government of the Second Spanish Republic. Hispanic Americans fought on behalf of both of the factions involved, the ""Nationalists"" as members of the Spanish Army and the ""Loyalists"" (Republicans) either as members of the Abraham Lincoln International Brigade or as aviators in the Yankee Squadron led by Bert Acosta (1895–1954). When the United States officially entered the war on December 7, 1941, Hispanic Americans were among"
"who withheld their assent to the letter, and also to ensure that bishops all over the world, to whom the letter was addressed, received it before the press revealed its contents. The letter was edited by Goma with some alterations by Enrique Pla y Deniel, Bishop of Salamanca, and additions from Eijo Garay, Bishop of Madrid-Alcala. The letter calls the Civil War an ""armed plebiscite"" and discusses the meaning of the armed conflict - its description of the killings of priests and nuns, ""was to have the strongest impact upon the recipients"". Goma gave enthusiastic support to Franco - though"
"days of the Spanish Civil War. In November 1936 a battalion of the Regiment of Militia led by Manuel Castro Iglesias in conscript socialists peasants. In December of that year the City Council resumed their regular sessions, after a first moment that the Defense Committee relegated it to the secondary. It is politically unitary because the seven councilors belong to the Spanish Federation of Workers of the Earth (FETT-UGT). At this time Guadamur presents an example of integral collectivism: only two farms occupied by then 52.2% of the municipality, and after the military uprising was the seizure of these and"
"prepare its defence. Meanwhile, in the city, the Republican government had reformed under the leadership of socialist leader Francisco Largo Caballero. Caballero's government included six Socialist party ministers, two Communists, two from the Republican Left party, one from the Catalan Left party, one Basque Nationalist Party and one Republican Union minister. Although the communists were a minority in the government, they gained in influence through their access to arms from the USSR and foreign volunteers in the International Brigades. The Republican military commander in Madrid was nominally a Spanish general, Jose Miaja, but Soviet military personnel were perhaps more important."
"renowned poet Rafael Alberti, ""Madrid, corazón de España"", which begins thus: Siege of Madrid The Siege of Madrid was a two and a half year siege of the Spanish capital city of Madrid, during the Spanish Civil War of 1936 to 1939. The city, besieged from October 1936, eventually fell to the Francoist armies on 28 March 1939. Madrid was held by various forces loyal to the Spanish Republic and was besieged and subject to aerial bombardment by the rebel faction under General Francisco Franco. The Battle of Madrid in November 1936 saw the most intense fighting in and around"
"country, and other points meant that Spain faced a prolonged civil war. By 1937 much of the south and west was under the control of the Nationalists, whose Army of Africa was the most professional force available to either side. Both sides received foreign military aid: the Nationalists from Nazi Germany and Italy, while the Republicans were supported by organised far-left volunteers from the Soviet Union. The Siege of the Alcázar at Toledo early in the war was a turning point, with the Nationalists winning after a long siege. The Republicans managed to hold out in Madrid, despite a Nationalist"
"State from above, he himself favoured an extremely gradual transition to full democracy. The drastic measures he took as interior minister and head of state security during the first days of the Spanish transition to democracy gave him a reputation for heavy-handedness, and deeply damaged his popularity. The phrase ""¡La calle es mía!"" (""Streets are mine!"") was attributed to him as his answer to complaints of police repression of street protests: he claimed that the streets did not belong to the ""people"" but to the state. He was known to be an admirer of Cánovas del Castillo. During a clash"
"and other elements within the Nationalist cause. The diversion to Toledo gave Madrid time to prepare a defense, but was hailed as a major propaganda victory and personal success for Franco. On 1 October 1936, General Franco was confirmed head of state and armies in Burgos. A similar dramatic success for the Nationalists occurred on 17 October, when troops coming from Galicia relieved the besieged town of Oviedo, in Northern Spain. In October, the Francoist troops launched a major offensive toward Madrid, reaching it in early November and launching a major assault on the city on 8 November. The Republican"
"Madrid, where they did a disproportionate share of both the fighting and the dying. As noted by a Workers' Party of Marxist Unification (POUM) militant who also participated in the Siege of Madrid, The ""Carabineros"" and the Assault Guards were the Spanish police corps where the 1936 coup found the least support. When the Civil War began about 70% of the Assault Guards stayed loyal to the Spanish Republic. On the other hand, in the ""Guardia Civil"" the breakup of loyalists and rebels was distributed evenly at around 50%, although the highest authority of the corps, Inspector General Sebastián Pozas,"