"accept the need to grant Algeria its independence. Only the Organisation armée secrète (OAS; Secret Armed Organization) continued to resist independence. The Left called for a demonstration on 8 February 1962 to denounce the OAS and the Algerian war. The Paris Police, led by Maurice Papon, repressed this demonstration, as it had done on 17 October 1961 (when between 32 and 200, mainly Algerian people, are estimated to have been killed). Police blocked nearby streets at both ends before charging the crowd. Demonstrators tried to take refuge in the entry of the Charonne metro station, but police pursued the crowd"
"FLN resumed bombings against the French police, and killing 11 policemen and injured 17 (in Paris and its suburbs). This culminated on 17 October 1961, when the French police suppressed a demonstration by 30,000 Algerians who were ostensibly protesting against a ""de facto"" curfew imposed on them by the prefecture of police, though the FLN had planned the demonstration as a potential provocation as well. While estimates differ, the number of dead officially acknowledged (in French government reports and statements of 1998) in putting down this demonstration was 40 to 48. Some protesters may have been tortured before being killed"
"imposition of a curfew on Muslims of Algeria (who, at that time, were French citizens). On 17 October 1961, an unauthorised but peaceful protest demonstration of Algerians against the curfew led to violent confrontations between the police and demonstrators, in which at least 40 people were killed, including some thrown into the Seine. The anti-independence Organisation armée secrète (OAS), for their part, carried out a series of bombings in Paris throughout 1961 and 1962. In May 1968, protesting students occupied the Sorbonne and put up barricades in the Latin Quarter. Thousands of Parisian blue-collar workers joined the students, and the"
"for service to the state. Papon oversaw the repression during the Paris massacre of 1961: on 17 October 1961, a large ostensibly-peaceful march, organised by the Algerian National Liberation Front, broke a curfew that had been ""advised"" by Papon because of concerns on the group's sponsoring of a series of bombings throughout France. The police arrested 11,000 persons, who claimed that it was simply because of their appearance. They were mostly people from the Maghreb but also included Spanish, Portuguese and Italians. They were sent, in a tragic echo of the Vichy regime, on public buses to the Parc des"
"1961 to the beginning of October 1961, 11 policemen were killed and 17 injured in Paris and its suburbs. ""These bombings had the effect of spreading fear throughout the ranks of the Paris police, but also for increasing the desire for revenge and hate against the whole of the community. During the whole of September, the Algerian population was severely repressed. In practice, this massive repression was based on physical appearance"", according to Einaudi. Daily raids against Algerians — frequently confusing any Magreb people (Moroccans or Tunisians), and even Spanish or Italian immigrants, with Algerians. – Algerians were arrested at"
"demonstrators in the centre of the city. Total casualties in these three incidents were 326 dead and wounded amongst the ""pied-noir"" and 110 French military personnel. A journalist who saw the shootings on 26 March 1962, Henry Tanner, described the scene: ""When the shooting stopped, the street was littered with bodies, of women, as well as men, dead, wounded or dying. The black pavement looked grey, as if bleached by fire. Crumpled French flags were lying in pools of blood. Shattered glass and spent carriages were everywhere"". A number of shocked ""pieds-noirs"" screamed that they were not French anymore. One"
"Expositions, the Vélodrome d'Hiver and other such centres that had been used under Vichy as internment centers. A massacre occurred in the courtyards of the Prefecture of Police, and the detainees were held without specific charges. In the following days at the Parc des Expositions, detainees were subject to inhumane treatments. Arrests continued in all of October 1961. Meanwhile, bodies were found floating in the Seine River. Up to 200 people were killed during the events, according to a prominent historian, Jean-Luc Einaudi. Because some archives have been destroyed and others remain classified, the exact number of the dead remains"
"were officially considered French and possessed a French identity card). The French Federation of the FLN thus called upon the whole of the Algerian population in Paris, men, women and children, to demonstrate against the curfew, widely regarded as a racist administrative measure, on 17 October 1961. According to historian Jean-Luc Einaudi, Papon had 7,000 policemen, 1,400 CRS and ""gendarmes mobiles"" (riot police) to block this demonstration, to which the Prefecture of Police had not given its agreement (mandatory for legal demonstrations). The police forces thus blocked all access to the capital, metro stations, train stations, Paris' ""Portes"", etc. Of"
"in the ""Maison de la Mutualité"" a meeting to ""protest against police violence and the repression of the 17 October 1961 demonstration in Paris"". A few days later, some anonymous policemen published a text called ""A group of republican policemen declare..."" (""Un groupe de policiers républicains déclarent..."") on 31 October, stating: What happened on 17 October 1961 and in the following days against the peaceful demonstrators, on which no weapons were found, morally forces us to bring our testimony and to alert public opinion... All guilty people must be punished. The punishment must be extended to all of the responsible"
"reliably established; estimates vary widely from between thirty and fifty dead to the Communist estimate of hundreds killed. (See Paris massacre of 1961.) On January 17, 1961, the OAS launched another terror campaign, exploding seventeen bombs in Paris. The FLN and Communists held another demonstration February 8. It was broken up by the police, and eight persons were killed, most of them crushed by the crowd trying to take sanctuary in the Charonne metro station. (For one non-neutral point of view of the event, see The Charonne Metro Station Massacre.) On August 22, 1961, the OAS targeted de Gaulle himself."
"was no major fighting between the French Army and the FLN; during the summer of 1961 the OAS and the FLN engaged in a civil war, in which the greater number of the Muslims soon made a difference. To pressure de Gaulle to abandon his demand to keep the Sahara, the FLN organized demonstrations in France from Algerians living there in the fall of 1961, which the French police crushed. It was in the course of crushing one demonstration that a massacre of Algerians on 17 October 1961, which was ordered by Maurice Papon. On 10 January 1962, the FLN"
"of and the use of torture against the civilian population. On 13 March 1958, 7,000 policemen demonstrated in the courtyard of the police headquarters, against the delays in the ""risque prime"" accorded to them because of the war, although the FLN had not yet begun to target police officers at this time. Encouraged by far-right deputy Jean-Marie Le Pen, 2,000 of them attempted to enter the Palais Bourbon, seat of the National Assembly, with shouts of ""Sales Juifs! A la Seine! Mort aux fellaghas!"" (""Dirty Jews! Into the Seine (river)! Death to the (Algerian) rebels!""). With the recommendation of Minister"
"as prefect of the Constantinois department during the Algerian War (1954–1962). He was named prefect of the Paris police in 1958. On 17 October 1961, he ordered the severe repression of a pro-National Liberation Front (FLN) demonstration against a curfew that he had ""advised."" What became known as the Paris massacre of 1961 left 100 to 300 dead at the hands of the police and many others wounded. The same year, Papon was personally awarded the Legion of Honour by French President Charles de Gaulle; his government had been struggling with FLN terrorism. Papon was in charge of the Paris"
"French police force, who are widely exemplary"" and that to ""generalize to the entire profession for the possible crime of one or a few is consubstantial racism."" Front National presidential candidate Marine Le Pen similarly announced support for police and criticized the French government for not cracking down on rioters harder. More anti-police riots occurred in Paris on 27 March after the fatal shooting of a Chinese man. On 26 March, a 56-year-old Chinese man named Liu Shaoyao (, often misspelled Shaoyo), was shot to death by police at his home in the 19th arrondissement of Paris after police received"
"France, and came not long after two Arabs were killed in southern France in racially-motivated attacks. The next day, some 6,000 demonstrators including political and cinema elite marched around the cinema and a Jewish memorial near the Hôtel de Ville protesting against the attack. President François Mitterrand also condemned the attack. Police said both far-right and far-left groups were the main suspects. Two neo-Nazi groups reportedly claimed responsibility but police found it uncredible. Nobody was ever convicted of the attack. Fabrice Nicolino, who was wounded in the blast, would again fall victim to a terror attack in Paris 30 years"
"crimes against humanity for sending 1, 600 Jews from Bordeaux to be killed at Auschwitz in 1942, it emerged over the course of the trial that on 17 October 1961 Papon had organized a massacre of between 100 and 200 Algerians in downtown Paris, which was the first time that most of the French had heard of the massacre. The revelation that hundreds of people had been killed by the Paris ""Sûreté"" was a great shock in France and led to uncomfortable questions being raised about what had happened during the Algerian War. The American historian William Cohen wrote that"
"6 February 1934 crisis The 6 February 1934 crisis was an anti-parliamentarist street demonstration in Paris organized by multiple far-right leagues that culminated in a riot on the Place de la Concorde, near the seat of the French National Assembly. The police shot and killed 15 demonstrators. It was one of the major political crises during the Third Republic (1870–1940). Frenchmen on the left feared it was an attempt to organize a fascist ""coup d'état"". According to historian Joel Colton, ""The consensus among scholars is that there was no concerted or unified design to seize power and that the leagues"
"humanity nor the responsibility of the author of the crime, the state. Thus, in no case does this Parisian initiative exempt the highest national authorities from taking responsibility. In addition, if [former Socialist Prime minister] Lionel Jospin personally expressed himself last year [in 2000] by speaking of ""tragic events"", neither the police's responsibility in the crime nor that of those politically responsible at the time have been clearly established, much less officially condemned. On 17 October 2012, President François Hollande acknowledged the 1961 massacre of Algerians in Paris. Paris massacre of 1961 The Paris massacre of 1961 occurred on 17"
"have been intentional, as has been demonstrated by historian , who won a trial against Maurice Papon in 1999. (Papon had been convicted in 1998 on charges of crimes against humanity for his role under the Vichy collaborationist regime during World War II.) Official documentation and accounts of eyewitnesses within the Paris police department suggest that the 1961 massacre was directed by Papon himself. Police records show that Papon called for officers in one station to be ""subversive"" in quelling the demonstrations, and assured them protection from prosecution if they participated. Forty years after the massacre, on 17 October 2001,"
"many as 200 protesters in Paris may have been shot or drowned in the Seine River. Maurice Papon was prefect of the Paris police, and previously served Vichy France; a book about Vichy is visible on Georges's shelf. In the aftermath of the massacre, the French government suppressed many of the facts by restricting police archives and delaying and cancelling public investigations, until allowing three historians to review the archives in 1998. The media reported three deaths in 1961; the massacre was not revisited until 1997 when Papon went to trial for his Vichy record. While planning the production of"
"French police and military personnel fighting for France; and on the other side various French-ethnic (pro-independence, often communist) and Algerian fighters, for attacks on civilian targets such as cafés, which killed 3,000 civilians. Forty years after the massacre, in 2001, the event was officially acknowledged by the city of Paris with the placement and unveiling of a memorial plaque near the Pont Saint-Michel. This resulted from work by the Socialist Party local government. At the unveiling of the plaque, Bertrand Delanoë, the Socialist Party Mayor of Paris, cited the need for France to come to terms with this event in"
"Other disturbances against the colonial regime, particularly the Yên Bái mutiny organized by the Việt Nam Quốc Dân Đảng(VNQDĐ) in February had encouraged these groups to organize and mobilize the masses with the eventual goal of revolution. The three demonstrations of April were dispersed when the French-led ""garde indigène"" (native gendarmerie) fired on the crowds killing a total of 27 men, women and children and injuring many more. August 1930 saw further attacks on county offices and the depots of the French alcohol monopoly – a much detested colonial institution which banned the Vietnamese from producing their own alcohol and"
"crowd gathered in the Champ de Mars to sign the petition. Georges Danton and Camille Desmoulins gave fiery speeches. The Assembly called for the municipal authorities to ""preserve public order"". The National Guard under Lafayette's command confronted the crowd. The soldiers responded to a barrage of stones by firing into the crowd, killing between 13 and 50 people. The incident cost Lafayette and his National Guard much public support. In the wake of the massacre the authorities closed many of the patriotic clubs, as well as radical newspapers such as Jean-Paul Marat's ""L'Ami du Peuple"". Danton fled to England; Desmoulins"
"police estimated the number of protesters to be 150,000, while organisers claimed that one million were present. A total of 293 arrests were made and six people were injured during the demonstration, while up to 500 people began attacking the police following the march's conclusion. Several prominent politicians and activists were involved in the march, such as leader of the UMP party Jean-Francois Cope. In reaction to the protests, the first major support march took place on 27 January 2013. According to the BBC, opponents have outnumbered supporters at recent demonstrations: between 340,000 and 800,000 people gathered in Paris on"
"were torched according to estimates of the DGPN (direction of the police) and government buildings and property came under attack. Police clashed with protesters who were described by French media as members of the ultra-left and of the autonome movement or youth from the suburbs. During the fighting dozens of officers were injured and 592 alleged rioters were arrested. 70 people were arrested in the North department and 79 in Paris. Overall the situation remained calm. Some clashes continued on the night of Monday to Tuesday, with 365 torched cars and 160 alleged rioters detained by the police. Ten people"
"law, including strikes, demonstrations and university occupations across France on 28 March to oppose the law. Strikes disrupted transport, public education and mail services while more than one million to three million marched against the law. The estimates vary; the police estimate in the lower one million range while the unions estimate much higher. On 4 April, between 93,000 (police estimate) and 700,000 (union estimate) demonstrated in Paris and three million in all of France. On 21 March, the Prime Minister refused to change tack, saying that ""with this law, there are three things which are impossible. The first is"
"million Euros in property damage, and led to almost three thousand arrests. On 14 November 2005, as the riots ended, President Jacques Chirac blamed the rioters for a lack of respect for the law and French values, but also condemned inequalities in French society and ""the poison of racism"". On 7 January 2015, two Muslim extremists, both French citizens raised in the Paris region, attacked the Paris headquarters of ""Charlie Hebdo"", a controversial satirical magazine that had poked ridicule at Mohammed, in what became known as the Charlie Hebdo shooting. They killed ten civilians, including five prominent cartoonists and the"
"Geneva fusillade of 9 November 1932 On 9 November 1932, elements of the Swiss Army under Major Perret fired live rounds into a crowd of anti-fascist protesters in Plainpalais in Geneva, killing 13 and wounding 65. The shooting occurred on a background of increasing violence between far-right and far-left groups, of rising totalitarian regimes, and of unemployement and economic crisis in Europe. The incident stemmed from inappropriate crowd control tactics, excitation of the antimilitarist protesters after a speech by socialist leader Léon Nicole, a series of incompetent orders, and a force made up of improperly trained officers and soldiers —"
"January 2016 Paris police station attack On 7 January 2016 in Paris, a man wearing a fake explosive belt attacked police officers with a meat cleaver while shouting ""Allahu Akbar!"" He was shot and killed by officers when he failed to obey an order to stop. The attempted attack took place on the first anniversary of the 2015 ""Charlie Hebdo"" shooting. The failed attack occurred in the Goutte d'Or district where the population is predominantly of north African and sub-Saharan African origin. Belgacem shouted ""Allahu Akbar"" and pulled out a meat cleaver as he approached a guard at the local"
"1961 Vitry-Le-François train bombing The Vitry-Le-François train bombing of 18 June 1961 was a bomb attack on a Strasbourg–Paris train carried out by the Organisation armée secrète (OAS), a paramilitary organization opposed to the independence of Algeria in the Algerian War, just three days before the Algiers putsch. With 28 fatalities and over 100 injured, it was the deadliest terrorist attack in modern French history until it was surpassed by the November 2015 Paris attacks and the 2016 Nice attack, which killed 137 and 87 people, respectively. The bombing targeted the No. 12 express train, which derailed while traveling at"
"of electricity and the shutdown of the Paris Métro. Communist-led demonstrators battled the police in the streets in 1948 and 1951. The struggle for the independence of Algeria and the resistance of French residents of Algeria, led to numerous bombings in 1961 and 1962 and deadly violent confrontations in Paris between demonstrators and the police. The deeply-divided postwar Fourth Republic collapsed in 1958, and a new Constitution was adopted. A new government, under President Charles de Gaulle, was elected with a Fifth Republic proclaimed. In May 1968, Paris experienced student uprisings on the Left Bank: barricades and red flags appeared"
"a call about a domestic dispute. Police claim Liu immediately charged them with a pair of scissors after they opened the door to his house and shot him dead. Liu's family, who were in the home at the time of the shooting, dispute the story. The day after the shooting, around 150 protesters gathered around the arrondissement police station and threw objects at police and burned a police car. 35 people were arrested and three officers were injured. On 28 March, more protests occurred, but they were not as violent as the previous day's protests. On 2 April, a crowd"
"fire on the protesting crowds, leaving dozens dead. However, the measures failed to quell the uprising which garnered support from other Arab countries as people protested on the streets of Iraq, Lebanon, Palestine and Jordan in solidarity with the Syrian people. The French government also came under severe pressure inside France from the leftist media and the emerging Popular Front which called for a complete re-haul of its policy in Syria and Lebanon. On 2 March the French authorities relented and agreed to start negotiations with the National Bloc. They also granted a general amnesty for those arrested or exiled"