"majority was sufficient to declare independence, as he believed the question was too vague and gave negotiators too broad a mandate given the enormity of the issue and the uncertainty of negotiations. Jean Chrétien refused to publicly comment or consider contingencies regarding a possible ""Yes"" victory, and at no point stated the referendum bound the Federal government to negotiations or permitted a unilateral declaration of independence. His wording of speeches during the referendum noted that Parizeau would interpret a ""Yes"" vote as a mandate to separate Quebec from Canada, but never offered recognition that this was legal or recognizable. A"
"the Meech Lake Accord or the Charlottetown Accord. The 1995 Quebec referendum was the second referendum to ask voters in the Canadian province of Quebec whether Quebec should secede from Canada and become an independent state, through the question: The 1995 referendum differed from the first referendum on Quebec's sovereignty in that the 1980 question proposed to negotiate ""sovereignty-association"" with the Canadian government, while the 1995 question proposed ""sovereignty"", along with an ""optional"" partnership offer to the rest of Canada. The referendum took place in Quebec on October 30, 1995, and the motion to decide whether Quebec should secede from"
"the House of Commons. Parizeau promptly called a new referendum. The 1995 referendum question differed from the 1980 question in that the negotiation of an association with Canada was now optional. This time, the Yes camp lost in a very close vote, by less than one percent. As in the previous referendum, the English-speaking (anglophone) minority in Quebec overwhelmingly (about 90%) rejected sovereignty, and support for sovereignty was also weak among allophones in immigrant communities and first-generation descendants, while by contrast almost 60 per cent of francophones of all origins voted Yes (82 per cent of Quebecers are francophone). In"
"1995 Quebec referendum on sovereignty. Shortly before election day, he warned that Quebecers would vote for sovereignty unless the federal government and other provincial premiers gave the province ""a signal"" that Quebecers could expect favourable changes in a united Canada. After a last-minute rally, the federalist side won a narrow victory. Paradis initially supported Daniel Johnson against challenges to his leadership in early 1997. Relations between the two men later became tense, however, and Paradis did not support Johnson against similar challenges in 1998. When Johnson announced his resignation in March 1998, Paradis was again rumoured as a possible leadership"
"1995 Quebec referendum was the second time that Canadian French-speaking individuals would vote whether the province of Quebec would declare national sovereignty and become an independent country or continue to be a cooperative partner as a province within Canadian borders. Breaking Point (2005 film) Breaking Point (French: Point de rupture) is a Canadian documentary film, released in 2005. Aired on CBC Television in English and on Télévision de Radio-Canada in French and released to mark the tenth anniversary of the 1995 Quebec sovereignty referendum, the film explored the dynamics of the referendum campaign through interviews with and news clips of"
"Chretien's Federalist campaign and the James Bay Cree hold a referendum deciding whether they want to separate from Canada alongside Quebec. Ultimately, Jean Chretien and Lucien Bouchard are left to give their final speeches before fate is determined on October 30, 1995 as the population of Quebec vote to decide whether they should separate, or remain a part of Canada. Known as the Federalist camp voting ""No"" to Quebec Sovereignty in the 1995 referendum led by Jean Chretien and the Quebec Liberal Party. Consisted of the individuals of the Quebec population in favor of separating from Canada. This campaign was"
"election to hold a referendum during 1995. However, the Parti Québécois received only 0.35% more votes than the federalist Quebec Liberal Party in that election, and polls at the time showed that Quebec independence (at least, without significant economic and political links with Canada) was not supported by the majority of Quebecers. Along with the February 1995 hearings on the future of Quebec and 12 June 1995 Tripartite agreement between Parizeau, Bouchard and Dumont, the sovereignty bill was designed to both get people interested in discussing Quebec sovereignty and reassure Quebecers about the likelihood that a sovereign Quebec would retain"
"1995 Bermudian independence referendum The Bermudan independence referendum of 1995 was a referendum held in Bermuda on 16 August 1995 over whether Bermuda should become an independent sovereign state or remain a British Dependent Territory. On a voter turnout of 58.8%, 73.6% voted against independence, and 25.7% voted in favour. Following the decisive referendum result, Sir John Swan, in favour of independence, resigned as Premier of Bermuda. After being an extension of the Virginia colony, Bermuda was made a crown colony of its own rights in 1609 and became a self-governing colony in 1620, with the founding of the Parliament"
"but does harbor separatist movements, the strongest of which is the Quebec sovereignty movement which seeks to create a nation-state that would encompass the majority of Canada's French-Canadian population. Two referendums have been held to decide this question, one in 1980 and the last one in 1995 being lost by the separatist side by a tiny margin. Less mainstream, smaller movements also exist in the western provinces, namely Alberta, to protest what is seen as a domination by Quebec and Ontario of Canadian politics. Saskatchewan premier Roy Romanow had also considered separation from Canada if the 1995 Quebec independence referendum"
"into power. Jean Charest in Sherbrooke, Quebec, was one of two Progressive Conservatives left in Parliament, and became party leader. The Parti Québécois won the 1994 provincial election under the leadership of Jacques Parizeau amid continued anger over the rejection of the Meech Lake Accord. The Parizeau government quickly held a referendum on sovereignty in 1995. Premier Parizeau favoured a unilateral declaration of independence (UDI) followed by negotiations with the federal government if sovereignty were endorsed in the referendum. Lucien Bouchard and Dumont insisted that negotiations with the federal government should come before a declaration of independence. They compromised with"
"had acted in accordance with the law. 1995 Bermudian independence referendum The Bermudan independence referendum of 1995 was a referendum held in Bermuda on 16 August 1995 over whether Bermuda should become an independent sovereign state or remain a British Dependent Territory. On a voter turnout of 58.8%, 73.6% voted against independence, and 25.7% voted in favour. Following the decisive referendum result, Sir John Swan, in favour of independence, resigned as Premier of Bermuda. After being an extension of the Virginia colony, Bermuda was made a crown colony of its own rights in 1609 and became a self-governing colony in"
"A few days prior to the October 30, 1995, province-wide referendum on secession from Canada, the Grand Council facilitated a referendum within Eeyou Istchee on the question of whether the Crees should be authorized to separate from an independent Quebec, in order to remain part of Canada. Over 96% of participating voters chose to remain in Canada. Grand Chief Matthew Mukash is considered a traditionalist and fought against the Great Whale hydroelectric project in the 1990s, alongside the Grand Chiefs Matthew Coon Come and Billy Diamond. In 2002, he opposed the signing of the Paix des Braves, a comprehensive 50"
"being taken over by Bloc Québécois Leader Lucien Bouchard. The fast rise of the ""Yes"" campaign and apparent inability of the personalities of the ""No"" campaign to counter their message created an atmosphere of great uncertainty, both in the federal government and across Canada. Voting took place on October 30, 1995, and featured the largest voter turnout in Quebec's history (93.52%). The ""No"" option carried by 54,288 votes (50.58%). Parizeau, who announced his pending resignation as Quebec Premier the following day, would later state that he would have quickly proceeded with a unilateral declaration of independence had the result been"
"of October 30, 1995, as his ""worst night in Ottawa and federal politics"", as the results came in on the referendum vote. When the final ballots had been counted, Quebecers rejected the sovereignty association option by the narrowest of margins – the No option receiving 50.58% of the 4,671, 008 votes cast, only 54,288 more than the total Yes vote. From Manning's perspective, the Chrétien administration and the 35th Parliament had barely escaped, going down as the federal administration and parliament that presided over the disintegration of Canadian confederation. Four years later, following a ruling by the Supreme Court of"
"the ""No"" side: This ranged from 2/3 to 3/4 of the undecided vote. 93.52% of the 5,087,009 registered Quebecers voted in the referendum, a higher turnout than any provincial or federal election in Canada's history. The proposal of June 12, 1995 was rejected by voters, with 50.58% voting ""No"" and 49.42% voting ""Yes"". The margin was significantly smaller than the 1980 referendum. The ""Yes"" side was the choice of French speakers by an estimated majority of about 60%. Anglophones and allophones (those who do not have English or French as a first language) voted ""No"" by a margin of 95%."
"had no right to arrest the ""Estai"". However, the court later refused the case. In October 1995, Canada faced its second Quebec referendum on sovereignty. The federal ""Bloc Québécois"" and the provincial ""Parti Québécois"" favoured separation from Canada. Federalists rallied to keep Quebec as part of Canada and claimed the referendum question (""Do you agree that Quebec should become sovereign after having made a formal offer to Canada for a new economic and political partnership within the scope of the bill respecting the future of Quebec and of the agreement signed on June 12, 1995?"") was vague and confusing. After"
"that Canada be divided into five countries: Quebec, Ontario, Atlantic and Prairie federations, and a federation of British Columbia with the northern territories. Scott was the party's only member at the time of its national registration, and ran under its banner in the 1995 provincial election. As it was recognized as an official party by Elections Ontario, he appeared on the ballot as an independent. He finished a distant fourth against Liberal candidate Rick Bartolucci in Sudbury. Scott was still listed as president of the Ontario Options Party in December 2000, when he wrote a letter opposing the amalgamation of"
"Canada"". This book was also published in a French translation. The 1995 Quebec referendum saw the federal side win by less than one percent of the vote. It was widely seen as being the failure of the Charlottetown and prior Meech Lake accords that had caused it to be so close. Although Clark and Mulroney had long been perceived as bitter opponents, Mulroney's speech at the 2003 PC leadership convention praised Clark as an honest and admirable leader who had the distinction of being the only prime minister in recent memory who, even when he failed, was always respected, and"
"in 1995. Five days before the vote, the monarch was tricked into speaking in both French and English for fourteen minutes with Pierre Brassard, a DJ for Radio CKOI-FM Montreal, who was pretending to be Prime Minister Jean Chrétien. When told that the separatists were showing a lead, the Queen revealed that she felt the ""referendum may go the wrong way,"" adding, ""if I can help in any way, I will be very happy to do so."" However, she pointedly refused to accept the advice that she intervene on the issue without first seeing a draft speech sent by her"
"argument to explain why he referred to partition proposals as ""racist"": This argument has also been supported by francophones in provinces outside of Quebec. In the two-year period following the 1995 referendum, when many municipal councils in Ontario and New Brunswick were passing resolutions endorsing the right of individual municipalities within Quebec to leave the province and rejoin Canada, the ""partition resolution"" was rejected by almost all French-majority municipalities in the two provinces. In the mostly French-speaking Ottawa suburb of Vanier, the council approved the resolution, and later rescinded its approval. Mayor Guy Cousineau explained this reversal to a newspaper"
"in the United States or the Australian Capital Territory; however, the proposal has never come close to fruition and there is no such movement currently active. The proposal historically tended to be more common when the sovereigntist Parti Québécois held power in Quebec, owing in part to the Hull/Gatineau area's more strongly federalist orientation, but any prospect of the federal government ever supporting the proposal virtually disappeared following the 1995 Quebec referendum, which would have been narrowly won by the Yes side if not for a solid No vote on the Quebec side of the National Capital Region. National Capital"
"by non-Francophones. This position is sometimes disputed by the PQ, which claims its goal is all-embracing and essentially civic in nature. There is an undercurrent of feeling amongst ""ethnic"" and ""anglo"" voters that sometimes surfaces as a desire to separate from Quebec. This would create a new province of Canada, from the southwestern and southern portions of the province (comprising half of Montreal, parts of the Outaouais, the Eastern Townships). This feeling is exemplified by the statement — ""If Canada is divisible, then so is Quebec"" made by federalists in 1995 or ""If Quebec can separate from Canada, then we"
"not happen."" The Grand Council of the Crees and the Inuit of Nunavik in Northern Quebec have both expressed that they will keep their lands in Canada should Quebec secede, invoking international laws that guarantee their right to self-determination. In 1995, a Cree referendum voted 95% in favour of staying in Canada should Quebec secede. Following the narrow loss by the separatist side in the October 1995 referendum on secession, there was a widespread belief that another referendum would be held in the near future. For this reason, potential players began to take actions that would strengthen their positions in"
"the Liberals trailing the PQ in the polls, Ciaccia considered retiring from politics. Despite many other Liberal cabinet ministers deciding to leave politics before the election was called, Ciaccia ultimately decided to run. He would, once more, be re-elected in the riding of Mont-Royal. The election ushered in a majority Parti Quebec government, which soon set a date of October 30, 1995 for a referendum on independence. Just as he did during the 1980 referendum, Ciaccia actively campaigned for the ""No"" side in the 1995 referendum, acting as strategist for the No Committee. In the run-up to the vote, he"
"going to lose the country"". Furthermore, the referendum had re-opened the old feud between Chrétien and Martin with Chrétien taking the view that the ""soft federalist"" Martin simply could not be trusted on national unity because he was ""soft on nationalists"" and ""too eager to grant concessions to the provinces"". In the weeks leading to the referendum on October 30, 1995, the federal government was seized with fear and panic as polls showing that under the leadership of Bouchard, the ""oui"" side was going to win. Further contributing to the demoralization of the no side was the open split that"
"1993 federal election, which featured the collapse of Progressive Conservative Party support, the BQ won enough seats in Parliament to become Her Majesty's Loyal Opposition in the House of Commons. At the Royal Commission on the Future of Quebec (also known as the Outaouais Commission) in 1995, the Marxist-Leninist Party of Canada made a presentation in which the party leader, Hardial Bains, recommended to the committee that Quebec declare itself as an independent republic. Parizeau promptly advised the Lieutenant Governor to call a new referendum. The 1995 referendum question differed from the 1980 question in that the negotiation of an"
"assented to the patriation of the Canadian constitution in 1982. The Meech Lake Accord and Charlottetown Accord negotiated during Prime Minister Brian Mulroney's government were attempts to reconcile Quebec and persuade it to sign the Canada Act; however, concessions to Quebec were considered unacceptable to many in the mainly English-speaking parts of Canada, who voted to reject the Charlottetown Accord. The failure of the Accord was a precipitating factor in the separatists' momentum moving towards the 1995 referendum. The Oka Crisis was a land dispute between a group of Mohawk people and the town of Oka beginning on July 11,"
"over 4,000 votes. Sheehan was known as an outspoken politician, on the right-wing of his party. In 1997, he introduced a private member's bill that would have repealed the Rand formula. The bill was defeated by a vote of 20 to 15 with five PC members voting against it. Labour minister Elizabeth Witmer said, ""Obviously people had to make the determination themselves, but I think people recognize there is balance in the province. They also recognize there is a great deal of stability at the present time."" One of the principal commitments made by the Progressive Conservatives, during the 1995"
"failed attempts at constitutional reform. Two provincial referenda, in 1980 and 1995, rejected proposals for sovereignty with majorities of 60% and 50.6% respectively. Given the narrow federalist victory in 1995, a reference was made by the Chrétien government to the Supreme Court of Canada in 1998 regarding the legality of unilateral provincial secession. The court decided that a unilateral declaration of secession would be unconstitutional. This resulted in the passage of the ""Clarity Act"" in 2000. The Bloc Québécois, a sovereigntist party which runs candidates exclusively in Quebec, was started by a group of MPs who left the Progressive Conservative"
"30, 1995. In English, the question on the ballot asked: Do you agree that Quebec should become sovereign, after having made a formal offer to Canada for a new economic and political partnership, within the scope of the bill respecting the future of Quebec and of the agreement signed on June 12, 1995? The question came under immediate fire from federalists, who had no input in the drafting. Quebec Liberal leader Daniel Johnson stated it was confusing and at the very least should have contained the word ""country."" Prominent federalists argued that the referendum question should not have mentioned ""partnership"""
"Independent candidates, 1995 Ontario provincial election Several independent candidates sought election to the Legislative Assembly of Ontario in the 1995 Ontario provincial election. One such candidate, Peter North, was elected to the legislature. Information on these candidates may be found on this page. It is possible that some of these candidates were members of unregistered political parties. Independent candidates who took part in provincial by-elections between 1995 and 1999 are also listed on this page. De Dominicis was a fifty-four-year-old business owner. He called for job incentives for youth and safer neighbourhoods. He received 572 votes (2.47%), finishing fourth against"
"never took place in his province.) This led to the formation of the sovereigntist Bloc Québécois party in Ottawa under the leadership of Lucien Bouchard, who had resigned from the federal cabinet. The second attempt, the Charlottetown Accord of 1992, also failed to gain traction. This result caused a split in the Quebec Liberal Party that led to the formation of the new Action démocratique (Democratic Action) party led by Mario Dumont and Jean Allaire. On October 30, 1995, with the Parti Québécois back in power since 1994, a second referendum on sovereignty took place. This time, it was rejected"
"on 12 December 2003. In his responsibilities as Intergovernmental Affairs minister in the Jean Chrétien government, Dion was tasked with challenging the arguments of the Quebec sovereignty movement much more vigorously than in the pre-referendum period. The people of Quebec voted against the sovereignty option by a razor-thin margin (50.58% to 49.42%). Many federalists in Ottawa were caught off-guard by the results and believed that the referendum results would have no legal standing under Canadian law. The strongest complaints were on the presumed ambiguity of the 1995 question and that Quebec had tabled a law reserving the right for the"