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Price revolution
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Price revolution, sometimes known as the Spanish Price Revolution, is a term used to describe a series of economic events from the second half of the 15th century to the first half of the 17th century. The price revolution refers most specifically to the high rate of inflation that occurred during this period across Western Europe. Prices rose on average roughly sixfold over 150 years. This level of inflation amounts to 1–1.5% per year, a relatively low inflation rate for the 20th century standards, but rather high given the monetary policy in place in the 16th century.[1]
Generally it is thought that this high inflation was caused by the large influx of gold and silver from the Spanish treasure fleet from the New World, including Mexico, Peru and the rest of the Spanish Empire.[2](p70)
Specie flowed through Spain increasing Spanish prices and then spread over Western Europe as a result of Spanish balance of payments deficit. This enlarged the monetary supply and price levels of many European countries. Combined with this influx of gold and silver, the growing population and urbanization perpetuated the price revolution. According to this theory, too many people with too much money chased too few goods.[citation needed]
Contents
[hide]
1 Background
2 Causes
2.1 Influx of gold and silver
2.2 European silver production
2.3 The Réponse de J. Bodin aux paradoxes de M. de Malestroit
2.4 Malestroit Debasement Theory & Copper “Vellon” Coinage
2.5 Black Death
2.6 Urbanization
2.7 Population & Agricultural Growth
3 Effect of Price Revolution on Genoa
4 Consequences of Spanish Price Revolution on Spanish Society
4.1 Landowners
4.2 Sellers & Traders
4.3 The Crown
5 Decline of inflation
6 See also
7 References
8 Further reading
Background[edit]
Most historians look at the end of the Renaissance as the start of the Price Revolution. An era often considered a time of peace for the Western Europe population, the Renaissance was a period where Western Europe experienced equilibrium in the price of commodities and labor. It also was a period where there was a high concentration of wealth in the hands of a few (The Bubonic Plague had wiped out nearly a third of the population a century before).[3] Additionally, Europe experienced technological advancement in the mining industry, the stream of currency through debasement from royals, and the emergence of Protestantism.[3] Everything from the market economy to colonization was going Western Europe’s way.
The shortage of precious metals during the late 15th and early 16th centuries eased in the second half of the 16th century. The Spanish mined American gold and silver at minimal cost and flooded the European market with an abundance of specie. This influx caused a relative decrease in the value of these metals in comparison with agricultural and craft products.[4] Furthermore, depopulation – specifically in southern Spain – resulted in a high rate of inflation.[4] The failure of the Spanish to control the influx of gold and the price fluctuations of gold and silver from the American mines, combined with war expenditures, led to three bankruptcies of the Spanish monarchy by the end of the 16th century.[4] During the 16th century prices increased consistently throughout Western Europe, and by the end of the century prices reached levels three to four times higher than at the beginning of the century. The annual inflation rate ranged from 1% to 1.5%.[5] Since the monetary system of the 16th century was based on specie (mostly silver) this inflation rate was significant. The specie-centered monetary organization had its own price-level stabilization property: rising commodity prices led to a fall in the purchasing power of the monetary metals, and therefore less incentive to mine them and more incentive to use them for non-monetary purposes.[5] This stabilizing adjustment of the money supply led to long-run stability of price levels regardless of permanent shifts in money demand over time. Therefore, the long-run inflation can only be explained either by the devaluation of coins or by shifts in the supply of the specie.[5] An increase in the productivity of mining led to a fall in the price of metals relative to rising prices for other commodities. This process is only remedied if the purchasing power of the metal is equal to its production costs.[5]
Causes[edit]
Influx of gold and silver[edit]
From an economic viewpoint the discovery of new silver and gold deposits as well as the productivity increase in the silver mining industry perpetuated the price revolution. When precious metals entered Spain, this influx drove up the Spanish price level and caused a balance of payments deficit. This deficit occurred on account of Spanish demand for foreign products exceeding exports to foreign markets.[6] The deficit was financed by the metals that entered these foreign countries and in turn increased their money supply and drove up their price levels.[6] The increased importation of specie to Spain started in Central Europe around the beginning of the sixteenth century. According to Michael North (1994) central European silver output doubled between 1470 and 1520, and increased even more in the 1520s with the new mine of Joachimsthal.[7] Also during this time Spanish and Portuguese brought a large amount of gold from the New World to Europe. Starting in the 1540s a growing amount of silver was shipped to Europe from mines in Mexico and the Potosi mountain in Peru.[7] The production of the Potosi mine increased greatly in the 1560s after mercury deposits had been discovered in the Andes, as mercury was necessary to process the silver.[7] Based on the records of Earl J Hamilton (1934) the total imports of specie from the Americas during the 16th century amounted to around 210 million pesos, with 160 million of these pesos being imported in the second half of the century.[8] The total amount of silver imported added up to about 3915 metric tons of silver.[8] However these numbers underestimate the total amount imported to Spain because Hamilton only counted imports recorded by the official Casa de Contraction in Seville, not including the specie shipped directly to Cadiz by the Dutch and English East India companies.[9] The influx of these precious metals and the resulting money supply shocks help explain the price increase in Spain during the sixteenth century.[citation needed]
European silver production[edit]
Some accounts emphasize the role of the increase in silver production within Europe itself, which took place at the end of the 15th and beginning of the 16th centuries.[citation needed]
The Réponse de J. Bodin aux paradoxes de M. de Malestroit[edit]
The “alleged” first scholar to make a quantity-theory link between the influx of American “treasure” and the Price Revolution was the renowned French philosopher Jean Bodin in his 1568 response to a 1566 treatise by the Royal Councilor Jean Cherruyt de Malestroit.[10] Malestroit argued that lower quality coins were the chief culprit of price influx—similar to the periodic inflations of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Bodin responded by dismissing this argument contending that the growing influx of silver from the Spanish Americas was the primary cause of price inflation.[10] Championed for his “quantity theory of money,” Bodin was able to “demonstrate” that the inflation of prices in France was due far more to Spanish-American influx than to any change in coin debasement.[11]
In Chapter 13 of Earl Hamilton’s (a contemporary price revolution theorist), American Treasure and the Price Revolution in Spain, Hamilton writes that after meticulous research into Spanish treatises, letters, and other relevant documents of the day, he found that no Spanish writer of the sixteenth century had voiced opinions similar to Bodin’s views. Unfortunately, this was not true. Less well known is an even earlier Spanish publication in a treatise from 1556 by the cleric Azpilcueta Navarra, of the Salamanca School, which made virtually the same claim about the role of Spanish-American silver in the rise of prices.[12] Azpilcueta Navarra, Jean Cherruyt de Malestroit, Jean Bodin, and early debate about the history of the price revolution in many was the reason historians, philosopher, and economist tried to formulate their own explanations to the price revolution.
Malestroit Debasement Theory & Copper “Vellon” Coinage[edit]
Despite, the claims of Jean Bodin, Malestroit did put forth several valid claims about the price revolution that continues to hold value today, particularly his argument explaining the different price indexes of the day and the explanation to why the Spanish prices rose the least and the Brabantine the most. Spain, unlike almost all other European countries of this era, underwent no debasements of the gold and silver coinages during most of the period, but in 1599 when the new Spanish king Philip III (1598-1621) introduced the purely copper “vellon” coinage that all changed.[3] Following Henry VIII of England and his infamous “Great Debasement” program that began 1526, the Spanish King Philip III tried to cement his Spanish legacy through changes in “coinage” strategy. Previously, Spanish Kings (at least from 1471) issued a largely copper fractional coinage called blancas, with a nominal money-of-account value of 0.5 maraved, but with a very small amount of silver to convince the public that it was indeed precious-metal "money".[10] The blanca issued in 1471 had a silver fineness of 10 grains or 3.47% (weighing 1.107g).[3] In 1497, that fineness was reduced to 7 grains (2.43% fine); in 1552, to 5.5 grains (1.909% fine); in 1566, to 4 grains (1.39% fine). By the start of the seventeenth century, inflation took hold of Spain as the gap between nominal and silver-based prices dramatically shifted. The purely copper coinage had done its damage to Spain. The differences between the silver-based and vellon-based price indexes in Spain showed that the purely copper coinage other European countries used made up a much smaller proportion of the total coined money supply (something the Spanish Kings had overlooked and Malestroit was able to pinpoint).[3]
Black Death[edit]
Demographic factors also contributed to upward pressure on prices with the resurgence of European population growth after the century of depopulation following the Black Death.[8][13] The price of food rose during the years of the plague, and then began to fall as the population of nations decreased.[8][14] At the same time prices of manufactured goods rose because of a displacement of supply.[8][15] As the nations began to recover and repopulate after the Black Death, the increase in population placed greater demands on agriculture. Later on, increased population placed greater demands on an agricultural area that had contracted significantly after the 1340s, or had been converted from arable to less intensive livestock production.[citation needed]
However, population growth and recovery in countries such as England are not consistent with inflation during the early stages of the price revolution. In 1520 at the beginning of the price revolution England’s population was roughly 2.5 million people.[8] This is about half of the English population of 5 million in 1300.[8] Critics of the population argument raise the question that if England at the beginning stages of the price revolution was very unpopulated, how could any renewed growth from such a low level immediately spark inflation? It can be argued that population growth led to a price increase in the agrarian sector because of an increase demand for food. “Marginal lands” that were not very fertile and far away from markets were unable to adopt the technological developments to offset the lower returns of farming.[8] In turn this led to a higher marginal cost to farming and resulted in a price increase for grains and other agricultural goods that surpassed the price increase for non-agrarian commodities during the sixteenth and beginning of the seventeenth century.[8] The resurgence of population after the plague is linked with the “demand-pull” explanation of the price revolution. This “demand-pull” theory states that an increase in the demand for money and the growth of economic activity produced the rise in prices and a pressure to increase the supply of money.[16]
Urbanization[edit]
Some accounts emphasize the role of urbanization.[citation needed] Urbanization contributed to increased trade between Europe's regions, which made prices more responsive to distant changes in demand, and provided a network for the flow of silver from Spain through western and central Europe.[6] Urbanization is often connected with the increased velocity of money theory because the frequency of transactions increases as urban centres grow relative to rural areas. This may also imply the argos theory of economics. For example, in England, many lands held as common lands were enclosed so that only the landlord could graze his animals. This forced his former tenants either to pay an increased rent, or to leave their own farms. An increase in the number of people unable to afford their farms led to migration into the cities in search of employment. This in turn led to an increase in the velocity of monetary transactions, but was frustrated by the high demand and inelastic supply of food.[6]
Population & Agricultural Growth[edit]
If the influx of Spanish silver was not the initial cause of the European Price Revolution then the best explanation for the Price Revolution is population growth. This theory developed under Earl Hamilton argues that prices were not driven by specie (which, at most, sets a floor to prices) but by the actions of monopolists (or governments) whose positions in this period were enhanced by the steady population growth in Western Europe (The resurgence of population after the plague is linked to the “demand-pull” explanation of the price revolution. This “demand-pull” theory states that an increase in the demand for money and the growth of economic activity produced the rise in prices and a pressure to increase the supply of money.[17]
The significant increase of European population in the period 1460-1620 meant that there were now more people to be fed, clothed, and housed raising the demand for goods of all kinds. Agricultural products then became crucial to the European market. Producers were unable to respond to the rising demand as new and less fertile land were cultivated. Essentially, marginal costs were increasing and per capita yields were shrinking, while demand continued to rise. The price of agricultural commodities, especially grain, rose sooner and faster than those of other goods, and the inflation of agricultural prices eventually caused a general increase in price level in all industries. Until the middle of the 17th century, the number of mouths to feed outran the capacity of agriculture to supply basic foodstuffs, causing the vast majority of people to live in a constant state of hunger.[18] Until food production could catch up with the increasing population, prices, especially those of the staple food, bread, continued to rise.[18] Hamilton’s theory pointed to evidence of agricultural prices grow, slow nonagricultural price growth and poor timing (of the specie outflow to the East) as tangible evidence of the failure to fix prices and feed the growing populous. Hamilton also pointed to monopolistic and other non-competitive techniques as the typical pricing behavior for European products and factor markets of the period.
Effect of Price Revolution on Genoa[edit]
Unlike many other states of the period, Genoa gambled the majority of their economic interest on the Spanish monarchy—bankers invested their money in the crown and farmers of Spanish revenue, while Genoa’s merchants and nobles settled in Spain (Naples and Sicily) marrying local nobility and monopolizing majority of the trade. As long as New Spain was sending silver and gold to Seville, Genoa could flourish. Genoa became a large credit market as the capital of Italian cities was all drained towards Genoa.[19] A multitude of small investors, Genoese and others, obtained from the Crown long-term securities (juros de resguardo) as collateral for their loans; the contracts specified that these securities would be sold if the Crown did not repay the loans. In essence, the Genoese bankers had worked out an interest rate swap. Furthermore, the Crown sold silver spot in Spain to the Genoese in exchange for future delivery of gold in Antwerp, where the gold was used to pay Spanish troops fighting in the Low Countries.[19] Genoa benefited from the Price revolution as they enjoyed the advantage of “increasing returns to scale in international financial services”. Genoa during the price revolution was a snapshot of global finance at its best.[19] Unfortunately, The decline of Spain in the 17th century brought also the decline of Genoa (due to the Spanish crown's frequent bankruptcies), in particular, Genoa's merchant houses. Later in 1684, Genoa was bombed by a French fleet as punishment for its alliance with Spain and Genoese banker Ambrogio Spinola role in the Eighty Years' War in the Netherlands.
Consequences of Spanish Price Revolution on Spanish Society[edit]
Landowners[edit]
Conditions in 16th century Europe support the view that the separation of constantly rising prices and fixed rents destroyed landowners. But this did not apply to Spain, where rent was not fixed and the power of landowners allowed them to raise rent and replace their tenants based on the tenants’ ability to meet payments.[20]
On the other hand, the price revolution brought impoverishment to those who lived on fixed income and small rents, as their earning could not keep pace with Spanish prices. Small landowners of the hidalgo class, the lower clergy, government officials and many others all found their standard of living reduced as the price of commodities rose beyond their means. The situation of the peasants is less clear, for it is difficult to reconcile agricultural prosperity and the great rural emigration to the towns, which in turn makes it difficult to explain the alleged extension of cultivation in Spain. But one thing is certain—wages lagged behind prices.
Sellers & Traders[edit]
But landowners and the rich were not the only ones gaining from the price revolution. Anyone with something to sell or trade could reap the benefits of inflation, particularly manufacturers and merchants. However in the second half of the century, when the conditions of the Price Revolution got worse and relentless inflation began to make Spanish enterprise less competitive in the international and colonial market, not all merchants and manufactures found life enjoyable. Only the more powerful merchants were able to survive foreign competition and in doing so prospered boundlessly. Enormous fortunes were made in the Indies trade (whose expansion was related directly to the rise of prices) and this encouraged more investment and profitable returns. Profitable returns were distributed beyond the merchant houses of Seville to entrepreneurs in other parts of Spain, as the American market took the oil and wine of Andalucía, the wool of Castile, the metallurgical products and ships of the Basque country.[20] To at least the end of the 16th century there was still money to be made in Spain for selected merchants and manufactures.
The Crown[edit]
The Crown, like its ally, the aristocracy, was less crippled by the price revolution than the majority of its subjects. Certainly the cost of administration, and of paying, feeding, and equipping its armed forces, rose for the Crown just as the cost of goods did for the private consumer; unlike other countries, Spain was willing to spend at a higher level to maintain their status as a world power.[20] However, the aristocracy in contrast lost less of its savings than the Crown. The aristocracy could raise rents to increase revenue and not face the full consequences of the Price Revolution. The aristocracy allowed prices to remain high, while inflation alleviated the burden of loans, which became a substantial part of their income.[20]
Decline of inflation[edit]
The inflation of c. 1520–1640 eventually petered out with the end of the initial rush of New World bullion, though prices remained around or slightly below the levels of the first half of the 17th century until the onset of new inflationary pressures in the latter decades of the 18th century.[citation needed]
See also[edit]
Commodity money
Early modern period
Economic history of Europe
Economic history of the world
Eden Agreement
European colonization of the Americas
Price system
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Levack, Muir, Veldman, Maas, Brian (2007). The West: Encounters and Transformations, Atlas Edition, Volume 2 (since 1550) (2nd Edition). England: Longman. p. 96. ISBN 9780205556984. CS1 maint: Multiple names: authors list (link)
Jump up ^ Fischer, David Hackett (1996). The Great Wave: Price Revolutions and the Rhythm of History. New York: Oxford University Press.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e Munro, John (2008). "Money, Prices, Wages, and ‘Profit Inflation’ in Spain, the Southern Netherlands, and England during the Price Revolution era: ca. 1520 - ca. 1650". História e Economia Revista Interdisciplina. University of Toronto: 12–71.
^ Jump up to: a b c Evan, Tomáš (2014). European Economic History: The World before the Rise of the Global Economy.
^ Jump up to: a b c d Kugler, Peter; Bernholz, Peter (2007). The price revolution in the 16th century: empirical results from a structural vectorautoregression model. Basel: WWZ,.
^ Jump up to: a b c d Fisher, Douglas (1989). The Price Revolution: A Monetary Interpretation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
^ Jump up to: a b c North, Michael. The Money and its History from the Middle Ages to the Present. Munich: Beck, 1994.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h i Hamilton, Earl J. (1934). American treasure and the price revolution in Spain, 1501–1650. New York: Octagon Books.
Jump up ^ Kindleberger, Charles Poor. Economic and financial crises and transformations in sixteenth-century Europe. Princeton, N.J.: International Finance Section, Department of Economics, Princeton University, 1998.
^ Jump up to: a b c Hamilton, Earl J. (1965). American Treasure and the Price Revolution in Spain, 1501-1650. New York: Octagon.
Jump up ^ Greaves, Percy L.; Mises, Ludwig (1974). Mises Made Easier: A Glossary for Ludwig Von Mises' Human Action. Dobbs Ferry, N.Y.: Free Market.
Jump up ^ Hutchinson, Marjorie (1952). The School of Salamanca; Readings in Spanish Monetary Theory, 1544-1605. Oxford: Clarendon.
Jump up ^ http://www.usu.edu/markdamen/1320Hist&Civ/PP/slides/06blackdeath.pdf
Jump up ^ http://courses.wcupa.edu/jones/his101/web/32death.htm
Jump up ^ Ziegler, Philip. (2009). The Black Death. ISBN 006171898X. Google Book Search. Retrieved on May 11, 2014.
Jump up ^ Clough, Shepard B., and Richard T. Rapp. European economic history; the economic development of Western civilization. 3d ed. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1975.
Jump up ^ Clough, Shepard B. (1968). European Economic History; the Economic Development of Western Civilization (3rd ed.). New York: McGraw-Hill.
^ Jump up to: a b Wernham, R. B. (1968). The Counter-Reformation and Price Revolution, 1559-1610. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
^ Jump up to: a b c Fratianni, Michele; Franco, Spinelli (2006). Did Genoa and Venice Kick a Financial Revolution in the Quattrocento?. Vienna: Oesterreichische Nationalbank.
^ Jump up to: a b c d Lynch, John. "Spain During the Price Revolution" (PDF).
Further reading[edit]
Kugler, Peter, and Peter Bernholz. The Price Revolution in Europe: Empirical Results from a Structural Vectorautoregression Model, University of Basel, WWZ, 2007. PDF
Munro, John. The Monetary Origins of the 'Price Revolution': South Germany Silver Mining, Merchant Banking, and Venetian Commerce, 1470–1540, Toronto, 1999. PDF
Alexis Marincic la découverte de l'inflation et L'inflation: une calamité ou une aubaine?
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text:
Parable of the Good Samaritan
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This stained glass window illustrating the parable shows the priest and the Levite in the background (Church of St. Eutrope, Clermont-Ferrand).
The parable of the Good Samaritan is a parable told by Jesus in the Gospel of Luke[1] It is about a traveler who is stripped of clothing, beaten, and left half dead alongside the road. First a priest and then a Levite comes by, but both avoid the man. Finally, a Samaritan happens upon the traveler. Samaritans and Jews generally despised each other, but the Samaritan helps the injured man. Jesus is described as telling the parable in response to the question from a lawyer, "And who is my neighbor?" who Leviticus Lev 19:18 says should be loved. In response, Jesus tells the parable, the conclusion of which is that the neighbour figure in the parable is the man who shows mercy to the injured man—that is, the Samaritan.[2]
Some Christians, such as Augustine, have interpreted the parable allegorically, with the Samaritan representing Jesus Christ, who saves the sinful soul.[3] Others, however, discount this allegory as unrelated to the parable's original meaning[3] and see the parable as exemplifying the ethics of Jesus.[4]
The parable has inspired painting, sculpture, satire, poetry, and film. The phrase "good Samaritan", meaning someone who helps a stranger, derives from this parable, and many hospitals and charitable organizations are named after the Good Samaritan.
Contents
[hide]
1 Narrative
2 Historical context
2.1 Road from Jerusalem to Jericho
2.2 Samaritans and Jesus
2.3 Priests and Levites
3 Interpretation of Life
3.1 Allegorical reading
3.2 Ethical reading
3.3 Other interpretations
3.3.1 Modern Jewish view
4 Authenticity
5 As a metaphor and name
6 Art and popular culture
7 See also
8 References
9 External links
Narrative[edit]
In the Gospel of Luke, the parable is introduced by a question, known as the Great Commandment:
Behold, a lawyer came to Jesus and asked of him, "What must I do to inherit eternal life?"
He said to him, "What is written in the law? How do you read it?"
He answered, "You shall love the Lord your God with all your heart, with all your soul, with all your strength, with all your mind, [Deuteronomy 6:5]; and your neighbour as yourself [Leviticus 19:18]."
He said to him, "You have answered correctly. Do this, and you will live."
But he, desiring to justify himself, asked Jesus, "Who is my neighbour?"|Luke 10:25–29, World English Bible}}
Jesus replies with a story:
Jesus answered, "A certain man was going down from Jerusalem to Jericho, and he fell among robbers, who both stripped him and beat him, and departed, leaving him half dead. By chance a certain priest was going down that way. When he saw him, he passed by on the other side. In the same way a Levite also, when he came to the place, and saw him, passed by on the other side. But a certain Samaritan, as he travelled, came where he was. When he saw him, he was moved with compassion, came to him, and bound up his wounds, pouring on oil and wine. He set him on his own animal, and brought him to an inn, and took care of him. On the next day, when he departed, he took out two denarii, and gave them to the host, and said to him, 'Take care of him. Whatever you spend beyond that, I will repay you when I return.' Now which of these three do you think seemed to be a neighbour to him who fell among the robbers?"
He said, "He who showed mercy on him."
Then Jesus said to him, "Go and do likewise."
—  Luke 10:30–37, World English Bible
Historical context[edit]
The road from Jerusalem to Jericho.
Road from Jerusalem to Jericho[edit]
In the time of Jesus, the road from Jerusalem to Jericho was notorious for its danger and difficulty, and was known as the "Way of Blood" because "of the blood which is often shed there by robbers".[5] Martin Luther King, Jr., in his "I've Been to the Mountaintop" speech, on the day before his death, described the road as follows:
As soon as we got on that road I said to my wife, "I can see why Jesus used this as the setting for his parable." It's a winding, meandering road ... In the days of Jesus it came to be known as the "Bloody Pass." And you know, it's possible that the priest and the Levite looked over that man on the ground and wondered if the robbers were still around. Or it's possible that they felt that the man on the ground was merely faking, and he was acting like he had been robbed and hurt in order to seize them over there, lure them there for quick and easy seizure. And so the first question that the priest asked, the first question that the Levite asked was, "If I stop to help this man, what will happen to me?"[6]
A map of Israel in the time of Jesus. Jericho is just north of the Dead Sea, with Jerusalem to the west.
Samaritans and Jesus[edit]
Jesus' target audience, the Jews, hated Samaritans[7] to such a degree that they destroyed the Samaritans' temple on Mount Gerizim.[8] Due to this hatred, some think that the Lawyer's phrase "The one who had mercy on him" (Luke 10:37a) may indicate a reluctance to name the Samaritan.[9] Or, on another, more positive note, it may indicate that the lawyer has recognized that both his questions have been answered and now concludes by generally expressing that anyone behaving thus is a Lev 19:18 "neighbour" eligible to inherit eternal life.[10] The Samaritans in turn hated the Jews.[11] Tensions were particularly high in the early decades of the 1st century because Samaritans had desecrated the Jewish Temple at Passover with human bones.[12]
As the story reached those who were unaware of the oppression of the Samaritans, this aspect of the parable became less and less discernible: fewer and fewer people ever heard of them in any context other than as a description. Today, the story is often recast in a more modern setting where the people are ones in equivalent social groups known not to interact comfortably. Thus, cast appropriately, the parable regains its message to modern listeners: namely, that an individual of a social group they disapprove of can exhibit moral behavior that is superior to individuals of the groups they approve. Christians have used it as an example of Christianity's opposition to racial, ethnic, and sectarian prejudice.[13][14] For example, anti-slavery campaigner William Jay described clergy who ignored slavery as "following the example of the priest and Levite".[15] Martin Luther King, Jr., in his "I've Been to the Mountaintop" speech, described the Samaritan as "a man of another race".[6] Sundee Tucker Frazier saw the Samaritan more specifically as an example of a mixed-race person.[16] Klyne Snodgrass wrote: "On the basis of this parable we must deal with our own racism but must also seek justice for, and offer assistance to, those in need, regardless of the group to which they belong."[17]
Samaritans appear elsewhere in the Gospels and Book of Acts. In the Gospel of Luke, Jesus heals ten lepers and only the Samaritan among them thanks him (Luke 17:11–19),[12] although Luke 9:51–56 depicts Jesus receiving a hostile reception in Samaria.[7] Luke's favorable treatment of Samaritans is in line with Luke's favorable treatment of the weak and of outcasts, generally.[18] In John, Jesus has an extended dialogue with a Samaritan woman, and many Samaritans come to believe in him.[19] In Matthew, however, Jesus instructs his disciples not to preach in heathen or Samaritan cities (Matthew 10:5–8).[12] In the Gospels, generally, "though the Jews of Jesus' day had no time for the 'half-breed' people of Samaria",[20] Jesus "never spoke disparagingly about them"[20] and "held a benign view of Samaritans".[21]
Many see the model for the Samaritan's neighborly behavior in the parable to be 2Chronicles 28:8–15, in which Northern Israelite ancestors of Samaritans treat Judean enemies as fellow-Israelite neighbors.[22] After comparing the earlier account with the later parable presented to the expert in Israel's religious law, Evans concludes: "Given the number and significance of these parallels and points of correspondence it is hard to imagine how a first-century scholar of Scripture could hear the parable and not think of the story of the merciful Samaritans of 2 Chronicles 28."[23]
Priests and Levites[edit]
In Jewish culture, contact with a dead body was understood to be defiling.[12] Priests were particularly enjoined to avoid uncleanness.[12] The priest and Levite may therefore have assumed that the fallen traveler was dead and avoided him to keep themselves ritually clean.[12] On the other hand, the depiction of travel downhill (from Jerusalem to Jericho) may indicate that their temple duties had already been completed, making this explanation less likely,[24] although this is disputed.[7] Since the Mishnah made an exception for neglected corpses,[7] the priest and the Levite could have used the law to justify both touching a corpse and ignoring it.[7] In any case, passing by on the other side avoided checking "whether he was dead or alive".[25] Indeed, "it weighed more with them that he might be dead and defiling to the touch of those whose business was with holy things than that he might be alive and in need of care."[25]
Interpretation of Life[edit]
Allegorical reading[edit]
In this folio from the 6th-century Rossano Gospels, the cross-bearing halo around the Good Samaritan's head indicates an allegorical interpretation. The first scene includes an angel.
Origen described the allegory as follows:
The man who was going down is Adam. Jerusalem is paradise, and Jericho is the world. The robbers are hostile powers. The priest is the Law, the Levite is the prophets, and the Samaritan is Christ. The wounds are disobedience, the beast is the Lord’s body, the [inn], which accepts all who wish to enter, is the Church. … The manager of the [inn] is the head of the Church, to whom its care has been entrusted. And the fact that the Samaritan promises he will return represents the Savior’s second coming.[26]
John Welch further states:
This allegorical reading was taught not only by ancient followers of Jesus, but it was virtually universal throughout early Christianity, being advocated by Irenaeus, Clement, and Origen, and in the fourth and fifth centuries by Chrysostom in Constantinople, Ambrose in Milan, and Augustine in North Africa. This interpretation is found most completely in two other medieval stained-glass windows, in the French cathedrals at Bourges and Sens."[27]
The allegorical interpretation is also traditional in the Orthodox Church.[28] John Newton refers to the allegorical interpretation in his hymn "How Kind the Good Samaritan," which begins:
How kind the good Samaritan
To him who fell among the thieves!
Thus Jesus pities fallen man,
And heals the wounds the soul receives.[29]
Robert Funk also suggests that Jesus' Jewish listeners were to identify with the robbed and wounded man. In his view, the help received from a hated Samaritan is like the kingdom of God received as grace from an unexpected source.[30]
Ethical reading[edit]
The Parable of the Good Samaritan by Jan Wijnants (1670) shows the Good Samaritan tending the injured man.
John Calvin was not impressed by Origen's allegorical reading:
The allegory which is here contrived by the advocates of free will is too absurd to deserve refutation. According to them, under the figure of a wounded man is described the condition of Adam after the fall; from which they infer that the power of acting well was not wholly extinguished in him; because he is said to be only half-dead. As if it had been the design of Christ, in this passage, to speak of the corruption of human nature, and to inquire whether the wound which Satan inflicted on Adam were deadly or curable; nay, as if he had not plainly, and without a figure, declared in another passage, that all are dead, but those whom he quickens by his voice (John 5:25). As little plausibility belongs to another allegory, which, however, has been so highly satisfactory, that it has been admitted by almost universal consent, as if it had been a revelation from heaven. This Samaritan they imagine to be Christ, because he is our guardian; and they tell us that wine was poured, along with oil, into the wound, because Christ cures us by repentance and by a promise of grace. They have contrived a third subtlety, that Christ does not immediately restore health, but sends us to the Church, as an innkeeper, to be gradually cured. I acknowledge that I have no liking for any of these interpretations; but we ought to have a deeper reverence for Scripture than to reckon ourselves at liberty to disguise its natural meaning. And, indeed, any one may see that the curiosity of certain men has led them to contrive these speculations, contrary to the intention of Christ.[31]
Francis Schaeffer suggested: "Christians are not to love their believing brothers to the exclusion of their non-believing fellowmen. That is ugly. We are to have the example of the good Samaritan consciously in mind at all times."[32]
Other modern theologians have taken similar positions. For example, G. B. Caird wrote:
Dodd quotes as a cautionary example Augustine's allegorisation of the Good Samaritan, in which the man is Adam, Jerusalem the heavenly city, Jericho the moon – the symbol of immortality; the thieves are the devil and his angels, who strip the man of immortality by persuading him to sin and so leave him (spiritually) half dead; the priest and Levite represent the Old Testament, the Samaritan Christ, the beast his flesh which he assumed at the Incarnation; the inn is the church and the innkeeper the apostle Paul. Most modern readers would agree with Dodd that this farrago bears no relationship to the real meaning of the parable.[33]
The meaning of the parable for Calvin was, instead, that "compassion, which an enemy showed to a Jew, demonstrates that the guidance and teaching of nature are sufficient to show that man was created for the sake of man. Hence it is inferred that there is a mutual obligation between all men."[31] In other writings, Calvin pointed out that people are not born merely for themselves, but rather "mankind is knit together with a holy knot ... we must not live for ourselves, but for our neighbors."[34] Earlier, Cyril of Alexandria had written that "a crown of love is being twined for him who loves his neighbour."[35]
Joel B. Green writes that Jesus' final question (which, in something of a "twist,"[36] reverses the question originally asked):
... presupposes the identification of "anyone" as a neighbor, then presses the point that such an identification opens wide the door of loving action. By leaving aside the identity of the wounded man and by portraying the Samaritan traveler as one who performs the law (and so as one whose actions are consistent with an orientation to eternal life), Jesus has nullified the worldview that gives rise to such questions as, Who is my neighbor? The purity-holiness matrix has been capsized. And, not surprisingly in the Third Gospel, neighborly love has been concretized in care for one who is, in this parable, self-evidently a social outcast[37]
Such a reading of the parable makes it important in liberation theology,[38] where it provides a concrete anchoring for love[39] and indicates an "all embracing reach of solidarity."[40] In Indian Dalit theology, it is seen as providing a "life-giving message to the marginalized Dalits and a challenging message to the non-Dalits."[41]
Martin Luther King, Jr. often spoke of this parable, contrasting the rapacious philosophy of the robbers, and the self-preserving non-involvement of the priest and Levite, with the Samaritan's coming to the aid of the man in need.[42] King also extended the call for neighbourly assistance to society at large:
On the one hand we are called to play the good Samaritan on life's roadside; but that will be only an initial act. One day we must come to see that the whole Jericho road must be transformed so that men and women will not be constantly beaten and robbed as they make their journey on life's highway. True compassion is more than flinging a coin to a beggar; it is not haphazard and superficial. It comes to see that an edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring.[43]
Other interpretations[edit]
In addition to these classical interpretations many scholars have drawn additional themes from the story. Some have suggested that religious tolerance was an important message of the parable. By selecting for the moral protagonist of the story someone whose religion (Samaritanism) was despised by the Jewish audience to which Jesus was speaking, some argue that the parable attempts to downplay religious differences in favor of focusing on moral character and good works.[44]
Others have suggested that Jesus was attempting to convey an anti-establishment message, not necessarily in the sense of rejecting authority figures in general, but in the sense of rejecting religious hypocrisy. By contrasting the noble acts of a despised religion to the crass and selfish acts of a priest and a Levite, two representatives of the Jewish religious establishment, some argue that the parable attempts to downplay the importance of status in the religious hierarchy (or importance of knowledge of scripture) in favor of the practice of religious principles.[45]
Modern Jewish view[edit]
The following is based on the public domain article Brotherly Love found in the 1906 Jewish Encyclopedia
Further information: Jewish views on love and Chesed
The story of the good Samaritan, in the Pauline Gospel of Luke x. 25-37, related to illustrate the meaning of the word "neighbor," possesses a feature which puzzles the student of rabbinical lore. The kind Samaritan who comes to the rescue of the men that had fallen among the robbers, is contrasted with the unkind priest and Levite; whereas the third class of Jews—i.e., the ordinary Israelites who, as a rule, follow the Cohen and the Levite are omitted; and therefore suspicion is aroused regarding the original form of the story. If "Samaritan" has been substituted by the anti-Judean gospel-writer for the original "Israelite," no reflection was intended by Jesus upon Jewish teaching concerning the meaning of neighbor; and the lesson implied is that he who is in need must be the object of our love.
The term "neighbor" has not at all times been thus understood by Jewish teachers.[46] In Tanna debe Eliyahu R. xv. it is said: "Blessed be the Lord who is impartial toward all. He says: 'Thou shalt not defraud thy neighbor. Thy neighbor is like thy brother, and thy brother is like thy neighbor.'" Likewise in xxviii.: "Thou shalt love the Lord thy God"; that is, thou shalt make the name of God beloved to the creatures by a righteous conduct toward Gentiles as well as Jews (compare Sifre, Deut. 32). Aaron b. Abraham ibn Ḥayyim of the sixteenth century, in his commentary to Sifre, l.c.; Ḥayyim Vital, the cabalist, in his "Sha'are Ḳedushah," i. 5; and Moses Ḥagis of the eighteenth century, in his work on the 613 commandments, while commenting on Deut. xxiii. 7, teach alike that the law of love of the neighbor includes the non-Israelite as well as the Israelite. There is nowhere a dissenting opinion expressed by Jewish writers. For modern times, see among others the conservative opinion of Plessner's religious catechism, "Dat Mosheh we-Yehudit," p. 258.
Accordingly, the synod at Leipzig in 1869, and the German-Israelitish Union of Congregations in 1885, stood on old historical ground when declaring (Lazarus, "Ethics of Judaism," i. 234, 302) that "'Love thy neighbor as thyself' is a command of all-embracing love, and is a fundamental principle of the Jewish religion"; and Stade, when charging with imposture the rabbis who made this declaration, is entirely in error (see his "Geschichte des Volkes Israel," l.c.).
Authenticity[edit]
The Good Samaritan by Aimé Morot (1880) shows the Good Samaritan taking the injured man to the inn.
The Jesus Seminar voted this parable to be authentic,[47][48] with 60% of fellows rating it "red" (authentic) and a further 29% rating it "pink" (probably authentic).[48] The paradox of a disliked outsider such as a Samaritan helping a Jew is typical of Jesus' provocative parables,[47][7] and is a deliberate feature of this parable.[49] In the Greek text, the shock value of the Samaritan's appearance is enhanced by the emphatic Σαμαρίτης (Samaritēs) at the beginning of the sentence in verse 33.[7]
Bernard Brandon Scott, a member of the Jesus Seminar,[50] questions the authenticity of the parable's context, suggesting that "the parable originally circulated separately from the question about neighborliness"[51] and that the "existence of the lawyer's question in Mark 12:28–34 and Matthew 22:34–40, in addition to the evidence of heavy Lukan editing"[51] indicates the parable and its context were "very probably joined editorially by Luke."[51] A number of other commentators share this opinion,[52] with the consensus of the Jesus Seminar being that verses Luke 10:36–37 were added by Luke to "connect with the lawyer's question."[48] On the other hand, the "keen rabbinic interest in the question of the greatest commandment"[52] may make this argument invalid, in that Luke may be describing a different occurrence of the question being asked.[52] Differences between the gospels suggest that Luke is referring to a different episode from Mark and Matthew,[53] and Klyne Snodgrass writes that "While one cannot exclude that Luke has joined two originally separate narratives, evidence for this is not convincing."[53] The Oxford Bible Commentary notes:
That Jesus was only tested once in this way is not a necessary assumption. The twist between the lawyer's question and Jesus' answer is entirely in keeping with Jesus' radical stance: he was making the lawyer rethink his presuppositions.[36]
The unexpected appearance of the Samaritan led Joseph Halévy to suggest that the parable originally involved "a priest, a Levite, and an Israelite",[49] in line with contemporary Jewish stories, and that Luke changed the parable to be more familiar to a gentile audience."[49] Halévy further suggests that, in real life, it was unlikely that a Samaritan would actually have been found on the road between Jericho and Jerusalem,[49] although others claim that there was "nothing strange about a Samaritan travelling in Jewish territory".[9] William C. Placher points out that such debate misinterprets the biblical genre of a parable, which illustrates a moral rather than a historical point: on reading the story, "we are not inclined to check the story against the police blotter for the Jerusalem-Jericho highway patrol. We recognize that Jesus is telling a story to illustrate a moral point, and that such stories often don't claim to correspond to actual events."[54] The traditionally understood ethical moral of the story would not hold if the parable originally followed the priest-Levite-Israelite sequence of contemporary Jewish stories, as Halévy suggested, for then it would deal strictly with intra-Israelite relations just as did the Lev 19:18 command under discussion.
As a metaphor and name[edit]
The injunction to "go and do likewise" has led to the "Good Samaritan" name being applied to many hospitals, such as the Legacy Good Samaritan Medical Center in Portland, Oregon.
The term "good Samaritan" is used as a common metaphor: "The word now applies to any charitable person, especially one who, like the man in the parable, rescues or helps out a needy stranger."[55]
The name has consequently been used for a number of charitable organisations, including Samaritans, Samaritan's Purse, Sisters of the Good Samaritan, and The Samaritan Befrienders Hong Kong. The name Good Samaritan Hospital is used for a number of hospitals around the world. Good Samaritan laws encourage those who choose to serve and tend to others who are injured or ill.[56]
Art and popular culture[edit]
The Good Samaritan by Rembrandt (1630) shows the Good Samaritan making arrangements with the innkeeper. A later (1633) print by Rembrandt has a reversed and somewhat expanded version of the scene.[57]
This parable was one of the most popular in medieval art.[58] The allegorical interpretation was often illustrated, with Christ as the Good Samaritan. Accompanying angels were sometimes also shown.[59] In some Orthodox icons of the parable, the identification of the Good Samaritan as Christ is made explicit with a halo bearing a cross.[60]
The numerous later artistic depictions of the parable include those of Rembrandt, Jan Wijnants, Vincent van Gogh, Aimé Morot, Domenico Fetti, Johann Carl Loth, George Frederic Watts, and Giacomo Conti.
In his essay Lost in Non-Translation, biochemist and author Isaac Asimov asserts (despite portrayals of many good Samaritans in Luke 17:11-19; Acts 8:5-7; 15:3, as well as John 4:4-42, etc.) that at the time when the parable was included in the gospel, there were no good Samaritans; in his view, this was half the point of the parable. As Asimov put it, we need to think of the story occurring in Alabama in 1950, with a mayor and a preacher ignoring a man who has been beaten and robbed, with the role of the Samaritan being played by a poor black sharecropper.
The story's theme is portrayed throughout Marvel's Daredevil.[61]
The parable of the Good Samaritan is the theme for the Austrian Christian Charity commemorative coin, minted 12 March 2003. This coin shows the Good Samaritan with the wounded man, on his horse, as he takes him to an inn for medical attention. An older coin with this theme is the American "Good Samaritan Shilling" of 1652.[62]
Australian poet Henry Lawson wrote a poem on the parable ("The Good Samaritan"), of which the third stanza reads:
Christian Charity coin.
"He's been a fool, perhaps, and would
Have prospered had he tried,
But he was one who never could
Pass by the other side.
An honest man whom men called soft,
While laughing in their sleeves —
No doubt in business ways he oft
Had fallen amongst thieves."[63]
John Gardiner Calkins Brainard[64] also wrote a poem on the theme.
Dramatic film adaptations of the Parable of the Good Samaritan include Samaritan,[65] part of the widely acclaimed[66] Modern Parables DVD Bible study series. Samaritan, which sets the parable in modern times, stars Antonio Albadran in the role of the Good Samaritan.[67]
The English composer, Benjamin Britten, was commissioned to write a piece to mark the centenary of the Red Cross. His resulting work for solo voices, choir, and orchestra, Cantata Misericordium, sets a Latin text by Patrick Wilkinson that tells the parable of the Good Samaritan. It was first performed in Geneva in 1963.[68]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to The Good Samaritan.
See also[edit]
Brotherly Love
Bystander effect
Christian ethics
Christian–Jewish reconciliation
Golden Rule
Digital samaritans
Matthew 5
Great Commandment
Life of Jesus in the New Testament
Ministry of Jesus
Samaritans
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Luke 10:25–37.
Jump up ^ Gill, John (1980). An Exposition of the Old Testament. Baker Books. ISBN 0801037565.
^ Jump up to: a b Caird, G. B. (1980). The Language and Imagery of the Bible. Duckworth. p. 165.
Jump up ^ Sanders, E. P. The historical figure of Jesus. Penguin, 1993. p. 6.
Jump up ^ Wilkinson, "The Way from Jerusalem to Jericho" The Biblical Archaeologist, Vol. 38, No. 1 (Mar., 1975), pp. 10–24
^ Jump up to: a b Martin Luther King, Jr: "I've Been to the Mountaintop", delivered 3 April 1968, Memphis, Tennessee at Stanford University [notes on exact altitudes added, interjections removed].
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g Greg W. Forbes, The God of Old: The role of the Lukan parables in the purpose of Luke's Gospel, Continuum, 2000, ISBN 1-84127-131-4, pp. 63–64.
Jump up ^ An event which the first-century historian Josephus records (J.W. 13.9.1 §256).
^ Jump up to: a b I. Howard Marshall, The Gospel of Luke: A commentary on the Greek text, Eerdmans, 1978, ISBN 0-8028-3512-0, p. 449-450.
Jump up ^ See, e.g., Lane's argument that the lawyer positively alludes to Exod 34:6, with the word in 10:37a usually translated "mercy" (ἔλεος) actually referencing Septuagintal translation of the Hebrew word חסד, "covenantal loyalty," in Nathan Lane, “An Echo of Mercy: A Rereading of the Parable of the Good Samaritan,” in Early Christian Literature and Intertextuality. Volume 2: Exegetical Studies (ed. C. A. Evans and H. D. Zacharias; Library of New Testament Studies 392; London: T&T Clark, 2009), 74-84.
Jump up ^ Christianity by Sue Penney 1995 ISBN 0-435-30466-6 page 28
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f Vermes, Geza. The authentic gospel of Jesus. London, Penguin Books. 2004. p. 152-154.
Jump up ^ Karl Barth's theological exegesis by Richard E. Burnett 2004 ISBN 0-8028-0999-5 pages 213–215
Jump up ^ Prejudice and the People of God: How Revelation and Redemption Lead to Reconciliation by A. Charles Ware 2001 ISBN 0-8254-3946-9 page 16
Jump up ^ William Jay, Miscellaneous Writings on Slavery, John P. Jewett & Company, 1853.
Jump up ^ Sundee Tucker Frazier, Check all that apply: finding wholeness as a multiracial person, InterVarsity Press, 2002, ISBN 0-8308-2247-X, p. 6.
Jump up ^ Klyne Snodgrass, Stories with Intent: A comprehensive guide to the parables of Jesus, Eerdmans, 2008, ISBN 0-8028-4241-0, p. 361.
Jump up ^ Theissen, Gerd and Annette Merz. The historical Jesus: a comprehensive guide. Fortress Press. 1998. translated from German (1996 edition). Chapter 2. Christian sources about Jesus.
Jump up ^ Funk, Robert W., Roy W. Hoover, and the Jesus Seminar. The five gospels. HarperSanFrancisco. 1993. "The Gospel of John," p 401-470.
^ Jump up to: a b Stanley A. Ellisen, Parables in the Eye of the Storm: Christ's Response in the Face of Conflict, Kregel Publications, 2001, ISBN 0-8254-2527-1, p. 142.
Jump up ^ John P. Meier, “The Historical Jesus and the Historical Samaritans: What can be Said?”, Biblica 81(2), 2000, pp. 202–232 (quote from p. 231).
Jump up ^ See, e.g., Frank H. Wilkinson, "Oded: Proto-Type of the Good Samaritan," The Expository Times 69 (1957): 94; F. Scott Spencer, "2 Chronicles 28:5–15 and the Parable of the Good Samaritan," Westminster Theological Journal 46 (1984): 317–49; Geza Vermes, The Authentic Gospel of Jesus (London: Penguin, 2004), 152; Isaac Kalimi, "Robbers on the Road to Jericho: Luke's Story of the Good Samaritan and Its Origin in Kings / Chronicles," Ephemerides theologicae lovanienses 85 (2009): 47–53; Craig A. Evans, "Luke’s Good Samaritan and the Chronicler's Good Samaritans," in Biblical Interpretation in Early Christian Gospels. Volume 3: The Gospel of Luke (ed. Thomas R. Hatina; Library of New Testament Studies 376 / Studies in Scripture in Early Judaism and Christianity 16; London and New York: T&T Clark, 2010), 32–42; Michael Fresta, "'Hüter des Bundes' und 'Diener des Herrn' – Samaritaner und Samaritanerinnen im Neuen Testament: Historische und neutestamentlich-exegetische Untersuchungen" (Ph.D. diss., University of Paderborn, 2011), 150–52, 253; Amy-Jill Levine, "The Many Faces of the Good Samaritan—Most Wrong," Christian Ethics Today 85:1 (Winter 2012): 20–21 (see earlier version at http://www.biblicalarchaeology.org/daily/archaeology-today/archaeologists-biblical-scholars-works/understanding-the-good-samaritan-parable/; accessed 1 Oct 2016); Eben Scheffler, "The Assaulted (Man) on the Jerusalem - Jericho Road : Luke's Creative Interpretation of 2 Chronicles 28:15," Hervormde teologiese studies 69 (2013): 1–8; online: http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_abstract&pid=S0259-94222013000100121&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en (accessed 1 Oct 2016).
Jump up ^ Evans, "Luke’s Good Samaritan and the Chronicler's Good Samaritans," 39.
Jump up ^ Joel B. Green, The Gospel of Luke, Eerdmans, 1997, ISBN 0-8028-2315-7, p. 430.
^ Jump up to: a b George Bradford Caird, The Gospel of St. Luke, Black, 1968, p. 148.
Jump up ^ Origen, Homily 34.3, Joseph T. Lienhard, trans., Origen: Homilies on Mark, Fragments on Mark (1996), 138.
Jump up ^ John W. Welch, "The Good Samaritan: Forgotten Symbols", Liahona, February 2007, pp. 26–33.
Jump up ^ Christoph Cardinal Schonborn (tr. Henry Taylor), Jesus, the Divine Physician: Reflections on the Gospel During the Year of Luke, Ignatius Press, 2008, ISBN 1-58617-180-1, p. 16.
Jump up ^ John Newton, "How Kind the Good Samaritan," Hymn #99 in Olney Hymns Archived 2010-08-10 at the Wayback Machine. at CCEL.org.
Jump up ^ Theissen, Gerd and Annette Merz. The historical Jesus: a comprehensive guide. Fortress Press. 1998. translated from German (1996 edition). p. 321-322
^ Jump up to: a b John Calvin, Commentary on Matthew, Mark, Luke – Volume 3.
Jump up ^ Schaeffer, Francis (1970). The Mark of the Christian by Francis Schaeffer © 1970 by L'Abri Fellowship. Norfolk Press, London.
Jump up ^ Caird, G. B. (1980). The Language and Imagery of the Bible. Duckworth. p. 165.
Jump up ^ John Calvin, Commentary on Acts 13.
Jump up ^ Cyril's Sermons on Luke #68.
^ Jump up to: a b John Barton and John Muddiman, The Oxford Bible Commentary, Oxford University Press, 2001, ISBN 0-19-875500-7, p. 942.
Jump up ^ Joel B. Green, The Gospel of Luke, Eerdmans, 1997, ISBN 0-8028-2315-7, p. 432.
Jump up ^ Christopher Hays, Luke's Wealth Ethics: A Study in Their Coherence and Character, Mohr Siebeck, 2010, ISBN 3-16-150269-8, p. 21.
Jump up ^ Christopher Rowland, The Cambridge Companion to Liberation Theology, 2nd ed, Cambridge University Press, 2007, ISBN 0-521-86883-1, p. 43.
Jump up ^ Denis Carroll, What is Liberation Theology?, Gracewing Publishing, 1987, ISBN 0-85342-812-3, p. 57.
Jump up ^ M. Gnanavaram, "'Dalit Theology' and the Parable of the Good Samaritan," Journal for the Study of the New Testament, Vol. 15, No. 50, 59–83 (1993).
Jump up ^ Taylor Branch, Pillar of Fire: America in the King Years, 1963–65, Simon and Schuster, 1998, ISBN 0-684-84809-0, pp.302–303.
Jump up ^ Martin Luther King, Jr., "A Time to Break the Silence," quoted in Douglas A. Hicks and Mark R. Valeri, Global Neighbors: Christian Faith and Moral Obligation in Today's Economy, Eerdmans Publishing, 2008, ISBN 0-8028-6033-8, p. 31.
Jump up ^ Smith, John Hunter (1884). Greek Testament lessons, consisting chiefly of the Sermon on the mount, and the parables of our Lord. With notes and essays. London, UK: William Blackwood and Sons. p. 136.
Clarke, James Freeman (1886). Every-day Religion. Boston: Ticknor and Company. p. 346.
Jump up ^ Andrews, Dave (2012). Not Religion but Love: Practicing a Radical Spirituality of Compassion. Wipf and Stock Publishers. p. 117.
Wilson, Jared C. (2014). The Storytelling God: Seeing the Glory of Jesus in His Parables. Crossway. p. 88.
Jump up ^ Several recognize that Lev 19:18 exclusively refers to the Israelitish neighbor (e.g., Stade, "Gesch. des Volkes Israel," i. 510a). This debate is reflected in the question by the Jewish Torah expert re the definition of "neighbor" in Lev 19:18 (Luke 10:29).
^ Jump up to: a b Funk, Robert W., Roy W. Hoover, and the Jesus Seminar. The five gospels. HarperSanFrancisco. 1993. "Luke" p. 271-400
^ Jump up to: a b c Peter Rhea Jones, Studying the Parables of Jesus, Smyth & Helwys, 1999, ISBN 1-57312-167-3, p. 294.
^ Jump up to: a b c d Bernard Brandon Scott, Hear Then the Parable: A commentary on the parables of Jesus, Fortress Press, 1989, ISBN 0-8006-2481-5, pp. 199–200.
Jump up ^ Bernard Brandon Scott.
^ Jump up to: a b c Bernard Brandon Scott, Hear Then the Parable: A commentary on the parables of Jesus, Fortress Press, 1989, ISBN 0-8006-2481-5, pp. 191–192.
^ Jump up to: a b c Greg W. Forbes, The God of Old: The role of the Lukan parables in the purpose of Luke's Gospel, Continuum, 2000, ISBN 1-84127-131-4, pp. 56–57.
^ Jump up to: a b Klyne Snodgrass, Stories with Intent: A comprehensive guide to the parables of Jesus, Eerdmans, 2008, ISBN 0-8028-4241-0, p. 348.
Jump up ^ William C. Placher, "Is the Bible True?" The Christian Century, October 11, 1995, pp. 924–925.
Jump up ^ Dictionary of Classical, Biblical, & Literary Allusions
Jump up ^ Mark Lunney and Ken Oliphant, Tort Law: Text and Materials, 3rd ed., Oxford University Press, 2008, ISBN 0-19-921136-1, p. 465.
Jump up ^ Roland E. Fleischer and Susan C. Scott, Rembrandt, Rubens, and the Art of their Time: Recent perspectives, Pennsylvania State University Press, 1997, ISBN 0-915773-10-4, pp. 68–69.
Jump up ^ Emile Mâle, The Gothic Image: Religious Art in France of the Thirteenth Century, p 195, English translation of 3rd ed, 1913, Collins, London (and many other editions), ISBN 978-0064300322
Jump up ^ Leslie Ross, Medieval Art: A topical dictionary, Greenwood Publishing Group, 1996, ISBN 0-313-29329-5, p. 105.
Jump up ^ Paul H. Ballard and Stephen R. Holmes, The Bible in Pastoral Practice: Readings in the place and function of Scripture in the church, Eerdmans, 2006, ISBN 0-8028-3115-X, p. 55.
Jump up ^ Meagan Damore, Anatomy of a Villain: The Secret of the Success of “Daredevil’s” Kingpin, cbr.com, 06.01.2015 Retrieved 05.08.2018
Jump up ^ Albert Romer Frey, A Dictionary of Numismatic Names: Their Official and Popular Designations, American Numismatic Society, 1917 (reprinted by BiblioLife, LLC, 2009), ISBN 1-115-68411-6, p. 95.
Jump up ^ Henry Lawson, "The Good Samaritan," in When I Was King and Other Verses, first published 1905.
Jump up ^ John Gardiner Calkins Brainard, Occasional Pieces of Poetry, E. Bliss and E. White, 1825, pp. 79–81.
Jump up ^ Samaritan at Modern Parables web site.
Jump up ^ See e.g., "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2008-05-13. Retrieved 2008-10-10. , "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2011-07-12. Retrieved 2009-01-31. , [1]
Jump up ^ Samaritan at IMDB.
Jump up ^ http://www.boosey.com/cr/music/Benjamin-Britten-Cantata-Misericordium/4926&langid=1 Cantata Misericordium at Boosey and Hawkes
External links[edit]
Biblical Art on the Internet:
Assault and First Aid
The Expert in the Law
The Inn
Good Samaritan websites:
Good Samaritan Industries - Charity helping people with disabilities.
Good Samaritan Day - Promotes October 13 as 'Good Samaritan Day'.
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Gun laws in Washington
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to navigation Jump to search
Gun laws in Washington[1][2][3]
Constitution
Constitution sections
Article I, Section 24
show
Synopsis
"The right of the individual citizen to bear arms in defense of himself, or the state, shall not be impaired [...]"
The state of Washington in the United States has laws regulating the sale, possession, and use of firearms and ammunition.
The Constitution of Washington protects an individual's right to bear arms. Washington preempts localities from regulating firearms in any manner more restrictive than State law except as explicitly authorized by the State legislature. Authorized local firearm regulations include:
"Restricting the discharge of firearms in any portion of their respective jurisdictions where there is a reasonable likelihood that humans, domestic animals, or property will be jeopardized. Such laws and ordinances shall not abridge the right of the individual guaranteed by Article I, section 24 of the state Constitution to bear arms in defense of self or others."
"Restricting the possession of firearms in any stadium or convention center, operated by a city, town, county, except that such restrictions shall not apply to concealed pistol license holders, law enforcement officers, or any showing, demonstration, or lecture involving the exhibition of firearms."
"Restricting the areas in their respective jurisdictions in which firearms may be sold."
There are some age restrictions on the possession of firearms and some people are prohibited from possessing firearms due to certain criminal convictions or who are released on bond or their own recognizance pending trial for certain criminal charges. Since July 1, 1994, machine guns, short-barreled shotguns, and any parts thereof are prohibited. Suppressors[4] and short-barreled rifles may be possessed and used in accordance with federal law. Pistols transferred through an F.F.L. dealer must be registered with Washington State D.O.L.[5]
There is a rather long list of places where the possession or storage of firearms or ammunition is prohibited or otherwise restricted. Statutory law prohibits firearms in places such as areas of buildings used for court proceedings, certain areas of public mental health facilities, establishments which serve alcohol and are off-limits to persons under 21 years of age, restricted-access areas of commercial airports, State correctional facilities, and outdoor music festivals. Administrative law prohibits or otherwise restricts the possession or storage of firearms in places such as certain schools, premises of the Office of Administrative Hearings, child care centers, horse races, near certain explosive materials, and certain shelters for respite or youths. See the Washington 'infobox' or one of this section's referenced documents for the complete list as well as where exceptions apply for those who hold concealed pistol licenses.
As a general rule, a person may legally open-carry in Washington state in any place it is legal to possess a loaded handgun, as long as it does not manifest "an intent to intimidate another or [warrant] alarm for the safety of other persons." To open-carry a handgun in a vehicle (e.g, car, bus, etc...) a person must have a valid concealed pistol license. The county sheriff or city police chief shall issue a concealed pistol license to any applicant, age 21 or older, who meets certain requirements, including no felony convictions, no misdemeanor domestic violence convictions, and no outstanding warrants.[6][7] Open carrying of firearms is not prohibited by law, although trouble with some law enforcement agencies has been encountered while open carrying in the past, most notably in a case in Ellensburg, Washington.[8]
In Washington, the police may temporarily seize guns from people a judge deems a threat to themselves or others. Law enforcement personnel may alert mental health professionals, who can determine if someone is a threat or needs involuntary treatment. The police must notify any family or household members who want to know about a gun being returned to the person from whom it was taken away.[9][10][11]
Contents
1 Concealed weapon reciprocity
2 Summary table
3 See also
4 References
Concealed weapon reciprocity[edit]
Washington concealed pistol licenses will be recognized in the following states, and concealed weapons licenses issued in the listed states will be recognized in Washington State, so long as the handgun is carried in accordance with Washington law: Idaho (Idaho Enhanced Permit only), Kansas, Louisiana, Michigan (non-resident concealed pistol licenses issued by Washington state are not recognized by Michigan), North Carolina, North Dakota (Class 1 North Dakota permits only), Ohio, Oklahoma, and Utah.[12]
Washington state law also carves exemptions into state law regarding Concealed Pistol Licenses. RCW 9.41.060, section 8: "Any person engaging in a lawful outdoor recreational activity such as hunting, fishing, camping, hiking, or horseback riding, only if, considering all of the attendant circumstances, including but not limited to whether the person has a valid hunting or fishing license, it is reasonable to conclude that the person is participating in lawful outdoor activities or is traveling to or from a legitimate outdoor recreation area;".[13]
Washington is a "stand your ground" state, in which there is no duty to retreat in the face of what would be perceived by an ordinary person to be a threat to themselves or others by another person that is likely to cause serious injury or death. It is a gross misdemeanor to aim a firearm "whether loaded or not, at or towards any human being". Unless the person is acting in self-defense, they can be charged with "brandishing" and threatening someone with a deadly weapon.[14]
Summary table[edit]
Subject/Law
Long guns
Handguns
Revised Code of Washington
Notes
State permit required to purchase? No No
Firearm registration? No Partial
RCW 09.41.110(9)(a) and (b)
Retail dealers must record and report all retail pistol sales to local police/sheriff and to state department of licensing.
Owner license required? No No
Constitutional Right to Bear Arms? Yes Yes WA Constitution art. 1 sec. 24
Carry permits required? No Yes
RCW 09.41.050 CCW Reciprocity
Washington is a "shall-issue" state and will grant concealed carry permits to all applicants who meet the criteria. There are no training requirements.
Open carry? Yes Yes RCW 09.41.050 (in vehicle) Open carry is lawful in Washington without any permit. Open carry of a loaded handgun in a vehicle is legal only with a concealed pistol license. Open carry of a loaded long gun in a vehicle is illegal, regardless of CPL possession.
State Preemption of local restrictions? Yes Yes
RCW 09.41.290 RCW 09.41.300
State Law does not allow more restrictive local laws.
Seattle and Edmonds have passed ordinances mandating safe storage of firearms when not being carried or used. Seattle's ordinance also has reporting requirement for lost or stolen firearms within 24 hours. Both cities are being sued for violation of state preemption.[15][16]
Assault weapons ban? No No
Magazine capacity restrictions? No No
NFA weapons restricted? Partial Partial
RCW 09.41.190 RCW 09.41.220 RCW 09.41.225 RCW 09.41.250(1)(c)
Machine guns and short-barreled shotguns—unless purchased before July 1, 1994—are illegal for non-law-enforcement possession. Suppressors,destructive devices and any other weapons are lawful to possess and use if registered properly with ATF. Short barreled rifles are lawful to possess and use if registered properly with the ATF, as of June 12, 2014.[17]
Peaceable Journey laws? No No
RCW 09.41.050 RCW 09.41.060 18 USC § 926A CCW Reciprocity
Federal travel-with-a-firearm laws apply. Some out-of-state CCW licenses valid, otherwise carry must be open or, in a vehicle, unloaded.
Castle Doctrine / Stand your ground law? Not defined - de facto RCW 9A.16.050, RCW 9A.16.110 The Washington State Supreme Court ruled "that there is no duty to retreat when a person is assaulted in a place where he or she has a right to be."[18][19]
Background checks required for private sales? Yes Yes Initiative 594 (2014) Private party firearm transfers must be conducted through a licensed dealer, who is required by federal law to conduct a background check and keep a record of the sale.
Red flag law? Yes Yes The police may temporarily take guns away from people a judge deems a threat to themselves or others.
See also[edit]
Law of Washington
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives – State Laws and Published Ordinances – Firearms" (PDF). Retrieved November 23, 2011.
Jump up ^ Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence – Washington State Law Summary
Jump up ^ NRA-ILA – Synopsis of Washington Laws
Jump up ^ Washington RCW 9.41.250(1c)
Jump up ^ "RCW 9.41.110: Dealer's licenses, by whom granted, conditions, fees—Employees, fingerprinting and background checks—Wholesale sales excepted—Permits prohibited". apps.leg.wa.gov. Retrieved 2016-12-12.
Jump up ^ Revised Code of Washington, Chapter 9.41, Firearms and dangerous weapons
Jump up ^ Washington State Department of Licensing – Requirements: Concealed pistol license
Jump up ^ Washington Superior Court decision No. 05-1-00161-4, posted on Blogspot.com
Jump up ^ Roley, Amanda (February 19, 2018). "Wash. Is One of Five States where Police Can Take Guns after Threats of Violence". KREM. Retrieved February 28, 2018.
Jump up ^ KOMO staff (March 2, 2018). "Seattle Police First in State to Use 'Red Flag Law' to Seize Guns". Seattle Post-Intelligencer. Retrieved March 4, 2018.
Jump up ^ Sherman, Amy (March 14, 2018). "No, Seattle Police Didn't Use a 'Red Flag' Law to Seize a Man's Gun With No Warrant". PunditFact. Retrieved March 16, 2018.
Jump up ^ Washington State Office of the Attorney General – Concealed Weapon Reciprocity
Jump up ^ Washington State Legislature – RCW 9.41.060, "Exceptions to restrictions on carrying firearms"
Jump up ^ Washington State Legislature – RCW 9.41.230, "Aiming or discharging firearms, dangerous weapons"
Jump up ^ NRA-ILA. "NRA-ILA | Washington: NRA and SAF File Lawsuit Against City of Seattle". NRA-ILA. Retrieved 2018-08-11.
Jump up ^ NRA-ILA. "NRA-ILA | Washington: NRA and SAF File Lawsuit Against City of Edmonds". NRA-ILA. Retrieved 2018-08-11.
Jump up ^ Salerno, Christina (March 7, 2014). "Legislature OKs Short-Barreled Rifles", TVW. Retrieved August 16, 2014.
Jump up ^ 137 Wn.2d 533 State of Washington v. Studd; Decided 1999/04/01.
Jump up ^ 150 Wn.2d 489 State of Washington v. Reynaldo Redmond; Decided 2003/12/06.
hide
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Gun laws in the United States by state
Alabama
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Colorado
Connecticut
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Florida
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Hawaii
Idaho
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Indiana
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Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Gun_laws_in_Washington&oldid=854513264"
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Washington (state) law
United States gun laws by state
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This page was last edited on 11 August 2018, at 22:29 (UTC).
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