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Federal voting rights in Puerto Rico
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Voting rights of United States citizens in Puerto Rico, like the voting rights of residents of other United States territories, differ from those of United States citizens in each of the fifty states and the District of Columbia. Residents of Puerto Rico and other U.S. territories do not have voting representation in the United States Congress, and are not entitled to electoral votes for President. The United States Constitution grants congressional voting representation to U.S. states, which Puerto Rico and other U.S. territories are not, specifying that members of Congress shall be elected by direct popular vote and that the President and the Vice President shall be elected by electors chosen by the States.[Note 1]
Puerto Rico is a territory under the sovereignty of the federal government, but is not part of any state nor is it a state itself. It has been organized (given a measure of self-rule by the Congress) subject to the Congress' plenary powers under the territorial clause of Article IV, sec. 3, of the U.S. Constitution.[1] In the U.S. House of Representatives, Puerto Rico is entitled to a Resident Commissioner, a delegate who is not allowed to vote on the floor of the House, but can vote on procedural matters and in House committees. In most other U.S. overseas (and historically pre-state) territories, as well as the District of Columbia, a similar representative position is styled Delegate.
The lack of direct voting representation in Congress for residents of the territory has been an issue since the U.S. Congress granted U.S. citizenship to Puerto Rico citizens in 1917. All judicial claims have been met with political or constitutional challenges; therefore, there has been no change in Puerto Rico's representation in the Congress or representation on the electoral college for the U.S. citizens residing in Puerto Rico.
Like other territories, Puerto Rico can participate in the presidential primary process. It holds a primary election in the spring of each presidential election year. Then the parties choose delegates to the Republican and Democratic National Convention, who are pledged to vote at that convention for the winners of Puerto Rico's primary, but that's the end of their participation in the presidential election. See United States presidential primaries in Puerto Rico, 2016.
Contents
[hide]
1 Background
2 Inter-American Commission on Human Rights claim
3 Disenfranchisement in Puerto Rico
4 Igartúa v. U.S
5 See also
6 Notes
7 References
Background[edit]
Puerto Rico is an insular area—a United States territory that is neither a part of one of the fifty states nor a part of the District of Columbia, the nation's federal district. Insular areas, including Puerto Rico, the U.S. Virgin Islands and Guam, are not allowed to choose electors in U.S. presidential elections or elect voting members of the U.S. Congress. This grows out of Articles One and Two of the United States Constitution, which state that electors are to be chosen by "the People of the several States." In 1961, the 23rd amendment extended the right to choose electors to the District of Columbia; the insular areas, however, were not addressed in that Amendment.
Inter-American Commission on Human Rights claim[edit]
On December 29, 2003, The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights of the Organization of American States concluded that the United States is responsible for violations of the District of Columbia's rights under Articles II and XX of the American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man by denying District of Columbia citizens an effective opportunity to participate in their federal legislature.[2] On October 17, 2006, Pedro Rosselló, a former governor of Puerto Rico, and the Unfinished Business of American Democracy Committee on behalf of the approximately four million U.S. citizens residing in the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, presented a petition to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights of the Organization of American States seeking the Commission's aid in obtaining enfranchisement.[3]
Disenfranchisement in Puerto Rico[edit]
Further information: Voting rights in the United States § Overseas and nonresident citizens
Any U.S. citizen who resides in Puerto Rico is effectively disenfranchised at the national level, as are all U.S. citizen residents of U.S. unincorporated territories.[4] Although the Republican Party and Democratic Party chapters in Puerto Rico have selected voting delegates to the national nominating conventions participating on U.S. presidential primaries or caucuses, U.S. citizens without a voting residence in one of the 50 states or in the District of Columbia may not vote in federal elections.[5]
Both the Puerto Rican Independence Party and the New Progressive Party outright reject[citation needed] the status quo that permits disenfranchisement (from their distinct respective positions on the ideal enfranchised status for the island-nation of Puerto Rico). The remaining political organization, the Popular Democratic Party, is less active in its opposition[citation needed][according to whom?] of this case of disenfranchisement but has officially stated that it favors fixing the remaining "deficits of democracy" that the Bill Clinton and George W. Bush administrations have publicly recognized in writing through reports of the President's Task Force on Puerto Rico's Status.[6][7]
Various scholars[who?], including a US judge in the United States Court of Appeals for the First Circuit,[citation needed] conclude that the U.S. national-electoral process is not fully democratic due to U.S. government disenfranchisement of U.S. citizens residing in Puerto Rico.[8][9]
The appeals court decision in 2005, on appeal of the decision in the third filing of the case Igartua-de la Rosa v. United States, 417 F.3d 145 (1st Cir. P.R. 2005), reads in part:[10]
August 3, 2005

OPINION EN BANC

Boudin, Chief Judge. This case brings before this court the third in a series of law suits by Gregorio Igartúa, a U.S. citizen resident in Puerto Rico, claiming the constitutional right to vote quadrennially for President and Vice President of the United States. Panels of this court have rejected such claims on all three occasions. We now do so again, this time en banc, rejecting as well an adjacent claim: that the failure of the Constitution to grant this vote should be declared a violation of U.S. treaty obligations.

The constitutional claim is readily answered. Voting for President and Vice President of the United States is governed neither by rhetoric nor intuitive values but by a provision of the Constitution. This provision does not confer the franchise on "U.S. citizens" but on "Electors" who are to be "appoint[ed]" by each "State," in "such Manner" as the state legislature may direct, equal to the number of Senators and Representatives to whom the state is entitled. U.S. Const. art. II, § 1, cl. 2; see also id. amend. XII.
Judges Campbell and Lipez concurred in the decision. Judge Torruella dissented, opening his dissent as follows:[10]
In its haste to "put [plaintiffs-appellants'] constitutional claim fully at rest," maj. op. at 6, the majority has chosen to overlook the issues actually before this en banc court as framed by the order of the rehearing panel, see Igartúa de la Rosa v. United States, 404 F.3d 1 (1st Cir. 2005) (order granting panel rehearing), which panel the en banc court suppressed, but whose order was adopted as establishing the parameters of the issues to be decided by the en banc court. See Igartúa de la Rosa v. United States, 407 F.3d 30, 31 (1st Cir. 2005) (converting to en banc review panel rehearing in which "the parties [are] to address two issues: first, the plaintiffs' claim that the United States was in default of its treaty obligations and, second, the availability of declaratory judgment concerning the government's compliance with any such obligations."). It is these issues that the parties were asked to brief. Instead the majority has sidetracked this appeal into a dead end that is no longer before us: Puerto Rico's lack of electoral college representation, see U.S. Const. art. II, § 1, cl. 2, and our lack of authority to order any constitutional change to such status by reason of that constitutional impediment.

In doing so, the majority fails to give any weight to the fundamental nature of the right to vote, and the legal consequences of this cardinal principal. Under the combined guise of alleged political question doctrine, its admitted desire to avoid "embarrassment" to the United States, and its pious lecturing on what it deems to be the nature of the judicial function, the majority seeks to avoid what I believe is its paramount duty over and above these stated goals: to do justice to the civil rights of the four million United States citizens who reside in Puerto Rico. The majority labels this duty with despect as "rhetoric" and "intuitive values." Maj. op. at 3. I beg to differ, and so, I suspect, do a considerable number of those four million U.S. citizens who, lacking any political recourse, look to the courts of the United States for succor because they are without any other avenue of relief. See United States v. Carolene Prods. Co., 304 U.S. 144, 152 n.4 (1938) ("[P]rejudice against discrete and insular minorities may be a special condition, which tends seriously to curtail the operation of those political processes ordinarily to be relied upon to protect minorities and . . . may call for correspondingly more searching judicial inquiry.").
Igartúa v. U.S[edit]
On November 24, 2010, Gregorio Igartúa and others brought suit claiming they and other U.S. citizen-residents of Puerto Rico have a right to vote for a Representative to the U.S. House of Representatives from Puerto Rico and a right to have Representatives from Puerto Rico in that body. In 1917, residents of Puerto Rico were granted U.S. citizenship by statute. See Pub.L. No. 368, ch. 145, § 5, 39 Stat. 951 (1917).
The panel is unanimous in agreeing that the U.S. Constitution does not give Puerto Rico residents the right to vote for members of the House of Representatives because Puerto Rico is not a state.
Chief Judge Lynch and Judge Lipez conclude that this panel is bound by Igartúa III's holding that the Constitution does not permit granting such a right to the plaintiffs by means other than those specified for achieving statehood or by amendment. Chief Judge Lynch independently concludes that this holding in Igartúa III is correct. Judge Lipez considers the panel bound by this holding in Igartúa III, but he does not express a view of his own on its merit. Chief Judge Lynch and Judge Lipez agree that Igartúa III requires dismissal of plaintiffs' claims based on treaties and international law. Judge Lipez joins the holding that dismissal of the case is affirmed. He joins this introduction, the introduction to Section II, Sections II.A, II.B, and II.C.1, and Section III of Chief Judge Lynch's opinion. He expresses additional views in his concurring opinion.
Judge Torruella dissents and is of the view that the constitutional text neither denies citizens of Puerto Rico the right to vote for members of the House of Representatives nor imposes a limitation on the federal government's authority to extend the franchise to territorial residents under other constitutional powers.
Lipez opened his concurrence opinion as follows:[11]
-Concurring Opinion Follows-
LIPEZ, Circuit Judge, concurring in the judgment. Despite our court's 2005 en banc decision rejecting the right of Puerto Rico's four million residents to vote in presidential elections, the issue of federal voting rights for these longstanding United States citizens remains a compelling legal problem. The unequal distribution of the fundamental privilege of voting among different categories of citizens is deeply troubling and, not surprisingly, the legal arguments in favor of enfranchising Puerto Rico residents have continued to evolve. Although the en banc decision forecloses this panel's reconsideration of issues the full court resolved, that decision should not be the final word on the subject. Judge Torruella's dissent highlights important issues that deserve consideration in a new en banc proceeding. As I shall explain, if each of those issues were decided in plaintiffs' favor, United States citizens residing in Puerto Rico would have a viable claim to equal voting rights under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (“ICCPR”).
Thus, while I agree with Chief Judge Lynch that our panel must adhere to the precedent set five years ago by the en banc court on the constitutional and treaty interpretation issues addressed in the majority opinion, I cannot agree that the plaintiffs' claims should be dismissed without review by the full court. Given the magnitude of the issues and Judge Torruella's forceful analysis, this is one of those rare occasions when reconsideration of an en banc ruling is warranted.
Lipez, on his concurrence opinion on a section of The Constitutional Argument indicated:[11]
-Concurring Opinion Follows-
As Judge Torruella points out, the view that the Constitution does not necessarily forbid extensions of the rights it delineates has been articulated in scholarly writing, and it underlies the effort to legislate voting rights for residents of the District of Columbia. See Opinion of Torruella, J.; see also José R. Coleman Tió, Comment, Six Puerto Rican Congressmen Go to Washington, 116 Yale L.J. 1389, 1394 (2007). Judge Torruella aptly invokes as well precedent applying the same notion of the Constitution's reach-i.e., that it neither requires nor prohibits conferring rights on citizens outside the States-in the context of diversity jurisdiction. That precedent, including the Supreme Court's decision in National Mutual Insurance Co. v. Tidewater Transfer Co., 337 U.S. 582 (1949), confirmed Congress's power to extend diversity jurisdiction to the District of Columbia even though the provisions of Article III creating such jurisdiction refer only to States. By analogy, such cases support the argument that references in Article I to the voting rights of the people of “the States” are not necessarily negative references to the voting rights of citizens residing in other United States jurisdictions. Cf. Adams v. Clinton, 90 F.Supp.2d 35, 95 (D.D.C.2000) (Oberdorfer, J., dissenting in part) (“[T]he use of the term ‘State’ in the diversity jurisdiction clause of the Constitution cannot mean ‘and not of the District of Columbia.’ ” (citing Tidewater )).
Moreover, the redressability concern that underlay my concurrence in Igartúa III stemmed in large part from the courts' inability to order Congress to take the only actions that I thought could deliver the remedy the plaintiffs sought-“to either admit Puerto Rico as a state or to propose a Constitutional amendment allocating electors to Puerto Rico.” See 417 F.3d at 154. If Puerto Rico residents' right to vote originates from a source of United States law other than the Constitution, however, it is possible that declaratory relief could properly involve individual government officials rather than Congress. For example, precedent indicates that the Secretary of Commerce is empowered to take the steps necessary to conform the apportionment process to the law. See Franklin v. Massachusetts, 505 U.S. 788, 802 (1992) (plurality opinion) (noting that “injunctive relief against executive officials like the Secretary of Commerce is within the courts' power”) (citing Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer, 343 U.S. 579 (1952)); Adams, 90 F.Supp.2d at 41 (noting that the Secretary of Commerce is tasked with reporting the population of each state to the President for congressional apportionment).
Torruella opened his Opinion Concurring in Part and Dissenting in Part, as follows:[11]
TORRUELLA, Circuit Judge (Concurring in part; Dissenting in part). Although in a different format than presented on prior occasions, we once more have before us issues that arise by reason of the political inequality that exists within the body politic of the United States, as regards the four million citizens of this Nation who reside in Puerto Rico.
This is a fundamental constitutional question that will not go away notwithstanding this Court's repeated efforts to suppress these issues.21 We can now add to that dismal list the endeavors of the lead opinion. This is a most unfortunate and denigrating predicament for citizens who for more than one hundred years have been branded with a stigma of inferiority, and all that follows therefrom.
At the root of this problem is the unacceptable role of the courts. Their complicity in the perpetuation of this outcome is unconscionable. As in the case of racial segregation, see Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 557 (1896) (overruled by Brown v. Bd. of Educ., 347 U.S. 482 (1954)), it is the courts that are responsible for the creation of this inequality.22 Furthermore, it is the courts that have clothed this noxious condition in a mantle of legal respectability.
But perhaps even more egregious is the fact that it is this judiciary that has mechanically parroted the outdated and retrograde underpinnings on which this invented inferiority is perpetuated. This result is now reached without so much as a minimum of analysis or consideration for the passage of time and the changed conditions, both legal and societal.23 These changed conditions have long undermined the foundations of these judge-made rules, which were established in a by-gone era in consonance with the distorted views of that epoch.24 Although the unequal treatment of persons because of the color of their skin or other irrelevant reasons, was then the modus operandi of governments, and an accepted practice of societies in general, the continued enforcement of these rules by the courts is today an outdated anachronism, to say the least. Such actions, particularly by courts of the United States, only serve to tarnish our judicial system as the standard-bearer of the best values to which our Nation aspires. Allowing these antiquated rules to remain in place, long after the unequal treatment of American citizens has become constitutionally, morally and culturally unacceptable in the rest of our Nation, see Brown v. Bd. of Educ., 347 U.S. 483, is an intolerable state of affairs which cannot be excused by hiding behind any theory of law.
The conclusions of the lead opinion in refusing to consider the merit of Appellants' claims is particularly inexcusable because, as will be further elaborated, the present decision cannot be legitimately grounded on the Supreme Law of the Land, which requires that Appellants be provided an effective judicial remedy for the correction of the wrongs they allege. See International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, art. 2, § 3, Dec. 19, 1966, 999 U.N.T.S. 171 (hereinafter ICCPR) (“Each State Party [including the United States] ․ undertakes [t]o ensure that any person whose [ICCPR] rights are violated shall have an effective remedy,” and to ensure that these rights are “determined by competent judicial, administrative, or legislative authorities․”). The suggestion that Appellants seek a political rather than a judicial remedy to correct the grievous violation of their rights claimed in this action, is, at a minimum, ironic given that it is precisely the lack of political representation that is the central issue in this case. It is this lack of any political power by these disenfranchised U.S. citizens, and the cat and mouse games that have been played with them by the United States government, including its courts, that have resulted in their interminable unequal condition.
When this status of second-class citizenship is added to the also judicially established rule that grants Congress plenary powers over the territories and their inhabitants, i.e., that recognizes in Congress practically unfettered authority over the territories and their inhabitants,26 one has to ask what effective political process is the lead opinion suggesting be turned to by Appellants to resolve the constitutional issues raised by this case? In fact, the referral by the lead opinion to the exercise of political power by these disenfranchised citizens, as the solution to their political inequality is nothing more than the promotion of the continued colonial status that has existed since Puerto Rico was acquired by the United States as booty after the Spanish-American War of 1898.27 As such, this suggestion is totally lacking in consequence or substance, and undeserving of a serious response.
With the primary vehicle for exerting effective political pressure being barred by the lack of elected voting representatives in Congress, it is a travesty to tout the political process as a means of vindicating the fundamental inequality of the United States citizens who reside in Puerto Rico. The lead opinion's ruling is the equivalent of having decided, before Brown v. Board of Education, that African-Americans should forgo their right to judicial action under the Constitution as the road map to overruling the inequality promoted by Plessy.
In 1961, just a few years after the United Nations first ratified the ICCPR, the Twenty-third Amendment to the United States Constitution was passed, allowing United States citizens residing in the District of Columbia to vote for the executive offices. As of 2009[update] a bill was pending in Congress that would treat the District of Columbia as "a congressional district for purposes of representation in the House of Representatives", and permit United States citizens residing in the capitol to vote for members of the House of Representatives.[12] However, the United States has not taken similar steps with regard to the five million United States citizens who reside in the U.S. territories, of which close to four million are residents of Puerto Rico. In an opinion concurring in part and dissenting in part in a judicial decision, Puerto Rican jurist Juan R. Torruella wrote that this inaction is in clear violation of the United States' obligations under the ICCPR.[13]
See also[edit]
Puerto Rico portal
Politics portal
Elections in Puerto Rico
Voting rights in the United States
Uniformed and Overseas Citizens Absentee Voting Act
District of Columbia voting rights
Twenty-third Amendment to the United States Constitution
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ The Constitution originally mandated election by popular vote only for the House of Representatives, with Senators being chosen by State legislatures. The 17th amendment specified direct popular election for Senators.
References[edit]
Jump up ^ U.S. Const. art. IV, § 3, cl. 2 ("The Congress shall have Power to dispose of and make all needful Rules and Regulations respecting the Territory or other Property belonging to the United States...").
Jump up ^ Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (Organization of American States) REPORT Nº 98/03* Archived 2011-10-01 at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ Petition to the Organization of American States Inter-American Commission of Human Rights.
Jump up ^ Igartúa–de la Rosa v. United States (Igartúa III) Archived 2012-03-16 at the Wayback Machine., 417 F.3d 145 (1st Cir. 2005) (en banc), GREGORIO IGARTÚA, ET AL., Plaintiffs, Appellants, v. UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, ET AL., Defendants, Appellees. No. 09-2186 (November 24, 2010)
Jump up ^ "Voting Residency Guidelines", Federal Voting Assistance Program
Jump up ^ Report By the President's Task Force On Puerto Rico's Status (December 2005)
Jump up ^ Report By the President's Task Force On Puerto Rico's Status (December 2007)
Jump up ^ Torruella, Juan R. (1985). Torruella, Juan R. (1985). The Supreme Court and Puerto Rico: The Doctrine of Separate and Unequal. University of Puerto Rico Press. ISBN 0-8477-3031-X.
Jump up ^ José D. Román. "Puerto Rico and a Constitutional Right to vote". University of Dayton. Retrieved 2007-10-02. (excerpted from: José D. Román, Trying to Fit an Oval Shaped Island into a Square Constitution: Arguments for Puerto Rican Statehood, 29 Fordham Urban Law Journal 1681–1713, 1697–1713 (April, 2002) (316 Footnotes Omitted))
^ Jump up to: a b Boudin, Chief Judge. "De La Rosa et al. vs. United States". Findlaw, quoting the decision by the Appeals Court of the First Circuit. Retrieved 2007-10-02.
^ Jump up to: a b c Lynch, Chief Judge. "GREGORIO IGARTÚA ET AL v. UNITED STATES OF AMERICA ET AL". Findlaw. Retrieved 2011-10-21.
Jump up ^ District of Columbia House Voting Rights Act, S. 160, 111th Cong. (passed by Senate, February 26, 2009)
Jump up ^ GREGORIO IGARTÚA ET AL v. UNITED STATES OF AMERICA ET AL (IGARTUA IV)
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Not Ready to Make Nice
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"Not Ready to Make Nice"
Single by Dixie Chicks
from the album Taking the Long Way
Released
June 5, 2006
Format
Digital download, airplay, CD single
Recorded
December 2005
Genre
Country
Length
3:55
Label
Columbia Nashville
Songwriter(s)
Martie Maguire, Natalie Maines, Emily Robison, Dan Wilson
Producer(s)
Rick Rubin
Dixie Chicks singles chronology
"I Hope"
(2005) "Not Ready to Make Nice"
(2006) "Everybody Knows"
(2006)
"I Hope"
(2005) "Not Ready to Make Nice"
(2006) "Everybody Knows"
(2006)
Music video
"Not Ready to Make Nice" at CMT.com
"Not Ready To Make Nice"
Dixie Chicks' "Not Ready to Make Nice" from Taking the Long Way
Problems playing this file? See media help.
"Not Ready to Make Nice" is a song co-written and performed by American country music band Dixie Chicks. It was released in June 2006 as the first single from the band's seventh studio album, Taking the Long Way. It remains the band's biggest hit in the US to date—it is their only song to be certified Platinum and reach the top five on the Hot 100. The song was written by Natalie Maines, Martie Maguire, Emily Robison, and Dan Wilson.
On February 11, 2007, it won three Grammy Awards in the categories of Record of the Year, Song of the Year, and Best Country Performance by a Duo or Group with Vocal.[1]
In 2009, Rolling Stone named "Not Ready to Make Nice" the 77th best song of the decade.[2]
Contents
[hide]
1 Background
1.1 Comments by band members
2 Music video
2.1 MADtv parody
3 Critical response
4 Live performances history
5 Chart and sales performance
6 Charts and certifications
6.1 Weekly charts
6.2 Year-end charts
6.3 Certifications
7 Awards
8 Cover versions
9 References
10 External links
Background[edit]
Controversy erupted over the Dixie Chicks in 2003 following a critical comment vocalist Natalie Maines made on the American President George W. Bush while performing in a concert in London, United Kingdom. In relation to the forthcoming invasion of Iraq, Maines said, "...we don't want this war, this violence, and we're ashamed that the President of the United States is from Texas."[3]
Taking the Long Way was the first studio album released by the Dixie Chicks after that. The controversy, and the band's reaction to it, is the major theme of some of the songs in the album, including "Not Ready to Make Nice".
The song, which was written by all three band members (Maines, Emily Robison and Martie Maguire) along with Dan Wilson, is a statement of how they feel over the controversy, the banning of their songs from country music radio stations, and freedom of speech.
The band went on to the October 25 episode of The Oprah Winfrey Show to promote the documentary film Shut Up and Sing and the music video of the song was quickly shown.[4] While interviewing the band, Winfrey said the song is so well written that someone cannot even tell if it concerns the controversy. Indeed, Maines said that she and the other songwriters wanted the song to have a universal interpretation. However, the final lines of the fourth verse are unequivocally about the death threats the band received during the 2003 Top of the World Tour:
"And how in the world
Can the words that I said
Send somebody so over the edge
That they'd write me a letter
Saying that I better shut up and sing
Or my life will be over."
Some other lines in the beginning of this same verse are about a scene featured in the documentary Shut Up and Sing, in which a mother, who was protesting the Dixie Chicks at one of their concerts, is goading her young child to say "screw 'em!":
"It's a sad sad story
When a mother will teach her
Daughter that she ought'a hate a perfect stranger."
In the song, "daughter" was used instead of "son" as a matter of poetic license.
Comments by band members[edit]
The band members released their comments about writing the songs of Taking the Long Way through the website Frontpage Publicity.[5] They commented the following about "Not Ready to Make Nice":
Emily: "The stakes were definitely higher on that song. We knew it was special because it was so autobiographical, and we had to get it right. We've all gone through so many emotions about the incident. We talked for days with Dan before putting pen to paper, and he really helped get inside our heads and put these feelings out. And once we had this song done, it freed us up to do the rest of the album without that burden."
Martie: "We had reached a point where we were laughing a lot about it, and people didn't really know how far it had gone. I realized I had suppressed a lot about the death threat. It all came flooding back in the process of writing this song, I think we all realized just how painful it had been for us.."
Natalie: "We tried to write about the incident a few times, but you get nervous that you're being too preachy or too victimized or too nonchalant. Dan came in with an idea that was some kind of concession, more 'can't we all just get along?' and I said, nope, I can't say that, can't do it. And we talked about it, and he said, what about "I'm not ready to make nice?" From the outside, normal people really weren't aware of how bizarre and absurd it got. Dan was really good at cluing in to that, saying something that didn't back down, but still had a vulnerability to it. This album was therapy. To write these songs allowed me to find peace with everything and move on."
Music video[edit]
The music video for "Not Ready to Make Nice", directed by Sophie Muller, uses the contrast of dark and white colors. The video starts with a scene of Natalie painting the white clothes of the other two band members, Martie and Emily, with black paint, which symbolizes the boycott of the band. Then, Natalie is seen wearing a black dress with her hands on a puddle of black paint. In another scene, the band members are sitting in a chair and when Natalie gets up to say something, Martie and Emily pull her back in to the chair. Then, Natalie and the other Dixie Chicks are seen in an environment that looks like a classroom and the teacher sends Natalie to write the English proverb "To talk without thinking is to shoot without aiming" on the blackboard. On the final scenes of the video, Natalie is seen in front of three doctors in what appears to be a mental institution, trying to escape from them. The video ends with a close shot of Natalie.
The music video of the song broke the record as the longest run at #1 on VH1's VSpot Top 20 Countdown spending 15 weeks at the top, 14 of them consecutive. The video also became the second ever to retire to the 20/20 club on the show on 7 October 2006, when it was at #9 on the countdown. In December 2006, it was named one of the best videos of the year by VH1. "Not Ready to Make Nice" was ranked #36 on CMT's 2008 ranking of the 100 Greatest Videos.[6]
MADtv parody[edit]
The Fox late-night sketch show MADtv performed a parody of the "Not Ready to Make Nice" music video. In the parody, Crista Flanagan portrays Natalie Maines as standing by her comments about George W. Bush; however, her bandmates, portrayed by Nicole Parker and Arden Myrin, want to apologize so they can remain popular in the United States. Flanagan, as Maines, states that there is no God, she supports radical Islamic Jihad, and that every woman should wear a burqa. In the parody, Flanagan writes on a blackboard, "I am angry and important". In the parody, Flanagan is lobotimized and her bandmates toast the operation; whereas in the original, Maines resists being treated by doctors and is toasted by her bandmates.
Critical response[edit]
"Not Ready to Make Nice" received universal acclaim from contemporary music critics of publications like Allmusic, Entertainment Weekly, Rolling Stone and USA Today. The song has been praised by these critics for being a statement in which the band does not regret Maines' anti-Bush statement. Allmusic reviewer Stephen Thomas Erlewine said the following about "Not Ready to Make Nice" that "Given the controversy of 2003, the conscious distancing from country makes sense — and given songs like the defiant 'Not Ready to Make Nice', the Dixie Chicks don't sound like they're in retreat on Taking the Long Way; they merely sound like they're being themselves."[7] Entertainment Weekly music reviewer David Browne said that "If you wonder whether they have regrets about the incident, 'Not Ready to Make Nice' makes it clear they don't. When Maines gets to the part about all the death threats, her voice rises and the strings well up; it's a true pop-money-shot moment."[8] Rolling Stone music reviewer Barry Walters commented the following about the song, "Rather than try to forget about singer Natalie Maines' anti-Bush remarks of 2003 -- which landed them in hot water with a lot of station program directors -- the threesome declares it's still 'Not Ready to Make Nice'."[9] USA Today music reviewer Brian Mansfield commented the following about the song, "They're 'Not Ready to Make Nice' with the yahoos who threatened their lives over an offhanded comment. So give the Chicks credit for sticking to their guns, and give them more for getting on with life.[10] The Village Voice's Pazz & Jop annual critics' poll voted "Not Ready to Make Nice" as the eighth best single of 2006.
Live performances history[edit]
To promote both the single and the album, the Dixie Chicks performed the song live on some television programs such as on The Ellen DeGeneres Show, Good Morning America, Late Show with David Letterman, among others. It was also performed to internet radios such as Sessions@AOL and LAUNCHcast. It was performed in every single concert of the band's Accidents & Accusations Tour (June 15–December 5, 2006). It was also performed at the 49th Grammy Awards, just minutes before the band won the awards for Song of the Year and Record of the Year. (In a nod to the controversial origins of the song, Grammy producers had longtime singer-activist Joan Baez introduce the performance.)
Chart and sales performance[edit]
"Not Ready to Make Nice" initially peaked at number 23 on the Billboard Hot 100 chart,[11] becoming the first song by the band to chart in the U.S. after the 2003 controversy. It was able to chart in the Billboard Hot 100 because of a high number of download sales (it debuted at number 11[12] and peaked at number 8[13] on the Hot Digital Songs chart), despite low country radio airplay.
For the issue dated February 24, 2007, in the wake of its Grammy success, the song re-entered the Hot 100 at number 4, after a 20-week absence,[14] becoming the band's highest charting single to date on the general music charts. It also tied with LL Cool J and Jennifer Lopez' "Control Myself" as the highest re-entry at the chart. That same week, the song would also receive a Gold certification from the Recording Industry Association of America for digital downloads of over 500,000. However, its drop to number 28 in the next week broke the record for the biggest drop out of the top five in a single week, beating Clay Aiken's "Solitaire", which fell from number 4 to number 27 four years earlier.[15] The song was certified Platinum in the United States in July 20, 2013, and as of October 2013, the song has sold 1,705,000 digital copies in the US.[16]
The song was also very popular in Canada, where it peaked at number 3 on the BDS chart. It also became a Top 20 hit in Australia, becoming the second single of the band to chart on the ARIA chart, at number 18.[17] In the United Kingdom, the song charted poorly on the UK Singles Chart, peaking at number 70;[18] however, it became the fourth single by the band to chart in that country.
Charts and certifications[edit]
Weekly charts[edit]
Chart (2006–07)
Peak
position
Australia (ARIA)[18] 18
German Singles Chart[18] 89
Irish Singles Chart[18] 47
Netherlands (Single Top 100)[19] 77
Sweden Top 40[20] 20
Swiss Singles Chart[18] 22
UK Singles Chart[18] 70
US Billboard Hot 100[21] 4
US Hot Country Songs (Billboard)[22] 36
US Adult Top 40 (Billboard)[23] 29
US Adult Contemporary (Billboard)[24] 32
Year-end charts[edit]
Charts (2006)
Position
Australia (ARIA)[25] 96
Charts (2007)
Position
Australia (ARIA)[26] 98
Certifications[edit]
Region
Certification
Certified units/Sales
Canada (Music Canada)[27]
Platinum 80,000^
United States (RIAA)[28]
Platinum 1,705,000[16]
^shipments figures based on certification alone
Awards[edit]
2007 CMT Music Awards:
Video of the Year (nominated)[29]
Group Video of the Year (nominated)
49th Grammy Awards:
Record of the Year (won)
Song of the Year (won)
Best Country Performance by a Duo or Group with Vocal (won)
Preceded by
"Boulevard of Broken Dreams" by Green Day Grammy Award for Record of the Year
2007 Succeeded by
"Rehab" by Amy Winehouse
Preceded by
"Sometimes You Can't Make It on Your Own" by U2 Grammy Award for Song of the Year
2007 Succeeded by
"Rehab" by Amy Winehouse
Preceded by
"Restless" by Alison Krauss and Union Station Grammy Award for Best Country Performance by a Duo or Group with Vocal
2007 Succeeded by
"How Long" by Eagles
Cover versions[edit]
In 2007, Brazilian singer Wanessa Camargo released a version of Not Ready to Make Nice in Portuguese, titled "Não Tô Pronta pra Perdoar".
In the episode of The Simpsons "Papa Don't Leech", The song by Lurleen "Daddy's Back" sounds like "Not Ready to Make Nice" by the Dixie Chicks.
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "Dixie Chicks Soar, Blige, Chili Peppers Win Big At Grammys". Jonathan Cohen, Billboard. February 12, 2007. Retrieved November 24, 2007.
Jump up ^ "100 Best Songs of the Decade". Rolling Stone. 2009-12-09. Retrieved 2009-12-19.
Jump up ^ "Shut Up And Sing: Dixie Chicks' Big Grammy Win Caps Comeback From Backlash Over Anti-War Stance". Democracy Now!. 2007-02-15. Retrieved 2013-01-15.
Jump up ^ "Not Ready to Make Nice: Controversy in London". The Oprah Winfrey Show.
Jump up ^ The Chicks talk about the writing process of the songs of Taking The Long Way at FrontPagePublicity.com
Jump up ^ Mandi Bierly (April 7, 2008). "Johnny Cash's 'Hurt' still the greatest country video". EW.com. Retrieved 2009-04-28.
Jump up ^ Taking the Long Way review, Stephen Thomas Erlewine, Allmusic
Jump up ^ Taking the Long Way review, David Browne, Entertainment Weekly (May 19, 2006)
Jump up ^ Taking the Long Way review, Barry Walters, Rolling Stone (May 2, 2006)
Jump up ^ "Dixie Chicks make nice music; Snow Patrol has 'Eyes Open'". Brian Mansfield, USA Today. May 22, 2006.
Jump up ^ "Dixie Chicks - Not Ready to Make Nice". Billboard.com. Retrieved November 24, 2007.
Jump up ^ "Dixie Chicks - Not Ready to Make Nice". Billboard.com. Retrieved November 24, 2007.
Jump up ^ "Dixie Chicks - Not Ready to Make Nice". Billboard.com. Retrieved November 24, 2007.
Jump up ^ "Timberlake Scores Third Hot 100 No. 1 From 'FutureSex'". Jonathan Cohen, Billboard. February 22, 2007. Retrieved November 24, 2007.
Jump up ^ Chart Beat Chat
^ Jump up to: a b Matt Bjorke (October 30, 2013). "Country Chart News - The Top 30 Digital Singles - October 30, 2013: Eric Church "Outsiders" #1; Cassadee Pope, Blake Shelton Gold, Scotty McCreery and Chris Young Notables". Roughstock. Archived from the original on November 2, 2013. Retrieved October 31, 2013.
Jump up ^ "Dixie Chicks - Not Ready to Make Nice". Australian-charts.com. Retrieved November 24, 2007.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f "Dixie Chicks - Not Ready to Make Nice". aCharts.us. Retrieved April 29, 2008.
Jump up ^ "Dutchcharts.nl – Dixie Chicks – Not Ready To Make Nice" (in Dutch). Single Top 100. Retrieved 2010-08-31.
Jump up ^ "Dixie Chicks - Not Ready to Make Nice". Top40-Charts.com. Retrieved November 24, 2007.
Jump up ^ "Dixie Chicks Chart History (Hot 100)". Billboard.
Jump up ^ "Dixie Chicks Chart History (Hot Country Songs)". Billboard.
Jump up ^ "Dixie Chicks Chart History (Adult Pop Songs)". Billboard.
Jump up ^ "Dixie Chicks Chart History (Adult Contemporary)". Billboard.
Jump up ^ "ARIA Charts – End Of Year Charts – Top 100 Singles 2006". Australian Recording Industry Association. Retrieved 2011-01-08.
Jump up ^ "ARIA Charts – End Of Year Charts – Top 100 Singles 2007". Australian Recording Industry Association. Retrieved 2011-01-08.
Jump up ^ "Canadian single certifications – Dixie Chicks – Not Ready to Make Nice". Music Canada.
Jump up ^ "American single certifications – Dixie Chicks – Not Ready to Make Nice". Recording Industry Association of America. If necessary, click Advanced, then click Format, then select Single, then click SEARCH
Jump up ^ CMT Music Awards nominees
External links[edit]
The Dixie Chicks official website
Live performance by the Dixie Chicks of "Not ready to make nice"
Lyrics of this song at MetroLyrics
[show]
v
t
e
Dixie Chicks
Natalie Maines
Emily Robison
Martie Maguire
Laura Lynch
Robin Lynn Macy
Studio albums
Thank Heavens for Dale Evans
Little Ol' Cowgirl
Shouldn't a Told You That
Wide Open Spaces
Fly
Home
Taking the Long Way
Compilations
Playlist: The Very Best of Dixie Chicks
The Essential Dixie Chicks
Singles
"I Can Love You Better"
"There's Your Trouble"
"Wide Open Spaces"
"You Were Mine"
"Tonight the Heartache's on Me"
"Ready to Run"
"Cowboy Take Me Away"
"Goodbye Earl"
"Cold Day in July"
"Without You"
"If I Fall You're Going Down with Me"
"Heartbreak Town"
"Some Days You Gotta Dance"
"Long Time Gone"
"Landslide"
"Travelin' Soldier"
"Top of the World"
"I Hope"
"Not Ready to Make Nice"
"Everybody Knows"
"The Long Way Around"
"Daddy Lessons"
Live recordings
An Evening with the Dixie Chicks
Top of the World Tour: Live (DVD)
Tours
Fly Tour
Top of the World Tour
Vote for Change
Accidents & Accusations Tour
Long Time Gone Tour
DCX MMXVI World Tour
Related articles
Discography
Awards and nominations
Dixie Chicks: Shut Up and Sing
Court Yard Hounds
"You Can't Hurry Love"
"Sin Wagon"
"Roly Poly"
Collaborators
Lloyd Maines
David Grissom
Dan Wilson
[show]
v
t
e
Grammy Award for Record of the Year
1959−1980
"Nel Blu Dipinto Di Blu (Volare)" by Domenico Modugno (1959)
"Mack the Knife" by Bobby Darin (1960)
"Theme from A Summer Place" by Percy Faith (1961)
"Moon River" by Henry Mancini (1962)
"I Left My Heart in San Francisco" by Tony Bennett (1963)
"Days of Wine and Roses" by Henry Mancini (1964)
"The Girl from Ipanema" by Astrud Gilberto & Stan Getz (1965)
"A Taste of Honey" by Herb Alpert and the Tijuana Brass (1966)
"Strangers in the Night" by Frank Sinatra (1967)
"Up, Up and Away" by The 5th Dimension (Billy Davis, Jr., Florence LaRue, Marilyn McCoo, Lamont McLemore, Ron Townson) (1968)
"Mrs. Robinson" by Simon & Garfunkel (Art Garfunkel, Paul Simon) (1969)
"Aquarius/Let the Sunshine In" by The 5th Dimension (Billy Davis, Jr., Florence LaRue, Marilyn McCoo, Lamont McLemore, Ron Townson) (1970)
"Bridge over Troubled Water" by Simon & Garfunkel (Art Garfunkel, Paul Simon) (1971)
"It's Too Late" by Carole King (1972)
"The First Time Ever I Saw Your Face" by Roberta Flack (1973)
"Killing Me Softly with His Song" by Roberta Flack (1974)
"I Honestly Love You" by Olivia Newton-John (1975)
"Love Will Keep Us Together" by Captain & Tennille (Daryl Dragon, Toni Tennille) (1976)
"This Masquerade" by George Benson (1977)
"Hotel California" by Eagles (Don Felder, Glenn Frey, Don Henley, Randy Meisner, Joe Walsh) (1978)
"Just the Way You Are" by Billy Joel (1979)
"What a Fool Believes" by The Doobie Brothers (Jeffrey Baxter, John Hartman, Keith Knudsen, Michael McDonald, Tiran Porter, Patrick Simmons) (1980)
1981−2000
"Sailing" by Christopher Cross (1981)
"Bette Davis Eyes" by Kim Carnes (1982)
"Rosanna" by Toto (Bobby Kimball, Steve Lukather, David Paich, Jeff Porcaro, David Hungate, Steve Porcaro) (1983)
"Beat It" by Michael Jackson (1984)
"What's Love Got to Do with It" by Tina Turner (1985)
"We Are the World" by USA for Africa (1986)
"Higher Love" by Steve Winwood (1987)
"Graceland" by Paul Simon (1988)
"Don't Worry, Be Happy" by Bobby McFerrin (1989)
"Wind Beneath My Wings" by Bette Midler (1990)
"Another Day in Paradise" by Phil Collins (1991)
"Unforgettable" by Natalie Cole with Nat King Cole (1992)
"Tears in Heaven" by Eric Clapton (1993)
"I Will Always Love You" by Whitney Houston (1994)
"All I Wanna Do" by Sheryl Crow (1995)
"Kiss from a Rose" by Seal (1996)
"Change the World" by Eric Clapton (1997)
"Sunny Came Home" by Shawn Colvin (1998)
"My Heart Will Go On" by Celine Dion (1999)
"Smooth" by Santana (Rodney Holmes, Tony Lindsay, Karl Perazzo, Raul Rekow, Benny Rietveld, Carlos Santana, Chester Thompson) featuring Rob Thomas (2000)
2001−present
"Beautiful Day" by U2 (Bono, Adam Clayton, The Edge, Larry Mullen Jr.) (2001)
"Walk On" by U2 (Bono, Adam Clayton, The Edge, Larry Mullen Jr.) (2002)
"Don't Know Why" by Norah Jones (2003)
"Clocks" by Coldplay (Guy Berryman, Jon Buckland, Will Champion, Phil Harvey, Chris Martin) (2004)
"Here We Go Again" by Ray Charles and Norah Jones (2005)
"Boulevard of Broken Dreams" by Green Day (Billie Joe Armstrong, Mike Dirnt, Frank Edwin Wright III) (2006)
"Not Ready to Make Nice" by Dixie Chicks (Martie Maguire, Natalie Maines, Emily Robison) (2007)
"Rehab" by Amy Winehouse (2008)
"Please Read the Letter" by Alison Krauss and Robert Plant (2009)
"Use Somebody" by Kings of Leon (Caleb Followill, Jared Followill, Matthew Followill, Nathan Followill) (2010)
"Need You Now" by Lady Antebellum (Hillary Scott, Charles Kelley, Dave Haywood) (2011)
"Rolling in the Deep" by Adele (2012)
"Somebody That I Used to Know" by Gotye featuring Kimbra (2013)
"Get Lucky" by Daft Punk featuring Pharrell Williams & Nile Rodgers (2014)
"Stay with Me" (Darkchild version) by Sam Smith (2015)
"Uptown Funk" by Mark Ronson featuring Bruno Mars (2016)
"Hello" by Adele (2017)
"24K Magic" by Bruno Mars (2018)
[show]
v
t
e
Grammy Award for Song of the Year
1959−1980
"Volare" – Domenico Modugno (songwriter) (1959)
"The Battle of New Orleans" – Jimmy Driftwood (songwriter) (1960)
"Theme from Exodus" – Ernest Gold (songwriter) (1961)
"Moon River" – Johnny Mercer & Henry Mancini (songwriters) (1962)
"What Kind of Fool Am I?" – Leslie Bricusse & Anthony Newley (songwriters) (1963)
"Days of Wine and Roses" – Johnny Mercer & Henry Mancini (songwriters) (1964)
"Hello, Dolly!" – Jerry Herman (songwriter) (1965)
"The Shadow of Your Smile" – Paul Francis Webster & Johnny Mandel (songwriters) (1966)
"Michelle" – John Lennon & Paul McCartney (songwriters) (1967)
"Up, Up, and Away" – Jimmy Webb (songwriter) (1968)
"Little Green Apples" – Bobby Russell (songwriter) (1969)
"Games People Play" – Joe South (songwriter) (1970)
"Bridge over Troubled Water" – Paul Simon (songwriter) (1971)
"You've Got a Friend" – Carole King (songwriter) (1972)
"The First Time Ever I Saw Your Face" – Ewan MacColl (songwriter) (1973)
"Killing Me Softly with His Song" – Norman Gimbel & Charles Fox (songwriters) (1974)
"The Way We Were" – Alan and Marilyn Bergman & Marvin Hamlisch (songwriters) (1975)
"Send in the Clowns" – Stephen Sondheim (songwriter) (1976)
"I Write the Songs" – Bruce Johnston (songwriter) (1977)
"Evergreen (Love Theme from A Star Is Born)" – Barbra Streisand & Paul Williams (songwriters) / "You Light Up My Life" – Joe Brooks (songwriter) (1978)
"Just the Way You Are" – Billy Joel (songwriter) (1979)
"What a Fool Believes" – Kenny Loggins & Michael McDonald (songwriters) (1980)
1981−2000
"Sailing" – Christopher Cross (songwriter) (1981)
"Bette Davis Eyes" – Donna Weiss & Jackie DeShannon (songwriters) (1982)
"Always on My Mind" – Johnny Christopher, Mark James & Wayne Carson (songwriters) (1983)
"Every Breath You Take" – Sting (songwriter) (1984)
"What's Love Got to Do with It" – Graham Lyle & Terry Britten (songwriters) (1985)
"We Are the World" – Michael Jackson & Lionel Richie (songwriters) (1986)
"That's What Friends Are For" – Burt Bacharach & Carole Bayer Sager (songwriters) (1987)
"Somewhere Out There" – James Horner, Barry Mann & Cynthia Weil (songwriters) (1988)
"Don't Worry, Be Happy" – Bobby McFerrin (songwriter) (1989)
"Wind Beneath My Wings" – Larry Henley & Jeff Silbar (songwriters) (1990)
"From a Distance" – Julie Gold (songwriter) (1991)
"Unforgettable" – Irving Gordon (songwriter) (1992)
"Tears in Heaven" – Eric Clapton & Will Jennings (songwriters) (1993)
"A Whole New World" – Alan Menken & Tim Rice (songwriters) (1994)
"Streets of Philadelphia" – Bruce Springsteen (songwriter) (1995)
"Kiss from a Rose" – Seal (songwriter) (1996)
"Change the World" – Gordon Kennedy, Wayne Kirkpatrick & Tommy Sims (songwriters) (1997)
"Sunny Came Home" – Shawn Colvin & John Leventhal (songwriters) (1998)
"My Heart Will Go On" – James Horner & Will Jennings (songwriters) (1999)
"Smooth" – Itaal Shur & Rob Thomas (songwriters) (2000)
2001−present
"Beautiful Day" – Adam Clayton, David Evans, Laurence Mullen & Paul Hewson (songwriters) (2001)
"Fallin'" – Alicia Keys (songwriter) (2002)
"Don't Know Why" – Jesse Harris (songwriter) (2003)
"Dance with My Father" – Richard Marx & Luther Vandross (songwriters) (2004)
"Daughters" – John Mayer (songwriter) (2005)
"Sometimes You Can't Make It on Your Own" – Adam Clayton, David Evans, Laurence Mullen & Paul Hewson (songwriters) (2006)
"Not Ready to Make Nice" – Emily Burns Erwin, Martha Maguire, Natalie Maines Pasdar & Dan Wilson (songwriters) (2007)
"Rehab" – Amy Winehouse (songwriter) (2008)
"Viva la Vida" – Guy Berryman, Jonathan Buckland, William Champion & Christopher Martin (songwriters) (2009)
"Single Ladies (Put a Ring on It)" – Thaddis "Kuk" Harrell, Beyoncé Knowles, Terius Nash & Christopher Stewart (songwriters) (2010)
"Need You Now" – Dave Haywood, Josh Kear, Charles Kelley & Hillary Scott (songwriters) (2011)
"Rolling in the Deep" – Adele Adkins & Paul Epworth (songwriters) (2012)
"We Are Young" – Jack Antonoff, Jeff Bhasker, Andrew Dost & Nate Ruess (songwriters) (2013)
"Royals" – Joel Little & Ella Yelich O'Connor (songwriters) (2014)
"Stay with Me" (Darkchild version) – James Napier, William Phillips & Sam Smith (songwriters) (2015)
"Thinking Out Loud" – Ed Sheeran & Amy Wadge (songwriters) (2016)
"Hello" – Adele Adkins & Greg Kurstin (songwriters) (2017)
"That's What I Like" – Christopher Brody Brown, James Fauntleroy, Philip Lawrence, Bruno Mars, Ray Charles McCullough II, Jeremy Reeves, Ray Romulus & Jonathan Yip (songwriters) (2018)
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Timothy Matlack
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Timothy Matlack by Charles Willson Peale, 1790: Museum of Fine Arts, Boston
Timothy Matlack (May 28, 1736 – April 14, 1826) was a brewer and beer bottler who emerged as a popular and powerful leader in the American Revolutionary War. Secretary of Pennsylvania during the war, and a delegate to the Second Continental Congress in 1780, he became one of Pennsylvania's most provocative and influential political figures. Removed from office by his political enemies at the end of the war, he returned to power in the Jeffersonian era.[1]
Matlack, who was known for his excellent penmanship, was chosen to write the original United States Declaration of Independence on vellum.[2]
Contents
[hide]
1 Biography
2 Penmanship
3 In popular culture
4 Notes
5 References
6 External links
Biography[edit]
Timothy Matlack was born in Haddonfield, New Jersey on May 28, 1736, to Elizabeth Martha Burr Haines and Timothy Matlack: a couple that had both lost their first spouses. His grandparents were William Matlack and Mary Hancock; and Henry Burr and Elizabeth Hudson. His siblings were Sybil, Elizabeth, Titus, Seth, Josiah and White Matlack. His half siblings were Reuben and Mary Haines. His first cousin was the Quaker abolitionist John Woolman.[3] In 1738, the family moved to Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, where Timothy attended Friends' School. He likely studied under Anthony Benezet. In 1749 he was apprenticed to the prosperous Quaker merchant John Reynell. During his period of service Timothy was considered a strong candidate for the Quaker ministry. At the end of his term he married Ellen Yarnall, the daughter of the Quaker minister Mordecai Yarnall. The couple had five children: William, Mordecai, Sibyl, Catharine and Martha.
In 1760 Matlack opened a mercantile he called the Case Knife. Two years later he and Owen Biddle purchased the Petty's Run steel furnace in Trenton, New Jersey. In 1764, following the failure of his shop, Timothy was disowned by the Quakers. The Quakers complained that he had been “frequenting company in such a manner as to spend too much of his time from home.” In 1768, and again in 1769, he was confined to debtors' prison. By this time Timothy Matlack had set up a new business selling bottled beer. In 1769 he opened his own brewery, located near the State House, or Independence Hall. A horse racing enthusiast,in 1770 he pitted his gamecocks against those owned by the New York aristocrat James Delancey in an infamous main.
In 1774 Matlack was hired by Charles Thomson, Secretary of the First Continental Congress, to engross the body's formal address to the King of England. In May, 1775, he became clerk to the Second Continental Congress and in June he composed George Washington's commission as General and Commander-in-Chief of the army of the United Colonies. In October Congress elevated Matlack to Storekeeper of Military Supplies. By this time he was also a member of Philadelphia's Committee of Inspection and Secretary of the Committee of Officers of the city's three militia battalions. By December he was serving as Secretary to Congress's Marine Committee, chaired by John Hancock. By January, 1776, he was Commissary and Clerk-in-Chief of the Committee of Claims. That month Philadelphia added two more battalions to its militia brigade and Timothy Matlack was elected Colonel of the Fifth Battalion of Rifle Rangers. In February he was made an officer of the city's Committee of Inspection and added to a key policy-making subcommittee. On May 20, 1776, Matlack was a principal speaker at a massive town meeting in the State House yard. He was a delegate to the Conference of Committees which met in June to plan for the Convention which would write a new constitution for Pennsylvania. These laws were to form the basis of a new government. That night, Matlack likely attended John Dunlap's print shop, and printed copies of the declaration were ready by morning. Later that month Matlack engrossed the Declaration of Independence on parchment. Members of Congress began signing that historic document on August 2. On July 8, 1776, Colonel John Nixon read Congress's declaration of independence to a crowd gathered at the State House.
As a leader of the Pennsylvania Convention he was instrumental in drafting the ultra-democratic Pennsylvania Constitution of 1776. In the years that followed he was an ardent defender of this frame against such critics as Benjamin Rush, James Wilson and John Dickinson. Newspapers were his primary medium and he signed a number of articles with the pseudonym Tiberius Gracchus.[4] Critics responded with the sobriquet 'Tim Gaff.' As Secretary to the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania, Matlack was one of the most powerful men in the new state during the war years. In 1780 his government passed an Act for the Gradual Abolition of Slavery, the first law of its kind in the Western Hemisphere.
On December 27, 1776, following Washington's victory at Trenton, the Philadelphia and Pennsylvania militia crossed the Delaware River and camped at Burlington. Colonel Timothy Matlack and his 5th Rifle Battalion were part of this expedition. On January 2, they were involved in the Battle of Assumpink Creek, the second battle of Trenton. On January 3 the militia fought bravely at the Battle of Princeton. Matlack's force continued to serve in this winter campaign until it dissolved at the end of the month. General Washington credited the Pennsylvania militia for their timely service in this campaign. Other officers commended the Philadelphia force for its manliness and spirit.
Copy of the Declaration of Independence. Original document located at the U.S. National Archives in Washington DC.
Following the British occupation of Philadelphia General Washington assigned Major General Benedict Arnold to the post of Commandant of Philadelphia. Secretary Matlack learned to despise the man's presence. Matlack led an investigation of his wrongdoing which triggered a court martial. The court sentenced Arnold to be severely reprimanded by the Commander-in-Chief. Washington said his officer's behavior had been "reprehensible." Five months later Arnold's treason at West Point was discovered.
In this period, at the height of his power, Matlack was named a trustee (1779–1785) of the new University of the State of Pennsylvania (now the University of Pennsylvania). He was also a Secretary of the American Philosophical Society. In 1780, Matlack delivered an address before the Society in which he advocated the institutionalization of agricultural in the interest of national development. “In our endeavors to promote the interest and happiness of our country,” Matlack declared, “let us apply to intelligent husbandmen in every part of the state and collect the real knowledge among us" and "arrange it into science”. Matlack called upon the University of the State of Pennsylvania, as well as other colleges, to foster the development of modern agricultural research and education in America. "The Star-bespangled Genius of America..." he proclaimed, "points to Agriculture as the stable Foundation of the rising mighty Empire."[5]
In 1781, Matlack was among the founders of the Religious Society of Free Quakers, which consisted mostly of Quakers disowned for their support of or participation in the armed conflict with Great Britain during the American war for independence. One of the earliest opponents of slavery in British colonies in America, Matlack felt the Quakers were not moving quickly enough on abolition. Along with Benjamin Franklin, Robert Morris and others, Matlack helped raise a substantial sum of money to construct the Free Quaker Meeting House at the corner of Fifth and Arch streets in downtown Philadelphia, where he and other members of the society, including his brothers Josiah and White, openly worshiped.[6] Matlack has been attributed with the architectural design of the Free Quaker Meeting House and its masonry vaults. He was also hired in 1794 by Philadelphia merchant and politician Anthony Morris to design a late Georgian style mansion in the countryside just outside Philadelphia. The estate is known today as the Highlands.
In 1790, Matlack was commissioned along with Samuel Maclay and John Adlum by the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania to survey the "headwaters of the Susquehanna River and the streams of the New Purchase," the northwestern portion of the state purchased from the American Indians. They were also charged with exploring a route for a passageway to connect the West Branch with the Allegheny River.[7]
Matlack lived at a home, located at present-day 220-222 East Orange Street, in Lancaster, Pennsylvania, from 1799 until 1808 during the years that the city of Lancaster was the state capital of Pennsylvania.[2] He worked as a clerk of the Pennsylvania State Senate while residing in the city.[2] He was known for his household garden, which included "28 types of peach trees."[2]
After his death in Holmesburg, Pennsylvania on April 14, 1826, Matlack was interred in the Free Quaker Burial Ground on South Fifth Street, Philadelphia. His remains were removed from the Burial Ground in 1905 and reinterred in the Wetherill Cemetery in the current village of Audubon, Matson's Ford, Montgomery Co., Pennsylvania, in the Flatlands of the Schuylkill River opposite Valley Forge.
Penmanship[edit]
American Scribe
Handwriting in the colonial period was heavily influenced by Europe, in particular by 18th century English writing masters. By the mid-18th century, there were special schools established to teach handwriting techniques, or penmanship.
Master penmen like Timothy Matlack were employed to copy official documents such as land deeds, birth and marriage certificates, military commissions, and other legal documents. The development of copperplate engraving allowed for the use of very delicate type faces with many flourishes and curlicues in the script-like letters, which greatly influenced handwriting. Elegant handwriting became a sign of social status. One can readily see these influences in Matlack's penmanship in the Declaration of Independence. In particular, his use of English Roundhand script stands out. This form of script was executed with a feather quill pen and was actually a form of handwriting. The script is known today as Copperplate.
Matlack's penmanship in the Declaration and other historical documents of the time has inspired a number of modern typefaces, or fonts, such as American Scribe, Declaration Script, Declaration Blackletter, and National Archive.
In popular culture[edit]
Timothy Matlack is mentioned in a riddle in the movie National Treasure.
Notes[edit]
Coelho, Chris. Timothy Matlack: Scribe of the Declaration of Independence. Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 2013.
Fanelli, Doris Devine, Karie Diethorn and John C. Milley. History of the Portrait Collection, Independence National Historical Park. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 2001.
Johnson, Allen and Dumas Malone, eds. Dictionary of American Biography. New York: Charles Scribner & Sons, 1933, vol 12, pp 409–410
Landis, Bertha Cochran. Col. Timothy Matlack. Papers read before the Lancaster County Historical Society, Vol. XLII-No.6; Lancaster, PA: 1938.
Stackhouse, A. M. Col. Timothy Matlack, Patriot and Soldier. [N.p.]: Privately printed, 1910.
Wetherill, Charles. History of The Religious Society of Friends Called by Some The Free Quakers, in the City of Philadelphia. Philadelphia: Printed for the Society, 1894
Yarnall, John K. Yarnall Family Record in America from 1683 to 1913. Chicago, Dec. 1913.; William Wade Hinshaw, Encyclopedia of American Quaker Genealogy, Vol. II - Philadelphia MM records.
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Coelho, Chris. Timothy Matlack: Scribe of the Declaration of Independence. Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 2013, p. 55.
^ Jump up to: a b c d Brubaker, Jack (2016-06-28). "The Scribbler: The man who really wrote the Declaration of Independence". (LNP) Lancaster Online. Retrieved 2016-07-06.
Jump up ^ Coelho, Chris Timothy Matlack: Scribe of the Declaration of Independence. Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 2013, p.185.
Jump up ^ Pennsylvania: A History of the Commonwealth, (ed. Millegrand Pencak, W., the Pennsylvania State University, University Park, Pennsylvania and the Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission, Harrisburg, PA, 2002, p. 117)
Jump up ^ Matlack, Timothy. An Oration, delivered March 16, 1780 : Before the Patron, Vice-presidents and Members of the American Philosophical Society, Held at Philadelphia, for Promoting Useful Knowledge. Philadelphia: Styner and Cist, 1780.
Jump up ^ Peterson, Charles E. Notes on The Free Quaker Meeting House. Washington D.C.: Ross & Perry Inc, 2002.
Jump up ^ Storey, Henry Wilson. "History of Cambria County, Pennsylvania." New York: The Lewis Publishing Company, 1907.
External links[edit]
[1]
[2]
Biography, Timothy Matlack at the University of Pennsylvania
Free Quaker Meeting House architectural drawing by Timothy Matlack, Library of Congress
Authority control
WorldCat Identities
VIAF: 60152885
LCCN: n85253407
GND: 129087289
US Congress: M000246
IATH: w64b30fg
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Timothy_Matlack&oldid=817581288"
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This page was last edited on 29 December 2017, at 08:32.
Text is available under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License; additional terms may apply. By using this site, you agree to the Terms of Use and Privacy Policy. Wikipedia® is a registered trademark of the Wikimedia Foundation, Inc., a non-profit organization.
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