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A Simple Plan (film)
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A Simple Plan
Theatrical release poster
Directed by
Sam Raimi
Produced by
James Jacks
Adam Schroeder
Screenplay by
Scott B. Smith
Based on
A Simple Plan
by Scott B. Smith
Starring
Bill Paxton
Billy Bob Thornton
Bridget Fonda
Music by
Danny Elfman
Cinematography
Alar Kivilo
Edited by
Arthur Coburn
Eric L. Beason
Production
companies
Mutual Film Company
Savoy Pictures
BBC
Tele-München
UGC-PH
Toho-Towa/Marubeni
Newmarket Capital Group
Distributed by
Paramount Pictures
Release date
September 11, 1998 (1998-09-11) (TIFF)
December 11, 1998 (1998-12-11) (limited)
Running time
121 minutes
Country
United States
United Kingdom
Germany
France
Japan
Language
English
Budget
$17 million[1][2][3]
Box office
$16.3 million[1][4]
A Simple Plan is a 1998 neo-noir crime thriller film adapted by Scott B. Smith from his 1993 novel of the same name. Directed by Sam Raimi, it stars Bill Paxton, Billy Bob Thornton and Bridget Fonda. Set in rural Minnesota, the film follows brothers Hank (Paxton) and Jacob Mitchell (Thornton), who, along with Jacob's friend Lou (Brent Briscoe), discover a crashed plane containing $4.4 million in cash. The three men and Hank's wife Sarah (Fonda) go to great lengths to keep the money a secret but begin to doubt each other's trust, resulting in lies, deceit and murder.
Development of the film began in 1993 before the novel was published. Mike Nichols purchased the film rights, and the project was picked up by Savoy Pictures. After Nichols stepped down, the film adaptation became mired in development hell, with Ben Stiller and John Dahl turning down opportunities to direct it. After Savoy closed in November 1995, the project was sold to Paramount Pictures, John Boorman was hired to direct, but scheduling conflicts led to his replacement by Raimi. An international co-production between the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany, France and Japan, the film was financed by Mutual Film Company, which allocated a production budget of $17 million. Principal photography began in January 1998 and concluded in March after 55 days; filming took place in Wisconsin and Minnesota. The score was produced and composed by Danny Elfman.
A Simple Plan premiered at the 1998 Toronto International Film Festival, where it was met with critical acclaim. The film's appearance at the festival preceded a limited release in the United States on December 11, 1998, followed by a general release in North America on January 22, 1999. It underperformed at the North American box office, grossing $16.3 million. Reviewers praised various aspects of the film's production, including the storytelling, performances and Raimi's direction. A Simple Plan earned multiple awards and nominations, among them two Academy Award nominations for Best Supporting Actor (Thornton) and Best Adapted Screenplay (Smith).
Contents
1 Plot
2 Cast
3 Production
3.1 Development
3.2 Writing
3.3 Casting
3.4 Filming
3.4.1 Principal photography
3.4.2 Cinematography
3.5 Music
4 Release
5 Reception
5.1 Critical response
5.2 Accolades
6 Notes
7 References
8 External links
Plot[edit]
Hank Mitchell and his wife Sarah live in rural Minnesota. One of the town's few college graduates, Hank works in a feed mill, while his wife is a librarian. When Hank, his older, socially challenged brother Jacob and Jacob's friend Lou chase a fox into the woods, they stumble upon a crashed airplane. Hank decides to look inside the plane where he discovers a dead pilot and a bag containing $4.4 million in $100 bills. He suggests turning the money in but is persuaded not to by Jacob and Lou. Hank then proposes that he keep the money safe at his house until the end of winter. Sheriff Carl Jenkins drives by the area and notices the three men after they hide the money in Jacob's pick-up truck. Jacob mentions hearing a plane in the area to avoid suspicion. After Carl leaves, the three men decide to keep the money a secret, but Hank breaks the pact when he reveals the discovery to Sarah.
Sarah suggests that Hank and Jacob return a paltry sum of the money to the plane to avoid suspicion from local authorities. While travelling on foot to the woods, the brothers come across an old man on a snowmobile. Jacob, thinking that their cover is blown, bludgeons him. When the man regains consciousness, Hank suffocates him, then uses the snowmobile to drive his body off a bridge, making the murder look like an accidental death. The following night, Lou drunkenly demands some of the money from Hank, because he has spent recklessly since the discovery. When Hank refuses, Lou threatens to go to the authorities, having learned from Jacob about the old man's murder.
Sarah advises that Hank and Jacob team up to plot against Lou. Much to Jacob's dismay, the two brothers visit Lou at his home where Jacob has him drunkenly confess to the old man's murder. Hank records the false confession with a tape recorder. Lou grows enraged when he realizes that the two have conspired against him and pulls a gun on them. Jacob grabs a rifle from his truck and kills Lou to save his brother. Hank then kills Lou's wife with Lou's shotgun when she appears with another gun. The two brothers avoid arrest after Hank concocts a rehearsed speech for himself and Jacob to tell the police.
Because Jacob mentioned hearing a plane in the woods, Carl asks the brothers to assist an FBI agent, Neil Baxter, in a search for the missing aircraft. Hank and Jacob meet with Baxter and Carl at the police station. Sarah grows skeptical of Baxter, whom she later discovers to be an impostor; she contacts and warns Hank, who steals a revolver from Carl's office. The four men head into the woods and split up. When he finds the plane, Baxter kills Carl, and engages in a gunfight with Hank. Hank manages to kill Baxter with the gun he had stolen. Hank starts to concoct another story to tell the authorities, but Jacob announces that he does not want to live with these bad memories and threatens to commit suicide. Jacob then encourages his brother to kill him instead and frame Baxter for the crime. After grappling with the decision, Hank kills Jacob.
At the police station, Hank tells his rehearsed story to real FBI agents. As Sarah predicted, the agents do not believe that Hank, an upstanding member of the community, would be capable of such wrongdoing. Although he is ruled out as a suspect, Hank is told that the money was part of a ransom and that many of the bills' serial numbers were written down to track the cash. Hank realizes he cannot use the money without being caught. He returns home and burns it all, leaving Sarah distraught. In a closing narration, Hank reflects on his losses. As he tries to move on with his life, the murderous events constantly haunt him.
Cast[edit]
Bill Paxton as Hank Mitchell
Billy Bob Thornton as Jacob Mitchell
Bridget Fonda as Sarah Mitchell
Brent Briscoe as Lou Chambers
Gary Cole as Neil Baxter
Jack Walsh as Tom Butler
Chelcie Ross as Sheriff Carl Jenkins
Becky Ann Baker as Nancy Chambers
Production[edit]
Development[edit]
From left to right: Scott B. Smith, who wrote the adaptation of his novel, and Sam Raimi, who directed the film.
After Scott B. Smith had published a short story for The New Yorker, the magazine's fiction editor learned of his then-unpublished novel A Simple Plan before reading it and forwarding it to an agent. Shortly thereafter, Smith learned that Mike Nichols was interested in purchasing the film rights.[5] Nichols spent a weekend reading the book, before contacting Smith's agent, and finalizing a deal the following Monday morning. Nichols purchased the rights for his production company Icarus Productions[6] for $250,000, with an additional $750,000 to come later from a studio interested in pursuing the project.[7] Smith’s manuscript of A Simple Plan was optioned for development at an independent film studio, Savoy Pictures. Nichols later stepped down from the project, due to scheduling conflicts with a planned film adaptation of All the Pretty Horses.[8]
After learning of A Simple Plan from Nichols, Ben Stiller joined the project[8] and signed a two-picture directing deal with Savoy.[9] He spent nine months working on the script with Smith. During preproduction, Stiller had a falling out with Savoy over budget disputes.[8] Unable to secure financing from another studio, Stiller left the film.[10]
In January 1995, John Dahl was announced as director, with Nicolas Cage set to appear in a starring role, and filming likely to start during the following summer in the southern hemisphere or in Canada during the following winter.[10][11] In November 1995, following a series of box office failures, Savoy announced that it was retreating from the film industry.[12] The studio was later acquired by Silver King Broadcasting/Home Shopping Network, whose chairman, Barry Diller, put A Simple Plan up for sale.[8] This resulted in both Dahl and Cage leaving the production.[8][10]
The project was purchased by Paramount Pictures, where producer Scott Rudin hired John Boorman to direct the film. Boorman took part in location scouting, and filming was set to begin during the first week of January 1998.[10] When a second investor left the project, Paramount refused to fully finance the $17 million production itself.[10][13] Although Boorman was able to secure financing, the studio feared that filming would not be finished before the end of winter.[10] Boorman ran into scheduling conflicts, and left the film.[10] Paramount then hired Sam Raimi,[13] who saw the film as an opportunity to direct a character-driven story that differed from his earlier works, which were highly stylized or dependent on intricate camera movements.[5] Raimi did not have time to scout locations due to studio constraints. He relied on the previous areas visited during Boorman's involvement.[10]
A Simple Plan was a co-production between Paramount and Mutual Film Company. The film was co-financed by Mutual and Newmarket Capital Group[2] as part of a joint venture that was formed by the two companies.[14] Mutual's international partners—the United Kingdom's BBC, Germany's Tele-München, Japan's Toho-Towa/Marubeni and France’s UGC-PH—also co-financed the film in exchange for distribution rights in their respective territories and equity stakes on the film on a worldwide basis.[15] Paramount acquired the North American distribution rights.[3]
Writing[edit]
"Ben [Stiller] really taught me how to write a script. I don’t know that he ever explicitly said it, but by imagining the script as a verbal description of a movie, the movie that I wanted the book to be. That’s very simple, but it really was the key to everything for me—just imagining what was on the page. I was shortchanging the visual in my script, concentrating on dialogue, which I imagine is a very common first-time screenwriter’s mistake, and to suddenly just do it visually opened up everything for me."
—Smith on writing the screenplay.[16]
The original script that Smith had written for Nichols was 256 pages long, the equivalent of a four-and-a-half hour film. Smith kept Nichols's suggestion of having the story take place in Minnesota, rather than in Ohio, where the book is set.[10] The Minnesota Film Board joined the project and remained involved throughout principal photography.[10] After the novel was published, Nichols left the project during the script's early draft stages.[5] When Stiller became involved, he and Smith spent nine months rewriting the screenplay.[5]
For the adaptation, certain visual changes were made from the novel. Smith explained that one change involved the discovery of the crashed plane. His script had Lou Chambers "throwing [a] snowball to uncover the plane ... In the book, they're just walking and they find it."[5] Rudin wanted to change the focus of the story to Hank and Jacob, and ordered Smith to shorten the screenplay to 120 pages. Smith explained, "I had to work to make Hank a more rational character, less evil."[5] The shortening of the script also resulted in the character of Sarah having a smaller role, and Jacob's involvement being much larger than in the book. After Billy Bob Thornton was cast as Jacob, Smith omitted the character's overweight appearance from the novel.[5] Smith described the film adaptation as being less violent than the book, explaining that it was Raimi's decision "to be more restrained [and] bring out the characters."[13]
Casting[edit]
During the film's pre-production at Paramount, Boorman cast Bill Paxton and Billy Bob Thornton in the lead roles of Hank and Jacob Mitchell, respectively.[13] The film marked Paxton and Thornton's second on-screen collaboration after One False Move (1992).[17] Thornton recalled, "I got a call from one of my agents who said, 'John Boorman wants you to do a script that I sent you a year ago and you never read,' I said, 'Send it to me again, and this time I'll really read it.' Within the first two pages, I knew I wanted to do it."[10]
Paxton learned of the novel A Simple Plan from his father five years before securing the role of Hank. He stated, " ... for five years, there was a whole list of actors and directors who kind of marched through it. Billy Bob and I were set to do these roles in 1997, and then it fell apart. That was the cruelest twist for an actor, to get a part you dreamed you'd get and then they decide to scrap the whole thing."[17] Rudin considered casting Anne Heche as Hank's wife Sarah Mitchell.[18] In December 1997, it was announced that Bridget Fonda had secured the role. The film marks her second collaboration with Raimi, after Army of Darkness (1992).[3]
Filming[edit]
Principal photography[edit]
Filming was scheduled to begin in Delano, Minnesota, but due to climatic changes as the result of El Niño, the production was forced to temporarily relocate to northern Wisconsin to find the snow levels described in the script.[19] Principal photography began on January 5, 1998.[20] The film marked production designer Patrizia von Brandenstein's second collaboration with Raimi, after The Quick and the Dead (1995). She found the weather difficult during filming, as she had to await good conditions to complete the necessary exterior work. Describing the overall look of the film, she stated, "We created a muted black-and-white color scheme to suggest a morality tale, the choices given between right and wrong."[19] The production began shooting in Ashland and Saxon, Wisconsin, where most of the film's exterior shots were filmed.[20] An actual plane, with one side cut open, was one of two planes used to depict the crashed aircraft.[20]
The production returned to Minnesota, where it was plagued by a lack of snow.[21] To solve this problem, the filmmakers assembled a special effects team to create a combination of real snow and fake synthetic snow that was made from shaved ice.[21]:2 The home of Lou Chambers and his wife Nancy was filmed in an abandoned house in Delano,[20] which cinematographer Alar Kivilo described as "a very difficult [filming] location with very low ceilings and no heating".[21] Brandenstein and the art department were tasked with designing the set inside the home.[21][22]
The interior of the crashed plane was filmed on a soundstage. A second plane, designed to have frosted windows, was attached to a gimbal, about five feet off the ground. To match the interior with footage shot in Wisconsin, the art department built a set with real trees and a painted backdrop.[22] To depict Hank being attacked by a flock of crows inside the plane, puppets were used to attack Paxton as he appeared on screen, while two live crows were used to attack an animatronic replica of the actor.[22] A separate soundstage was used to create two sets depicting the interiors of the Mitchell home, where Hank and his wife Sarah (Fonda) reside. The first set was the main floor and exterior entrance way, and the second was created for the upstairs bedrooms.[22] Principal photography concluded on March 13, 1998, after 55 days of filming.[6][20]
Cinematography[edit]
"This is a change of pace for me because the film is not about shots, but the performance within the frame. I wanted the camera work to be invisible and just allow the actors to tell this very thrilling story."
—Sam Raimi (director)[23]
Director of photography Alar Kivilo stated that, upon reading the script, his first approach to making the film "was to make the look simple, allowing the characters to tell the story."[22] He was influenced by the visuals of In Cold Blood (1967), the work of photographer Robert Frank[22] and photographs taken during location scouting in Delano, Minnesota.[21] Kivilo originally wanted to shoot the film in widescreen using the anamorphic format, but decided against it due to the lack of lenses available and the film's restricted budget.[21] He shot the film using Panavision Platinum cameras with the company's Primo series of prime lenses.[21] He used Eastman Kodak 5246 250ASA Vision film stock for all of the daylight scenes and tungsten-balanced 5279 Vision 500T film stock for the night scenes.[21]
"In most of my films, I’ve tended to find a progression of visuals to emphasize the story. They will often start one way and end another. The lighting and the camera will build with the story. But here, because the characters were going through such extreme psychological changes, we decided to keep the photography on an even keel."
—  —Alar Kivilo (cinematographer)[22]
Despite the intense weather conditions, Kivilo believed that the overcast skies created a "gray, somber, stark look."[22] He also chose not to use any lighting for daytime exterior scenes.[21] For exterior scenes shot during sunnier filming days, computer-generated imagery (CGI) was used to re-create the overcast skies[21] and counter any inconsistencies caused by the falling snow.[22] In depicting the shootout in Lou's home, Kivilo's intent was to "keep things quite sketchy in the lighting and not be clear about exactly what was happening." The camera department lit a China ball from the ceiling to depict a dimly lit kitchen light that would reveal Nancy holding a shotgun.[21] Flash photography guns were used to depict the muzzle flashes during the shootouts.[21]
Music[edit]
A Simple Plan's film score was produced and composed by Danny Elfman, who was drawn to the project after learning that Raimi would be directing the film; the film marked his third collaboration with Raimi. The instruments included alto and bass flutes, re-tuned pianos and banjos, zithers, and hand drums.[24] The soundtrack album, titled A Simple Plan: Music from the Motion Picture Soundtrack, was released on January 26, 1999.[25]
Release[edit]
A Simple Plan premiered at the 23rd Toronto International Film Festival on September 11, 1998.[26] On December 11, 1998, the film opened in limited release at 31 theaters, and grossed $390,563 in its first week, with an average of $12,598 per theater.[27] More theaters were added during the limited run, and on January 22, 1999, the film officially entered wide release by screening in 660 theaters across North America.[27] The film ended its North American theatrical run on May 14, 1999, having grossed $16,316,273, below its estimated production budget of $17 million.[1][4] The film was released on VHS and DVD on June 22, 1999, by Paramount Home Entertainment.[28]
Reception[edit]
Critical response[edit]
Billy Bob Thornton was critically lauded for his performance as Jacob Mitchell, which earned him an Academy Award nomination for Best Supporting Actor.
Review aggregation website Rotten Tomatoes sampled 69 reviews, and gave the film a "Certified Fresh" score of 90%, with an average score of 8.2 out of 10. The website's consensus calls the film "A riveting crime thriller full of emotional tension."[29] Another review aggregator, Metacritic, assigned the film a weighted average score of 82 out of 100, based on 28 reviews from mainstream critics, indicating "universal acclaim".[30]
Reviewing the film during the Toronto International Film Festival, Glen Lovell of Variety, compared it to Joel and Ethan Coen's earlier film Fargo (1996), writing, "The key differences are in emphasis and tone: Fargo is deadpan noir; A Simple Plan...is a more robust Midwestern Gothic that owes as much to Poe as Chandler."[31] In an "early review" of the film prior to its limited release, Roger Ebert and his colleague, Gene Siskel, gave the film a "Two Thumbs Up" rating on their syndicated television program Siskel and Ebert and the Movies.[32] In a later episode, Ebert ranked A Simple Plan at number four on his list of the "Best Films of 1998".[33] Siskel, writing for the Chicago Tribune, said that the film was "an exceedingly well-directed genre picture by [Raimi] ... [who] does an excellent job of presaging the lethal violence that follows. From his very first images we know that bodies are going to start to pile up."[34]
Online film critic James Berardinelli praised the performances, but commended Thornton's performance as being "the most striking that A Simple Plan has to offer."[35] After Paxton's death in February 2017, Matt Zoller Seitz of RogerEbert.com cited the actor's performance as Hank to be the best in his career, stating that "The film might constitute Paxton’s most sorrowful performance as well as his most frightening... an outwardly ordinary man who has no idea what kind of evil he’s capable of."[36]
Owen Gleiberman of Entertainment Weekly described the film as being "lean, elegant, and emotionally complex – a marvel of backwoods classicism".[37] Janet Maslin of The New York Times called it a "quietly devastating thriller directed by [Raimi]...who makes a flawless segue into mainstream storytelling."[38] Edward Guthmann of the San Francisco Chronicle wrote, " ... for Raimi, whose mastery of visual effects has driven all of his previous films, A Simple Plan marks a tremendously successful break from the past. He's drawn lovely, complex performances from Paxton and Thornton and proven that he can work effectively – and movingly – in a minor emotional key."[39]
In a negative review, Richard Schickel of Time stated, "There's neither intricacy nor surprise in the narrative, and these dopes are tedious, witless company."[40] Schlomo Schwartzberg of Boxoffice felt that the film "clutters up the story with unnecessary acts of violence and murder, and mainly stays on the surface, offering little more than cheap jolts of melodrama."[41]
Accolades[edit]
A Simple Plan garnered awards and nominations in a variety of categories with particular praise for its screenplay by Scott B. Smith and Billy Bob Thornton's performance. At the 56th Golden Globe Awards, Thornton received a Best Supporting Actor nomination, but lost against Ed Harris, who received the award for his performance in The Truman Show.[42] At the 71st Academy Awards, Thornton received an Oscar nomination for Best Supporting Actor, but lost against James Coburn, who won the award for his performance in Affliction. Smith received an Oscar nomination for Best Adapted Screenplay, but lost to Bill Condon, who won for Gods and Monsters.[43] In addition to receiving various awards and nominations, A Simple Plan was named one of the "Top 10 Films of 1998" by the National Board of Review.[44]
List of awards and nominations
Award / Film Festival
Category
Recipient(s) and nominee(s)
Result
Ref(s)
71st Academy Awards Best Supporting Actor Billy Bob Thornton Nominated [43]
Best Adapted Screenplay Scott B. Smith Nominated [43]
56th Golden Globe Awards Best Supporting Actor Billy Bob Thornton Nominated [42]
5th Screen Actors Guild Awards Best Supporting Actor Billy Bob Thornton Nominated [45]
51st Writers Guild of America Awards Best Adapted Screenplay Scott B. Smith Nominated [46]
19th Boston Society of Film Critics Awards Best Supporting Actor Billy Bob Thornton Won [47]
4th Critics' Choice Awards Best Supporting Actor Billy Bob Thornton Won [48]
Best Screenplay, Adaptation Scott B. Smith Won [48]
11th Chicago Film Critics Association Awards Best Supporting Actor Billy Bob Thornton Won [49]
11th USC Scripter Awards Best Adapted Screenplay Scott B. Smith Nominated [50]
2nd Las Vegas Film Critics Society Awards Best Score Danny Elfman Won [51]
24th Los Angeles Film Critics Association Awards Best Supporting Actor Billy Bob Thornton Won [a] [51]
70th National Board of Review Awards Best Adapted Screenplay Scott B. Smith Won [44]
Top 10 Films of 1998 Won [44]
2nd Online Film Critics Society Awards Best Adapted Screenplay Scott B. Smith Nominated [52]
Best Supporting Actor Billy Bob Thornton Won
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ Thornton tied with Bill Murray, who was nominated for his performance in Rushmore.
References[edit]
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External links[edit]
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Sam Raimi filmography
Films directed
Feature
It's Murder! (1977)
The Evil Dead (1981)
Crimewave (1985)
Evil Dead II (1987)
Darkman (1990)
Army of Darkness (1992)
The Quick and the Dead (1995)
A Simple Plan (1998)
For Love of the Game (1999)
The Gift (2000)
Spider-Man (2002)
Spider-Man 2 (2004)
Spider-Man 3 (2007)
Drag Me to Hell (2009)
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Educational attainment in the United States
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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This article needs to be updated. Please update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information. (May 2015)
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This graph shows the educational attainment since 1940.[1]
Map of states percentage of population 25 years old with Advanced Degree in 2009.
Map of states percentage of population 25 years old with bachelor's degree or higher in 2009.
2008 - 2012 Bachelor's Degree or Higher (5-year estimate) by County (percent)
The educational attainment of the U.S. population is similar to that of many other industrialized countries with the vast majority of the population having completed secondary education and a rising number of college graduates that outnumber high school dropouts. As a whole, the population of the United States is spending more years in formal educational programs. As with income, levels differ by race, age, household configuration and geography.[2]
Overall the households and demographics featuring the highest educational attainment in the United States are also among those with the highest household income and wealth. Thus, while the population as a whole is proceeding further in formal educational programs, income and educational attainment remain highly correlated.[2]
Contents
[hide]
1 General attainment of degrees/diplomas
2 Gender
2.1 Gender gap in literacy
2.2 Graduation rates
3 Ethnicity and race
3.1 Foreign born and immigrants
4 Income
5 Occupation
6 Geography
7 Social class and education
8 Educational attainment in social theory
8.1 Bourdieu and cultural capital
8.2 Lareau and concerted cultivation
8.3 Collins and credentialism
9 See also
10 References
11 Further reading
12 External links
General attainment of degrees/diplomas[edit]
Educational attainment in the United States (2014)[3]
Education
Age 25 and over
Age 25-29
High school diploma or GED 88.31% 0%
Some college 58.57% 64.31%
Associate and/or bachelor's degree 41.89% 44.08%
Bachelor's degree 31.96% 34.04%
Master's and/or doctorate and/or professional degree 11.77% 7.57%
Doctorate and/or professional degree 3.27% 1.70%
Doctorate 1.77% 0.89%
In 2003, over four-fifths (85 percent) of all adults 25 years or older reported they had completed at least high school or didn't complete high school but obtained a GED/high school equivalency certificate. Over one in four adults (27 percent) had attained at least a bachelor's degree. Both of these measures are all time highs. In 2003, the percentage of the adult population who had completed high school or had not completed high school but obtained a GED increased for the first time since 2000, when it was 84 percent. This increase follows a general trend that the Current Population Survey has shown since educational attainment was first measured in 1947.[2]
In 2015, among adults aged 65 and older, 84 percent had either completed high school or more education, or had failed to complete high school but obtained at least a GED certification, compared to 91 percent of adults aged 25 to 34 and 89 percent of adults aged 35 to 44 years or 45 to 64 years. In addition, 27 percent of the population aged 65 and older reported a bachelor's degree or more education compared to 36 percent of adults 25 to 34 years old and 32 percent of adults aged 45 to 64 years.[4]
Since 1983 the percentage of people either graduating from high school or failing to complete high school but getting a GED certification has increased from 85% to 88%. The greatest increases in educational attainment were documented in the 1950s, 60s and 70s. In the 1950s and much of the 1960s high school graduates constituted about 50% of those considered adults (25 and above). For young adults aged between 25 and 29, the percentage of either high school graduates or GED obtainers was roughly 50% in 1950 versus 90% today.[2]
Gender[edit]
For the past fifty years, there has been a gap in the educational achievement of males and females in the United States, but which gender has been disadvantaged has fluctuated over the years. In the 1970s and 1980s, data showed girls trailing behind boys in a variety of academic performance measures, specifically in test scores in math and science.[5]
Achievement gaps between boys and girls in the United States are more pronounced in reading and writing than in math and science.
Data in the last twenty years shows the general trend of girls outperforming boys in academic achievement in terms of class grades across all subjects and college graduation rates, but boys scoring higher on standardized tests and being better represented in the higher-paying and more prestigious STEM fields (science, technology, engineering, and math).[5]
Gender gap in literacy[edit]
Traditionally, girls have outperformed boys in reading and writing. Although this gap may be minimal in kindergarten, it grows as students continue their education. According to the 2004 National Reading Assessment measured by the US Department of Education, the gap between boys and girls, only slightly noticeable in 4th grade, left boys 14 points behind girls during their 12th grade year.[6] On the 2008 test, female students continued to have higher average reading scores than male students at all three ages. The gap between male and female 4th graders was 7 points in 2008. By 12th grade, there was an 11-point gap between males and females.[6]
On the 2002 National Writing Assessment, boys scored on average 17 points lower than girls in 4th grade. The average gap increased to 21 points by 8th grade and widened to 24 points by senior year in high school.[7] In the more recent 2007 National Assessment of Writing Skills, female students continued to score higher than male students, though margins closed slightly from previous assessments. The average score for female eighth-graders was 20 points higher than males, down 1 point from the 2002 score. For twelfth-graders, females outscored males by 18 points as opposed to 24 points in 2002.[8]
All of these assessments were conducted on a 100-point scale.[6][7][8]
Graduation rates[edit]
Overall, women have surpassed men in terms of completing secondary and post-secondary education with the gender gap almost completely reversed. In 2006, 10.3% of males and 8.3% of females dropped out of high school.[9] In 2005/2006, women earned 62% of associate degrees, 58% of bachelor's degrees, 60.0% of master's degrees, and 48.9% of Doctorates.[10]
According to recent data[when?], 55 percent of college students are females and 45 percent are males. From 1995 until 2005, the number of males enrolled in college increased by 18 percent, while the number of female students rose by 27 percent.[11] Males are enrolling in college in greater numbers than ever before, yet fewer than two-thirds of them are graduating with a bachelor's degree. The numbers of both men and women receiving a bachelor's degree have increased significantly, but the increasing rate of female college graduates exceeds the increasing rate for males.[12]
In 2007, the United States Census Bureau estimated that 18,423,000 males over the age of 18 held a bachelor's degree, while 20,501,000 females over the age 18 held one. In addition, fewer males held master's degrees: 6,472,000 males compared to 7,283,000 females. However, more men held professional and doctoral degrees than women. 2,033,000 males held professional degrees compared to 1,079,000, and 1,678,000 males had received a doctoral degree compared to 817,000 females.[13]
In 2015, the United States Census Bureau estimated that 36.1% of individuals between the ages of 25 to 34 had a bachelor's degree, with 36.3% in individuals aged 35 to 44, 32% in individuals 45 to 64, and 26.7% in individuals 65 and older.
In 2016/2017, women are projected to earn 64.2% of associate degrees, 59.9% of bachelor's degrees, 62.9% of master's degrees, and 55.5% of Doctorates.[14]
Ethnicity and race[edit]
Further information: Racial achievement gap in the United States
While the educational attainment of all races increased during the 1990s, with the gap between African Americans and non-Hispanic whites decreasing, differences between the races remain, especially among those with a bachelor's degree or higher. Asian Americans had the highest educational attainment of any race, followed by whites who had a higher percentage of high school graduates but a lower percentage of college graduates. Persons identifying as Hispanic or Latino, without regard to race, had the lowest educational attainment. The gap was the largest between foreign-born Asian Americans, over half (50.1%) of whom had a bachelor's degree or higher and foreign-born Hispanics, 9.8% of whom had a four-year college degree.[2]
Hispanics and Latinos also trailed far behind in terms of graduating from high school; it was the only major group for which high school graduates constituted less than 80% of the population. This large inequality might partially be explained thorough the influx of uneducated foreign-born Hispanic Americans who had not been offered the chance to complete secondary education in their home country and who had not completed secondary education in the United States.
Overall nearly half (49.8%) of Asian Americans, nearly a third (30%) of non-Hispanic Whites, 17.3% of non-Hispanic Blacks, and just over a tenth (11.4%) of Hispanics or Latinos had a four-year college degree. The same differences decrease significantly at the high school level with 89.4% of non-Hispanic whites, 87.6% of Asian Americans, 80.0% of African Americans, and 57% of Hispanics or Latinos having graduated from high school.[2]
The Racial achievement gap in the United States refers to these educational disparities between minority students and Caucasian students. Evidence of the racial achievement gap remains present today because not all groups of students are advancing at the same rates. The racial achievement gap has many individual and economic implications and there have been many efforts in education reform to narrow this gap.
Foreign born and immigrants[edit]
The difference among races and cultures, both native and foreign born, in regard to those who have earned a bachelor's degree or higher.[2]
A trend becomes visible when comparing the foreign-born to the native-born populace of some races. Foreign-born Asian, European, and African immigrants had a higher educational attainment in terms of having earned a four-year college degree than their native-born counterparts. According to the U.S census about 43.8 percent of African immigrants achieved the most college degrees, compared to 42.5 percent of Asian-Americans, 28.9 percent for immigrants from Europe, Russia and Canada and 23.1 percent of the U.S. population as a whole.[15][16][17]
The opposite is true on the high school level and among Hispanics, where the dramatically lower educational attainment of the foreign-born population decreased the educational attainment of the general Hispanophone populace, statistically.[2]
The percentage of the foreign born with a high school diploma (67 percent) was dramatically lower than that of the native population (88 percent), but paradoxically, the percentage with a bachelor's degree was the same (27 percent)... At the bachelor's level, foreign born Blacks and non-Hispanic Whites fared better than their native counterparts. Foreign-born Hispanics, in contrast, had a smaller proportion with a bachelor's degree than the native population... The low educational attainment of foreign-born Hispanics, who compose more than 50 percent of the Hispanic population, contributes to the low attainment levels of the entire Hispanic population.
— US Census Bureau, 2003
Only among Hispanics and Latinos was the proportion of college graduates larger among the native born population. In the general population the proportion of persons with a bachelor's degree or higher was the same among the foreign-born and native-born population (27.2%). As stated above fewer foreign born Americans completed high school than native born Americans. Overall 87.5% of the native born population had graduated from high school, versus 67.2%. Among whites the difference was three percentage points, the same as for African Americans. Among Asian Americans the difference was five percentage points. It was thirty percentage points among Hispanics or Latinos.[2]
African immigrants have been the most highly educated group in the United States since the 1990s.[18][19] This phenomenon is related to the large "brain drain" in Africa.[20]
Income[edit]
Chart of unemployment and salary based on education attainment Data are for persons age 25 and over. Earnings are for full-time wage and salary workers
Educational attainment is strongly correlated with income in the United States. Although the incomes of both men and women are associated with higher educational attainment (higher incomes for higher educational attainment), large income gaps linked to race and gender remained at each educational level. In 2003, average incomes ranged from $13,459 for a male high-school dropout to $90,761 for a male with an advanced degree. The most significant average income difference was between those who had some college education or an Associates degree and those who had a Bachelor's degree. While those with some college averaged $31,046, those with a bachelor's degree averaged $51,194, over $20,000 (64.9%) a year more.[2]
The second most dramatic difference in average income was between those with a Bachelor's degree with $51,940 and those with an advanced degree who made $72,824, roughly $21,000 (42.2%) more. The least significant difference was between those who had graduated from high school and those who had either some college or an Associates degree. Here the difference was a mere $3,766 or 13.8%. The difference between those with a high school diploma ($30,000) and those who did not complete high school ($18,826) was $8,454 or 45%. Overall, the income in the United States for all sexes, races and levels of educational attainment was $36,308 annually.[2]
Even though African immigrants have higher educational attainment rates than any other group, they were the hardest hit during the most recent recession beginning in 2007.[21][16][22][23][24] This shows that race and/or ethnicity may play a role in income levels and job selection.[22]
Criteria
Overall
Less than 9th grade
High school drop-out
High school graduate
Some college
Associates degree
Bachelor's degree
Bachelor's degree or more
Master's degree
Professional degree
Doctorate degree
Median individual income Male, age 25+ $33,517 $15,461 $18,990 $28,763 $35,073 $39,015 $50,916 $55,751 $61,698 $88,530 $73,853
Female, age 25+ $19,679 $9,296 $10,786 $15,962 $21,007 $24,808 $31,309 $35,125 $41,334 $48,536 $53,003
Median household income $45,016 $18,787 $22,718 $36,835 $45,854 $51,970 $68,728 $73,446 $78,541 $100,000 $96,830
SOURCE: US Census Bureau, 2003[25][26]
This graph shows the median household income in 2003 dollars according to educational attainment.[25]
Income by education and gender.
The change in median personal and household income since 1991 also varied greatly with educational attainment. While both the overall median personal and household income increased since 1991, this increase did not take place on all levels of educational attainment. The overall income increased over the course of the 1990s, reaching its high in 1999, but has been decreasing ever since. In 1991 the median household income in the US was $40,873 in 2003 dollars, while the median household income in 2003 was $45,016. In 1999, however, the median household income was $46,236, 2.7% higher than today. While this trend held true for all levels of educational attainment the extent of chorinical fluctuations in income were greatly influenced by educational attainment.[25][26]
Overall the median household and personal income decreased for those with more than a 9th grade education but less than a four-year college degree since 1991. In other words, the median household income decreased for households and individuals at the high school drop-outs and graduate, some-college, and an Associates degree level. Income did, however, increase for those with a Bachelor's degree or more. The following table shows the median household income according to the educational attainment of the householder. All data is in 2003 dollars and only applies to householders whose householder is aged twenty-five or older. The highest and lowest points of the median household income are presented in bold face.[25][26]
Year
Overall Median
Less than 9th grade
High school drop-out
High school graduate
Some college
Associates degree
Bachelor's degree
Bachelor's degree or more
Master's degree
Professional degree
Doctorate degree
1991 $40,873 $17,414 $23,096 $37,520 $46,296 $52,289 $64,150 $68,845 $72,669 $102,667 $92,614
1993 $40,324 $17,450 $22,523 $35,979 $44,153 $49,622 $64,537 $70,349 $75,645 $109,900 $93,712
1995 $42,235 $18,031 $21,933 $37,609 $44,537 $50,485 $63,357 $69,584 $77,865 $98,302 $95,899
1997 $43,648 $17,762 $22,688 $38,607 $45,734 $51,726 $67,487 $72,338 $77,850 $105,409 $99,699
1999 $46,236 $19,008 $23,977 $39,322 $48,588 $54,282 $70,925 $76,958 $82,097 $110,383 $107,217
2001 $45,300 $18,830 $24,162 $37,468 $47,605 $53,166 $69,796 $75,116 $81,993 $103,918 $96,442
2003 $45,016 $18,787 $22,718 $36,835 $45,854 $51,970 $68,728 $73,446 $78,541 $100,000 $96,830
Average $43,376 $18,183 $23,013 $37,620 $46,109 $51,934 $66,997 $72,376 $78,094 $104,368 $94,487
SOURCE: US Census Bureau, 2003 Yellow indicates the year with the lowest median income while green indicates the year with the highest reported median income.[25]
Income by education and race.
Among the races, educational attainment retains its dramatic effect on average income which varies significantly at each educational level. European Americans (White Americans) had the highest average income at every level of educational attainment. However, the proportion of those having college degrees is greater among Asian Americans than among non-Hispanic whites, and the overall highest average income is found among Asians. All races except Whites ranked last on at least one level with African Americans ranking last on the non-high school, high school and advanced degree level.[2]
Asians were second highest on the college graduate level and had the highest overall income among the general population. They also had the lowest average annual income for those with some college education or an Associates degree. Racial income difference were also significant at every level of educational attainment with the largest racial inequality being between European and African Americans who did not complete high school and those with advanced college degrees.[2]
Overall European Americans with an advanced degree had the highest average annual income with $74,122. Asian Americans had the second highest with $72,852. Hispanics and African Americans had the lowest annual incomes among those with advanced degrees averaging $67,679 and $59,944 annually. The largest racial inequity was between European Americans with a Bachelor's degree who made $53,185 and Hispanics who made $12,263 or 29.9% less with an average annual income of $40,949.[2]
Occupation[edit]
The educational attainment of employed civilians age 25 to 64 according to occupational field.[2]
The educational attainment varied significantly among the different types of occupations. The highest occupational attainment was among those in the Professional and related fields followed by those Business, Management and financial related occupations. The professional/managerial fields were the only two occupational fields where college graduates with a Bachelor's degree or higher represented the majority. Among professional occupations, 99.1% of the population graduated from high school, 90.2% had some college education or an Associates degree and over two thirds, 68.2% had a Bachelor's degree or higher.[2]
Business and managerial occupations were second with 97.8% having graduated from high school, 79.5% having some college or an associates degree and just over half, 53.4% having a Bachelor's degree or higher. While nearly all employment fields feature a population where over 80% had graduated from high school with over a third having some college education or an Associates degree, the fields relating to agriculture, construction, manufacturing, and transportation did not. These, often described as blue collar, fields featured a labor force where less than a tenth of the population had a Bachelor's degree or higher, less than half had some college or an Associates, and less than 80% had graduated from high school.[2]
Overall the least educated occupational field was agriculture, ranking last on all educational levels. Here 55.4% had graduated from high school, roughly one fifth (20.8%) had some college education or an Associates degree and 6.8% had a Bachelor's degree or higher. While the largest occupational field, that consisting of professionals and relating occupations was also the largest field, the fields with lower educational attainment combined were larger than the professional and managerial fields combined. Overall 38.02% were employed in the professional and managerial fields while 61.89% were employed in the other white and blue collar fields were those with a bachelor's degree or higher constituted less than a third of the work force.[2]
The percent of the labor force in the Professional/Managerial and relating occupations, white collar occupations and blue collar occupations.[2]
Geography[edit]
Educational attainment among the population aged 25 and above varied rather slightly with geography region. The population of the Northeastern United States, which had the smallest population of any region with thirty-six million residents, had the highest percentage of high-school and college graduates. The western United States had the highest percentage of those with some college or an Associates degree and ranked second for college graduates. The South which had by far the largest population with roughly sixty-six million people had the lowest educational attainment at every level.[2]
The proportion of high school graduates was the largest in the Midwest while the proportion of those with some college or an Associates degree was the second and that of those with a Bachelor's degree or higher was the third largest of any region.
Social class and education[edit]
Educational attainment is one of the primary indicators of social class in the United States.[27] While the American social class system is a vaguely defined concept with many contradicting theories,[28][29] educational attainment emerges as one of the top assessments of social class. Not only is a high educational attainment a status symbol by itself, but it is also very closely related to the other two main indicators of social class: occupation and income. A graduate degree and the roughly seven to eight years of post-secondary education serve as the main requirement for entering the "professions" and becoming part of the professional middle class.[27]
Education is a major key in becoming a more privileged member of the American middle class.[27][29] Overall, educational attainment is the main entrance barrier into more privileged parts of the middle class as it is not only of high value but is also the requirement for becoming a professional and earning the corresponding income.[27] This corresponding income is typically significantly higher than that of someone without this higher level of educational attainment in the United States. Exceptions include some entrepreneurs who can rank anywhere in the class system but are usually not referred to as professional middle class unless they are of the professions.
In the United States, it is also important to differentiate between the statistical middle class, often defined as consisting of those who are neither rich nor poor, and the professional middle class. Recent research has shown that not only is the statistical middle of society (those with income roughly 80% to 120% of the national median or members of the mid-quintile) no longer able to afford the lifestyle indicative of the middle class,[30] but there also seems to be a widening income gap in between those who may be described as being middle class.
Education is not only the main requirement for becoming a member of the professional middle class, it is also key to a comfortable lifestyle and economic security.[27] Those in the statistical middle may have to fear lay-offs and cost-cutting downsizing as well as out-sourcing, while some of those in the professional middle class are less subject to economic fluctuations and are more likely to enjoy upper-middle range incomes even in the face of recessions. Increasingly however even the professional middle class is facing lay-offs and job elimination due to downsizing and replacement of full-time workers with part-time workers—this is particularly evident in colleges and universities where, by 2009, half of the faculty were part-time; another 25% were full-time but with short-term contracts, thus showing that advanced education is not necessarily associated with high salaries and economic stability.[31]
Academic class models
Dennis Gilbert, 2002
William Thompson & Joseph Hickey, 2005
Leonard Beeghley, 2004
Class
Typical characteristics
Class
Typical characteristics
Class
Typical characteristics
Capitalist class (1%)
Top-level executives, high-rung politicians, heirs. Ivy League education common.
Upper class (1%)
Top-level executives, celebrities, heirs; income of $500,000+ common. Ivy league education common.
The super-rich (0.9%)
Multi-millionaires whose incomes commonly exceed $350,000; includes celebrities and powerful executives/politicians. Ivy League education common.
Upper middle class[1] (15%)
Highly-educated (often with graduate degrees), most commonly salaried, professionals and middle management with large work autonomy.
Upper middle class[1] (15%)
Highly-educated (often with graduate degrees) professionals & managers with household incomes varying from the high 5-figure range to commonly above $100,000.
The rich (5%)
Households with net worth of $1 million or more; largely in the form of home equity. Generally have college degrees.
Middle class (plurality/
majority?; ca. 46%)
College-educated workers with considerably higher-than-average incomes and compensation; a man making $57,000 and a woman making $40,000 may be typical.
Lower middle class (30%)
Semi-professionals and craftsmen with a roughly average standard of living. Most have some college education and are white-collar.
Lower middle class (32%)
Semi-professionals and craftsmen with some work autonomy; household incomes commonly range from $35,000 to $75,000. Typically, some college education.
Working class (30%)
Clerical and most blue-collar workers whose work is highly routinized. Standard of living varies depending on number of income earners, but is commonly just adequate. High school education.
Working class (32%)
Clerical, pink- and blue-collar workers with often low job security; common household incomes range from $16,000 to $30,000. High school education.
Working class
(ca. 40–45%)
Blue-collar workers and those whose jobs are highly routinized with low economic security; a man making $40,000 and a woman making $26,000 may be typical. High school education.
Working poor (13%)
Service, low-rung clerical and some blue-collar workers. High economic insecurity and risk of poverty. Some high school education.
Lower class (ca. 14–20%)
Those who occupy poorly-paid positions or rely on government transfers. Some high school education.
Underclass (12%)
Those with limited or no participation in the labor force. Reliant on government transfers. Some high school education.
The poor (ca. 12%)
Those living below the poverty line with limited to no participation in the labor force; a household income of $18,000 may be typical. Some high school education.
References: Gilbert, D. (2002) The American Class Structure: In An Age of Growing Inequality. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, ISBN 0534541100. (see also Gilbert Model);
Thompson, W. & Hickey, J. (2005). Society in Focus. Boston, MA: Pearson, Allyn & Bacon; Beeghley, L. (2004). The Structure of Social Stratification in the United States. Boston, MA: Pearson, Allyn & Bacon.
1 The upper middle class may also be referred to as "Professional class" Ehrenreich, B. (1989). The Inner Life of the Middle Class. NY, NY: Harper-Collins.

Educational attainment in social theory[edit]
Mean financial wealth of U.S. families by education of the head of household, 1989–2010.
Mean income of U.S. families by education of the head of household, 1989–2010.
Bourdieu and cultural capital[edit]
Many scholars have studied educational attainment in the US as a form of social reproduction and stratification. In 1977, Pierre Bourdieu presented the idea that education leads to social reproduction and a stratified society by honoring the cultural capital of elite classes. Students who possess the valued cultural capital, according to Bourdieu, are rewarded with high academic achievement.[32]
When elite class members enter the workforce, they are channeled into high paying jobs and powerful positions within society, while those who did not achieve the same level of academic success fall into subordinate occupations and status levels. By rewarding the desired cultural capital with high academic achievement, upper classes are able and prepared to reach higher levels of educational attainment. Members of the working class, on the other hand, are not rewarded for their cultural capital in schools, and are instead socialized for working class jobs.
Lareau and concerted cultivation[edit]
Annette Lareau also addresses the factors that lead to social stratification in educational attainment. Lareau's idea of concerted cultivation refers to an active involvement of parents in a child's learning and development experiences by creating and controlling organized activities for their children. According to Lareau, middle-class parents engage in concerted cultivation to teach their children, while lower- and working-class parents do not. Laureau further explains that schools firmly encourage and expect parents to use concerted cultivation as a child-rearing strategy.[33]
The child-rearing practices of lower- and working-class families thus do not comply with the standards of educational institutions. As a result, lower- and working-class students develop a sense of "distance, distrust, and constraint" in educational institutions, while children of middle-class families gain a sense of entitlement. These differences in child-rearing practices lead to children of lower- and working-class families to lack the necessary life skills that the children of the middle class possess, further isolating them from educational opportunities. In the United States, education attainment typically is viewed as a sign of social status.
Collins and credentialism[edit]
Randall Collins contributed the idea of credentialism to the study of class-based differences in educational attainment. Collins maintains that public schools are socializing institutions that teach and reward middle-class values of competition and achievement. In this view, elites are selectively separated from other students and placed into prestigious schools and colleges, where they are trained to hold positions of power.[34]
By teaching middle-class culture through the public education system, the elite class ensures a monopoly over positions of power, while others acquire the credentials to compete in a subordinate job market and economy. In this way, schools of medicine, law, and elite institutions have remained closed to members of lower classes.
See also[edit]
American middle class
Education in the United States
Household income in the United States
Literacy in the United States
Poverty in the United States
List of U.S. States by Education attainment
Racial achievement gap in the United States
General:
Academic degree
Status attainment
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Ryan, Camille; Siebens, Julie (February 2012). "Educational Attainment in the United States: 2009" (PDF). U.S. Census Bureau. Retrieved February 25, 2013.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t "US Census Bureau report on educational attainment in the United States, 2003" (PDF). Retrieved July 31, 2006.
Jump up ^ Note that these add up to more than 100% because they are cumulative; e.g. it is assumed that all people with doctorates also have undergraduate and high school degrees, and are thus counted twice in the "lower" categories. Age 25 is used rather than age 18 because there are few people aged 18 or over with advanced degrees. "Educational Attainment in the United States: 2014". U.S. Census Bureau. Retrieved January 29, 2015. Percentages are calculated based on Census data by counting people that had attained that level or higher.
Jump up ^ Census. "Educational Attainment in the United States: 2015" (PDF).
^ Jump up to: a b Kafir, Krista (April 2007). "Taking the Boy Crisis in Education Seriously: How School Choice can Boost Achievement Among Boys and Girls." Independent Women's Forum.
^ Jump up to: a b c Perie, M. (2005). NAEP 2004 Trends in Academic Progress. Washington, DC: US Department of Education.
^ Jump up to: a b Persky, H. (2003). The Nation's Report Card: Writing 2002. US Department of Education.
^ Jump up to: a b Salahu-Din, Debra (2008). The Nation's Report Card: Writing 2007. US Department of Education.
Jump up ^ "Percentage of high school dropouts among persons 16 through 24 years old (status dropout rate), by sex and race/ethnicity: Selected years, 1960 through 2006". Nces.ed.gov. Retrieved April 24, 2012.
Jump up ^ "Historical summary of faculty, students, degrees, and finances in degree-granting institutions: Selected years, 1869–70 through 2005–06". Nces.ed.gov. Retrieved April 24, 2012.
Jump up ^ Digest of Education Statistics 2007
Jump up ^ Mead, Sara. (2006). The Evidence Suggests Otherwise: The Truth About Boys and Girls. Washington: Education Sector.
Jump up ^ U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Survey, Annual Social and Economic Supplement 2007.
Jump up ^ "Degrees conferred by degree-granting institutions, by level of degree and sex of student: Selected years, 1869–70 through 2016–17". Nces.ed.gov. Retrieved April 24, 2012.
Jump up ^ "African Immigrants are the Most Educated". Africaresource.com. April 28, 2007. Retrieved April 24, 2012.
^ Jump up to: a b "Migration Information Source - African Immigrants in the United States". Migrationinformation.org. Retrieved April 24, 2012.
Jump up ^ "AAME :". Inmotionaame.org. Retrieved April 24, 2012.
Jump up ^ "Affirmative Action Minorities - Affirmative Action College Admissions". Racerelations.about.com. Retrieved April 24, 2012.
Jump up ^ (Logan & Deane, 2003; Williams, 2005; The Economist, 1996; Arthur, 2000; Selassie, 1998).
Jump up ^ "AAME : image". Inmotionaame.org. Retrieved April 24, 2012.
Jump up ^ "Sub-Saharan African immigrants arrive with the most education but struggle with underemployment". FSRN Radio News. Retrieved 16 September 2017.
^ Jump up to: a b Bradford, Harry (August 3, 2011). "Foreign-Born Blacks Hit Hardest Of All Immigrant Groups By Jobs Crisis". Huffingtonpost.com. Retrieved April 24, 2012.
Jump up ^ "Migration Information Source - Characteristics of the African Born in the United States". Migrationinformation.org. Retrieved April 24, 2012.
Jump up ^ http://www.aracorporation.org/files/14._africans_most_educated.pd. Retrieved April 24, 2012. Missing or empty |title= (help)[dead link]
^ Jump up to: a b c d e "Educational attainment and median household income". Archived from the original on September 3, 2006. Retrieved September 24, 2006.
^ Jump up to: a b c "Personal income and educational attainment, US Census Bureau". Archived from the original on September 7, 2006. Retrieved September 24, 2006.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e Ehrenreich, Barbara (1989). Fear of Falling, The Inner Life of the Middle Class. New York, NY: Harper Collins. ISBN 0-06-097333-1.
Jump up ^ "Middle class according to The Drum Major Institute for public policy". Retrieved July 25, 2006.
^ Jump up to: a b Fussel, Paul (1983). Class, A Guide through the American status system. New York, NY: Touchstone. ISBN 0-671-79225-3.
Jump up ^ "Middle income can't buy Middle class lifestyle". Archived from the original on December 30, 2005. Retrieved July 25, 2006.
Jump up ^ James Monks. "Who are the Part-time Faculty?" Academe, July–August 2009. http://www.aaup.org/article/who-are-part-time-faculty#.UsU90fQW0oo
Jump up ^ Bourdieu, P. (1977) Cultural Reproduction and Social Reproduction. In: Karabel, J., & Halsey, A. H. (eds.) Power and Ideology in Education. Oxford University Press, New York, pp. 487-511.
Jump up ^ Lareau, A. (2003). Unequal Childhoods; Class, Race, and Family Life. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-23950-4.
Jump up ^ Collins, R (1979). The Credential Society; An Historical Sociology of Education and Stratification. New York, NY: Academic Press. ISBN 0-12-181360-6.
Further reading[edit]
Sunny Decker (1969), An Empty Spoon, New York: Harper & Row.
James Herndon (1968/1969), The Way It Spozed to Be, reprint, New York: Bantam.
James Herndon (1971/1997), How to Survive in Your Native Land, reprint, Portsmouth, NH: Boynton/Cook.
James Herndon (1985), Notes from a Schoolteacher, New York: Simon and Schuster.
Holly Yettick and Sterling C. Lloyd (2015), "Graduation Rate Hits High, But Some Groups Lag," Education Week.
External links[edit]
Educational Attainment in the United States: 2003, U.S. Census Bureau
The Big Payoff: Educational Attainment and Synthetic Estimates of Work-Life Earnings, U.S. Census Bureau
Map: Graduation Rate by State, Student Group, Education Week
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