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Grand Erg Oriental
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Erg in Algeria and Tunisia
Grand Erg Oriental
العرق الشرقي الكبير
Erg
Landscape of the sand dune 'seas' of the Grand Erg Oriental. Other areas are bare rock. There are also Oases, and oil extraction zones.

Map of the Maghreb showing the Grand Erg Oriental.
Country
Algeria and Tunisia
Elevation
280 m (920 ft)
The Grand Erg Oriental (English: 'Great Eastern Sand Sea') is a large erg or "field of sand dunes" in the Sahara Desert. Situated for the most part in Saharan lowlands of northeast Algeria, the Grand Erg Oriental covers an area some 600 km wide by 200 km north to south. The erg's northeastern edge spills over into neighbouring Tunisia.
Contents
1 Natural phenomena
2 Routes, cities, oil industry
3 See also
4 References
5 External links
Natural phenomena[edit]
The Grand Erg Oriental is a desert, a natural region receiving very little rainfall. It is the largest Erg in Algeria, the next in size being the much smaller Grand Erg Occidental ('Western Sand Sea'). The largest erg of the Sahara is probably As-Sahra al-Libiyah, which straddles the inland border of Libya and Egypt. Erg is a Tamachek Berber word,[1][2] and also a geographic term of art.
The Grand Erg Oriental used to be associated with the Wadi Igharghar, a mostly dry and buried river with a sizable network of tributaries which, should it possess any water, would flow north into the erg from the Ahaggar mountains of the central Sahara. Yet such dry, anciently-made river beds, lying seemingly useless beneath the desert sands, can preserve the infrequent rain water, by carrying it off underground and so rescue the moisture from an otherwise "intense and almost instantaneous" evaporation.[3][4][5]
A buried river bed "not only serves in certain cases to carry into the heart of the desert the waters of distant rains which have fallen outside the desert domain, but in it the waters of the local storms are concentrated and carried swiftly to the alluvial basins where they are imbibed by the lighter earth and form lasting reserves within its depths. The result is that what vegetation survives is localized along the wadi beds or in their basins; in fact the words wadi and pasturage are interchangeable in the language of the nomads, who habitually reside in such places."[6]
For these and similar reasons concerning the desert ecology of water, the geographer and historian of the Sahara E.-F. Gautier once wrote referring to the Grand Erg Oriental as "the great Igharghar Erg".[7] Accordingly, surface moisture, seasonal pastures, and wells may reflect unseen conditions beneath the sands. What appears as an entirely inhospitable erg can elsewhere, in stark contrast, offer the fruits of "some buried wadi".[8]
To the north of the erg, the Aurès mountains provide abundant runoff. These waters feed the artesian aquifer of the Jerid,[9] despite its surface covering of salt lakes. These geographic conditions lie adjacent to the Grand Erg Oriental. Here grow "the finest dates of all the Maghrib". In winter, winds blow from the northwest and the north. The Grand Erg Oriental "appears to have been pushed forward on the east and southeast slopes" toward Ghadames at the Libyan border.[10]
Satellite image of the Sahara desert. NASA World Wind. Grand Erg Oriental is by light yellow area at top center.
Winds over time will sweep desert sand into heaps which, given enough sand, form into a series of hills. In some types of dunes the slope on the windward side is gradual, on the leeward steep, and such dunes may "roll" forward being blown in the direction of the wind is taking. These dunes tend to be perpendicular to the wind's direction. Vegetation does not survive in such spreads of hot dry sand. Only in rare areas where moisture can endure is there life.
Common in the Sahara desert are seif dunes: here the air currents form sand dunes parallel to the prevailing direction of the wind. These dunes have long, sharp ridge lines. Cross-winds, however, may alter the height or width of such lengthy dunes, with the slope being steep on both sides. Seif dunes generally form long rows whose parallel ridge lines follow the wind's direction.
There are other types of dunes, as well as "complex" dunes. Saharan winds are also known to clear an area of sand altogether, leaving bare rock (hamada) or gravel (reg).[11]
Routes, cities, oil industry[edit]
Major Saharan topography, showing the Grand Erg Oriental in yellow at top center, right.
The Grand Erg Oriental is accessible overland by an Algerian road, which goes south from Constantine. It passes through the Aurès mountains, then salt lakes by the city of Biskra. Next the road skirts the western edge of the erg. After about 500 km. in all, it reaches the ancient oasis of Ourgla [Wargla]. Since late antiquity Wargla was a stop for the Saharan trade, being situated along a caravan route of several thousand kilometers, stretching from the Mediterranean to the Sahel. In the process such caravans crossed the great desert (Ar: aṣ-ṣaḥrā´ al-kubra). Wargla was the capital of late medieval M'zab, an Ibadi political entity descended from the earlier Rustamid polity.[12][13] Wargla is today a mid-sized modern city (pop: 129,000) and provincial capital, with a focus on the oil industry.[14]
The above north-south Algerian road from Constantine passes through other oases. North of Wargla [Ourgla] lies Touggourt [Tuggurt, Taghit] (pop: 153,000), where date palms are grown commercially. Touggourt was formerly a medieval Sultanate and a northern oasis on a Trans-Saharan trade route.[15][16]
South of Wargla on this road, lies Hassi Messaoud ["blessed well"], which is located within the Grand Erg. Until recently Hassi Messaoud was a small Saharan village, but has grown substantially on account of the local discovery of oil in 1956. An oil refinery has since been built, and the city (current population estimated at 60,000) is now served by an international airport.[17]
A desert road going east from Hassi Messaoud continues through the Grand Erg, passing by a well named Bordj Sif Fatima ["Fatima's River Tower" perhaps],[18] on its way to the small but ancient settlement of Ghadames at the Libyan frontier. Another and better road from Hassi Messaoud goes south, also crossing the grand erg where it passes a well called Hassi Tartrat,[19] before reaching the erg's far side. Further south lies the Ahaggar mountains.[20]
The cities of Wargla and Touggourt lie outside the western limits of the erg. Nearby, within the accepted boundaries of the Grand Erg Oriental, the landscape is described as being "practically free from [sand] dunes" evidently due to strong, persistent winds.[21]
Petroleum and other hydrocarbons have been extracted in Algeria, from areas in and surrounding the Grand Erg Oriental. In addition to oil in Wargla and Hassi Messaoud (see above), other Algerian hydrocarbon sites include In Salah, a city (pop: 44,000) to the erg's southwest, yielding natural gas, and also El Adeb Larache, Edjelé, Tingentourine, and Zarzaïtine (south of the erg, close to Libya).[22] One of Algeria's largest field of natural gas is near Ghardaïa, west of Touggourt. Gas pipelines have been constructed north to the Mediterranean port of Bourgie, and later northeast through Tunisia.[23][24][25]
Along the north rim of the Grand Erg Oriental, both the physical ecology and the human culture surviving there since ancient times are said to form a continuum. From Biskra (pop: 200,000) in Algeria by the Aurès mountains, this region extends east to the Djerid of Tunisia.[26] It is a low-lying area of chotts (salt pans), and occasional oases, where exists intensive cultivation of date palms in the tens of thousands.[27][28] Between Biskra and the Djerid, but a little to the south, lies El Oued, a mid-sized Algerian city (pop: 139,000), graced with domes and arches of Saharan architecture.[29][30] Also an oasis, it's located about 100 km. east of Touggourt and by the northern frontier of the erg. The thirst of El Oued is quenched by a subterranean river.[31]
In Tunisia south of the sea port of Gabès, in the vicinity of the Grand Erg's northeast edge, there are a number of Berber villages, among them Tataouine.[32] From here a bleak Tunisian paved road leads south along the Libyan border, by sand dunes of the Grand Erg's eastern limits, terminating at Borj El Khadra, an oasis, near Ghadames.[33]
House in Ghadames, modern Libya, near the southeast edge of the Erg.
The ancient oasis town of Ghadames (pop: 7,000) in Libya is located by where the frontiers of Algeria, Tunisia, and Libya meet.[34] The city is situated directly adjacent to the Grand Erg's southeast edge. Tuareg Berbers (a people sourced in the central Sahara) compose the majority in Ghadames. This oasis was known by ancient Egypt, and later by Carthage and by Rome, as Cydamus.[35][36] A Libyan road from Tarabulus on the Mediterranean coast now leads to present-day Ghadames. The historic Saharan architecture found in its Old Town has received international recognition.[37]
In Algeria Oued Irara Airport at Hassi Messaoud (located in the erg) serves a few international flights and also national flights. Ouargla Airport (OGX) has limited international and national flights. North of the erg Guemar Airport, 20 km. from El Oued, has only national flights. In Libya Ghadames Airport schedules only national flights. In Tunisia Djerba–Zarzis Airport (DJE/DTTJ) serves international and national flights, it being over 100 km. north of the edge of the Grand Erg Oriental.
See also[edit]
Grand Erg Occidental
Sahara Desert
Geography of Algeria
Geography of Tunisia
Erg
Dune
List of ergs
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Erg is an Afroasiatic word similar to Amharic 'arǎgǎ: "rise, ascend". Said to be "Hamitic" in origin (as opposed to "Semitic"). Webster's Third New International Dictionary (Springfield: Merriam 1971) p.770. The Berber language is included in "Hamitic".
Jump up ^ In Arabic called 'Ramlat'.
Jump up ^ E.-F. Gautier, Le Sahara (Paris: Payot, 2d ed. 1928), translated and augmented as Sahara. The great desert (Columbia Univ. 1935; reprint 1970; reprint 1987) at 92 (map), 90 (Igharghar wadi dry), 97-98 (evaporation).
Jump up ^ Since, the Grand Erg Oriental's former southern area has come to be considered a separate erg, namely the Issaouane. Hence any water entering the Wadi Igharghar from Ahaggar would flow into the Issaouane Erg. Yet other underground wadis flow in and through the Grand Erg Oriental. The geographic concept remains, i.e., of the effect of buried river tributary systems under the sand dunes vis-a-vis the surface location of grazing grounds and wells.
Jump up ^
"Tassili n'Ajjer, 1974. Issaouane Erg, near Ahaggar (Hoggar mountains), south of Grand Erg Oriental. Paleozoic fluvial erosion, wind-blown sands, granite rock.
Jump up ^ E.-F. Gautier, Sahara. The great desert (Paris: 2d 1928; NY 1935; 1987) at 98.
Jump up ^ See note above re the Issaouane Erg. The Wadi Igharghar is also known as the Ouadi Tadjerdjert.
Jump up ^ E.-F. Gautier, Sahara. The great desert (Paris: Payot, 2d ed. 1928; Columbia Univ. 1935; reprint 1987) at 92 (map), 185 ("Igharghar Erg"), and 98-99 ("some buried wadi").
Jump up ^ The Jerid (Djerid) is a region of chott (salt lakes) in south-central Tunisia, at the longitude of the Isle of Jerba. The Jerid extends far to the west, into Algeria south of the Aurès mountains, and north of the Grand Erg Oriental.
Jump up ^ E.-F. Gautier, Sahara (Paris 1928; Columbia Univ. 1935; reprint 1987) at 91 (Auras and dates), 93 (NE wind and Ghadames).
Jump up ^ W. G. Moore, A Dictionary of Geography (Penguin 1949, 3d ed. 1963) at 64 (erg), 58-59 (dune), 82 (hamada [rock]), 146 (reg [gravel]), 157 (seif dune).
Jump up ^ E. W. Bovill, The Golden Trade of the Moors (Oxford University 1958, 2d ed. 1968) at 83. The Sahel was about a "seventy days' march" south from Wargla, according to Ibn Khaldun (1332-1406). Bovill (1958, 1968) at 92.
Jump up ^ Cf., History of early Islamic Tunisia#Rustamid kingdom.
Jump up ^ Wargla.
Jump up ^ Tuggurt's participation in the Trans-Saharan trade: Christopher Fyfe, "West African Trade, 1000-1800" at 232-247, map at 232, in A Thousand Years of West African History (Ibadan University 1965), edited by J. F. Ade. Ajayi and Ian Espie.
Jump up ^ Tuggurt enjoyed "complete independence" during the 18th century and into the 19th. Charles-André Julien, History of North Africa (Paris 1931, 1961; London: Routledge and Kegan Paul 1970) at 325-326.
Jump up ^ Hassi Messaoud.
Jump up ^ Bordj Sif Fatima possibly means: "Tower" (Arabic: Bordj) + "River" (Berber: Sif) + "Fatima" (daughter of the prophet Muhammad); hence, "Tower River Fatima".
Jump up ^ Tartrat (tar-trate) is a salt or ester of tartaric acid.
Jump up ^ Oxford Atlas of the World (Oxford University 2005) at 267.
Jump up ^ E.-F. Gautier, Le Sahara (Paris: Payot, 2d ed. 1928), translated and augmented as Sahara. The great desert (Columbia University 1935; reprint: Octagon 1970; reprint: Hippocrene 1987) at 93.
Jump up ^ Nearby Zarzaïtine lies In Aménas, from where originates the In Aménas-Hassi Messaoud gas pipeline.
Jump up ^ Richard M. Brace, Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia (Prentice-Hall 1964) at ii (map), 163-165.
Jump up ^ In 2003 Algeria and Tunisia formed Numhyd, a petroleum company to develop resources. It is jointly owned (each 50%) by government corporations, Algeria's Sonatrach and Tunisia's Entreprise Tunisienne d'Activites Petroliere (ETAP). Yet most of the oil lies within Algeria.
Jump up ^ Robert A. Mortimer, "Algeria" at 20-21, in The Oxford Companion to Politics in the World, ed. by Joel Krieger (Oxford Univ., 2d ed. 2001).
Jump up ^ Tozeur by Chott el Jerid.
Jump up ^ Julia A. Clancy-Smith, Rebel and Saint. Muslim notables, popular protest, colonial encounters (Algeria and Tunisia, 1800-1904), University of California Press 1994, at 13: "[T]he oases from Biskra to the Jarid formed not only a relatively uniform geographical entity but a unified economic and socio-cultural domain as well."
Jump up ^ This low-lying area in Mesolithic times was the center of Capsian culture.
Jump up ^ El Oued cityscape
Jump up ^ Oued is a French transliteration of Arabic wadi ["seasonal river"].
Jump up ^ El Oued
Jump up ^ Parts of the Star Wars films were shot at Tataouine.
Jump up ^ Fadia Elia Estefan, "The Economy", 145-204, at 200 (map), in Tunisia. A country study edited by Nelson (American University, 3d ed. 1986).
Jump up ^ Ghadames is also modernly transcripted as Ghudamis.
Jump up ^ E.-F. Gautier, Sahara. The great desert (Paris: 2d ed. 1928; Columbia Univ. 1935; reprint 1987) at 185.
Jump up ^ E. W. Bovill, The Golden Trade of the Moors (1958, 1968) at 32, with map of "Roman Africa" on facing page.
Jump up ^ Ghadames
External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Grand Erg Oriental.
Grand Erg Oriental
El Oued
Ghadames
www.palgeo.ch
Coordinates: 30°00′N 6°00′E / 30.000°N 6.000°E / 30.000; 6.000
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text:
Indian English
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Indian English is any of the forms of English characteristic of India.[1] English is the only official language in some states of India and is a lingua franca in the country.[2]
Contents
[hide]
1 English proficiency
2 Court language
3 Features
4 History
5 Phonology
5.1 Phonological comparision with Received Pronunciation
5.1.1 Vowels
5.1.1.1 Standard Indian English
5.2 Consonants
5.2.1 Comparision with Received Pronunciation
5.2.1.1 Standard Indian English
5.3 Spelling pronunciation
5.4 Supra-segmental features
6 Morphology and syntax
7 Numbering system
8 Vocabulary
9 Spelling and national differences
10 See also
11 Notes
12 References
13 Further reading
14 External links
English proficiency[edit]
Though English is one of the two official languages of the Union Government of India, only a few hundred thousand Indians, or less than 0.1% of the total population, have English as their first language.[3][4][5][6]
According to the 2001 Census, 12.6% of Indians know English.[7] An analysis of the 2001 Census of India[8] concluded that approximately 86 million Indians reported English as their second language, and another 39 million reported it as their third language. No data was available whether these individuals were English speakers or users.
According to the 2005 India Human Development Survey,[9] of the 41,554 surveyed, households reported that 72 percent of men (29,918) did not speak any English, 28 percent (11,635) spoke at least some English, and 5 percent (2,077, roughly 17.9% of those who spoke at least some English) spoke fluent English. Among women, the corresponding percentages were 83 percent (34,489) speaking no English, 17 percent (7,064) speaking at least some English, and 3 percent (1,246, roughly 17.6% of those who spoke at least some English) speaking English fluently.[10] According to statistics of District Information System for Education (DISE) of National University of Educational Planning and Administration under Ministry of Human Resource Development, Government of India, enrollment in English-medium schools increased by 50% between 2008–09 and 2013–14. The number of English-medium school students in India increased from over 15 million in 2008–09 to 29 million by 2013–14.[11]
India ranks 22 out of 72 countries in the 2016 EF English Proficiency Index published by the EF Education First. The index gives the country a score of 57.30 indicating "moderate proficiency". India ranks 4th out of 19 Asian countries included in the index.[12] Among Asian countries, Singapore (63.52), Malaysia (60.70) and the Philippines (60.33) received higher scores than India.
Court language[edit]
In December 2015, the Supreme Court of India ruled that English is the only court language.[13]
Features[edit]
Indian English generally uses the Indian numbering system. Idiomatic forms derived from Indian literary languages and vernaculars have been absorbed into Indian English. Nevertheless, there remains general homogeneity in phonetics, vocabulary, and phraseology between various dialects of Indian English.[14][15][16][17]
History[edit]
English language public instruction began in India in the 1830s during the rule of the East India Company (India was then, and is today, one of the most linguistically diverse regions of the world[18]). In 1835, English replaced Persian as the official language of the Company. Lord Macaulay played a major role in introducing English and western concepts to education in India. He supported the replacement of Persian by English as the official language, the use of English as the medium of instruction in all schools, and the training of English-speaking Indians as teachers.[19] Throughout the 1840s and 1850s, primary-, middle-, and high-schools were opened in many districts of British India, with most high schools offering English language instruction in some subjects. In 1857, just before the end of Company rule, universities modelled on the University of London and using English as the medium of instruction were established in Bombay, Calcutta and Madras. During subsequent Crown Rule in India, or the British Raj, lasting from 1858 to 1947, English language penetration increased throughout India. This was driven in part by the gradually increasing hiring of Indians in the civil services. At the time of India's independence in 1947, English was the only functional lingua franca in the country.
After Indian Independence in 1947, Hindi was declared the first official language, and attempts were made to declare Hindi the sole national language of India. Due to protests from Tamil Nadu and other non-Hindi-speaking states, it was decided to temporarily retain English for official purposes until at least 1965. By the end of this period, however, opposition from non-Hindi states was still too strong to have Hindi declared the sole language. With this in mind, the English Language Amendment Bill declared English to be an associate language "until such time as all non-Hindi States had agreed to its being dropped." This has not yet occurred, and it is still widely used. For instance, it is the only reliable means of day-to-day communication between the central government and the non-Hindi states.
The view of the English language among many Indians has gone from associating it with colonialism to associating it with economic progress, and English continues to be an official language of India.[20]
While there is an assumption that English is readily available in India, available studies show that its usage is actually restricted to the elite,[21] because of inadequate education to large parts of the Indian population. The use of outdated teaching methods and the poor grasp of English exhibited by the authors of many guidebooks, disadvantage students who rely on these books.[22]
Phonology[edit]
Indian accents vary greatly. Most Indians speak with a more vernacular, native-tinted accent.
Phonological comparision with Received Pronunciation[edit]
Vowels[edit]
In general, the Indian English has fewer peculiarities in its vowel sounds than the consonants, especially as spoken by native speakers of languages like Hindi, the vowel phoneme system having some similarities with that of English. Among the distinctive features of the vowel-sounds employed by some Indian English speakers:
Standard Indian English[edit]
Modern Indians, especially a minority of English students and teachers along with some people in various professions like telephone customer service agents, often speak with a non-rhotic accent. Examples of this include flower pronounced as /flaʊ.ə/, never as /nevə/, water as /wɔːtə/, etc.
Many North Indians have a sing-song quality as they speak English, which perhaps, results from a similar tone used while speaking Hindi.
Indian English speakers and thus do not make a clear distinction between /ɒ/ and /ɔː/ unlike RP i.e. have the cot-caught merger
Diphthong /eɪ/ is pronounced as /e:/
əʊ is pronounced as to /o:/
ɑː may be more front a
Most Indians have the trap–bath split of Received Pronunciation, affecting words such as class, staff and last (/klɑːs/, /stɑːf/ and /lɑːst/ respectively). Though the trap-bath split is prevalent in Indian English, it varies greatly. Many younger Indians who read and listen to American English do not have this split. The distribution is somewhat similar to Australian English in Regional Indian English varieties, but it has a complete split in Cultivated Indian English and Standard Indian English varieties.[citation needed]
Most Indians have a hoarse-horse split.
The following are the variations in Indian English resulting from inability to articulate few vowels
Pronunciation of ɔ as o
Pronunciation of æ and ɛ as e
Pronunciation of ɔ and ɒ as a
Consonants[edit]
Comparision with Received Pronunciation[edit]
Among the most distinctive features of consonants in Indian English are:
Standard Indian English[edit]
The following are the characteristics of dialect of Indian English most similar to RP
It is non-rhotic.
The voiceless plosives /p/, /t/, /k/ are always unaspirated in Indian English, (aspirated in cultivated form) whereas in RP, General American and most other English accents they are aspirated in word-initial or stressed syllables. Thus "pin" is pronounced [pɪn] in Indian English but [pʰɪn] in most other dialects. In native Indian languages (except in Dravidian languages such as Tamil), the distinction between aspirated and unaspirated plosives is phonemic, and the English stops are equated with the unaspirated rather than the aspirated phonemes of the local languages.[23] The same is true of the voiceless postalveolar afficate /tʃ/.
The alveolar stops English /d/, /t/ are often retroflex [ɖ], [ʈ], especially in the South of India.[24] In Indian languages there are two entirely distinct sets of coronal plosives: one dental and the other retroflex. Native speakers of Indian languages prefer to pronounce the English alveolar plosives sound as more retroflex than dental,[25] and the use of retroflex consonants is a common feature of Indian English.[26][27] In the Devanagari script of Hindi, all alveolar plosives of English are transcribed as their retroflex counterparts. One good reason for this is that unlike most other native Indian languages, Hindi does not have true retroflex plosives (Tiwari, [1955] 2001). The so-called retroflexes in Hindi are actually articulated as apical post-alveolar plosives, sometimes even with a tendency to come down to the alveolar region. So a Hindi speaker normally cannot distinguish the difference between their own apical post-alveolar plosives and English's alveolar plosives. However, languages such as Tamil have true retroflex plosives, wherein the articulation is done with the tongue curved upwards and backwards at the roof of the mouth. This also causes (in parts of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar) the /s/ preceding alveolar /t/ to allophonically change to [ʃ] (<stop> /stɒp/ → /ʃʈap/). Mostly in south India, some speakers allophonically further change the voiced retroflex plosives to voiced retroflex flap, and the nasal /n/ to a nasalised retroflex flap.
All major native languages of India (except Bengali) lack the dental fricatives (/θ/ and /ð/; spelled with th). Usually, the aspirated voiceless dental plosive [t̪ʰ] is substituted for /θ/ in the north (it would be unaspirated in the south) and the unaspirated voiced dental plosive [d̪], or possibly the aspirated version [d̪ʱ], is substituted for /ð/.[28] For example, "thin" would be realised as [t̪ʰɪn] instead of /θɪn/ for North Indian speakers, whereas it would be pronounced unaspirated in the south.
The following are the variations in Indian English
Pronunciations vary between rhotic and non-rhotic; with pronunciations leaning towards native phonology being generally rhotic, and others being non-rhotic.
Most Indian languages (except Punjabi, Marathi, Assamese and Bengali), including Standard Hindi, do not differentiate between /v/ (voiced labiodental fricative) and /w/ (voiced labiovelar approximant). Instead, many Indians use a frictionless labiodental approximant [ʋ] for words with either sound, possibly in free variation with [v] and/or [w] depending upon region. Thus, wet and vet are often homophones.[29]
Related to the previous characteristic, many Indians prefer to pronounce words such as <flower> as [flaː(r)], as opposed to [flaʊə(r)], and <our> as [aː(r)] as opposed to [aʊə(r)].
South Indians tend to curl the tongue (retroflex accentuation) more for /l/ and /n/.[citation needed]
Sometimes, Indian speakers interchange /s/ and /z/, especially when plurals are being formed, unlike speakers of other varieties of English, who use [s] for the pluralisation of words ending in a voiceless consonant, [z] for words ending in a voiced consonant or vowel, and [ɨz] for words ending in a sibilant.
In case of the postalveolar affricates /tʃ/ /dʒ/, native languages like Hindi have corresponding affricates articulated from the palatal region, rather than postalveolar, and they have more of a stop component than fricative; this is reflected in their English.
Whilst retaining /ŋ/ in the final position, many Indian speakers add the [ɡ] sound after it when it occurs in the middle of a word. Hence /ˈriŋiŋ/ → /ˈriŋɡiŋ/ (ringing).[citation needed]
Syllabic /l/, /m/ and /n/ are usually replaced by the VC clusters [əl], [əm] and [ən] (as in button /ˈbuʈʈən/), or if a high vowel precedes, by [il] (as in little /ˈliʈʈil/). Syllable nuclei in words with the spelling er/re (a schwa in RP and an r-coloured schwa in GA) are also replaced VC clusters. e.g., metre, /ˈmiːtər/ → /ˈmiːʈər/.[citation needed]
Indian English uses clear [l] in all instances like Irish English whereas other varieties use clear [l] in syllable-initial positions and dark [l] (velarised-L) in coda and syllabic positions.
The following are the variations in indian english which are often discouraged
Most Indian languages (except Urdu varieties and Assamese) lack the voiced alveolar fricative /z/. A significant portion of Indians thus, even though their native languages do have its nearest equivalent: the unvoiced /s/, often use the voiced palatal affricate (or postalveolar) /dʒ/, just as with a Korean accent. This makes words such as <zero> and <rosy> sound as [ˈdʒiːro] and [ˈroːdʒiː] (the latter, especially in the North). This replacement is equally true for Persian and Arabic loanwords into Hindi. The probable reason is the confusion created by the use of the Devanagari grapheme < ज > (for /dʒ/) with a dot beneath it to represent the loaned /z/ (as < ज़ >). This is common among people without formal English education.
In Assamese, /tʃ/ and /ʃ/ is pronounced as /s/; and /dʒ/ and /ʒ/ is pronounced as /z/. Retroflex and dental consonants are not present and only alveolar consonants are used unlike other Indian languages. Similar to Bengali, /v/ is pronounced as /bʱ/ and /β/ in Assamese. For example; change is pronounced as [sɛɪnz], vote is pronounced as [bʱʊt] and English is pronounced as [iŋlis].
Again, in Assamese and dialects like Bhojpuri, all instances of /ʃ/ are spoken like [s], a phenomenon which is also apparent in their English. Exactly the opposite is seen for many Bengalis.[citation needed]
Inability to pronounce certain (especially word-initial) consonant clusters by people of rural backgrounds, as with some Spanish-speakers. This is usually dealt with by epenthesis. e.g., school /isˈkuːl/.
Many Indians with lower exposure to English also may pronounce /f/ as aspirated voiceless bilabial plosive [pʰ]. Again note that in Hindi (Devanagari) the loaned /f/ from Persian and Arabic is written by putting a dot beneath the grapheme for native [pʰ] < फ >: < फ़ >. This substitution is rarer than that for [z], and in fact in many Hindi /f/ is used by native speakers instead of /pʰ/, or the two are used interchangeably.
Many speakers of Indian English do not use the voiced postalveolar fricative (/ʒ/). Some Indians use /z/ or /dʒ/ instead, e.g. treasure /ˈtrɛzəːr/,[24] and in the south Indian variants, with /ʃ/ as in <"sh'"ore>, e.g. treasure /ˈtrɛʃər/.
Spelling pronunciation[edit]
A number of distinctive features of Indian English are due to "the vagaries of English spelling".[28] Most Indian languages, unlike English, have a nearly phonetic spelling, so the spelling of a word is a highly reliable guide to its modern pronunciation. Indians' tendency to pronounce English phonetically as well can cause divergence from Western English.
In words where the digraph <gh> represents a voiced velar plosive (/ɡ/) in other accents, some Indian English speakers supply a murmured version [ɡʱ], for example <ghost> [ɡʱoːst]. No other accent of English admits this voiced aspiration.[24]
Similarly, the digraph <wh> may be aspirated as [ʋʱ] or [wʱ], resulting in realisations such as <which> [ʋʱɪtʃ], found in no other English accent.[30] However, this is somewhat similar to the traditional distinction between wh and w present in English, wherein the former is /ʍ/, whilst the latter is /w/.
In unstressed syllables, which speakers of American English would realise as a schwa, speakers of Indian English would use the spelling vowel, making <sanity> sound as [ˈsæniti] instead of [ˈsænəti]. This trait is also present in other South Asian dialects (i.e. Pakistani and Sri Lankan English), and in RP, etc.
The word "of" is usually pronounced with a /f/ instead of a /v/ as in most other accents.[28]
Use of [d] instead of [t] for the "-ed" ending of the past tense after voiceless consonants, for example "developed" may be [ˈdɛʋləpd] instead of RP /dɪˈvɛləpt/.[24]
Use of [s] instead of [z] for the "-s" ending of the plural after voiced consonants, for example <dogs> may be [daɡs] instead of [dɒɡz].[28]
Pronunciation of <house> as [hauz] in both the noun and the verb, instead of [haus] as noun and [hauz] as verb.
In RP, /r/ occurs only before a vowel. But some speakers of Indian English, primarily in the South, use /r/ in almost all positions in words using the letter 'r',[28] similar to most American and some Irish dialects. The allophone used is a mild trill or a tap. Indian speakers do not typically use the retroflex approximant /ɻ/ for <r>, which is common for American English speakers.[citation needed]
In certain words, especially Latinate words ending in ile, is pronounced [ɪ] in America and [aɪ] in Britain. Indian English, like most other Commonwealth dialects, will invariably use the British pronunciation. Thus, <tensile> would be pronounced as [ˈtɛnsaɪl] like the British, rather than [ˈtɛnsɪl] like the American; <anti>, on the other hand, use i, as [ˈænti] like in Britain, rather than [ˈæntaɪ] like in America. Similar effects of British colonisation are 're', 'ise', and 'our' spellings in words like 'metre', 'realise', and 'endeavour', respectively, which Americans would spell as 'meter', 'realize' and 'endeavor'.
Deletion is not commonly used. For example, "salmon" is usually pronounced with a distinct "l".
Supra-segmental features[edit]
English is a stress-timed language, and both syllable stress and word stress, where only certain words in a sentence or phrase are stressed, are important features of received pronunciation. Indian native languages are actually syllable-timed languages, like French. Indian-English speakers usually speak with a syllabic rhythm.[31] Further, in some Indian languages, stress is associated with a low pitch,[32] whereas in most English dialects, stressed syllables are generally pronounced with a higher pitch. Thus, when some Indian speakers speak, they appear to put the stress accents at the wrong syllables, or accentuate all the syllables of a long English word. Certain Indian accents are of a "sing-song" nature, a feature seen in a few English dialects in Britain, such as Scouse and Welsh English.[33]
Morphology and syntax[edit]
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Numbering system[edit]
The Indian numbering system is preferred for digit grouping. When written in words, or when spoken, numbers less than 100,000/100 000 are expressed just as they are in Standard English. Numbers including and beyond 100,000 / 100 000 are expressed in a subset of the Indian numbering system. Thus, the following scale is used:
In digits (International system)
In digits (Indian system)
In words (long and short scales)
In words (Indian system)
10 ten
100 one hundred
1,000 one thousand
10,000 ten thousand
100,000 1,00,000 one hundred thousand one lakh (from lākh लाख/لاکھ)
1,000,000 10,00,000 one million ten lakh (from lākh लाख/لاکھ)
10,000,000 1,00,00,000 ten million one crore (from karoṛ करोड़/کروڑ)
Larger numbers are generally expressed as multiples of the above (for example, one lakh crores for one trillion).[34][35]
Vocabulary[edit]
Indian English has political, sociological, and administrative terms of modern India: dharna, hartal, eve-teasing, vote bank, swaraj, swadeshi, scheduled caste, scheduled tribe, NRI; it has words of Anglo-India such as tiffin, hill station, gymkhana; and it has slang.
Some examples unique to, or chiefly used in, standard written Indian English include:
academic (noun) (also Canadian and U.S. English): In pl.: Academic pursuits in contrast to technical or practical work.
Example: 1991 Hindu (Madras) 6 Dec. 27/2 For 14 years he immersed himself in academics and was a fine achiever.[36]
accomplish (verb, transitive), chiefly Indian English: To equip.
Example: 1992 H. L. Chopra in V. Grover Political Thinkers of Modern India XVII. lxiii. 488 His insatiable thirst for knowledge accomplished him with all modern standards of scholarship.[37]
airdash (verb intransitive) Indian English, to make a quick journey by air, especially in response to an emergency.
Example: 1973 Hindustan Times Weekly 25 Mar. 1 Governor B. K. Nehru, who airdashed to Shillong yesterday, flew back to Imphal.[38]
Cinema hall (noun) a cinema or movie theater/theatre.[39]
Example: 2018 Times of India (India) 03 Jan., Cinema halls in Uttar Pradesh will soon display the newly-unveiled logo for Kumbh Mela, right after the national anthem is played, to make youths understand the importance of the religious festival, a senior official said on Wednesday.[40]
English-knowing (adjective) originally and chiefly Indian English (of a person or group of people) that uses or speaks English.
Example: 1941 J. Nehru Toward Freedom vii. 40 The official and Service atmosphere... set the tone for almost all Indian middle-class life, especially the English-knowing intelligentsia.[41]
freeship, Indian English. A studentship or scholarship which offers full payment of a student's fees.[42]
Example: 1893 Med. Reporter (Calcutta) 1 Feb. 57/1 Two permanent freeships, each tenable for one year and one of which is for the second and the other for the third year class.
Example: 2006 Economic Times (India) (Nexis) 12 Oct., Private institutions can only develop if they are allowed to charge reasonable fees, while also providing need based freeships and scholarships for a certain percentage of students.[43]
matrimonial (noun) B. 3b. Chiefly Indian English. Advertisements in a newspaper for the purpose of finding a marriageable partner.
Example: 1999 Statesman (Calcutta) 10 Feb., (Midweek section) 4/3 When I have a job I'll have to begin a whole new search for my better half... Back to the newspaper matrimonials on Sundays.[44]
press person n. (chiefly Indian English, frequently as one word) a newspaper journalist, a reporter, a member of the press
Example: 2001 Hindu (Nexis) 20 June, The Prime Minister greeted the presspersons with a ‘namaskar’ and a broad smile.[45]
redressal (noun) now chiefly Indian English. = redress (noun)
Example: 1998 Statesman (India) (Nexis) 2 Apr., There is an urgent need for setting up an independent authority for redressal of telecom consumer complaints.
Example: 2002 Sunday Times of India 15 Sept. 8/4 Where does he go for the redressal of his genuine grievances?[46]
upgradation (noun) Indian English, the enhancement or upgrading of status, value or level of something
Example: 1986 Business India 8 Sept. 153/1 (advt.) Our Company lays great stress on technical training and knowledge upgradation.[47]
Spelling and national differences[edit]
Indian English generally uses the same British English spelling as Commonwealth nations such as Australia, the United Kingdom, New Zealand, and South Africa, occasionally with minor differences.
Similarly, in common with most of the Commonwealth, the final letter of the alphabet, Z is pronounced zed. In addition, the punctuation mark denoting the end of a sentence is referred to as a full stop rather than period.
See also[edit]
India portal
Languages portal
Hinglish
Indian English literature
Indian numbering system
Languages with official status in India
English as a lingua franca
Manglish
Regional accents of English
Regional differences and dialects in Indian English
Tanglish
Tenglish
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ Sedlatschek 2009, p. 1: Today many regional varieties of English, or Englishes, exist around the globe and are slowly but steadily gaining recognition. Indian English (IndE) is one of the oldest.
Jump up ^ "In defence of English: Blame the Indian education system, not the language".
Jump up ^ Census of India's Indian Census Archived 14 May 2007 at the Wayback Machine., Issue 25, 2003, pp 8–10, (Feature: Languages of West Bengal in Census and Surveys, Bilingualism and Trilingualism).
Jump up ^ FAMILY-WISE GROUPING OF THE 122 SCHEDULED AND NON-SCHEDULED LANGUAGES Archived 7 February 2013 at the Wayback Machine. – 2001 Census of India
Jump up ^ Tropf, Herbert S. 2005. India and its Languages Archived 8 March 2008 at the Wayback Machine.. Siemens AG, Munich
Jump up ^ For the distinction between "English Speakers," and "English Users," please see: TESOL-India (Teachers of English to Speakers of Other Languages)], India is World's Second Largest English-Speaking Country Archived 4 December 2010 at the Wayback Machine.. Their article explains the difference between the 350 million number mentioned in a previous version of this Wikipedia article and the current number:
“ Wikipedia's India estimate of 350 million includes two categories – 'English Speakers' and 'English Users'. The distinction between the Speakers and Users is that Users only know how to read English words while Speakers know how to read English, understand spoken English as well as form their own sentences to converse in English. The distinction becomes clear when you consider China's numbers. China has over 200 million that can read English words but, as anyone can see on the streets of China, only a few million are English speakers. ”
Jump up ^ "These four charts break down India's complex relationship with Hindi".
Jump up ^ published in 2010
Jump up ^ "EF English Proficiency Index – A comprehensive ranking of countries by English skills". www.ef.com. Retrieved 29 November 2016.
Jump up ^ Desai, Dubey; Joshi, Sen; Sharif, Vanneman (2010). "HUMAN DEVELOPMENT IN INDIA" (PDF). Oxford University Press. Archived from the original (PDF) on 11 December 2015.
Jump up ^ "Number of children studying in English doubles in 5 years".
Jump up ^ "EF English Proficiency Index – India". www.ef.com. Retrieved 29 November 2016.
Jump up ^ "Court language is English, says Supreme Court".
Jump up ^ Mukesh Ranjan Verma and Krishna Autar Agrawal: Reflections on Indian English literature (2002), page 163: "Some of the words in American English have spelling pronunciation and also pronunciation spelling. These are also characteristic features of Indian English as well. The novels of Mulk Raj Anand, in particular, are full of examples of ..."
Jump up ^ Pingali Sailaja: Indian English (2009), page 116: "So what was Cauvery is now Kaveri. Some residual spellings left by the British do exist such as the use of ee for /i:/ as in Mukherjee. Also, some place names such as Cuddapah and Punjab"
Jump up ^ Edward Carney: Survey of English Spelling (2012), page 56: "Not all distributional differences, however, have important consequences for spelling. For instance, the ... Naturally enough, Indian English is heavily influenced by the native language of the area in which it is spoken."
Jump up ^ Indian English Literature (2002), page 300: "The use of Indian words with English spellings: e.g. 'Mundus,' 'raksha'; 'Ed Cherukka,' 'Chacko Saar Vannu'"
Jump up ^ Lalmalsawma, David (7 September 2013), India speaks 780 languages, 220 lost in last 50 years – survey, Reuters
Jump up ^ John MacKenzie, "A family empire," BBC History Magazine (Jan 2013)
Jump up ^ Annamalai, E. (2006). "India: Language Situation". In Brown, Keith. Encyclopedia of language & linguistics. Elsevier. pp. 610–613. doi:10.1016/B0-08-044854-2/04611-3. ISBN 978-0-08-044299-0. Retrieved 6 February 2015. Lay summary (6 February 2015). – via ScienceDirect (Subscription may be required or content may be available in libraries.)
Jump up ^ "The rise of Hinglish: How the media created a new lingua franca for India's elites".
Jump up ^ Chelliah, Shobhana L. (July 2001). "Constructs of Indian English in language 'guidebooks'". World Englishes. 20 (2): 161–178. doi:10.1111/1467-971X.00207.
Jump up ^ Wells, pp. 627–628
^ Jump up to: a b c d Wells, p. 628
Jump up ^ Ball & Muller 2014: The comments on retroflex consonants also apply to southern Indian languages such as Tamil, Telugu, Malayalam. and Kannada. Speakers of these languages tend to use their own retroflex consonants in place of English alveolar It, d, n/. Although these languages do have nonretroflex stops, these are dental, and it seems that English alveolar stops are perceived as closer to the retroflex stops than to the dental ones.
Jump up ^ Ball & Muller 2014, p. 289b: This use of retroflex consonants is very characteristic of Indian English, and the retroflex resonance is very pervasive ...
Jump up ^ Sailaja 2007, p. 252: 1.4 Indian (Telugu) English: All the adults who participated in this study spoke a Telugu variety of Indian English. Telugu pronunciation of English is heavily influenced by the spelling. Two identical letters in a word are articulated as geminates. The articulation is also mostly rhotic ... In place of the alveolar stops, retroflex sounds are used. Some speakers would also use a retroflex nasal in place of the alveolar nasal, and a retroflex lateral in place of the alveolar lateral.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e Wells, p. 629
Jump up ^ Wells, p. 627
Jump up ^ Wells, p. 630
Jump up ^ Cambridge Encyclopedia of the English Language (Cambridge University Press, 1995), page 360
Jump up ^ [1] Archived 1 September 2006 at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ Varshney, R.L., "An Introductory Textbook of Linguistics and Phonetics", 15th Ed. (2005), Student Store, Bareilly.
Jump up ^ "Investors lose Rs 4.4 lakh crore in four days | Business Standard". Bsl.co.in. 27 November 2010. Archived from the original on 16 March 2012. Retrieved 7 November 2013.
Jump up ^ "Corporate chiefs getting crores in salaries: 100 and counting! – The Smart Investor". Smartinvestor.in. Retrieved 2013-11-07.
Jump up ^ academic (noun), 6, Oxford English Dictionary, Third Edition, December 2011
Jump up ^ accomplish (verb, transitive, 3a', Oxford English Dictionary, Third Edition, December 2011
Jump up ^ airdash (in air, Compounds, C2) (verb, transitive, Oxford English Dictionary, Third Edition, December 2008
Jump up ^ https://dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/english/cinema-hall
Jump up ^ https://m.hindustantimes.com/india-news/up-cinema-halls-to-show-kumbh-logo-before-screening-movies/story-H7O5J6z57We4L4MKBZEKqL.html
Jump up ^ English-knowing (adj). Compound, C2, Oxford English Dictionary, Third Edition, December 2008
Jump up ^ "freeship". Oxford English Dictionary (3rd ed.). Oxford University Press. September 2005. (Subscription or UK public library membership required.)
Jump up ^ freeship, 4., Oxford English Dictionary, Third Edition, March 2008
Jump up ^ matrimonial (noun) B. 3b., Oxford English Dictionary, Third Edition, March 2001
Jump up ^ press (noun), Compound, Oxford English Dictionary, Third Edition, March 2007
Jump up ^ redressal (noun), Oxford English Dictionary, Third Edition, September 2009
Jump up ^ upgradation (noun), Oxford English Dictionary, 1993
References[edit]
Balasubramanian, Chandrika (2009), Register Variation in Indian English, John Benjamins Publishing, ISBN 90-272-2311-4
Ball, Martin J.; Muller, Nicole (2014), Phonetics for Communication Disorders, Routledge, pp. 289–, ISBN 978-1-317-77795-3
Baumgardner, Robert Jackson (editor) (1996), South Asian English: Structure, Use, and Users, University of Illinois Press, ISBN 978-0-252-06493-7 CS1 maint: Extra text: authors list (link)
Braj B. Kachru (1983). The Indianisation of English: the English language in India. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-561353-8.
Gargesh, Ravinder (17 February 2009), "South Asian Englishes", in Braj Kachru; et al., The Handbook of World Englishes, John Wiley & Sons, pp. 90–, ISBN 978-1-4051-8831-9
Hickey, Raymond (2004), "South Asian English", Legacies of Colonial English: Studies in Transported Dialects, Cambridge University Press, pp. 536–, ISBN 978-0-521-83020-1
Lange, Claudia (2012), The Syntax of Spoken Indian English, John Benjamins Publishing, ISBN 90-272-4905-9
Mehrotra, Raja Ram (1998), Indian English: Texts and Interpretation, John Benjamins Publishing, ISBN 90-272-4716-1
Sailaja, Pingali (2007), "Writing Systems and Phonological Awareness", in Bayer, Josef (ed); Bhattacharya, Tanmoy (ed); Babu, M. T. Hany (ed), Linguistic Theory and South Asian Languages: Essays in honour of K. A. Jayaseelan, John Benjamins Publishing Company, pp. 249–267, ISBN 978-90-272-9245-2 CS1 maint: Uses editors parameter (link)
Sailaja, Pingali (2009), Indian English, Series: Dialects of English, Edinburgh University Press, ISBN 978-0-7486-2595-6
Schilk, Marco (2011), Structural Nativization in Indian English Lexicogrammar, John Benjamins Publishing, ISBN 90-272-0351-2
Sedlatschek, Andreas (2009), Contemporary Indian English: Variation and Change, Series: Varieties of English Around the World, John Benjamins Publishing, ISBN 90-272-4898-2
Further reading[edit]
Henry Yule; Arthur Coke Burnell (1886). HOBSON-JOBSON: Being a glossary of Anglo-Indian colloquial words and phrases. John Murray, London.
Wells, J C (1982). Accents of English 3: Beyond the British Isles. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-28541-0.
Whitworth, George Clifford (1885). An Anglo-Indian dictionary: a glossary of Indian terms used in English, and of such English or other non-Indian terms as have obtained special meanings in India. K. Paul, Trench.
External links[edit]
"English in India". Archived from the original on 31 May 2013. Retrieved 23 January 2009. CS1 maint: Unfit url (link)
Indian Pronunciation Problems in English, ESLAN.
'Hover & Hear' pronunciations in a Standard Indian English accent, and compare side by side with other English accents from around the World.
"Linguistic and Social Characteristics of Indian English" by Jason Baldridge: An analysis of Indian language published by the "Language In India" magazine.
On the future of Indian English, by Gurcharan Das.
An exploration into linguistic majority-minority relations in India, by B. Mallikarjun.
108 varieties of Indian English, Dharma Kumar, India Seminar, 2001 (Volume 500).
India Human Development Survey-II 2011–2012
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Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Indian_English&oldid=836670753"
Categories:
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