text:
Lynsi Snyder
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Lynsi Snyder
Born
Lynsi Lavelle Snyder
(1982-05-05) May 5, 1982 (age 35)
Glendora, California, U.S.
Residence
Bradbury, California
Occupation
President and owner of In-N-Out Burger
Net worth
US$1.3 billion[1]
Spouse(s)
Jeremiah Seawell (2000–2003; divorced)
Richard Martinez (2004–2011; divorced)
Val Torres Jr. (2011–2014; divorced)
Sean Ellingson (m. 2014)
Children
4
Lynsi Lavelle Snyder-Ellingson[2][3] (previously Seawell, then Martinez and then Torres, born May 5, 1982) is an American businesswoman, the owner and heiress of the In-N-Out Burger company. She is the only child of Lynda and H. Guy Snyder[4] and the only grandchild of Harry and Esther Snyder, who founded In-N-Out in 1948.
According to the Bloomberg Billionaires Index, Snyder was the second youngest American female billionaire after Elizabeth Holmes of Theranos. On June 1, 2016, however, Lynsi effectively became the youngest billionaire upon Elizabeth Holmes's net worth being revised by Forbes from $4.5 billion to zero.[5] As the sole beneficiary of family trusts, she is currently In-N-Out's majority owner and ultimately received control of the company's stock in its entirety on her 35th birthday, becoming the sole owner.[6][7]
Contents
[hide]
1 Early life
2 Career
3 Philanthropy
4 Personal life
4.1 Marriages and children
4.2 Religion
4.3 Drag racing and residence
4.4 Reclusivity and kidnapping attempts
5 References
6 Further reading
7 External links
Early life[edit]
Snyder was born in Glendora, California to Lynda Lou (née Perkins) and Harry Guy Snyder. She is of Dutch descent on her father's side.[8] When she was 12, her parents separated and she moved with her mother to the small town of Shingletown, California, where she lived on a ranch and graduated from Redding Christian School, a private high school in Palo Cedro, California that her parents helped found.[9] Her parents eventually divorced in January 1997.[10] She has two older half-sisters (Traci and Teri) through her mother. Traci is married to former In-N-Out President and current COO Mark Taylor.[11] Snyder's uncle Rich died in 1993 in a plane crash, and her father died in 1999 from an accidental drug overdose.[12]
Career[edit]
On January 1, 2010, Snyder became the 6th President of In-N-Out, succeeding her brother-in-law, Mark Taylor, who was appointed the Chief Operating Officer of the company. She occupies the same position that her grandfather Harry (1948–1976), uncle Rich (1976–1993), father Guy (1993–1999), and grandmother Esther (1999–2006) previously held. Before Snyder became President of In-N-Out Burger, a taped message from her was broadcast to all company associates letting them know about the transition and the future of the company. Esther Snyder's signature was finally replaced with Lynsi Snyder's on associates' paychecks in 2009, three years after Esther Snyder's death.
During 2006, Snyder and In-N-Out were embroiled in a bitter lawsuit with a former company executive, Rich Boyd.[13] Boyd was fired for allegedly misusing company funds, but he claimed that Snyder, and then Vice-President Mark Taylor, were trying to oust the elderly Esther Snyder from the company. Both Lynsi Snyder and Mark Taylor denied the claims, and the lawsuit was settled out of court in May 2006.[14]
Snyder took ownership of her father's share of In-N-Out (50% of the company) on her 30th birthday, and inherited the balance of the company that was not already in trust for her when her grandmother Esther died.[15][16][17] Snyder gained full control of the company when she turned 35.[18]
In February 2013, Snyder was ranked a billionaire for the first time by the Bloomberg Billionaires Index, based on an In-N-Out valuation of $1.1 billion.[5] That same year, she ranked #93 on Maxim's annual Hot 100 list.[19]
Philanthropy[edit]
Snyder funds Healing Hearts & Nations (HHN), a non-profit corporation that builds training centers in Africa and India and trains local community leaders for the purpose of providing different forms of counseling to the underprivileged local population.[20] She is also actively involved with the In-N-Out Burger Foundation, which supports abused and neglected children.[21]
Personal life[edit]
Marriages and children[edit]
Snyder has been married four times and has four children. Her husbands have been:
Jeremiah Seawell (2000–2003): Seawell was a local boy from Redding, California who was Snyder's high school sweetheart. They married shortly after her 18th birthday, in summer 2000, and moved back to her hometown of Glendora.[22] The couple separated within two years and eventually divorced in 2003.[23]
Richard Martinez (2004–2011): Snyder then married former In-N-Out employee Richard Martinez. In November 2006, Snyder gave birth to fraternal twins (one boy, one girl), named Ella Jade and Silas Diego.[citation needed] Snyder filed for divorce in September 2010, and the split was finalized in late 2011.[24]
Val Torres, Jr. (2011–2014): In 2010, while still married to Martinez, Snyder began dating Torres, a race car driver. On July 15, 2011, Snyder gave birth to Torres's child, a son named Valentino Guy.[9] Her divorce from Martinez was finalized later in 2011. Shortly after, she married Torres in a small ceremony.[8] Snyder filed for divorce from Torres in 2013; the marriage officially ended the following year.[25]
Sean Ellingson (July 5, 2014 – present): In May 2014, Snyder became engaged to another ex-In-N-Out employee, Sean Ellingson, a native of La Verne, California. They married on July 5 of that year in Malibu, California. They also held a small ceremony in her hometown of Glendora.[26] She gave birth to their son Layne, her fourth child, in late 2014. Ellingson is the older brother of actor Evan Ellingson.
Religion[edit]
Snyder is a devout Evangelical Christian, and has spoken several times about her faith.[27] In 2015, her testimonial was featured on I Am Second. In it, she spoke about the many deaths within her family and her previous failed marriages and how her faith helped her cope with these misfortunes.[28]
Drag racing and residence[edit]
Like her father, Snyder is an avid drag racing fan and member of the NHRA.[29] She regularly competes in drag racing events.[8] In 2015, she was featured on an episode of Jay Leno's Garage, where she showed off a modified '41 Willys that was previously owned by her late father.[30]
In August 2012, Snyder reportedly purchased a 7-bedroom, 16-bathroom mansion with 16,600 square feet (1,540 m2) of interior space in Bradbury, California from Texas Rangers third baseman Adrián Beltré for a sum in excess of US$17 million.[31] Snyder has stated that she works primarily out of the Baldwin Park office, home of In-N-Out University and formerly company headquarters, rather than the Irvine corporate headquarters because it is closer to her Bradbury home.[32]
Reclusivity and kidnapping attempts[edit]
Snyder has frequently been called reclusive and media-shy, due to her long-time penchant for declining nearly all interview requests and rarely appearing at public events.[33][34] However, in recent years she has become more open to the media, participating in profiles with the Orange County Register, Orange Coast, and CBS News.[32][27][35]
In her January 2014 interview with Orange Coast, Snyder said that she has been the target of at least two kidnapping attempts. In the wake of these attempts, she has deliberately kept herself out of the public eye for the safety of her family, she said. The first purported kidnapping attempt occurred when she was still a high school student in Shingletown; the second took place several years later in Baldwin Park, near the local In-N-Out distribution center.[35]
References[edit]
Jump up ^ https://www.forbes.com/sites/chloesorvino/2017/05/05/best-birthday-ever-how-in-n-out-burgers-lynsi-snyder-turned-35-and-became-a-billionaire/#3dfe51a1b4bc
Jump up ^ "Points Detail for Lynsi Snyder-Ellingson". NHRA. Retrieved 2016-07-16.
Jump up ^ "Corporate Inquiry: In-N-Out Burger". Arizona Corporation Commission. Retrieved 2016-07-16.
Jump up ^ "In-N-Out Executive's Death Ruled Accidental". LA Times. January 26, 2000. Retrieved May 3, 2011.
^ Jump up to: a b Lubove, Seth (2013-02-04). "Youngest American Woman Billionaire Found With In-N-Out". Bloomberg. Retrieved 2016-07-16.
Jump up ^ Sorvino, Chloe (5 May 2017). "Best Birthday Ever? How In-N-Out Burger's Lynsi Snyder Turned 35 - And Became A Billionaire". Forbes. Retrieved 5 May 2017.
Jump up ^ Patrick Kiger, In-N-Out's Burger Queen, Orange Coast, January 27, 2014.
^ Jump up to: a b c "FEATURED FLYER – National Dragster". Readperiodicals.com. Retrieved 2016-07-16.
^ Jump up to: a b Keneally, Meghan; Davies, Katie (January 30, 2014). "Private In-N-Out heiress, 31, who controls family's billion-dollar burger empire opens up about kidnapping attempts as a child and her strong faith (but don't ask her about her kids or three ex-husbands)". The Daily Mail.
Jump up ^ "In-N-Out from the inside out". La Verne Magazine. La Verne Magazine. 2010-03-26. Retrieved 2016-07-16.
Jump up ^ Hiltzik, Michael (2009-05-07). "In-N-Out: Can perfection survive?". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved 2016-07-16.
Jump up ^ "In-N-Out Executive's Death Ruled Accidental". Los Angeles Times. 2000-01-26. Retrieved 2016-07-16.
Jump up ^ "Rumors swirl around In-N-Out". 2006-09-25. Archived from the original on 2008-01-27.
Jump up ^ "A Sizzling Family Food Fight". 2006-02-27.
Jump up ^ "In-N-Out – (Success)ion". 2006-02-22.
Jump up ^ "In-N-Out matriarch Snyder dies at age 86". 2006-08-06.
Jump up ^ "Esther Snyder, matriarch of In-N-Out Burger, dies". 2006-08-06.
Jump up ^ Lubove, Seth (February 7, 2013). "Lynsi Torres, In-N-Out Burger's Elusive Billionaire". Bloomberg BusinessWeek. Retrieved 9 February 2013.
Jump up ^ "Lynsi Torres". Maxim.
Jump up ^ "Lynsi Torres, the 30-Year-Old Owner of In-N-Out". KCET. Retrieved 2016-07-16.
Jump up ^ "Child Abuse Foundation". In-N-Out Burger. Retrieved 2016-07-16.
Jump up ^ "Nada Fakhreddine and Bassam Yassine | 2001 Valiant Street, Glendora, CA 91741". BlockShopper. Retrieved 2016-07-16.
Jump up ^ Perman, Stacy (May 12, 2009). In-N-Out Burger. Harper Collins. Retrieved 2016-07-16.
Jump up ^ "Petitioner Lynsi Martinez's Declaration of Urgency" (PDF). Law Office of Mitchell A. Jacobs. June 13, 2011. Retrieved 2016-07-16 – via Radar Online.
Jump up ^ "Torres Jr. wins title with borrowed car". National Dragster. August 14, 2009. Archived from the original on 2013-02-07 – via Docstoc.com.
Jump up ^ "Registry List". Williams-Sonoma. Archived from the original on 2015-11-17.
^ Jump up to: a b "President Lynsi Snyder on why In-N-Out will 'never' franchise or go public". CBS News. 2015-09-18. Retrieved 2016-07-16.
Jump up ^ "Radio Promo Download". I Am Second. 2012-09-30. Retrieved 2016-07-16.
Jump up ^ "Columns – Agent 1320". Drag Racing Online. 2010-01-21. Retrieved 2016-07-16.
Jump up ^ "1941 Willys Coupe – Jay Leno's Garage". YouTube. 2015-06-14. Retrieved 2016-07-16.
Jump up ^ "In-N-Out Heiress Buys Adrián Beltré's Behemoth Bradbury (CA) Compound". The Real Estalker. 2012-09-20. Retrieved 2016-07-16.
^ Jump up to: a b "Drag-racing heiress keeps In-N-Out on course". 2013-02-22.
Jump up ^ "Profiles of OC's Wealthiest – 13 – 24". Orange County Business Journal. 2010-08-01. Archived from the original on 2011-02-28. (Subscription required (help)).
Jump up ^ Davies, Katie. "Lynsi Torres: Meet America's youngest female billionaire". Daily Mail. Retrieved 2016-07-16.
^ Jump up to: a b "In-N-Out’s Burger Queen". Orange Coast Magazine. 2014-01-27. Retrieved 2016-07-16.
Further reading[edit]
Perman, Stacy (2009). In-N-Out Burger: A Behind-the-Counter Look at the Fast-Food Chain That Breaks All the Rules. New York: Harper Collins Publishers. ISBN 978-0-06-134671-2.
External links[edit]
Healing Hearts & Nations website
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Perestroika
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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For other uses, see Perestroika (disambiguation).
Perestroika
Russian
Перестройка
Romanization
Perestrojka
Literal meaning
Rebuilding
Perestroika (/ˌpɛrəˈstrɔɪkə/; Russian: Перестро́йка, IPA: [pʲɪrʲɪˈstrojkə] ( listen))[1] was a political movement for reformation within the Communist Party of the Soviet Union during the 1980s and 1990s and is widely associated with Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev and his glasnost (meaning "openness") policy reform. The literal meaning of perestroika is "restructuring," referring to the restructuring of the Soviet political and economic system.
Perestroika is sometimes argued to be a significant cause of the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the revolutions of 1989 in Eastern Europe, and the end of the Cold War.[2]
Contents
1 Summary
2 Economic reforms
3 Comparison with China
4 Perestroika and glasnost
5 The role of the West in Perestroika
6 See also
7 References
8 Further reading
9 External links
Summary[edit]
Perestroika allowed more independent actions from various ministries and introduced some market-like reforms. The goal of perestroika, however, was not to end the command economy but rather to make socialism work more efficiently to better meet the needs of Soviet citizens.[3] The process of implementing perestroika arguably exacerbated already existing political, social, and economic tensions within the Soviet Union and is often blamed for furthering the political ascent of nationalism and nationalist political parties in the constituent republics. Perestroika and resistance to it are often cited[by whom?] as major catalysts leading to the dissolution of the Soviet Union.
Economic reforms[edit]
In May 1985, Gorbachev gave a speech in Leningrad in which he admitted the slowing of economic development, and inadequate living standards. This was the first time that a Soviet leader had done so.
The programme was furthered at the 27th Congress of the Communist Party in Gorbachev's report to the congress, in which he spoke about "perestroika", "uskoreniye", "human factor", "glasnost", and "expansion of the khozraschyot" (commercialization).
During the initial period (1985–87) of Mikhail Gorbachev's time in power, he talked about modifying central planning but did not make any truly fundamental changes (uskoreniye; "acceleration"). Gorbachev and his team of economic advisors then introduced more fundamental reforms, which became known as perestroika (restructuring).
At the June 1987 plenary session of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), Gorbachev presented his "basic theses", which laid the political foundation of economic reform for the remainder of the existence of the Soviet Union.
In July 1987, the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union passed the Law on State Enterprise.[4] The law stipulated that state enterprises were free to determine output levels based on demand from consumers and other enterprises. Enterprises had to fulfill state orders, but they could dispose of the remaining output as they saw fit. However, at the same time the state still held control over the means of production for these enterprises, thus limiting their ability to enact full-cost accountability. Enterprises bought input from suppliers at negotiated contract prices. Under the law, enterprises became self-financing; that is, they had to cover expenses (wages, taxes, supplies, and debt service) through revenues. No longer was the government to rescue unprofitable enterprises that could face bankruptcy. Finally, the law shifted control over the enterprise operations from ministries to elected workers' collectives. Gosplan's (Russian: Госуда́рственный комите́т по планированию; Gosudarstvenniy komitet po planirovaniyu; "State Committee for Planning") responsibilities were to supply general guidelines and national investment priorities, not to formulate detailed production plans.
The Law on Cooperatives, enacted in May 1988,[5] was perhaps the most radical of the economic reforms during the early part of the Gorbachev era.[citation needed] For the first time since Vladimir Lenin's New Economic Policy was abolished in 1928, the law permitted private ownership of businesses in the services, manufacturing, and foreign-trade sectors. The law initially imposed high taxes and employment restrictions, but it later revised these to avoid discouraging private-sector activity. Under this provision, cooperative restaurants, shops, and manufacturers became part of the Soviet scene.
Perestroika postage stamp, 1988
Gorbachev brought perestroika to the Soviet Union's foreign economic sector with measures that Soviet economists considered bold at that time.[citation needed] His programme virtually eliminated the monopoly that the Ministry of Foreign Trade had once held on most trade operations. It permitted the ministries of the various industrial and agricultural branches to conduct foreign trade in sectors under their responsibility rather than having to operate indirectly through the bureaucracy of trade ministry organizations. In addition, regional and local organizations and individual state enterprises were permitted to conduct foreign trade. This change was an attempt to redress a major imperfection in the Soviet foreign trade regime: the lack of contact between Soviet end users and suppliers and their foreign partners.
The most significant of Gorbachev's reforms in the foreign economic sector allowed foreigners to invest in the Soviet Union in the form of joint ventures with Soviet ministries, state enterprises, and cooperatives. The original version of the Soviet Joint Venture Law, which went into effect in June 1987, limited foreign shares of a Soviet venture to 49 percent and required that Soviet citizens occupy the positions of chairman and general manager. After potential Western partners complained, the government revised the regulations to allow majority foreign ownership and control. Under the terms of the Joint Venture Law, the Soviet partner supplied labor, infrastructure, and a potentially large domestic market. The foreign partner supplied capital, technology, entrepreneurial expertise, and in many cases, products and services of world competitive quality.
Gorbachev's economic changes did not do much to restart the country's sluggish economy in the late 1980s. The reforms decentralised things to some extent, although price controls remained, as did the ruble's inconvertibility and most government controls over the means of production.
By 1990 the government had virtually lost control over economic conditions. Government spending increased sharply as an increasing number of unprofitable enterprises required state support and consumer price subsidies continued. Tax revenues declined because republic and local governments withheld tax revenues from the central government under the growing spirit of regional autonomy. The elimination of central control over production decisions, especially in the consumer goods sector, led to the breakdown in traditional supply-demand relationships without contributing to the formation of new ones. Thus, instead of streamlining the system, Gorbachev's decentralisation caused new production bottlenecks.[citation needed]
Comparison with China[edit]
Perestroika and Deng Xiaoping's economic reforms have similar origins but very different effects on their respective countries' economies. Both efforts occurred in large socialist countries attempting to modernize their economies, but while China's GDP has grown consistently since the late 1980s (albeit from a much lower level), national GDP in the USSR and in many of its successor states fell precipitously throughout the 1990s.[6] Gorbachev's reforms were gradualist and maintained many of the macroeconomic aspects of the command economy (including price controls, inconvertibility of the ruble, exclusion of private property ownership, and the government monopoly over most means of production).[citation needed]
Reform was largely focused on industry and on cooperatives, and a limited role was given to the development of foreign investment and international trade. Factory managers were expected to meet state demands for goods, but to find their own funding. Perestroika reforms went far enough to create new bottlenecks in the Soviet economy but arguably did not go far enough to effectively streamline it.[citation needed]
Chinese economic reform was, by contrast, a bottom-up attempt at reform, focusing on light industry and agriculture (namely allowing peasants to sell produce grown on private holdings at market prices).[citation needed] Economic reforms were fostered through the development of "Special Economic Zones", designed for export and to attract foreign investment, municipally managed Township and Village Enterprises and a "dual pricing" system leading to the steady phasing out of state-dictated prices.[7] Greater latitude was given to managers of state-owned factories, while capital was made available to them through a reformed banking system and through fiscal policies (in contrast to the fiscal anarchy and fall in revenue experienced by the Soviet government during perestroika). Perestroika was expected to lead to results such as market pricing and privately sold produce, but the Union dissolved before advanced stages were reached.[citation needed]
Another fundamental difference is that where perestroika was accompanied by greater political freedoms under Gorbachev's glasnost policies, Chinese economic reform has been accompanied by continued authoritarian rule and a suppression of political dissidents, most notably at Tiananmen Square. Gorbachev acknowledges this difference but has always maintained that it was unavoidable and that perestroika would have been doomed to defeat and revanchism by the nomenklatura without glasnost, because conditions in the Soviet Union were not identical to those in China.[8] Gorbachev had lived through the era in which the attempted reforms by Khrushchev, limited as they were, were rolled back under Brezhnev and other pro-totalitarian conservatives, and he could clearly see that the same could happen again without glasnost to allow broad oppositional pressure against the nomenklatura. Gorbachev cited a line from a 1986 newspaper article that he felt encapsulated this reality: "The apparatus broke Khrushchev's neck and the same thing will happen now."[9]
Another difference is that Soviet Union faced strong secession threats from its ethnic regions and a primacy challenge by the RSFSR. Gorbachev's extension of regional autonomy removed the suppression from existing ethnic-regional tension, while Deng's reforms did not alter the tight grip of the central government on any of their so-called autonomous regions. The Soviet Union's dual nature, part supranational union of republics and part unitary state, played a part in the difficulty of controlling the pace of restructuring, especially once the new Russian Communist Party was formed and posed a challenge to the primacy of the CPSU. Gorbachev described this process as a "parade of sovereignties" and identified it as the factor that most undermined the gradualism of restructuring and the preservation of the Soviet Union. This caused a situation in the USSR whose closest analog would be if English sovereignty undermined that of the United Kingdom at a time when the entire UK society and economy was under significant stress and reform, or if North China had a party and state emerge as a challenge to the CCP and PRC during Deng's reforms.
Perestroika and glasnost[edit]
One of the final important measures taken on the continuation of the movement was a report from the central committee meeting of the CPSU titled "On Reorganization and the Party's Personnel Policy".[10] This report was in such high demand in Prague and Berlin that many people could not get a copy. One effect was the sudden demand for Russian dictionaries in order to understand the content of Gorbachev's report.
The role of the West in Perestroika[edit]
During the 1980s and 1990s the United States President George H. W. Bush pledged solidarity with Gorbachev, but never brought his administration into supporting Gorbachev's reform. In fact, "no bailout for Gorbachev" was a consistent policy line of the Bush Administration, further demonstrating the lack of true support from the West. President Bush had a financial policy to aid perestroika that was shaped by a minimalist approach, foreign-policy convictions that set Bush up against other U.S. internal affairs, and a frugal attitude, all influencing his unwillingness to aid Gorbachev. Other factors influenced the West's lack of aid as well like "the in-house Gorbi-skeptics" advocacy, the expert community's consensus about the undesirability of rushing U.S. aid to Gorbachev, and strong opposition to any bailout at many levels, including foreign-policy conservatives, the U.S. Congress, and the American public at large. The West seemed to miss an opportunity to help reform the Soviet regime into a more democracy-like society. The Soviets aided in the expansion of Western capitalism to allow for an inflow of Western investments, but the perestroika managers failed. President Bush had the opportunity to aid the Soviet Union in a chance to improve their government, like Harry S. Truman did for Western Europe.
Early on, as perestroika was getting under way, I felt like the West might come along and find it a sensible thing to do—easing Russia's difficult transition from totalitarianism to democracy. What I had in mind in the Preface iv first place, was the participation [of the West] in conversion of defense industries, the modernization of light and food industries, and Russia's inclusion on an equal-member footing in the frameworks of the international economic relations ... [U]nlike some democrats, I did not expect "manna from Heaven," but counted on the Western statesmen to use their common sense.[11]
President George H. Bush continued to dodge helping the Russians and the President of Czechoslovakia, Vaclav Havel, laid bare the linkage for the Americans in his address to a joint session of Congress on February 21, 1990:
... I often hear the question: How can the United States of America help us today? My reply is as paradoxical as the whole of my life has been: You can help us most of all if you help the Soviet Union on its irreversible, but immensely complicated road to democracy. ...[T]he sooner, the more quickly, and the more peacefully the Soviet Union begins to move along the road toward genuine political pluralism, respect for the rights of nations to their own integrity and to a working—that is a market—economy, the better it will be, not just for Czechs and Slovaks, but for the whole world.
When the United States needed help with Germany's reunification, Gorbachev proved to be instrumental in bringing solutions to the "German problem" and Bush acknowledged that "Gorbachev was moving the USSR in the right direction". Bush, in his own words, even gave praise to Gorbachev "to salute the man" in acknowledgment of the Soviet leader's role as "the architect of perestroika ... [who had] conducted the affairs of the Soviet Union with great restraint as Poland and Czechoslovakia and GDR ... and other countries [that had] achieved their independence," and who was "under extraordinary pressure at home, particularly on the economy."
See also[edit]
History of the Soviet Union (1982–91)
Uskoreniye
Glasnost
New political thinking
Democratisation in the Soviet Union
500 Days
Predictions of the dissolution of the Soviet Union
Revolutions of 1989
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Professor Gerhard Rempel, Department of History, Western New England College, (1996-02-02). "Gorbachev and Perestroika". Mars.wnec.edu. Archived from the original on August 28, 2008. Retrieved 2010-03-31. CS1 maint: Multiple names: authors list (link)
Jump up ^ Katrina vanden Heuvel & Stephen F. Cohen. (November 16, 2009). "Gorbachev on 1989". Thenation.com. Archived from the original on May 25, 2012.
Jump up ^ Mikhail Gorbachev, Perestroika (New York: Harper Collins, 1987), quoted in Mark Kishlansky, ed., Sources of the West: Readings in Western Civilization, 4th ed., vol. 2 (New York: Longman, 2001), p. 322.
Jump up ^ Bill, Keller (1987-06-04). "New struggle in the Kremlin: How to change the economy". The New York Times. Retrieved 7 February 2017.
Jump up ^ Brooks, Karen M. (1988). The Law on Cooperatives, Retail Food Prices, and the Farm Financial Crisis in the U.S.S.R. (PDF). University of Minnesota. Department of Agricultural and Applied Economics. Retrieved on 14 August 2009.
Jump up ^ "IMF World Economic Outlook Database April 2006". International Monetary Fund. 2003-04-29. Retrieved 2010-03-31.
Jump up ^ Susan L. Shirk in The Political Logic of Economic Reform in China, University of California, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1993. ISBN 0-520-07706-7.
Jump up ^ Gorbachev, Mikhail Sergeevich (1996), Memoirs, Doubleday, pp. 494–495, ISBN 9780385480192.
Jump up ^ Gorbachev, Mikhail Sergeevich (1996), Memoirs, Doubleday, p. 188, ISBN 9780385480192.
Jump up ^ Gidadhubli, R. G. (1987, May 02). Perestroika and glasnost. Retrieved from https://www.jstor.org/stable/4376986
Jump up ^ LaFeber, Walter (2002). America, Russia, and the Cold War, 1945-2000. New York, New York: McGraw Hill.
Further reading[edit]
Golitsyn, Anatoliy (1984). The Perestroia Deception [The World's Slide towards The Second October Revolution]. London & New York: Edward Harle.
Abalkin, Leonid Ivanovich (1986). Kursom uskoreniya [The strategy of acceleration]. Moscow: Politizdat.
Cohen, Stephen F.; Katrina Vanden Heuvel (1989). Voices of Glasnost: Interviews With Gorbachev's Reformers. W. W. Norton & Company. ISBN 0-393-30735-2.
Goldman, Marshall I. (1992). "Perestroika". In David R. Henderson (ed.). Concise Encyclopedia of Economics (1st ed.). Library of Economics and Liberty. CS1 maint: Extra text: editors list (link) OCLC 317650570, 50016270, 163149563
Gorbachev, Mikhail (1988). Perestroika: New Thinking for Our Country and the World. Harper & Row. ISBN 0-06-091528-5.
Jha, Prem Shankar (2003). The Perilous Road to the Market: The Political Economy of Reform in Russia, India and China. Pluto Press. ISBN 0-7453-1851-7.
Байков В.Д. Ленинградские хроники: от послевоенных 50-х до "лихих 90-х". М. Карамзин, 2017. - 486 с., илл. — in English: Leningrad Chronicles: from the postwar fifties to the "wild nineties", Baikov V.D. ISBN 978-5-00071-516-1
Albuquerque, Cesar. Perestroika in Progress: An Analysis of the Evolution of Gorbachev's Political and Economic Thought (1984-1991). 2015. Master Thesis, University of São Paulo (in Portuguese)
External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Perestroika.
Look up perestroika in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.
This section's use of external links may not follow Wikipedia's policies or guidelines. Please improve this article by removing excessive or inappropriate external links, and converting useful links where appropriate into footnote references. (November 2016) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
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