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Shays' Rebellion
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Shays' Rebellion
Contemporary depiction of Daniel Shays (left) and Job Shattuck, two of the main protest leaders
Date
August 31, 1786 – June 1787
Location
Western Massachusetts, U.S.
Caused by
Economic policy
Aggressive tax and debt collection
Political corruption and cronyism
Goals
Reform of state government, later its overthrow
Methods
Direct action to close courts; then military organization in attempt to capture the U.S. arsenal at the Springfield Armory
Resulted in
Rebellion crushed, and problems of Federal authority linked to the Articles of Confederation spur U.S. Constitutional Convention
Parties to the civil conflict
Anti-government protesters
United States
Massachusetts State militia
Privately-funded local militia
Lead figures
Daniel Shays
Luke Day
Eli Parsons
Job Shattuck
James Bowdoin
Benjamin Lincoln
William Shepard
Number
4,000+ (largest force 1,500)
4,000+ (largest force 3,000)
Casualties
4 killed
dozens wounded
many arrested
2 hanged afterward
1 killed
dozens wounded
Shays' Rebellion was an armed uprising in Massachusetts (mostly in and around Springfield) during 1786 and 1787. Revolutionary War veteran Daniel Shays led four thousand rebels (called Shaysites) in an uprising against perceived economic and civil rights injustices. In 1787, the rebels marched on the United States' Armory at Springfield in an unsuccessful attempt to seize its weaponry and overthrow the government.
The rebellion took place in a political climate where reform of the country's governing document, the Articles of Confederation, was widely seen as necessary. The events of the rebellion served as a catalyst for the calling of the U.S. Constitutional Convention and ultimately the shape of the new government.[1]
The shock of Shays' Rebellion drew retired General George Washington back into public life, leading to his two terms as the United States' first President.[1] The exact nature and consequence of the rebellion's influence on the content of the Constitution and the ratification debates continues to be a subject of historical discussion and debate.
Contents
[hide]
1 Background
2 Early rumblings
3 Shutting down the courts
4 Rebellion
5 Mopping up
6 Consequences
7 Impact on Constitution
7.1 Influence upon the Constitutional Convention
7.2 Influence upon the Constitution
7.3 Influence upon ratification
8 Memorials
9 See also
10 Notes
11 Bibliography
12 Further reading
13 External links
Background[edit]
In the rural parts of New England, particularly in the hill-towns of central and western Massachusetts, the economy during the American Revolutionary War had been one of little more than subsistence agriculture. Some residents in these areas had little in the way of assets beyond their land and bartered with one another for goods or services. In lean times, farmers might obtain goods on credit from suppliers in local market towns who would be paid when times were better.[2]
Populist Governor John Hancock refused to crack down on tax delinquencies, and accepted devalued paper currency for debts.
In the more economically developed coastal areas of Massachusetts Bay and in the fertile Connecticut River Valley, the economy was basically a market economy, driven by the activities of wholesale merchants dealing with Europe, the West Indies and elsewhere on the North American coast.[3] The state government was dominated by this merchant class.[4]
When the Revolutionary War ended in 1783, the European business partners of Massachusetts merchants refused to extend lines of credit to them and insisted that they pay for goods with hard currency. Despite the continent-wide shortage of such currency, merchants began to demand the same from their local business partners, including those merchants operating in the market towns in the state's interior.[5] Many of these merchants passed on this demand to their customers, although the popular governor, John Hancock, did not impose hard currency demands on poorer borrowers and refused to actively prosecute the collection of delinquent taxes.[6]
The rural farming population was generally unable to meet the demands being made of them by merchants or the civil authorities, and individuals began to lose their land and other possessions when they were unable to fulfill their debt and tax obligations. This led to strong resentments against tax collectors and the courts, where creditors obtained and enforced judgments against debtors, and where tax collectors obtained judgments authorizing property seizures.[7]
At a meeting convened by aggrieved commoners, a farmer identified as "Plough Jogger", encapsulated the situation:[8][9][10]
I have been greatly abused, have been obliged to do more than my part in the war, been loaded with class rates, town rates, province rates, Continental rates and all rates ... been pulled and hauled by sheriffs, constables and collectors, and had my cattle sold for less than they were worth ... The great men are going to get all we have and I think it is time for us to rise and put a stop to it, and have no more courts, nor sheriffs, nor collectors nor lawyers.
Overlaid upon these financial issues was the fact that veterans of the war had received little pay during the war and faced difficulty collecting pay owed them from the State or the Congress of the Confederation.[8] Some of the soldiers, Daniel Shays among them, began to organize protests against these oppressive economic conditions. Shays was a farmhand from Massachusetts when the Revolution broke out; he joined the Continental Army, saw action at the Battles of Lexington and Concord, Breed's Hill and Saratoga, and was eventually wounded in action. In 1780, he resigned from the army unpaid and went home to find himself in court for nonpayment of debts. He soon realized that he was not alone in his inability to pay his debts and began organizing for debt relief.[11]
Early rumblings[edit]
Governor James Bowdoin instituted a heavy tax burden and stepped up collection of back taxes.
One early protest against the government was led by Job Shattuck of Groton on the New Hampshire border, who in 1782 organized residents there to physically prevent tax collectors from doing their work.[12] A second, larger-scale protest took place in the Massachusetts town of Uxbridge, in Worcester County on the Rhode Island border. On February 3, 1783, a mob seized property that had been confiscated by a local constable and returned it to its owners. Governor Hancock ordered the sheriff to suppress these actions.[13]
Most rural communities attempted to use the legislative process to gain relief. Petitions and proposals were repeatedly submitted to the state legislature to issue paper currency. Such inflationary issues would depreciate the currency, making it possible to meet obligations made at high values with lower-valued paper. The merchants, among them James Bowdoin, were opposed to the idea, since they were generally lenders who stood to lose from such proposals. As a result, these proposals were repeatedly rejected.[14]
Governor Hancock, accused by some of anticipating trouble, resigned citing health reasons in early 1785.[15] When Bowdoin (a perennial loser to Hancock in earlier elections) was elected governor that year, matters became more severe. Bowdoin stepped up civil actions to collect back taxes, and the legislature exacerbated the situation by levying an additional property tax to raise funds for the state's portion of foreign debt payments.[16] Even comparatively conservative commentators such as John Adams observed that these levies were "heavier than the People could bear."[17]
Shutting down the courts[edit]
Protests in rural Massachusetts turned into direct action in August 1786, after the state legislature adjourned without considering the many petitions that had been sent to Boston.[18][19] On August 29 a well-organized force of protestors formed in Northampton and successfully prevented the county court from sitting.[20] The leaders of this and later forces proclaimed that they were seeking relief from the burdensome judicial processes that were depriving the people of their land and possessions. They called themselves Regulators, a reference to the Regulator movement of North Carolina that sought to reform corrupt practices in the late 1760s.[21]
Great Barrington
Northampton
Springfield
Concord
Worcester
Taunton
Petersham
Sheffield
This modern map of Massachusetts is annotated to show points of conflict. Places where military conflicts occurred are highlighted in red; the others are locations of courthouses that were shut down. The Quabbin Reservoir, located between Petersham and Northampton, did not exist at the time.
On September 2 Governor Bowdoin issued a proclamation denouncing such mob action, but took no military measures beyond planning militia response to future actions.[20][22] When the court in Worcester was shut down by similar action on September 5, the county militia (composed mainly of men sympathetic to the protestors) refused to turn out, much to Bowdoin's amazement.[23] Governors of the neighboring states where similar protests took place acted decisively, calling out the militia to hunt down the ringleaders after the first such protests.[24]
In Rhode Island, matters were resolved without violence because the "country party" gained control of the legislature in 1786 and enacted measures forcing its merchant elites to trade debt instruments for devalued currency. The impact of this was not lost on Boston's merchants, especially Bowdoin, who held more than £3,000 in Massachusetts notes.[25]
Daniel Shays, who had participated in the Northampton action, began to take a more active role in the uprising in November, though he firmly denied that he was one of its leaders. On September 19, the Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts indicted eleven leaders of the rebellion as "disorderly, riotous, and seditious persons."[11] When the supreme judicial court was next scheduled to meet in Springfield on September 26, Shays in Hampshire County and Luke Day in what is now Hampden County (but was then part of Hampshire County) organized an attempt to shut it down.[26]
They were anticipated by William Shepard, the local militia commander, who began gathering government-supporting militia the Saturday before the court was to sit. By the time the court was ready to open, Shepard had 300 men protecting the Springfield courthouse. Shays and Day were able to recruit a similar number, but chose only to demonstrate, exercising their troops outside Shepard's lines, rather than attempt to seize the building.[27] The judges first postponed the hearings, and then adjourned on the 28th without hearing any cases. Shepard withdrew his force, which had grown to some 800 men (to the Regulators' 1,200), to the federal armory, which was then only rumored to be the target of seizure by the activists.[28]
Militia general William Shepard defended the Springfield Armory against rebel action.
Protests in Great Barrington, Concord, and Taunton were also successful in shutting courts down in those communities in September and October.[20] James Warren wrote to John Adams on October 22, "We are now in a state of Anarchy and Confusion bordering on Civil War."[29] Courts in the larger towns and cities were able to meet, but required protection of the militia, which Bowdoin called out for the purpose.[20]
The Boston elites were mortified at this resistance. Governor Bowdoin commanded the legislature to "vindicate the insulted dignity of government." Samuel Adams claimed that foreigners ("British emissaries") were instigating treason among the commoners, and he helped draw up a Riot Act, and a resolution suspending habeas corpus in order to permit the authorities to keep people in jail without trial. Adams proposed a new legal distinction: that rebellion in a republic, unlike in a monarchy, should be punished by execution.[11]
The legislature also moved to make some concessions to the upset farmers, saying certain old taxes could now be paid in goods instead of hard currency.[11] These measures were followed up by one prohibiting speech critical of the government, and offering pardons to protestors willing to take an oath of allegiance.[30] These legislative actions were unsuccessful in quelling the protests,[11] and the suspension of habeas corpus alarmed many.[31]
In late November warrants were issued for the arrest of several of the protest ringleaders. On November 28 a posse of some 300 men rode to Groton to arrest Job Shattuck and other rebel leaders in the area. Shattuck was chased down and arrested on the 30th, and was wounded by a sword slash in the process.[32] This action and the arrest of other protest leaders in the eastern parts of the state radicalized those in the west, and they began to organize an overthrow of the state government. "The seeds of war are now sown", wrote one correspondent in Shrewsbury,[33] and by mid-January rebel leaders spoke of smashing the "tyrannical government of Massachusetts."[34]
Rebellion[edit]
Since the federal government had been unable to recruit soldiers for the army (primarily because of a lack of funding), the Massachusetts elites determined to act independently. On January 4, 1787, Governor Bowdoin proposed creation of a privately funded militia army. Former Continental Army General Benjamin Lincoln solicited funds, and had by the end of January raised more than £6,000 from more than 125 merchants.[35] The 3,000 militia that were recruited into this army were almost entirely from the eastern counties of Massachusetts, and marched to Worcester on January 19.[36]
General Benjamin Lincoln, portrait by Henry Sargent
While the government forces assembled, rebel leaders in the west – including Shays and Day – organized their forces establishing regional regimental organizations that were run by democratically-elected committees. Their first major target was the federal armory in Springfield.[37] General Shepard had taken possession of the armoury, pursuant to orders from Governor Bowdoin, and used its arsenal to arm a force of some 1,200 militia. He had done this despite the fact that the armory was federal, not state, property, and that he did not have permission from Secretary at War Henry Knox to do so.[38][39]
The insurgents were organized into three major groups, and intended to surround and simultaneously attack the armory. Shays had one group east of Springfield near Palmer, Luke Day had a second force across the Connecticut River in West Springfield, and the third force, under Eli Parsons, was to the north at Chicopee.[40] The rebels had planned their assault for January 25. Luke Day changed this at the last minute, sending Shays a message indicating he would not be ready to attack until the 26th.[41] Day's message was intercepted by Shepard's men, so the militia of Shays and Parsons, some 1,500 men, approached the armory on the 25th not knowing they would have no support from the west.[42]
When Shays and his forces neared the armory, they found Shepard's militia waiting for them. Shepard first ordered warning shots fired over the approaching Shaysites' heads, and then ordered two cannons to fire grape shot at Shays' men. Four Shaysites were killed and twenty wounded. There was no musket fire from either side, and the rebel advance collapsed.[43] Most of the rebel force fled north, eventually regrouping at Amherst. On the opposite side of the river, Day's forces also fled north, also eventually reaching Amherst.[44]
General Lincoln, when he heard of the Springfield incident, immediately began marching west from Worcester with the 3,000 men that had been mustered. The rebels moved generally north and east to avoid Lincoln, eventually establishing a camp at Petersham; along the way they raided the shops of local merchants for supplies, taking some of them hostage. Lincoln pursued them, reaching Pelham, some 30 miles (48 km) from Petersham, on February 2.[45]
On the night of February 3–4, he led his militia on a forced march to Petersham through a bitter snowstorm. Arriving early in the morning, they surprised the rebel camp so thoroughly that they scattered "without time to call in their out parties or even their guards."[46] Although Lincoln claimed to capture 150 men, none of them were officers, leading historian Leonard Richards to suspect the veracity of the report. Most of the leadership escaped north into New Hampshire and Vermont, where they were sheltered despite repeated demands that they be returned to Massachusetts for trial.[47]
Mopping up[edit]
This monument marks the spot of the final battle of Shays' Rebellion, in Sheffield, Massachusetts.
Lincoln's march marked the end of large-scale organized resistance. Ringleaders who eluded capture fled to neighboring states, and pockets of local resistance continued. Some rebel leaders approached Lord Dorchester, the British governor of Quebec for assistance, who was reported to promise assistance in the form of Mohawk warriors led by Joseph Brant.[48] (Dorchester's proposal was vetoed in London, and no assistance came to the rebels.)[49]
The same day that Lincoln arrived at Petersham, the state legislature passed bills authorizing a state of martial law, giving the governor broad powers to act against the rebels. The bills also authorized state payments to reimburse Lincoln and the merchants who had funded the army, and authorized the recruitment of additional militia.[50] On February 12 the legislature passed the Disqualification Act, seeking to prevent a legislative response by rebel sympathizers. This bill expressly forbade any acknowledged rebels from holding a variety of elected and appointed offices.[51]
Most of Lincoln's army melted away in late February as enlistments expired; by the end of the month he commanded but thirty men at a base in Pittsfield.[52] In the meantime some 120 rebels had regrouped in New Lebanon, New York, and on February 27 they crossed the border. Marching first on Stockbridge, a major market town in the southwestern corner of the state, they raided the shops of merchants and the homes of merchants and local professionals. This came to the attention of Brigadier John Ashley, who mustered a force of some 80 men, and caught up with the rebels in nearby Sheffield late in the day. In the bloodiest encounter of the rebellion, 30 rebels were wounded (one mortally), at least one government soldier was killed, and many were wounded.[53] Ashley, who was further reinforced after the encounter, reported taking 150 prisoners.[54]
Consequences[edit]
Four thousand people signed confessions acknowledging participation in the events of the rebellion in exchange for amnesty. Several hundred participants were eventually indicted on charges relating to the rebellion. Most of these were pardoned under a general amnesty that only excluded a few ringleaders. Eighteen men were convicted and sentenced to death. Most of these were either overturned on appeal, pardoned, or had their sentences commuted. Two of the condemned men, John Bly and Charles Rose, were hanged on December 6, 1787.[55]
Bly and Rose were also accused of common-law crime as both were looters. Shays was pardoned in 1788 and he returned to Massachusetts from hiding in the Vermont woods.[56] He was vilified by the Boston press, who painted him as an archetypal anarchist opposed to the government.[57] He later moved to the Conesus, New York area, where he lived until he died poor and obscure in 1825.[56]
The crushing of the rebellion and the harsh terms of reconciliation imposed by the Disqualification Act all worked against Governor Bowdoin politically. In the gubernatorial election held in April 1787, Bowdoin received few votes from the rural parts of the state, and was trounced by John Hancock.[58] The military victory was tempered by tax changes in subsequent years. The legislature elected in 1787 cut taxes and placed a moratorium on debts. It also refocused state spending away from interest payments, resulting in a 30% decline in the value of Massachusetts securities as those payments fell in arrears.[59]
Vermont, then an unrecognized independent republic that had been seeking statehood independent from New York's claims to the territory, became an unexpected beneficiary of the rebellion due to its sheltering of the rebel ringleaders. Alexander Hamilton broke from other New Yorkers, including major landowners with claims on Vermont territory, calling for the state to recognize and support Vermont's bid for admission to the union. He cited Vermont's de facto independence and its ability to cause trouble by providing support to the discontented from neighboring states as reasons, and introduced legislation that broke the impasse between New York and Vermont. Vermonters responded favorably to the overture, publicly pushing Eli Parsons and Luke Day out of the state (but quietly continuing to support others). After negotiations with New York and the passage of the new constitution, Vermont became the fourteenth state.[60]
Impact on Constitution[edit]
Thomas Jefferson, who was serving as ambassador to France at the time, refused to be alarmed by Shays' Rebellion. In a letter to James Madison on January 30, 1787, he argued that occasional rebellion serves to preserve freedoms. "The tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time with the blood of patriots and tyrants. It is its natural manure."[61]
In contrast to Jefferson's sentiments George Washington, who had been calling for constitutional reform for many years, wrote in a letter to Henry Lee, "You talk, my good sir, of employing influence to appease the present tumults in Massachusetts. I know not where that influence is to be found, or, if attainable, that it would be a proper remedy for the disorders. Influence is not government. Let us have a government by which our lives, liberties, and properties will be secured, or let us know the worst at once."[62][63]
Influence upon the Constitutional Convention[edit]
The 1787 Constitutional Convention by Junius Brutus Stearns, 1856
At the time of the rebellion, the weaknesses of the federal government as constituted under the Articles of Confederation were apparent to many. A vigorous debate was going on throughout the states on the need for a stronger central government, with Federalists arguing for the idea, and Anti-Federalists opposing them. Historical opinion is divided on what sort of role the rebellion played in the formation and later ratification of the United States Constitution, although most scholars agree it played some role, at least temporarily drawing some anti-Federalists to the strong government side.[64]
By early 1785 many influential merchants and political leaders were already agreed that a stronger central government was needed. A convention at Annapolis, Maryland, in September 1786 of delegates from five states concluded that vigorous steps needed to be taken to reform the federal government, but it disbanded because of a lack of full representation, calling for a convention of all the states to be held in Philadelphia in May 1787.[65] Historian Robert Feer notes that several prominent figures had hoped that convention would fail, requiring a larger-scale convention, and French diplomat Louis-Guillaume Otto thought the convention was intentionally broken off early to achieve this end.[66]
In early 1787 John Jay wrote that the rural disturbances and the inability of the central government to fund troops in response made "the inefficiency of the Federal government [become] more and more manifest."[67] Henry Knox observed that the uprising in Massachusetts clearly influenced local leaders who had previously opposed a strong federal government. Historian David Szatmary writes that the timing of the rebellion "convinced the elites of sovereign states that the proposed gathering at Philadelphia must take place."[68] Some states, Massachusetts among them, delayed choosing delegates to the proposed convention, in part because in some ways it resembled the "extra-legal" conventions organized by the protestors before the rebellion became violent.[69]
Influence upon the Constitution[edit]
Elbridge Gerry (1861 portrait by James Bogle) was opposed to the Constitution as drafted, although his reasons for doing so were not strongly influenced by the rebellion.
The convention that met in Philadelphia was dominated by strong-government advocates.[70] Delegate Oliver Ellsworth of Connecticut argued that because the people could not be trusted (as exemplified by Shays' Rebellion), the members of the federal House of Representatives should be chosen by state legislatures, not by popular vote.[71] The example of Shays' Rebellion may also have been influential in the addition of language to the constitution concerning the ability of states to manage domestic violence, and their ability to demand the return of individuals from other states for trial.[72]
The rebellion also played a role in the discussion of a number of the executives. While mindful of tyranny, delegates of the Constitutional Convention thought that the single executive would be more effective in responding to national disturbances.[73]
Federalists cited the rebellion as an example of the confederation government's weaknesses, while opponents such as Elbridge Gerry thought that a federal response to the rebellion would have been even worse than that of the state. (Gerry, a merchant speculator and Massachusetts delegate from Essex County, was one of the few convention delegates who refused to sign the new constitution, although his reasons for doing so did not stem from the rebellion.)[74]
Influence upon ratification[edit]
When the constitution had been drafted, Massachusetts was viewed by Federalists as a state that might not ratify it, because of widespread anti-Federalist sentiment in the rural parts of the state. Massachusetts Federalists, including Henry Knox, were active in courting swing votes in the debates leading up to the state's ratifying convention in 1788. When the vote was taken on February 6, 1788, representatives of rural communities involved in the rebellion voted against ratification by a wide margin, but the day was carried by a coalition of merchants, urban elites, and market town leaders. The state ratified the constitution by a vote of 187 to 168.[75]
Historians are divided on the impact the rebellion had on the ratification debates. Robert Feer notes that major Federalist pamphleteers rarely mentioned it, and that some anti-Federalists used the fact that Massachusetts survived the rebellion as evidence that a new constitution was unnecessary.[76] Leonard Richards counters that publications like the Pennsylvania Gazette explicitly tied anti-Federalist opinion to the rebel cause, calling opponents of the new constitution "Shaysites" and the Federalists "Washingtonians".[77]
David Szatmary argues that debate in some states was affected, particularly in Massachusetts, where the rebellion had a polarizing effect.[78] Richards records Henry Jackson's observation that opposition to ratification in Massachusetts was motivated by "that cursed spirit of insurgency", but that broader opposition in other states originated in other constitutional concerns expressed by Elbridge Gerry, who published a widely distributed pamphlet outlining his concerns about the vagueness of some of the powers granted in the constitution and its lack of a Bill of Rights.[79]
The military powers enshrined in the constitution were soon put to use by President George Washington. After the passage by the United States Congress of the Whiskey Act, protest against the taxes it imposed began in western Pennsylvania. The protests escalated and Washington led federal and state militia to put down what is now known as the Whiskey Rebellion.[80]
Memorials[edit]
The events and people of the uprising are commemorated in the towns where they lived and those where events took place. Sheffield erected a memorial (pictured above) marking the site of the "last battle", and Pelham memorialized Daniel Shays. US Route 202, which runs through Pelham, is called the Daniel Shays Highway. A statue of General Shepard was erected in his hometown of Westfield.[81]
In the town of Petersham, Massachusetts, a memorial was erected in 1927 by the New England Society of Brooklyn, New York. The memorial commemorates General Benjamin Lincoln, who raised 3,000 troops and routed the rebellion on February 4, 1787. It ends with the line, "Obedience to the law is true liberty."[82]
See also[edit]
Fries's Rebellion
List of incidents of civil unrest in the United States
Paper Money Riot
Whiskey Rebellion
Notes[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b Richards, Leonard (2003). Shays's Rebellion:The American Revolution's Final Battle. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 978-0-8122-1870-1.
Jump up ^ Szatmary, pp. 1–10
Jump up ^ Szatmary, pp. 10–15
Jump up ^ Szatmary, p. 31
Jump up ^ Szatmary, pp. 25–31
Jump up ^ Richards, p. 85
Jump up ^ Szatmary, pp. 29–34
^ Jump up to: a b Zinn, p. 91
Jump up ^ Hahn, John Willard (1946). The background of Shays's rebellion: a study of Massachusetts history 1780–1787. University of Wisconsin-Madison. p. 33.
Jump up ^ Mitchell, Broadus (1957). Heritage from Hamilton. Columbia University Press. p. 26. Retrieved April 26, 2016.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e Zinn, p. 93
Jump up ^ Szatmary, p. 43
Jump up ^ Bacon, p. 1:148
Jump up ^ Szatmary, pp. 38–42, 45
Jump up ^ G. North
Jump up ^ Richards, pp. 87–88
Jump up ^ Richards, p. 88
Jump up ^ Richards, pp. 6–9
Jump up ^ Szatmary, p. 38
^ Jump up to: a b c d Morse, p. 208
Jump up ^ Szatmary, p. 56
Jump up ^ Szatmary, pp. 79–80
Jump up ^ Szatmary, p. 80
Jump up ^ Szatmary, pp. 78–79
Jump up ^ Richards, pp. 84–87
Jump up ^ Holland, pp. 245–247
Jump up ^ Holland, pp. 245–247
Jump up ^ Holland, p. 247
Jump up ^ Manuel, p. 219
Jump up ^ Szatmary, p. 84
Jump up ^ Szatmary, p. 92
Jump up ^ Szatmary, pp. 92–93
Jump up ^ Szatmary, p. 94
Jump up ^ Szatmary, p. 97
Jump up ^ Szatmary, pp. 84–86
Jump up ^ Szatmary, pp. 86–89, 104
Jump up ^ Szatmary, pp. 98–99
Jump up ^ Richards, pp. 27–28
Jump up ^ Holland, p. 261
Jump up ^ Richards, p. 28
Jump up ^ Szatmary, p. 101
Jump up ^ Richards, p. 29
Jump up ^ Szatmary, p. 102
Jump up ^ Szatmary, p. 103
Jump up ^ Szatmary, pp. 103–104
Jump up ^ Szatmary, p. 105
Jump up ^ Richards, pp. 31, 120
Jump up ^ Szatmary, p. 108
Jump up ^ Richards, p. 34
Jump up ^ Richards, p. 32
Jump up ^ Richards, p. 33
Jump up ^ Richards, p. 35
Jump up ^ Szatmary (p. 122) and Richards (p. 36) disagree on the casualty figures. Szatmary reports three government soldiers killed, Richards one. Richards does not report on the government wounded.
Jump up ^ Richards, p. 36
Jump up ^ Richards, pp. 38–41
^ Jump up to: a b Zinn, p. 95
Jump up ^ Richards, p. 117
Jump up ^ Richards, pp. 38–39
Jump up ^ Richards, p. 119
Jump up ^ Richards, p. 122
Jump up ^ Foner, p. 219
Jump up ^ Lodge, p. 2:26
Jump up ^ Feer, p. 396
Jump up ^ Szatmary, p. 120
Jump up ^ Szatmary, p. 122
Jump up ^ Feer, pp. 391–392
Jump up ^ Szatmary, p. 123
Jump up ^ Szatmary, p. 127
Jump up ^ Feer, p. 393
Jump up ^ Richards, p. 132
Jump up ^ Richards, p. 134
Jump up ^ Szatmary, p. 130
Jump up ^ Milkis, S., Nelson, M., The American Presidency. Washington: CQ Press, 2003. Fourth Edition. Print
Jump up ^ Feer, p. 395
Jump up ^ Szatmary, p. 133
Jump up ^ Feer, p. 404
Jump up ^ Richards, p. 139
Jump up ^ Szatmary, pp. 128–132
Jump up ^ Richards, pp. 141–143
Jump up ^ Richards, pp. 135–136
Jump up ^ Richards, pp. 117–118
Jump up ^ Peet, Richard (March 1996). "A Sign Taken for History: Daniel Shays' Memorial in Petersham, Massachusetts". Annals of the Association of American Geographers. 86 (1): 21. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8306.1996.tb01744.x. JSTOR 2563945.
Bibliography[edit]
Bacon, Edwin M., ed. (1896). Supplement to the Acts and Resolves of Massachusetts. Boston: Geo. Ellis. OCLC 14050329. Retrieved 2009-08-26.
Feer, Robert (September 1969). "Shays's Rebellion and the Constitution: A Study in Causation". The New England Quarterly (Volume 42, No. 3). JSTOR 363616.
Foner, Eric (2006). Give Me Liberty! An American History. New York: W.W Norton. ISBN 978-0-393-92782-5. OCLC 61479662.
Holland, Josiah Gilbert (1855). History of Western Massachusetts. Springfield, MA: S. Bowles. OCLC 505288328.
Lodge, Henry Cabot (1889). American Statesmen: George Washington. Houghton, Mifflin. OCLC 123204544.
Manuel, Frank Edward; Manuel, Fritzie Prigohzy (2004). James Bowdoin and the Patriot Philosophers. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society. ISBN 978-0-87169-247-4. OCLC 231993575.
Morse, Anson (1909). The Federalist Party in Massachusetts to the Year 1800. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. OCLC 718724.
North, Gary (Feb 9, 2004). "John Hancock's Big Toe and the Constitution". LewRockwell.com. Retrieved 21 January 2013.
Richards, Leonard L (2002). Shays's Rebellion: The American Revolution's Final Battle. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 978-0-8122-1870-1. OCLC 56029217.
Swift, Esther M. (1969). West Springfield Massachusetts: A Town History. Springfield, MA: F. A. Bassette Company. OCLC 69843.
Szatmary, David P. (1980). Shays's Rebellion: The Making of an Agrarian Insurrection. University of Massachusetts Press. ISBN 978-0-87023-419-4.
Zinn, Howard (2005). A People's History of the United States. New York: HarperCollins. ISBN 978-0-06-083865-2. OCLC 61265580.
Further reading[edit]
Additional scholarly sources
Beard, Charles (1935). An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States. New York: Macmillan.
Gross, Robert A. "A Yankee Rebellion? The Regulators, New England, and the New Nation," New England Quarterly (2009) 82#1 pp. 112–135 in JSTOR
Gross, Robert A., ed. (1993). In Debt to Shays: The Bicentennial of an Agrarian Rebellion. University Press of Virginia. ISBN 978-0-8139-1354-4.
Hale, Edward Everett (1891). The Story of Massachusetts. Boston: D. Lothrop Company.
Kaufman, Martin, ed. (1987). Shays's Rebellion: Selected Essays. Westfield, MA: Westfield State College. OCLC 15339286.
McCarthy, Timothy Patrick; McMillan, John, eds. (2011). The Radical Reader: A Documentary History of the American Radical Tradition. New York: New Press. ISBN 978-1-59558-742-8. OCLC 741491899. (Reprints a petition to the state legislature.)
Middleton, Lamar (1968) [1938]. Revolt, USA. Freeport, NY: Books for Libraries Press. OCLC 422400.
Minot, George Richards (1788). History of the Insurrections in Massachusetts. Worcester, MA: Isaiah Thomas. OCLC 225355026. (The earliest account of the rebellion. Although this account was deeply unsympathetic to the rural Regulators, it became the basis for most subsequent tellings, including the many mentions of the rebellion in Massachusetts town and state histories.)
Munroe, James Phinney (1915). New England Conscience: With Typical Examples. Boston: R. G. Badger. OCLC 1113783.
Shattuck, Gary, Artful and Designing Men: The Trials of Job Shattuck and the Regulation of 1786–1787. Mustang, OK: Tate Publishing, 2013. ISBN 978-1-62746-575-5
Starkey, Marion Lena (1955). A Little Rebellion. New York: Knopf. OCLC 1513271.
Wier, Robert (2007). "Shays' Rebellion". In Wier, Robert. Class in America: Q–Z. Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 978-0-313-34245-5. OCLC 255745185.
Fictional treatments
Bellamy, Edward (1900). The Duke of Stockbridge: A Romance of Shays' Rebellion. New York, Boston, and Chicago: Silver, Burdett & Co. OCLC 656929797. (Fictional depiction of the rebellion, as social commentary.)
Collier, James Lincoln; Collier, Christopher (1978). The Winter Hero. Four Winds Press. (The rebellion is the central story of this children's novel.)
Degenhard, William (1943). The Regulators. New York: The Dial Press. OCLC 1663869.
Martin, William (2007). The Lost Constitution. (The rebellion plays a central role in this novel.)
External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Shays' Rebellion.
Shays' Rebellion (George Washington's Mount Vernon)
"To Gen Washington from Gen. Benjamin Lincoln" (a letter extensively covering the events of Shays' Rebellion) (National Archives)
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Parades in Northern Ireland
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Parades are an important part of the culture of Northern Ireland. Although the majority of parades are held by Ulster Protestant, unionist or Ulster loyalist groups, Irish nationalist, republican and non-political groups also parade. The Parades Commission exists to settle disputes about controversial parades, and although not all parading groups recognise the Commission's authority, its decisions are legally binding.
Contents
[hide]
1 Unionist parades
1.1 Orange Institution
1.2 Apprentice Boys
1.3 Royal Black Institution
1.4 Salvation Army
1.5 Bands
2 Nationalist parades
2.1 Ancient Order of Hibernians
2.2 Irish National Foresters
2.3 Republican parades
2.4 Civil rights marches
3 Easter
4 Non-sectarian parades
4.1 Lord Mayor's parade
4.2 Gay pride
4.3 Remembrance Sunday parades
4.4 St. Patrick's Day parades
4.5 Youth organisations
5 Controversy
5.1 Attempts to control parading
6 Dates of major parades
7 Number of parades
8 See also
9 Sources
10 References
Unionist parades[edit]
The majority of parades in Northern Ireland (nearly 70% in 2003/4[1]) are organised by Protestant and/or unionist groups, leading some people to view attempts to restrict parades as an attack on Protestant and/or unionist culture. Parades typically take place on Saturdays, which means that participants and spectators do not have to take time off work, and avoid parading on Sunday, which some Protestants believe should only be spent on purely religious activities. The only exceptions to this are the Twelfth of July parades, which are held on the same date each year, (unless the 12th falls on a Sunday, in which case it is postponed to Monday the 13th), and church parades, which are held on Sunday.
Members of the Orange Institution on the return leg of 12 July parade in Belfast
Orange Institution[edit]
Main article: Orange walk
The Orange Institution holds hundreds of parades throughout Northern Ireland every year.[2] The biggest of these are usually on the twelfth of July ('The Twelfth'), in commemoration of the Battle of the Boyne. Individual lodges also parade at various times of the year, particularly leading up to the Twelfth. Parades in memory of the dead of World War I, particularly the 36th (Ulster) Division at the Battle of the Somme, are held in July and November. Junior lodges from Armagh, South Tyrone and Fermanagh parade annually at the end of May. On the last Saturday in October, Reformation Day is celebrated with the year's last major Orange parades. In Belfast, these proceed to Saint Anne's Cathedral for a church service.
Apprentice Boys[edit]
Members of the Royal Black Institution parade in Lisburn on 'Black Saturday', 2007.
The Apprentice Boys of Derry exist in commemoration of the Siege of Derry in the seventeenth century. The Boys' biggest celebration is held in Derry on the Saturday nearest 12 August each year, in commemoration of the lifting of the siege. They also parade on the Saturday nearest 18 December, in commemoration of the original apprentice boys shutting the gates of the town against King James II's troops, and at Easter. Most Apprentice Boys' parades are held in the city of Derry.
Royal Black Institution[edit]
The main parade of the Royal Black Institution is held on the last Saturday of August and is known as Last or Black Saturday. This was originally held on 12 August in commemoration of the end of the Siege of Derry, but in the 1950s the date of the event was moved.[3] Local parades are held in Belfast in the two weeks beforehand. Its other major event is the 'sham fight' at Scarva on 13 July, in which an actor playing William of Orange ritually defeats an actor playing James II, thus re-enacting the victory of the Williamite forces at the Battle of the Boyne. There is also a 12 August Battle of Newtownbutler celebration parade held in Fermanagh. It was previously held on the same date as the 'Remembering the Siege of Derry', but has now been moved to the Saturday before in an attempt to attract larger crowds and more participants.
Salvation Army[edit]
As in other countries, the Salvation Army in Northern Ireland sometimes parades with brass bands. Salvation Army parades are generally not seen as controversial or sectarian, and their parades have not led to any problems.[citation needed]
Bands[edit]
As well as accompanying the above organisations on their parades, many marching bands also hold their own parades, often as a fund-raising activity. These are often combined with band competitions—which other bands in the United Kingdom are invited to compete in—sometimes amounting to over 100 bands for a single parade. Band parades are more regular than loyal order parades, with numerous parades every weekend from early April until the end of September.[citation needed]
Nationalist parades[edit]
Parades are much less common among nationalist or republican communities. According to the Parades Commission, less than 5% of parades in Northern Ireland are nationalist/republican.[1]
Ancient Order of Hibernians[edit]
Compared to most Protestant organisations the Ancient Order of Hibernians parade relatively infrequently, their main parades being on Saint Patrick's Day, at Easter, and on Lady Day. At various points during the Troubles, Hibernians offered to cease parading if Protestant groups did the same.[4]
Irish National Foresters[edit]
The Irish National Foresters are a nationalist fraternal organisation. Although they are open to Irish people of any religion, the majority of their members are Catholics. Their main parading date is the Sunday closest to 1 August.
Republican parades[edit]
Northern Ireland's biggest annual republican parade takes place in August, during Féile an Phobail. This began as a protest against internment without trial and evolved into a festival that celebrates Gaelic and republican culture. Republican parades are also held in January to commemorate Bloody Sunday, and at Easter to commemorate the 1916 Easter Rising.There is a Republican March every year to commemorate the anniversary of the 1981 Hunger Strike. The parade is attended by Republican figures such as Martin McGuinness and Gerry Adams. Republican parades are attended by Irish Republican bands that come from Scotland, England and Ireland, especially the march in August to commemorate the anniversary of the 1981 Hunger Strike.
Civil rights marches[edit]
In the late 1960s and early 1970s, groups of civil activists such as the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA) and People's Democracy attempted to use the protest march tactics of contemporary protest movements elsewhere in the world to draw attention to political, social and economic discrimination against Catholics in Northern Ireland. The civil rights marches and the reaction to them were a major contributing factor to the outbreak of The Troubles, due largely to heavy-handed policing.[citation needed]
Easter[edit]
Easter is a major parading time for both communities, and is often considered to be the start of the year's 'marching season'. A number of republican groups also commemorate the Easter Rising. According to Neil Jarman, Protestants began parading at Easter in the 1930s to counter republican parading, but "few people are aware of this, and Easter parades are now an accepted part of the loyalist tradition".[5]
Non-sectarian parades[edit]
A number of parades are held in Northern Ireland, especially in Belfast, which are not associated with any particular religious tradition. They are subject to the same laws and regulations as other parades.
Lord Mayor's parade[edit]
Several cities in Northern Ireland hold Lord Mayor's parades marking the end of the mayor's term in office. These are usually carnival-type events that evolved from the more stately affairs held in many cities in the United Kingdom since the Middle Ages. The Belfast parade takes place in May; the 2007 theme was 'Love and Friendship'.[6]
Gay pride[edit]
A gay pride parade has been held in Belfast each year since the early 1990s. As Northern Ireland has high levels of fundamentalist Christianity, it is often controversial. In 2005 a number of Christian groups called for it to be banned, but the Parades Commission ruled that it could go ahead.[7] It is sometimes described as one of the few genuinely cross-community events in Northern Ireland.[8] This parade also received commendation from the loyalist Rev. Ian Paisley in 2010, who said, "Every man and woman is entitled to live as free a life as they so please, so they are."[citation needed]
Remembrance Sunday parades[edit]
War memorial parades are mainly attended by the unionist population of Northern Ireland, but recently nationalists have started to get involved.[citation needed] Some war memorial parades are run by Protestant organisations such as the Orange Order. However those on Remembrance Sunday (the Sunday closest to 11 November) are organised by local councils or the British Legion and commemorate war dead of all religious backgrounds. Remembrance Sunday parades usually consist of a march by veterans or local military units or both to a Remembrance Sunday ceremony, usually held at a war memorial, and often another march to a church service.
St. Patrick's Day parades[edit]
There are many parades on St. Patrick's Day throughout Northern Ireland. Although the parade celebrates the Patron Saint's stature as the Patron Saint of Ireland, it has been recognised that St. Patrick is the patron saint of the island of Ireland, and the patron saint of both Nationalists and Unionists throughout Ireland. In recent years, loyal orders such as the Orange Order and the Apprentice Boys of Derry have held parades to mark St. Patrick's day. [9]
Youth organisations[edit]
Some youth organisations, such as the Boys' Brigade, take part in or organise parades and drills throughout the calendar.
Controversy[edit]
Parading is a controversial issue in Northern Ireland. In general debates centre on the route of particular parades; people from one community often object to parades by "the other side" passing through or near "their" area, for example Orange Order parades marching through mainly nationalist or republican areas(see [3]) A few parades are seen as objectionable regardless of route. These involve or commemorate paramilitary groups, such as the Provisional Irish Republican Army and Ulster Defence Association, and otherwise non-controversial parades have sometimes caused conflict because of a band or lodge carrying a banner or flag associated with a paramilitary group. Gay pride parades have also been controversial.
Attempts to control parading[edit]
Since the nineteenth century the British and Northern Irish governments and various local authorities have attempted to control parades and the disorder that sometimes accompanies them. The Orange Order and its parades were banned for a period in the nineteenth century. In an address to the British House of Commons, in July 1815, Henry Parnell called for an inquiry into the Orange Lodges in Ireland and noted that 14 petitions requesting such an inquiry saying:
to the existence of Orange Lodges in Ireland, was mainly attributed the disturbances of public peace, particularly by the celebrations of processions with certain insignia etc.... [and that] besides the agitation which these necessarily produced they beget a counter spirit among the people, that led to animosities, which, in their consequences, produced riots.
A Parliamentary Select Committee was set up to investigate the Orange Societies in 1835. When the Select Committee published its report a Cabinet council was held at the Foreign Office for the purpose of agreeing the terms of the resolutions which were to be submitted to the House of Commons by Lord John Russell, Secretary of State for the Home Department, on 23 Feb 1836. This resolution stated:
That it is the opinion of this house that the existence of any political society in Ireland, consisting exclusively of persons preferring one religious faith, using secret signs and symbols, and acting by means of affiliated branches, tend to injure the peace of society – to derogate from the authority of the Crown, to weaken the supremacy of the law, and to impair the religious freedom of his majesty's subjects in that part of the United Kingdom. That an humble address be presented to his majesty, laying before him the foregoing resolution, and praying that his majesty will take such steps for the discouragement of all such societies as may seem to his majesty most desirable.
The Secretary of State read the following response from the King to the House of Commons on Thursday 25 Feb 1836:
William Rex – I willing assert to the prayer of my faithful Commons, that I will be pleased to take such measures as shall seem advisable for the effectual discouragement of Orange Lodges, and generally of all political societies excluding persons of a different religious persuasion using signs and symbols, and acting by means of associated lodges. It is my firm intention to discourage all such societies, and I rely with confidence upon the fidelity of my loyal subjects to support me in my determination.
The following day Lord Russell read the response of the Grand Master of the Orange Order, the Duke of Cumberland, brother of King William iv to the House of Commons on 26 February. It said:
I have received your Lordships letter, with the copy of the resolutions of the House of Commons on the Subject of Orange Lodges, together with his majesties gracious answer there to. Before I received your lordships communication, I had already taken steps, with several influential members, to recommend their immediate dissolution. In conformity with the wish expressed by his majesty, I shall take all legal steps to dissolve Orange Lodges.
The Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland met in Dublin on 13 April 1836 and voted in favour of dissolving the organisation. However, Orangemen in Portadown met in secret and resolved to set up a provisional Grand Lodge in the town.[10]
The British government's policy of banning sectarian parades was eventually overturned after a campaign of defiance led by William Johnston of Ballykilbeg. The 1st Government of Northern Ireland passed the Civil Authorities (Special Powers) Act (Northern Ireland) 1922, which allowed the Home Affairs Minister to do virtually anything he thought necessary to preserve law and order. Over the next thirty years this was used many times to ban or re-route nationalist, republican and some left-wing parades, marches and meetings. In 1951, the government passed the Public Order Act, which required parade organisers to give the police forty-eight hours notice of their intent to parade. The local head of police could then ban or re-route the parade if he felt it might lead to a breach of public order. The only exceptions to this rule were funerals and parades normally held along a particular route.[citation needed] Since Orange parades had been allowed along the same routes without interference for years, this essentially meant that most Orange parades were exempt from having to give notice.[citation needed] The new Act was used disproportionately against nationalist parades, although from time to time Ministers attempted to stop unionist groups from parading through predominantly nationalist areas. This always met with fierce hostility from the Orange Order and often from within the Ulster Unionist Party that made up the government. Several Home Affairs Ministers were forced to make public apologies after interfering with unionist parades and two (Brian Maginess and W.W.B. Topping) were moved from the position after banning unionist band parades.
From the late 1960s, parading and marching became a much more fraught issue. The Public Order Act was used against numerous marches, and the issue of parading and of who was allowed to march in what area became even more heated. In 1969 an Apprentice Boys parade in Derry led to what is now known as the Battle of the Bogside, considered by many to mark the start of the Troubles. Several months-long bans on parading were made in the early 1970s,[citation needed] although none of these covered the main Protestant parading period. The Special Powers and Public Order Acts were modified on several occasions in the 1970s and 1980s.
Several areas have been the focus of a disproportionate amount of conflict over parading. These include Derry, Ormeau Road in Belfast, and especially the Drumcree area of Portadown. The Drumcree conflict flared up in the 1970s, the mid 1980s and the mid to late 1990s. Disputes over whether the Orange Order should be allowed to parade through mainly nationalist areas were often accompanied by severe violence. In 1983-4 a group of republican activists in the town researched the history of sectarian violence in the area as part of a campaign to have the Drumcree and other Orange marches banned from nationalist parts of Portadown. Their findings were distributed to visiting journalists in 1997 and presented in abridged form to the Parades Commission that was set up by the British Government in 1998 in an attempt to deal with contentious parades. An amended version of their findings can be accessed online at http://orangecitadel.blogspot.com/. The Parades Commission has the power to ban, restrict, re-route or impose conditions on any parade in Northern Ireland. The Orange Order has refused to acknowledge the Commission's authority, although the lodges involved in the Drumcree dispute have recently agreed on principle to negotiate.
Dates of major parades[edit]
Date
Groups involved
Event
17 March Various Saint Patrick's Day
Easter Sunday Republicans Commemorates the Easter Rising (1916)
5 May Republicans Commemorates the republican hunger strike (1981)
1 July Various groups, mostly unionist Commemorates the Battle of the Somme (1916)
1st Sunday
in July Orange Order "Drumcree Sunday"
12 July Orange Order The Twelfth
9 August Republicans Commemorates the introduction of internment (1971)
Saturday nearest
12 August Apprentice Boys of Derry Commemorates the Siege of Derry (1689)
−15 August Ancient Order of Hibernians Lady Day
last Saturday
in August Royal Black Institution "Black Saturday"
last Sunday
in October Orange Order Reformation Day
2nd Sunday
in November British Legion and others Remembrance Sunday
Saturday nearest
18 December Apprentice Boys of Derry Commemorates the Siege of Derry (1688)
Number of parades[edit]
According to the Parades Commission, a total of 3405 parades (not counting funerals) were held in Northern Ireland in 2007.[11] The following table groups these parades by type and sponsoring organisation.
Organisation or type Political affiliation Number of parades No. of sensitive parades
Loyalist bands Unionist 483 33
Orange Order Unionist 452 23
Civic (including schools, trade unions, community groups) Non-aligned, mixed or either 249 5
Apprentice Boys of Derry Unionist 231 17
Royal Black and Royal Arch Purple Unionist 167 5
Church parades (including Boys' Brigade, Girl Guides, Legion of Mary etc.) Non-aligned 157 0
Military (including British Legion) Non-aligned 149 1
Other 98 0
Nationalist bands Nationalist 59 11
Other nationalist/republican (includes political parties) Nationalist 51 5
Hibernians and Foresters Nationalist 28 2
Other unionist (includes political parties) Unionist 21 0
Residents' groups Nationalist 6 2
Total unionist/loyalist (excluding church parades) 1354 78
Total nationalist/republican (excluding church parades) 144 20
The Police Service of Northern Ireland uses different statistics, and recorded a total of 2863 parades in 2007. Of these, 2270 were loyalist, 144 nationalist, and 449 neither. Four of these were illegal and of these three were nationalist. 45 parades were re-routed, of which all but two (one nationalist, one other) were loyalist, and 78 parades had other conditions imposed, of which 70 were loyalist, 7 nationalist and one neither. Disorder occurred at just ten parades, of which nine were loyalist and one nationalist. This is a significant decline from previous years; in 2005 disorder was recorded at 34 parades.[12]
See also[edit]
Banners in Northern Ireland
Drumcree conflict
1997 nationalist riots in Northern Ireland
Sources[edit]
Neil Jarman, extract from Material Conflicts: Parades and Visual Displays in Northern Ireland (1997)[5]
Key dates in the parading calendar at CAIN Web Service[13]
Irish Emergency Parades Committee (IPEC) and Brehan Law Society, International Observer and Breannual report on marching season from 2001–2007
References[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b "6th Annual Report of the Northern Ireland Parades Commission, p.8" (PDF). Paradescommission.org. Retrieved 15 January 2018.
Jump up ^ "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 16 July 2011. Retrieved 4 September 2008.
Jump up ^ Brian Walker, 'Remembering the Siege of Derry', in William Kelly, ed., The Sieges of Derry, Dublin, 2001, p.141
Jump up ^ K.P. Bloomfield, 'Processions and marches', Minister of Home Affairs (NI) – Security – Parades and Demonstrations – General, HA/32/2/44, Public Record Office of Northern Ireland; Neil Jarman, Material Conflicts: Parades and Visual Displays in Northern Ireland, Oxford and New York, 1997, p.139.
^ Jump up to: a b Melaugh, Dr Martin. "CAIN: Issues: Parades: 'The Endless Parade' by Neil Jarman". Cain.ulst.ac.uk. Retrieved 15 January 2018.
Jump up ^ [1] Archived 26 May 2011 at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ "Gay Pride parade given go-ahead". News.bbc.co.uk. 28 July 2005. Retrieved 15 January 2018.
Jump up ^ "Gay Pride weathers Belfast storm". News.bbc.co.uk. 6 August 2005. Retrieved 15 January 2018.
Jump up ^ Ian Paisley's Church recognize Saint Patrick Google search
Jump up ^ "Inside the Orange Citadel". Orangecitadel.blogspot.com. Retrieved 15 January 2018.
Jump up ^ "All information in this section from the Parades Commission website". Paradescommission.org. Archived from the original on 16 October 2008. Retrieved 15 January 2018.
Jump up ^ [2][dead link]
Jump up ^ Mckenna, Fionnuala. "CAIN: Issues: Parades: Key Dates in the Parading Calendar". Cain.ulst.ac.uk. Retrieved 15 January 2018.
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Parades_in_Northern_Ireland&oldid=830009002"
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Shallow Hal
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Shallow Hal
Theatrical film poster
Directed by
Peter Farrelly
Robert Farrelly
Produced by
Peter Farrelly
Robert Farrelly
Charles B. Wessler
Bradley Thomas
Written by
Peter Farrelly
Robert Farrelly
Sean Moynihan
Starring
Jack Black
Gwyneth Paltrow
Jason Alexander
Bruce McGill
Tony Robbins
Music by
William Goodrum
Ivy
Cinematography
Russell Carpenter
Edited by
Christopher Greenbury
Production
company
Conundrum Entertainment
Distributed by
20th Century Fox
Release date
November 9, 2001 (2001-11-09)
Running time
113 minutes
Country
United States
Language
English
Budget
$40 million
Box office
$141.1 million
Shallow Hal is a 2001 American romantic comedy film starring Gwyneth Paltrow and Jack Black about a shallow man who falls in love with an overweight woman. The motion picture was directed by the Farrelly brothers and filmed in and around Charlotte as well as Sterling and Princeton, Massachusetts at Wachusett Mountain.[citation needed] The supporting cast features Jason Alexander, Tony Robbins (as himself), and Laura Kightlinger.
Contents
[hide]
1 Plot
2 Cast
3 Production
4 Reception
4.1 Box office
4.2 Critical response
4.3 Awards
5 References
6 External links
Plot[edit]
Hal Larson (Jack Black) is a nice guy, but he has one flaw: he is a superficial man whose fixation on the physical beauty of women gets in the way of seeing their inner beauty. Hal and his equally shallow friend, Mauricio (Jason Alexander), spend their nights obnoxiously hitting on beautiful women at nightclubs and mostly they end up getting rejected. Hal's work life is steady, but he is dismayed after being passed over for a long-sought promotion. His love life is non-existent, as seen when he tries to ask Jill, his attractive neighbor, out for a date. Jill isn't interested as she finds Hal too shallow and is not attracted to him.
Hal becomes trapped in an elevator with famous American life coach Tony Robbins. While waiting for the elevator to be fixed, Robbins sympathizes with Hal's disappointment but tries to figure out his ideas about women. He hypnotizes Hal into only seeing a person's inner beauty. Hal does not realize he's been hypnotized and later meets Rosemary (Gwyneth Paltrow), daughter of the president of the company where he is employed. Rosemary is morbidly obese, but Hal sees a slender and beautiful trophy blonde. He is immediately smitten by her. His boss is not certain about Hal dating his daughter, thinking that Hal may be trying to climb to the top of the corporate ladder. Used to being overlooked due to her appearance, Rosemary initially interprets Hal's interest as mocking, but begins to realize his feelings for her are sincere. After apologizing to him, they begin to date, which includes a bike ride with Walt (Rene Kirby).
Mauricio, worried about Hal's new taste in women, convinces Robbins to give him the trigger phrase to undo the hypnosis. While on a date restaurant, Rosemary tells Hal she's been asked by the Peace Corps to go on a 14-month mission in Kiribati. Mauricio phones Hal and says the trigger phrase, breaking Hal's hypnosis. Mauricio confesses to Hal the truth about Robbins' hypnotherapy, but Hal does not believe it until he runs into a woman who initially appeared beautiful to him but whom Hal now sees in her true, physically unattractive state.
Hal begins to avoid Rosemary, who becomes melancholic without him around. Distraught that he was not seeing the "real" Rosemary, Hal accepts a dinner invitation from his neighbor, Jill. The two dine together and Jill tells Hal that she has observed him overcoming his shallow nature and is interested in dating him now.
Hal realizes his true feelings for Rosemary who has, coincidentally, arrived at the same restaurant with her family and sees Hal and Jill sitting together. Assuming the worst, Rosemary leaves in tears. Not recognizing Rosemary, Hal walks right by her on his way to a payphone to, ironically, reassure her of his feelings. Confused and distraught, Rosemary calls Hal a "psycho" over the phone and effectively breaks up with him.
Five days later, Steve informs Hal that Rosemary’s Peace Corps partner, Ralph, wants to be in a relationship with her again. Hal attempts to find Rosemary, but instead encounters a young patient named Cadence at the hospital where Rosemary volunteers. Previously, due to Robbins' hypnosis, Hal saw Cadence as a perfect little girl; he now sees that there are severe burns all over Cadence's face. Inspired by Cadence, Hal changes his views on the physical appearances of people in general.
Hal, during his search for Rosemary, finds that Mauricio had his own reason for stopping Hal's hypnosis: He has a vestigial tail, which has prevented him from ever getting close to a woman. Mauricio confesses he was jealous of Hal's happiness and is afraid to start a relationship with a woman. Hal convinces Mauricio to accept his abnormality, with confidence.
Hal makes up with Mauricio and decides to reconcile with Rosemary. He heads to the Peace Corps recruiting office and confronts Ralph, believing he and Rosemary got back together. Ralph informs Hal that he and Rosemary are not together and that Rosemary's parents are throwing her a farewell party (and Ralph wasn't invited). Hal, Mauricio, Ralph and Ralph's friend Li’iBoy arrive at the home of Rosemary's parents. Rosemary initially rebuffs Hal's presence, but then accepts his apology when Hal professes his love for her. Rosemary informs Hal she is still leaving on her Peace Corps mission. Hal says he is coming, too, having just been sworn into the Peace Corps by Li’iBoy.
Hal and Rosemary reconcile, cheered by the crowd as they kiss. He tries to carry her bridal-style to the car, but finds he cannot lift her, so she triumphantly carries him instead. As they drive off, Mauricio meets a woman who loves dogs and the two walk off together as he wags his "tail".
Cast[edit]
Jack Black as Hal Larson
Gwyneth Paltrow as Rosemary Shanahan
Jason Alexander as Mauricio Wilson
Joe Viterelli as Steve Shanahan
Jill Christine Fitzgerald as Mrs. Shanahan
Tony Robbins as Himself
Bruce McGill as Reverend Larson
Molly Shannon as Mrs. Mary Larson (uncredited)
Sasha Neulinger as young Hal
Susan Ward as Jill
Rene Kirby as Walt
Kyle Gass as Artie
Laura Kightlinger as Jen
Brooke Burns as Katrina
Sayed Badreya as Dr. Sayed
Nan Martin as Nurse Peeler
Zen Gesner as Ralph
Ron Darling as attractive Li'iBoy
Joshua Shintani as overweight Li'iBoy
Sascha Knopf as attractive Tanya
Nan Martin as unattractive Tanya
Mary Wigmore as attractive Tiffany
Rob Moran as unattractive Tiffany
Michael Corrente as homeless man #2
Leslie DeAntonio as Helga the maid
Manon von Gerkan as Lindy
Brianna Gardner as Cadence
Kulman P. Smith as bar patron/dancing guy #1
Production[edit]
The Farrelly Brothers admitted that this was a little bit different from some of their previous comedies, but as with all their movies they like for the audience to feel a connection with each of the characters. Shallow Hal was a more emotional movie and the producers spent a lot of time trying to ensure it would not be portrayed as a mere "fat joke" type of movie, but one that has a strong message associated with it.
Gwyneth Paltrow played both roles, slim and fat Rosemary (except for a couple of close-up shots of fat Rosemary below the neck, which were played by her body double Ivy Snitzer), and had to wear a specially designed 25 pound fatsuit and encapsulating prosthetic make-up. The prosthetic make-up effects and body suits for Rosemary, Rosemary's mother, and all of the secondary characters were designed and created by Tony Gardner and his company Alterian, Inc.
Reception[edit]
Box office[edit]
In its opening weekend at the U.S. box office, Shallow Hal grossed $22.5 million, opening at #2 behind Monsters, Inc.. It grossed a total of $141.1 million, of which $70.7 million was in the United States.[1]
Critical response[edit]
The film received mixed reviews from critics. Review website Rotten Tomatoes gives the film a rating of 51%, based on 126 reviews, and an average rating of 5.5/10. The site's critical consensus reads, "While surprisingly sweeter and warm-hearted than previous Farrelly outings, Shallow Hal is also less funny and more bland."[2]
Roger Ebert gave a positive response of three-out-of-four stars, writing, "Shallow Hal is often very funny, but it is also surprisingly moving at times."[3]
Awards[edit]
Nominations
Teen Choice Awards
2002: Choice Movie: Comedy
2002: Choice Movie: Comedy Actor (Jack Black)
2002: Choice Movie: Comedy Actress (Gwyneth Paltrow)
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "Shallow Hal". Box Office Mojo.
Jump up ^ "Shallow Hal". Rotten Tomatoes. Retrieved 2010-03-23.
Jump up ^ "Shallow Hal". Chicago Sun-Times.
External links[edit]
Wikiquote has quotations related to: Shallow Hal
Shallow Hal on IMDb
Shallow Hal at AllMovie
Shallow Hal at the TCM Movie Database
Shallow Hal at Rotten Tomatoes
Shallow Hal Official Fox site
[hide]
v
t
e
Films directed by the Farrelly brothers
Peter Farrelly
Bobby Farrelly
Dumb and Dumber (1994)
Kingpin (1996)
There's Something About Mary (1998)
Me, Myself & Irene (2000)
Osmosis Jones (2001)
Shallow Hal (2001)
Stuck on You (2003)
Fever Pitch (2005)
The Heartbreak Kid (2007)
Hall Pass (2011)
The Three Stooges (2012)
Dumb and Dumber To (2014)
Green Book (TBA, Peter only)
Authority control
WorldCat Identities
GND: 4770332-5
VIAF: 214005841
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Shallow_Hal&oldid=835661885"
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values: هال السطحي (فيلم) – Arabic

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values: הפנטזיה של הל – Hebrew

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values: 愛しのローズマリー – Japanese

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values: Любовь зла (фильм, 2001) – Russian

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values: 情人眼裡出西施 (電影) – Chinese

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