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Cannabis in New York
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Cannabis in New York is illegal for recreational use, but is permitted for medical use, and possession of small amounts is decriminalized.
Contents
1 Current law
2 Prohibition (1927)
3 La Guardia Committee (1939-1944)
4 Rockefeller Drug Laws (1973)
5 Decriminalization (1977)
5.1 New York City
6 Medical cannabis (2014)
7 Legalization Study (2018)
8 References
Current law[edit]
Offenses related to the possession or sale of marijuana and "concentrated cannabis", outside those allowed by the state's medical marijuana statute, are defined in Article 221 of the New York State Penal Law.[1] The former term is defined in the state's Public Health Law as "all parts of the plant of the genus Cannabis, whether growing or not; the seeds thereof; the resin extracted from any part of the plant; and every compound, manufacture, salt, derivative, mixture, or preparation of the plant, its seeds or resin." Stalks from the mature plant, fiber, oil and cake made from it, sterilized seeds and compounds or preparations from them are not considered marijuana. "Concentrated cannabis", meant primarily to refer to hashish, refers to the plant's "separated resin, whether crude or purified" and any substance, whether derived from the plant or not, containing more than 2.5% by weight of delta-9-Tetrahydrocannabinol (THC), delta-8 dibenzopyran, delta-1-THC or delta-1 (6) monoterpene, an isomer of the last compound.[2]
Possession of less than 25 grams (0.88 oz) of marijuana, in any form, is unlawful possession of marijuana, punishable by a fine of no more than $100 if the defendant has no convictions for the offense within the last three years. Those who do can be fined up to $200; on the third conviction within that time period the maximum fine rises to $250 with the possibility of a 15-day jail sentence as well. The offense is considered a violation, the lowest level of offense defined in state law, and thus does not show up on a criminal record.[1]
If the marijuana is burning or in public view, no matter the amount, or is between 25 g and 2 ounces (57 g), it is fifth-degree criminal possession of marijuana, a Class B misdemeanor,[1] carrying a possible three-month sentence.[3] Amounts in the 2–8 ounces (57–227 g) range are fourth-degree criminal possession of marijuana, a Class A misdemeanor[1] for which offenders can receive up to six months in jail. Convictions for these offenses will result in a criminal record.[3]
Amounts higher than 8 ounces are felonies, all of which carry a minimum prison term of three years in New York. Third-degree criminal possession of marijuana, a Class E felony[1] with up to four years as a possible punishment,[4] applies to amounts between 8 and 16 ounces (450 g), or one pound. Those convicted of second-degree criminal possession of marijuana, a Class D felony[1] with a maximum sentence of seven years, will have been in possession of up to 10 pounds (4.5 kg) and can expect to serve up to seven years at most.[4] First-degree criminal possession of marijuana applies to those with more than 10 pounds,[1] a Class C felony for which offenders may spend 15 years in prison.[4]
Offenses related to the sale of marijuana start with fifth-degree criminal sale of marijuana, a class B misdemeanor that covers amounts less than 2 grams (0.071 oz). Fourth-degree criminal sale of marijuana, a class A misdemeanor, covers sales between that amount and 25 grams (0.88 oz). Amounts up to 4 ounces (110 g) are third-degree criminal sale of marijuana, a Class E felony.[1]
Sales in the 4–16-oz. range get the offender a conviction for second-degree criminal sale of marijuana, a Class D felony. That offense also applies to any sale of a lesser amount to a minor. Sales of more than a pound are considered first-degree criminal sale of marijuana, a Class C felony.[1]
Prohibition (1927)[edit]
In 1914, New York first began to restrict cannabis by requiring a prescription to obtain the drug. In an amendment to the Boylan Bill, they added "Cannabis indica, which is the Indian hemp from which the East Indian drug called hashish is manufactured," to the city's list of restricted drugs. The New York Times on the following day commented: Devotees of hashish are now hardly numerous enough here to count, but they are likely to increase as other narcotics become harder to obtain. In their study of the history of marijuana prohibition, Richard J. Bonnie & Charles H. Whitebread note that "only four articles about marijuana appeared in the major New York newspaper during the entire period from 1914 until 1927." In 1927, New York removed the medical purposes and restricted cannabis completely.[5]
In New York City, there were more than 19,000 kg (41,000 lb) of marijuana growing like weeds throughout the boroughs until 1951, when the "White Wing Squad", headed by the Sanitation Department General Inspector John E. Gleason, was charged with destroying the many pot farms that had sprouted up across the city. The Brooklyn Public Library reports: this group was held to a high moral standard and was prohibited from "entering saloons, using foul language, and neglecting horses." The Squad found the most weed in Queens but even in Brooklyn dug up "millions of dollars" worth of the plants, many as "tall as Christmas trees". Gleason oversaw incineration of the plants in Woodside, Queens.[6]
La Guardia Committee (1939-1944)[edit]
Main article: La Guardia Committee
In 1939, New York Mayor Fiorello LaGuardia assigned a committee to investigate the issue of cannabis in his city. The committee released its report in 1944, concluding that the "gateway theory" was largely false, and that cannabis was not widely associated with addiction, school children, or juvenile delinquency. The report infuriated Harry Anslinger, commissioner of the Federal Bureau of Narcotics, who branded it unscientific.[7]
Rockefeller Drug Laws (1973)[edit]
Main article: Rockefeller Drug Laws
In 1973, New York governor Nelson Rockefeller signed legislation increasing the penalty for selling two ounces (57 g) or more of heroin, morphine, "raw or prepared opium," cocaine, or cannabis or possessing four ounces (113 g) or more of the same substances, was a minimum of 15 years to life in prison, and a maximum of 25 years to life in prison.[citation needed]
Decriminalization (1977)[edit]
In 1977, New York decriminalized possession of 25 grams or less of marijuana, to an infraction with a $100 fine. However, possession in public view remained a misdemeanor, and civil rights advocates stated that this was used as a loophole to unfairly arrest. A New York Times editorial noted in 2012:
Marijuana arrests declined after passage of the 1977 law, but that changed in the 1990s. Between 1997 and 2010, the city arrested 525,000 people for low-level, public-view possession, according to a legislative finding. Lawmakers and civil rights lawyers are rightly outraged that more than 80 percent of those arrested in the city are black and Latino, despite substantial data showing that whites are more likely to use the drug.[8]
New York City[edit]
In response to the continued arrests for marijuana possession, in 2014 New York City mayor Bill de Blasio directed the NYPD to cease arrests, and instead issue tickets, for small possession even in cases where the 1977 law might allow an arrest, such as cannabis entering "public view" during a stop-and-frisk.[9] However, the Village Voice noted in 2016 that despite a sudden drop following de Blasio's direction, arrests have "gone back up just as quickly."[10]
In 2018 the Manhattan and Brooklyn district attorneys announced that they would continue reducing the set of offenses that they would prosecute.[11]
Medical cannabis (2014)[edit]
In July 2014, New York Governor Andrew Cuomo signed legislation permitted the use of cannabis for medical purposes, following a "lengthy, emotional debate" in the issue in the Senate and 49–10 Senate vote. Cuomo's signing began an 18-month window for the state Department of Health to enact a medical marijuana program to provide non-smoked method of cannabis consumption to patients. The legislation awarded five contracts to private marijuana growers who would each be allowed to operate four dispensaries.[12]
Legalization Study (2018)[edit]
In his 2018 State of the State address Governor Cuomo urged the New York State Legislature to fund a study on the effects of legalizing marijuana for recreational use. The study would be conducted by the Department of Health and would examine a wide variety of issues, including the legal, economic, and social ramifications recreational marijuana could have on New York. Cuomo's evolving opinion is likely due to Americans growing acceptance of marijuana, along with the negative impact the 2017 tax law is anticipated to have on New York.
The Department of Health completed its study and has recommended the legalization of marijuana in New York, citing economic, public health, and public safety benefits[13].
References[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h i Article 221, New York State Penal Law, No. 221 of 2016 (in English). Retrieved on November 13, 2016.
Jump up ^ Article 3302, New York State Public Health Law, 2016. Retrieved on November 13, 2016.
^ Jump up to: a b Article 70.15, New York State Penal Law, 2016. Retrieved on November 13, 2016.
^ Jump up to: a b c Article 70, New York State Penal Law, 2016. Retrieved on November 13, 2016.
Jump up ^ Whitebread II, Charles H.; Bonnie, Richard J. (1970). "The Forbidden Fruit and the Tree of Knowledge: An Inquiry into the Legal History of American Marijuana Prohibition" (PDF). Virginia Law Review. 56: 971.
Jump up ^ Van Luling, Todd (2014-04-17). "8 Things Even New Yorkers Don't Know About New York City". The Huffington Post.
Jump up ^ "Hemp Around Their Necks by Harry Anslinger". www.druglibrary.net.
Jump up ^ "Examining Marijuana Arrests". New York Times. April 1, 2012. Retrieved 6 November 2016.
Jump up ^ Dizard, Wilson (2014-11-10). "NYC decides pot fines are just the ticket | Al Jazeera America". America.aljazeera.com. Retrieved 2016-11-06.
Jump up ^ Abedian, Anita (2016-06-01). "NYC Marijuana Possession Arrests Are on the Rise in 2016". Village Voice. Retrieved 2016-11-06.
Jump up ^ https://mobile.nytimes.com/2018/05/15/nyregion/marijuana-arrests-mayor-de-blasio-reduce.html
Jump up ^ Jon Campbell, Gannett Albany Bureau (2014-07-07). "Cuomo signs New York's medical marijuana bill". Usatoday.com. Retrieved 2016-11-06.
Jump up ^ "New York's Health Department Plans to Recommend Legalizing Marijuana". Template:New York Times
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Do What I Gotta Do
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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"Do What I Gotta Do"
Single by Ralph Tresvant
from the album Ralph Tresvant
Released
May 13, 1991 (1991-05-13)[1]
Format
12-inch
CD
Recorded
1990 (1990)
Genre
Quiet storm
R&B
Length
5:43
Label
MCA
Songwriter(s)
James Harris III
Terry Lewis[2]
Producer(s)
Jimmy Jam and Terry Lewis[3]
Ralph Tresvant singles chronology
"Word to the Mutha!"
(1991) "Do What I Gotta Do"
(1991) "Rated R"
(1991)
"Word to the Mutha!"
(1991) "Do What I Gotta Do"
(1991) "Rated R"
(1991)
Ralph Tresvant track listing
"Stone Cold Gentleman"
(4) "Do What I Gotta Do"
(5) "Love Hurts"
(6)
Music video
"Do What I Gotta Do" on YouTube
"Do What I Gotta Do" is a song performed by American contemporary R&B singer Ralph Tresvant, issued as the third single from his eponymous debut album. The song peaked at #2 on the Billboard R&B chart in 1991.[4] Although it failed to reach the Billboard Hot 100 chart, it entered the Hot 100 Singles Sales chart and peaked at #54 in August, 1991.
Contents
[hide]
1 Music video
2 Chart positions
3 References
4 External links
Music video[edit]
This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (June 2015)
The official music video for the song was directed by Stefan Würnitzer.[5]
Chart positions[edit]
Chart (1991)[4]
Peak
position
US Hot 100 Singles Sales (Billboard) 54
US Hot Dance Music/Maxi-Singles Sales (Billboard) 26
US Hot R&B/Hip-Hop Singles & Tracks (Billboard) 2
US Hot R&B/Hip-Hop Singles Sales (Billboard) 6
US Hot R&B/Hip-Hop Airplay (Billboard) 1
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "Do What I Gotta Do [Vinyl Single] - Ralph Tresvant | Credits | AllMusic". AllMusic. All Media Network. Retrieved June 10, 2015.
Jump up ^ "Do What I Gotta Do - Ralph Tresvant | Listen, Appearances, Song Review | AllMusic". AllMusic. All Media Network. Retrieved June 10, 2015.
Jump up ^ "Ralph Tresvant - Do What I Gotta Do (Vinyl) at Discogs". Discogs. Zink Media. Retrieved June 10, 2015.
^ Jump up to: a b "Ralph Tresvant | Awards | AllMusic". AllMusic. All Media Network. Retrieved June 11, 2015.
Jump up ^ ""Do What I Gotta Do" by Ralph Tresvant | Music Video | VH1.com". VH1. Viacom International. August 8, 2006. Archived from the original on March 3, 2016. Retrieved June 10, 2015.
External links[edit]
"Do What I Gotta Do" at AllMusic
"Do What I Gotta Do" at Discogs (list of releases)
Lyrics of this song at MetroLyrics
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A party system is a concept in comparative political science concerning the system of government by political parties in a democratic country. The idea is that political parties have basic similarities: they control the government, have a stable base of mass popular support, and create internal mechanisms for controlling funding, information and nominations.
The concept was originated by European scholars studying the United States, especially James Bryce and Moisey Ostrogorsky, and has been expanded to cover other democracies.[1] Giovanni Sartori devised the most widely used classification method for party systems. He suggested that party systems should be classified by the number of relevant parties and the degree of fragmentation.[2] Party systems can be distinguished by the effective number of parties.[3]
Contents
[hide]
1 Types of party systems
2 Party systems by country or region
2.1 Europe
2.1.1 European Union
2.1.2 Italy
2.1.3 Germany
2.1.4 Central and Eastern Europe
2.1.5 Finland
2.2 Canada
2.3 United States
2.4 Argentina
3 Notes
4 Bibliography
4.1 Italy
4.2 United States
5 External links
Types of party systems[edit]
Dominant-party system: a system where there is "a category of parties/political organizations that have successively won election victories and whose future defeat cannot be envisaged or is unlikely for the foreseeable future".
Non-partisan system: a system of government or organization such that universal and periodic elections take place without reference to political parties.
One-party system: a system in which a single political party has the right to form the government, usually based on the existing constitution, or where only one party has the exclusive control over political power
Two-party system: a system where only two parties or alliances, typically placed either side of the centre, have a realistic chance of forming a majority. Other parties are very minor or solely regional.
Three-party system or two-and-a-half party system: a system with two large parties that can form a government, and a smaller but still considerable party which can join either in coalition and acts as a kingmaker.[4][5]
Multi-party system: a system in which multiple political parties have the capacity to gain control of government offices, separately or in coalition.
Party systems by country or region[edit]
Europe[edit]
European Union[edit]
Two structures of party system have been identified in the European Parliament since its first universal direct election in 1979, albeit the main EU party groups remained the same:[6]
1979–1994: a system split in two blocs on the left/right dimension, with the left bloc (Socialists, Radical Left and Greens) opposing a right bloc (Populars, Liberals, Gaullists and British Conservatives)
1994-onwards: a system in which the three central parties (the conservative EPP, the socialist PES and the liberal ELDR) have voted as much with each other as with their smaller allies, thus 'governing' the system, and facing different oppositions from the left (European Left and Greens and leftist euroskeptics) and from the right (Gaullists, British Conservatives, rightist euroskeptics and nationalists).
Italy[edit]
Italian party systems are usually considered only since the foundation of the Italian Republic (1946) as pre-fascist parties lacked a wide popular base.
The party system of the so-called First Republic (1946–1994), though based on a proportional electoral law, saw the dominance of the Christian Democracy (DC) and the conventio ad excludendum against the Italian Communist Party (PCI). DC and PCI together gathered around 85% of the votes in average. The system was thus a blocked bipolar system; governments were very short (in average lasting less than one year) and post-electoral, but the supporting parties and personnel could not change. With time, some parties (especially the Italian Socialist Party, PSI) gained momentum, till reaching the role of government-making in the 1980s. The system was completely destroyed by the bribery scandals of Tangentopoli, which shattered DC and PSI. According to Sartori, the two possible degenerations of proportionalism (fragmentation and lack of party discipline) were reduced by two factors: the strong role of parties ("partitocrazia") and the polarization between Christian-democrats and communists. Therefore, the first republic saw a maximum level of 5 effective parties, with only one dominant party.[7]
The so-called Second Republic party system (since 1994) bears the following characteristic marks:
a majoritarian electoral law, introduced by referendum in 1993, which brought about a bi-polarization of the game (although limited by the 1/4 of votes still gathered proportionally)
the birth of Forza Italia as personal party of Silvio Berlusconi, with a strong polarization effect
the rise of new parties (the environmentalists Verdi and the autonomist Lega Nord since the late 1980s, Alleanza Nazionale through a reform of the post-fascist Italian Social Movement)
the split of old parties (between reformed post-communist Democratic Party of the Left and neo-communists of Rifondazione Comunista; between left-wing and right-wing of old Christian Democrats and Socialists, siding with or against Berlusconi)
Though more fragmented in the number of parties, the system was bipolar in its functioning. With time, both sides saw a strengthening of coalitions (even if with ups and downs) and the birth of unified parties (the Ulivo federation and then the Democratic Party on the left, and the People of Freedom party on the right side). The change in the electoral law in 2005 and the return to proportionality (although with a majority premium able to transform, in the lower chamber, the plurality in a 55% majority) didn't bring about a return to collusion, while still leaving such prospect open for the future.
Germany[edit]
The 2009 Bundestag election in Germany was characterized by widespread public apathy and record low voter turnout. Weldon and Nüsser (2010) argue that it solidified a new stable, but fluid five-party system that they see as a defining feature of the emerging German political system. The three minor parties each achieved historical bests at the polls with steep losses for the two traditional Volksparteien. They report that the increased volatility and fluidity of the party system is structured along the left-right ideological spectrum with the parties divided into two major camps and vote-switching much more likely within the respective camps rather than between them.[8]
The 2009 election also marked a devastating defeat for the SPD, leading some commentators to speculate about the end of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) as a "catch-all party" and, against the backdrop of recent poor performance of center-left parties all across Europe—perhaps even "the end of social democracy."[9]
The 2013 election saw the first time that the liberal Free Democratic Party (FDP) that had been represented in parliament since 1949 and formed part of government as a coalition partner to either SPD or CDU (Christian Democratic Union, the major conservative / center-right party) for almost all of the period from 1949 to 1998 and again from 2009 to 2013 fell below the 5% threshold for parliamentary representation. The same election also saw the rise of the "Alternative for Germany" (AfD) party that ran on an anti-Euro platform and failed to enter parliament on their first federal election just barely with 4.8% of the vote.
After this election the second "große Koaltion" (big coalition of the major parties CDU and SPD) since 2005 was formed. Prior to that Germany had only had one big coalition that governed from 1966 to 1969, preferring coalitions of one big and one small party at the federal level instead. Whether this shift proves temporary or permanent remains yet to be seen
Central and Eastern Europe[edit]
Four party systems have been identified in post-communist countries of Central-Eastern Europe:[10]
I system (late 1980s - early 1990s): dominated by the opposition between communists and anti-communists, i.e. from supporters and opponents of the old regime; spontaneous mass movements formed on idealistic bases and transformed into 'umbrella parties'
II system (early 1990s): opposition between winners and losers of the economic transition to a market economy. Anti-communist parties split and formed unstable coalition governments. Many parties, with a narrow political base, grew up
III system (late 1990s): the social conflicts of market transition aggravated, and social-democratic post-communist parties took over. The party system concentrated, while electoral volatility was extremely high
IV system (2000s): rise of a relatively stable and modestly concentrated party system, organized on a left-right dimension, including post-communist parties. Fragmentation did not rise again after the fall of many social-democratic parties from government.
Finland[edit]
Finland was a Grand Duchy controlled by Russia until 1918. Nationalistic demands from the peasants and workers for greater use of the Finnish language led to the first political party: the Finnish Party in 1860. In response, the Swedish-speaking aristocracy, landowners and businessmen formed their own political party. Thus emerged the first party system.[11]
Canada[edit]
According to recent scholarship there have been four party systems in Canada at the federal level since Confederation, each with its own distinctive pattern of social support, patronage relationships, leadership styles, and electoral strategies.[12] Political scientists disagree on the names and precise boundaries of the eras, however. Steve Patten identifies four party systems in Canada's political history[13]
The first party system emerged from pre-Confederation colonial politics, had its "heyday" from 1896 to 1911 and lasted until the Conscription Crisis of 1917, and was characterized by local patronage administered by the two largest parties, the Liberals and the Conservatives.
The second system emerged following the First World War, and had its heyday from 1935 and 1957, was characterized by regionalism and saw the emergence of several protest parties, such as the Progressives, the Social Credit Party, and the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation.
The third system emerged in 1963 and had its heyday from 1968 to 1983 and began to unravel thereafter. The two largest parties were challenged by a strong third party, the New Democratic Party. Campaigns during this era became more national in scope due to the electronic media, and involved a greater focus on leadership. The dominant policy of the era was Keynesian economics.
The fourth party system has involved the rise of the Reform Party of Canada, the Bloc Québécois, and the merger of the Canadian Alliance with the Progressive Conservatives. It saw most parties move to one-member-one-vote leadership contests, and a major reform to campaign finance laws in 2004. The fourth party system has been characterized by market-oriented policies that abandoned Keynesian policies, but maintained the welfare state.
It could be argued that a fifth party system has emerged at some point over the past decade as Canadian politics is no longer defined by the regionalism and fiscally conservative orthodoxy of the 1990s and early 2000s. The current make-up of the House of Commons, dominated by three nationally-oriented parties (Liberal, Conservative and NDP), bears a far more striking resemblance to that of the third party system rather than the fourth; the governing Liberals have arguably abandoned or loosened their commitment to fiscal conservatism and free market economics by returning to a more Keynesian outlook; and the left of centre New Democratic Party (NDP) has been a contender in the past two elections, having occupied the role of official opposition in between 2011 and 2015. This greatly differs from the post-1993 situation in which aside from the governing Liberals, Canada's two other nationally-oriented political parties (the NDP and PC Party) were marginalised, allowing the opposition benches to be dominated by the Western-based Reform Party and separatist Bloc Quebecois. However, it is difficult to pinpoint precisely when the fourth party system came to a close. As mentioned earlier, the Canadian Alliance and PC Party merged in 2004 creating the Conservative Party of Canada, but the Bloc Quebecois continued to dominate Quebec, benefiting from First Past the Post, until 2011. The Liberals, in opposition to the governing Conservatives after 2006, gradually moved leftwards as centrist parties often do when in an opposition role to a conservative government.
Clarkson (2005) shows how the Liberal Party has dominated all the party systems, using different approaches. It began with a "clientelistic approach" under Laurier, which evolved into a "brokerage" system of the 1920s, 1930s and 1940s under Mackenzie King. The 1950s saw the emergence of a "pan-Canadian system", which lasted until the 1990s. The 1993 election — categorized by Clarkson as an electoral "earthquake" which "fragmented" the party system, saw the emergence of regional politics within a four party-system, whereby various groups championed regional issues and concerns. Clarkson concludes that the inherent bias built into the first-past-the-post system, has chiefly benefited the Liberals.[14]
United States[edit]
Main articles: Realigning election, First Party System, Second Party System, Third Party System, Fourth Party System, Fifth Party System, and Sixth Party System
The concept of the party system was introduced by English scholar James Bryce in American Commonwealth (1885).
American Party Systems was a major textbook by Charles Merriam in 1920s. In 1967 the most important single breakthrough appeared, The American Party Systems. Stages of Political Development, edited by William Nisbet Chambers and Walter Dean Burnham. It brought together historians and political scientists who agreed on a common framework and numbering system. Thus Chambers published The First Party System in 1972. Burnham published numerous articles and books. Closely related is the concept of critical elections (introduced by V. O. Key in 1955), and "realignments." Critical elections or Realigning elections involve major changes to the political system, regarding the coalition of voters, the rules of the game, finance and publicity, party organization, and party leadership.
A political science college textbook explains:
"Scholars generally agree that realignment theory identifies five distinct party systems with the following approximate dates and major parties: 1. 1796–1816, First Party System: Jeffersonian Republicans and Federalists; 2. 1840–1856, Second Party System: Democrats and Whigs; 3. 1860–1896, Third Party System: Republicans and Democrats; 4. 1896–1932, Fourth Party System: Republicans and Democrats; 5. 1932-, Fifth Party System: Democrats and Republicans."[15]
There have been at least six different party systems throughout the history of the United States:[16]
First Party System: This system can be considered to have developed as a result of the factions in the George Washington administration. The two factions were Alexander Hamilton and the Federalists and Thomas Jefferson and the Democratic-Republican Party. The Federalists argued for a strong national government with a national bank and a strong economic and industry system. The Democratic-Republicans argued for a limited government, with a greater emphasis on farmers and states' rights. After the 1800 Presidential election, the Democratic-Republicans gained major dominance for the next twenty years, and the Federalists slowly died off.
Second Party System: This system developed as a result of the one party rule of the Democratic-Republicans not being able to contain some of the most pressing issues of the time, namely slavery. Out of this system came the Whig Party and Henry Clay's American System. Wealthier people tended to support the Whigs, and the poorer tended to support the Democrats. During the Jacksonian era, his Democratic Party evolved from Democratic-Republicans. The Whig party began to break apart into factions, mainly over the issue of slavery. This period lasted until 1860.
Third Party System: Beginning around the time of the start of the Civil War, this system was defined by bitter conflict and striking party differences and coalitions. These coalitions were most evidently defined by geography. The South was dominated by the Democrats who opposed the ending of slavery, and the North, with the exception of some major political machines, was dominated by the Republicans, who supported ending slavery. This era was a time of extreme industrial and economic expansion. The Third Party System lasted until 1896.
Fourth Party System: This era was defined by Progressivism and immigration, as well as the political aftermath of the American Civil War. Northeastern business supported the Republicans while the South and West supported the Democrats. Immigrant groups were courted by both parties. The Fourth Party System came to an end around 1932.[17]
Fifth Party System: This system was defined by the creation of the New Deal Coalition by President Franklin D. Roosevelt in response to the Great Depression. This coalition supporting new social welfare programs brought together many under-privileged, working class, and minority groups including unions, Catholics, and Jews. It also attracted African-Americans, who had previously largely supported the Republican Party due to Lincoln's freeing of the slaves. This era lasted approximately until 1968.[18]
Sixth Party System: The transition to this system appears to have begun with the Civil Rights Act of 1964 with the Democrats subsequently losing their long dominance of the South in the late 1960s, leading to a Republican dominance as evidenced by election results.[19]
Argentina[edit]
Scholars of Argentina identify two distinct party systems, one in place between 1912 and 1940, the other emerging after 1946. The first party system was not consistently class based, but the second was, with the Radical Party representing the middle classes and the Peronists, workers and the poor.[20]
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ Sartori (1976); Lipset and Rokkan (1967); Karvonen and Kuhnle (2000)
Jump up ^ Sartori (1976)
Jump up ^ Golosov, Grigorii V. (2010): The Effective Number of Parties: A New Approach. Party Politics, 16(2):171-192.
Jump up ^ Mair, Peter (12 July 1990). The West European Party System. Oxford University Press. p. 305. ISBN 9780198275831.
Jump up ^ Sartori, Giovanni (1 February 2014). Parties and Party Systems: A Framework for Analysis. ECPR Press. p. 310. ISBN 9780954796617.
Jump up ^ Simon Hix, "A supranational party system and the legitimacy of the European Union", The International Spectator, 4/2002, pp.50-59
Jump up ^ Corriere della Sera, 8 November 2010
Jump up ^ Steven Weldon and Andrea Nüsser, "Bundestag Election 2009: Solidifying the Five Party System", German Politics and Society, 9/30/2010, Vol. 28 Issue 3, pp 47-64
Jump up ^ William E. Paterson, and James Sloam, "The SPD and the Debacle of the 2009 German Federal Election: An Opportunity for Renewal", German Politics and Society, 9/30/2010, Vol. 28 Issue 3, pp 65-81
Jump up ^ Agh (1998) and Oppelland (2003), as quoted by Schmitt and Thomassed, "The EU Party System after Eastern Enlargement", Political Science Series #105, Institute for Advanced Studies, Vienna, 2005
Jump up ^ Alan Siaroff, "Democratic Breakdown and Democratic Stability: A Comparison of Interwar Estonia and Finland", Canadian Journal of Political Science Vol. 32,No. 1 (Mar., 1999), pp. 103-124, esp. p 109 in JSTOR
Jump up ^ Gagnon and Tanguay, 2007: 1
Jump up ^ Patten, 2007: 57-58
Jump up ^ Stephen Clarkson, The Big Red Machine: How the Liberal Party Dominates Canadian Politics (2005)
Jump up ^ Robert C. Benedict, Matthew J. Burbank and Ronald J. Hrebenar, Political Parties, Interest Groups and Political Campaigns. Westview Press. 1999. Page 11.
Jump up ^ Marjorie Randon Hershey, Party Politics in America (12th ed. 2007) pages 119-123
Jump up ^ Hershey, Marjorie Randon. Party Politics in America 14th ed. 2011: Longman Classics in Political Science. pages 120-121
Jump up ^ Hershey, Marjorie Randon. Party Politics in America 14th ed. 2011: Longman Classics in Political Science. page 121
Jump up ^ Marjorie Randon Hershey, Party Politics in America (12th ed. 2007) pages 119-123
Jump up ^ Noam Lupu and Susan C. Stokes, "The Social Bases of Political Parties in Argentina, 1912–2003", Latin American Research Review Vol. 44#1, 2009 pp 58-87
Bibliography[edit]
Aronoff, Myron Joel. "The Americanization of Israeli Politics and Realignment of the Party System", Israel Studies, Volume 5, Number 1, Spring 2000, pp. 92–127
Belloc, Hilaire, and Cecil Chesterton. The Party System. (1911) online edition, on British politics
Patten, Steve (2007). "The Evolution of the Canadian Party System". In Gagnon, Alain-G.; Tanguay, A. Brain. Canadian Parties in Transition (3rd ed.). Broadview. pp. 55–81. ISBN 978-1-55111-785-0.
Gagon, Alain-G.; Tanguay, A. Brain (2007). "Introduction". In Gagnon, Alain-G.; Tanguay, A. Brain. Canadian Parties in Transition (3rd ed.). Broadview. pp. 1–14. ISBN 978-1-55111-785-0.
Ishiyama, John. "Electoral Systems, Ethnic Fragmentation, and Party System Volatility in Sub-Saharan African Countries", Northeast African Studies, Volume 10, Number 2, 2003 (New Series), pp. 203–220
Karvonen, Lauri, and Stein Kuhnle, eds. Party Systems and Voter Alignments Revisited (2000) updates on Lipset and Rokkan (1967) excerpt and text search
Lewis, Paul G. and Paul Webb, eds. Pan-European Perspectives on Party Politics (2003)
Lipset, Seymour M. and Stein Rokkan, eds. Party Systems And Voter Alignments (1967)
Mainwaring, Scott, and Timothy R. Scully. Building Democratic Institutions: Party Systems in Latin America (1996)
Mair, Peter, ed. The West European Party System (Oxford University Press, 1990) online excerpt pp. 302-310
Mair, Peter. The Changing Irish Party System: Organisation, Ideology and Electoral Competition (London, 1987).
Meleshevich, Andrey A. Party Systems in Post-Soviet Countries: A Comparative Study of Political Institutionalization in the Baltic States, Russia, and Ukraine (2007)
Sartori, Giovanni . Parties and Party Systems: A framework for analysis (1976; reprint in 2005)
Tan, Alexander C. Emerging Party Systems (2005)
Tan, Paige Johnson. "Indonesia Seven Years after Soeharto: Party System Institutionalization in a New Democracy", Contemporary Southeast Asia: A Journal of International and Strategic Affairs, Volume 28, Number 1, April 2006, pp. 88–114
Walch, James. Faction and Front: Party Systems in South India (1976)
Ware, Alan. Political Parties and Party Systems (1995), covers France, Germany, Britain, Japan and U.S.
Italy[edit]
The Italian Party System Between Crisis and Transition, by Sidney Tarrow
The Italian party system between parties and coalitions, West European Politics, January 1, 2004; Bartolini, Stefano; Chiaramonte, Alessandro; D'Alimonte, Roberto
Party system dynamics and the making and breaking of Italian governments by Daniela Giannettia and Michael Laver, 2001
Remaking the Italian party system: how Lijphart got it wrong by saying it right West European Politics; October 1, 1993; Calise, Mauro
Daaldera, Ivo H. "The Italian party system in transition: The end of polarised pluralism?" West European Politics, Volume 6, Issue 3 July 1983, pages 216–236 online
Pridham, Geoffrey. The Nature of the Italian Party System (St. Martin's Press, 1981)
United States[edit]
Bartley, Numan V. "Voters and Party Systems: A Review of the Recent Literature", The History Teacher, Vol. 8, No. 3 (May, 1975), pp. 452–469. online at JSTOR
Beck, Paul Allen. "Micropolitics in Macro Perspective: The Political History of Walter Dean Burnham." Social Science History 1986 10(3): 221-245. ISSN 0145-5532 Fulltext in Jstor
Brady, David, and Joseph Stewart, Jr. "Congressional Party Realignment and Transformations of Public Policy in Three Realignment Eras", American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 26, No. 2 (May, 1982), pp. 333–360 online at JSTOR Looks at links among cross-cutting issues, electoral realignments, the U.S. House and public policy changes during the Civil War, 1890s and New Deal realignments. In each case the policy changes are voted through by a partisan "new" majority party. The Civil War and 1890s realignments were more polarized than was the New Deal realignment, and the extent of party structuring of issue dimensions was greater.
Burnham, Walter Dean. "Periodization Schemes and 'Party Systems': The 'System of 1896' as a Case in Point" Social Science History, Vol. 10, No. 3, 263-314.
Campbell, James E. "Party Systems and Realignments in the United States, 1868–2004", Social Science History Fall 2006, Vol. 30 Issue 3, pp 359-386
Chambers, William Nisbet, and Walter Dean Burnham, eds. The American Party Systems. Stages of Political Development, (1967)
Chambers, William Nisbet. Political Parties in a New Nation: The American Experience, 1776–1809 (1963)
Hofstadter, Richard. The Idea of a Party System: The Rise of Legitimate Opposition in the United States, 1780–1840 (1970)
James, Scott C. Presidents, Parties, and the State: A Party System Perspective on Democratic Regulatory Choice, 1884–1936 (2000)
Jensen, Richard. "American Election Analysis: A Case History of Methodological Innovation and Diffusion", in S. M. Lipset, ed, Politics and the Social Sciences (Oxford University Press, 1969), 226-43.
Jensen, Richard. "History and the Political Scientist", in S. M. Lipset, ed, Politics and the Social Sciences (Oxford University Press, 1969),, 1-28.
Jensen, Richard. "Historiography of Political History", in Jack Greene ed., Encyclopedia of American Political History (Scribners, 1984), 1:1-25. online
Jensen, Richard. "The Changing Shape of Burnham's Political Universe", Social Science History 10 (1986) 209-19 ISSN 0145-5532 Fulltext in Jstor
Renda, Lex. "Richard P. McCormick and the Second American Party System." Reviews in American History (1995) 23(2): 378-389. ISSN 0048-7511 Fulltext in Project Muse.
Sundquist, James L. Dynamics of the party system: Alignment and realignment of political parties in the United States (1983)
External links[edit]
A detailed bibliography
"Psephos," archive of recent electoral data from 182 countries
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Political eras of the United States
First Party System
Second Party System
Third Party System
Fourth Party System
Fifth Party System
Sixth Party System
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List of highest paid film actors
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Salaries for the world's highest paid film actors currently range from $20–30 million, but an actor can earn substantially more by deferring all or part of their salary against a percentage of the film's gross, known within the industry as a "profit participation" deal. Since not all salaries are made public, this is a non-definitive list of actors who have received $30 million or more as compensation for their services. The figures are given at their nominal value, since earnings from profit based deals are accumulated over many years, making it unfeasible to adjust for inflation.
Highest-earning actors in films
Actor
Film
Year
Salary
Total income
Ref
Keanu Reeves The Matrix Reloaded
The Matrix Revolutions 2003 $30,000,000 $156,000,000 [1]
Bruce Willis The Sixth Sense 1999 $14,000,000 $100,000,000 [1]
Tom Cruise Mission: Impossible 2 2000 $100,000,000 [1]
Tom Cruise War of the Worlds 2005 $100,000,000 [1]
Will Smith Men in Black 3 2012 $100,000,000 [2]
Sandra Bullock Gravity 2013 $20,000,000 $70,000,000+ [3]
Tom Hanks Forrest Gump 1994 $70,000,000 [1]
Tom Cruise Mission: Impossible 1996 $70,000,000 [1]
Harrison Ford Indiana Jones and the Kingdom of the Crystal Skull 2008 $65,000,000 [4]
Jack Nicholson Batman 1989 $6,000,000 $60,000,000 [1][5]
Leonardo DiCaprio Inception 2010 $59,000,000 [6]
Johnny Depp Pirates of the Caribbean: On Stranger Tides 2011 $35,000,000 $55,000,000 [6][7]
Robert Downey, Jr. The Avengers 2012 $50,000,000 [8]
Cameron Diaz Bad Teacher 2011 $42,000,000 [9]
Leonardo DiCaprio Titanic 1997 $40,000,000 [1]
Tom Hanks Saving Private Ryan 1998 $40,000,000 [1]
Johnny Depp Alice in Wonderland 2010 $40,000,000 [6]
Aamir Khan Dangal 2016 $37,000,000+ [nb 1][10][11]
Neymar Jr Diver 2018 $37,500,000 [12]
Arnold Schwarzenegger Terminator 3: Rise of the Machines 2003 $29,250,000 $30,000,000+ [nb 2][1]
Mel Gibson Lethal Weapon 4 1998 $30,000,000 $30,000,000 [1]
Brad Pitt Ocean's Eleven 2001 $10,000,000 $30,000,000 [1]
Jump up ^ ₹257 crore ($37–41 million at 2017 exchange rates).
Jump up ^ Arnold Schwarzenegger received a $29,250,000 salary for Terminator 3 plus a 20% royalty on the worldwide box office gross over $380 million. The film ultimately had a global gross of $433 million.
References[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h i j k l Block, Alex Ben; Wilson, Lucy Autrey, eds. (2010). George Lucas's Blockbusting: A Decade-By-Decade Survey of Timeless Movies Including Untold Secrets of Their Financial and Cultural Success. HarperCollins. pp. 616–617, 714–715, 824–825 & 832. ISBN 9780061778896.
Jump up ^ Masters, Kim (5 June 2013). "Will Smith's 'After Earth' Apocalypse: Who Loses Most". The Hollywood Reporter. Retrieved 8 July 2013.
Jump up ^ Galloway, Stephen (26 February 2014). "Sandra Bullock to Make $70 Million (At Least) for 'Gravity' (Exclusive)". The Hollywood Reporter. Retrieved 26 February 2014.
Jump up ^ Pomerantz, Dorothy (10 June 2009). "Hollywood's Top-Earning Actors". Forbes. Archived from the original on 6 September 2013.
Jump up ^ Thompson, Peter A. (1997). Jack Nicholson: the life and times of an actor on the edge. Carol Publishing Group. p. 214. ISBN 9781559724203. By 1994, it had reportedly reached $60 million.
^ Jump up to: a b c Newcomb, Peter (March 2011). "Hollywood's Top 40". Vanity Fair. p. 2. Archived from the original on 5 July 2011. Retrieved 27 October 2012.
Jump up ^ Sylt, Christian (22 July 2014). "Fourth Pirates Of The Caribbean Is Most Expensive Movie Ever With Costs Of $410 Million". Forbes. Retrieved 7 December 2014. One of the biggest costs of making On Stranger Tides was paying the production staff and actors with Mr Depp alone believed to have received $55 million for the movie.
Jump up ^ Heath, Chris (April 2013). "Profile: Robert Downey Jr". GQ. p. 3. Retrieved 18 April 2013.
Jump up ^ Kilday, Gregg (20 June 2013). "Sequel to Cameron Diaz's 'Bad Teacher' in the Works". The Hollywood Reporter. Retrieved 4 June 2017.
Jump up ^ Upadhyaya, Prakash (July 6, 2017). "Aamir Khan's remuneration for Dangal: This is the amount the actor takes home after China release". International Business Times. Retrieved October 21, 2017.
Jump up ^ "Dangal brings Rs 257 crore Chinese bonanza for Aamir Khan". Hindustan Times. July 7, 2017.
Jump up ^ Schuker, Lauren E. (2 April 2009), "Hollywood Squeezes Stars' Pay in Slump", The Wall Street Journal, archived from the original on 16 June 2013
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=List_of_highest_paid_film_actors&oldid=850227494"
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Bigg Boss Tamil
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It has been requested that the title of this article be changed to Bigg Boss (Tamil TV series). Please see the relevant discussion on the discussion page. Do not move the page until the discussion has reached consensus for the change and is closed.
Bigg Boss
Presented by
Kamal Hassan
Country of origin
India
Original language(s)
Tamil
No. of seasons
1
No. of episodes
99
Production
Running time
75-80 minutes
Production company(s)
Endemol India
Release
Original release
25 June (2017-06-25) – 30 September 2017 (2017-09-30)
Chronology
Preceded by
Lakshmi Kalyanam
Bigg Boss Tamil is a Tamil-language version of the reality TV programme Bigg Boss broadcast in India. It follows the Big Brother format, which was first developed by Endemol in the Netherlands.
Kamal Haasan hosted the first season of Bigg Boss Tamil on 9:00PM (IST). launched on 25 June 2017 on Star Vijay (Edhilum Pudhumai Tamizhan Perumai).[1][2][3]
Contents
[hide]
1 Overview
1.1 The House
1.2 Rules
1.3 Broadcast
2 Eviction
3 Series Details
4 References
5 External links
Overview[edit]
Bigg Boss Tamil is a reality show based on the Hindi show Bigg Boss which too was based on the original Dutch Big Brother format developed by John de Mol Jr. A number of contestants (known as "housemates") live in a purpose-built house and are isolated from the rest of the world. Each week, housemates nominate two of their fellow housemates for eviction, and the housemates who receives the most nominations would face a public vote.[4] Eventually, one housemate would leave after being "evicted" from the House. In the final week, there will be five housemates remaining, and the public will vote for who they wanted to win. Unlike other versions of Big Brother, the Tamil version uses celebrities and famous people as housemates, not ordinary members of the general public.
The House[edit]
The house is well-furnished and decorated. It has all kinds of modern amenities, but just two bedrooms, living area, kitchen, store room, smoking room, and four toilet bathrooms. There is a garden, pool, activity area and gym in the House. There is also a Confession Room, where the housemates may be called in by Bigg Boss for any kind of conversation, and for the nomination process. The House has no TV connection, no telephones, no Internet connection and no clocks.
Rules[edit]
They are not supposed to tamper with any of the electronic equipment or any other thing in the House. They cannot leave the House premises at any time except when permitted to. They cannot discuss the nomination process with anyone. They cannot sleep in the day time.They cannot engage in violence with the other housemates
Sometimes, the housemates may be nominated for other reasons, such as nomination by a person who has achieved special privileges (via tasks or other things), for breaking rules or something else. If something is very serious, a contestant may be evicted directly
All the rules have never been told to the audience, the most prominent ones are clearly seen. The inmates are not permitted to talk in any other language than the language Tamil.
Broadcast[edit]
Bigg Boss Tamil airs on Star Vijay and Vijay Super from 9:00 to 10:30 p.m. {IST} on weekdays and 8:30 to 10:00 p.m. {IST} on weekends. Every day's episode contains the main events from the previous day. Every weekend episode focuses on an interview of the evicted contestant by the host.
Eviction[edit]
Contestants are nominated every week by their housemates. Viewers cast their vote in favour of the contestants they would like to save from eviction. Each viewer is entitled to 50 votes per day. The contestant with the least number of votes is evicted from the house.
Series Details[edit]
Season
Main host
Slogan
Launch date
Finale date
Days
Cameras
House Mates
Winner
Runner-Up
3rd Place
4th Place
Season 1 Kamal Hasan ஓடவும் முடியாது ஒளியவும் முடியாது 25 June 2017 30 September 2017 98 30 19 Arav Snehan Harish Kalyan Ganesh Venkatraman
Season 2 நல்லவர் யார்? , கெட்டவர் யார்? TBD TBD 99 60 15 TBD TBD TBD TBD
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "Kamal Haasan all set to host Tamil Big Boss". www.thehindu.com.
Jump up ^ "கமல் தொகுத்து வழங்கும், விஜய் டிவியின் 'பிக் பாஸ்'". www.vikatan.com.
Jump up ^ "Bigg Boss Tamil: Kamal Haasan's new reality show and its 15 contestants". Techie Wheels. 2017-06-25. Retrieved 2017-07-10.
Jump up ^ "Vijay TV Bigg Boss Online Voting and Missed Call details; Nomination and Eviction List". Techie Wheels. 2017-07-09. Retrieved 2017-07-10.
External links[edit]
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Representative assembly
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A representative assembly is a political institution in which a number of persons representing the population or privileged orders within the population of a state come together to debate, negotiate with the executive (originally the king or other ruler) and legislate. Examples in English-speaking countries are the United States Congress and the Parliament of the United Kingdom.
Contents
1 History
1.1 The first instance: the councils of León and Galicia
2 State of the art
3 Notes
4 References
5 See also
History[edit]
The classical republics of Greece, Rome and Carthage included citizen assemblies (e.g. the Roman comitia). Popular assemblies (things) also emerged in pre-civilised Germanic and Scandinavian lands (and the modern assemblies in those countries are often named after the originals). However, all of these were direct rather than indirect expressions of democracy, since their members were the people themselves rather than representatives of the people. The idea of an assembly of representatives, a representative assembly, as a political institution of a literate society first appeared in Europe in the Middle Ages, more specifically in the twelfth to fifteenth centuries. Perhaps it was brought into being by rulers determined to avoid being overawed by their powerful warrior barons by appealing to lower ranks of society: lesser landowners, townsmen and clergy. Whatever the explanation for its emergence, it is considered by many to be the most important political innovation of the European Middle Ages.
The idea appeared first in Spain, then in England, France and Italy, then spread to Germany and Scandinavia, even Poland and Hungary. Various names were used for these institutions: in England, Ireland, Scotland, Sicily, the Papal States and the Kingdom of Naples they were called parliaments or parlamenti; in the Iberian peninsula they were called cortes or corts; in France they were called estates-general and in the Low Countries the estates- or states-general; in Germany the term used was landtag; in Denmark and Norway it was rigsdag, in Sweden riksdag, and in Poland sejm.
The number of chambers roughly corresponded to the organised orders or estates of mediaeval society: typically the church, the nobility, and the rest of society. Sometimes however (as in Spain and Portugal) the gentry or lesser nobility formed a separate order; sometimes (as in Sweden) the richer peasantry did likewise. The English parliament, which was to be an important example, was a deviant case in that only two orders were represented: the nobility and the rest.
The representative assembly fell into disuse in many of the more important states of Europe in the seventeenth century. However, it survived in England, Sweden, Poland, Hungary and many of the German statelets, the southern ones particularly. In the eighteenth century, the English parliament was effectively transplanted to the United States, and in the nineteenth century it evolved there in an increasingly democratic direction. The American variant propagated in due course to Latin America, but meanwhile in Europe there was a general revival of the representative assembly based principally on the English model. France revived its Estates General in the wake of its revolution. Later, after the disintegration of the empire of Napoleon Bonaparte, assemblies re-emerged in Sweden, the Netherlands, France and Spain. The British Empire especially at the time of its dismantlement in the twentieth century was instrumental in spreading parliamentary democracy far and wide, and in modern times the immense international influence of the United States has encouraged the spread of representative democracy worldwide.
Where forms of representative democracy have spread to countries that already had a tradition of assemblies, a merger of ideas has often taken place and the traditional name has tended to be used. Examples include majlis in certain Muslim countries, jirga in Afghanistan, duma in Russia. See list of national legislatures for more examples.
The first instance: the councils of León and Galicia[edit]
In Galicia in 1113, Bishop Diego II of Santiago de Compostela ordered a monthly convening of councils in the regions of his bishopric “as it was the custom of our ancestors”, bringing together churchmen, knights ('milites') and peasants to do justice, in what has been interpreted as a continuation of old Celtic or Suevi local traditions.[1] Later, in 1188, King Ferdinand II of León and Galicia called for a general council of his kingdoms to meet in the capital, León, bringing together bishops, nobility and – allegedly for the first time in European history – representatives of the major cities and towns.[2]
State of the art[edit]
In more modern times, the supremacy of the lower chamber became normal, so did the organisation of representatives into competing parties, so did election and an extended franchise, so did the idea that the ministers of the executive should be responsible to it.
For more details on the state of the institution in the modern world, consult the "See also" list below.
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ López Ferreiro, Antonio (1975). Fueros municipales de Santiago y de su tierra. Madrid: Ediciones Castilla. pp. 164–165. ISBN 84-7040-107-6.
Jump up ^ Keane, John (2009). The life and death of democracy (1st American ed.). New York: W.W. Norton & Co. ISBN 978-0-393-05835-2.
References[edit]
Finer, S. E. (1997): The History of Government from the Earliest Times – chapter 8. ISBN 0-19-822904-6 (three-volume set, hardback)
See also[edit]
National Assembly
Deliberative assembly
Legislative Assembly
Legislature
Diet (assembly)
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