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Moral development
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Moral Development focuses on the emergence, change, and understanding of morality from infancy through adulthood. Morality develops across a lifetime and is influenced by an individual's experiences and their behavior when faced with moral issues through different periods' physical and cognitive development. In short, morality concerns an individual's growing sense of what is right and wrong; it is for this reason that young children have different moral judgement and character than that of a grown adult. Morality in itself is often a synonym for "rightness" or "goodness". It refers to a certain code of conduct that is derived from one's culture, religion or personal philosophy that guides one's actions, behaviors and thoughts.
Notions of morality development have been developed over centuries, the earliest came from philosophers like Confucius, Aristotle, and Rousseau, who all took a more humanist perspective and focused on the development of the conscience and sense of virtue. In the modern day, empirical research has explored morality through a moral psychology lens by theorists like Sigmund Freud and its relation to cognitive development by theorists like Jean Piaget, Lawrence Kohlberg, B. F. Skinner, Carol Gilligan and Judith Smetana.
The interest in morality spans many disciplines (e.g., philosophy, economics, biology, and political science) and specializations within psychology (e.g., social, cognitive, and cultural). In order to investigate how individuals understand morality, it is essential to consider their beliefs, emotions, attitudes, and behaviors that contribute to their moral understanding. Additionally, researchers in the field of moral development consider the role of peers and parents in facilitating moral development, the role of conscience and values, socialization and cultural influences, empathy and altruism, and positive development, in order to understand what factors impact morality of an individual more completely.
Contents
1 Historical background and foundational theories
2 Cognition and intentionality
3 Emotions
4 Role of interpersonal, intergroup, and cultural influences
4.1 Moral relativism
4.2 Religion
4.3 In indigenous American communities
4.4 Social exclusion
4.5 Allocation of resources
5 References
6 External links
Historical background and foundational theories[edit]
Confuscious
Freud: Morality and the Superego: The founder of psychoanalysis, Sigmund Freud, proposed the existence of a tension between the needs of society and the individual.[1] According to Freud, moral development proceeds when the individual's selfish desires are repressed and replaced by the values of important socializing agents in one's life (for instance, one's parents).
B.F. Skinner's Behavioral Theory: A proponent of behaviorism, B.F. Skinner similarly focused on socialization as the primary force behind moral development[2]. In contrast to Freud's notion of a struggle between internal and external forces, Skinner focused on the power of external forces (reinforcement contingencies) to shape an individual's development.
Piaget's Theory of Moral Development : While both Freud and Skinner focused on the external forces that bear on morality (parents in the case of Freud, and behavioral contingencies in the case of Skinner), Jean Piaget (1965) focused on the individual's construction, construal, and interpretation of morality from a social-cognitive and social-emotional perspective.[3]To understand adult morality, Piaget believed that it was necessary to study both how morality manifests in the child's world as well as the factors that contribute to the emergence of central moral concepts such as welfare, justice, and rights. Interviewing children using the Clinical Interview Method, Piaget (1965) found that young children were focused on authority mandates, and that with age children become autonomous, evaluating actions from a set of independent principles of morality. Piaget characterizes the development of morality of children through observing children while playing games to see if rules are followed.
Jean Piaget.
Social Domain Theory: Eliot Turiel argued for a social domain approach to social cognition, delineating how individuals differentiate moral (fairness, equality, justice), societal (conventions, group functioning, traditions), and psychological (personal, individual prerogative) concepts from early in development throughout the lifespan[4]. Over the past 40 years, research findings have supported this model, demonstrating how children, adolescents, and adults differentiate moral rules from conventional rules, identify the personal domain as a nonregulated domain, and evaluate multifaceted (or complex) situations that involve more than one domain. This research has been conducted in a wide range of countries (Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, Colombia, Germany, Hong Kong, India, Italy, Japan, Korea, Nigeria, Spain, Switzerland, Turkey, U.K., U.S., Virgin Islands) and with rural and urban children, for low and high income communities, and traditional and modern cultures. Turiel's social domain theory showed that children were actually younger in developing moral standards than past psychologists predicted.
Kohlberg: Moral Reasoning: Lawrence Kohlberg was inspired by the works of Jean Piaget and John Dewey.[5]
For the past 20 years, researchers have expanded the field of moral development, applying moral judgment, reasoning, and emotion attribution to topics such as prejudice, aggression, theory of mind, emotions, empathy, peer relationships, and parent-child interactions. The Handbook of Moral Development (2006), edited by Melanie Killen and Judith Smetana, provides a wide range of information about these topics covered in moral development today.[6]One of the main objectives was to provide a sense of the current state of the field of moral development
Cognition and intentionality[edit]
A hallmark of moral understanding is intentionality which can be defined as an attribution of the target’s intentions towards another.[7] Five components make up people's concept of intentionality: an action is considered intentional if a personal has (a) a desire for an outcome, (b) a belief that the action will lead to the outcome, (c) an intention to perform the action, (d) skill to perform the action, and (e) awareness while performing it.[8] Recent research on children's theory of mind, ToM, has focused on when children understand others' intentions (Wellman & Lui, 2004[9]). The moral concept of one's intentionality develops with experience in the world. Yuill (1984) presented evidence that comprehension of one's intentions plays a role in moral judgment, even in young children.[10] Killen, Mulvey, Richardson, Jampol, and Woodward (2011) present evidence that with developing false belief competence (ToM), children are capable of using information about one’s intentions when making moral judgments about the acceptability of acts and punishments, recognizing that accidental transgressors, who do not hold negative intentions, should not be held accountable for negative outcomes.[11] In this study, children who lacked false belief competence were more likely to attribute blame to an accidental transgressor than children with demonstrated false belief competence. In addition to evidence from a social cognitive perspective, behavioral evidence suggests that even three-year-olds have the capacity to take into account a person's intention and apply this information when responding to situations. Vaish, Carpenter, and Tomasello (2010), for instance, present evidence that three-year-olds are more willing to help a neutral or helpful person than a harmful person.[12] Beyond the ability to identify one’s intentionality, mental state understanding plays a crucial role in identifying victimization. While obvious distress cues (e.g. crying) allow even three year olds to identify victims of harm (Zelazo, Helwig, & Lau, 1996[13]), it is not until around six years of age that children are able to appreciate that a person may be an unwilling victim of harm even in the absence of obvious distress (Shaw & Wainryb, 2006).[14] In their study, Shaw and Wainryb (2006) discovered that children older than six interpret compliance, resistance, and subversion to illegitimate requests (e.g., clean my locker) from the perspective of a victim. That is, they judge that victims who resist illegitimate requests will feel better than victims who comply.
Emotions[edit]
Moral questions tend to be emotionally charged issues which evoke strong affective responses. Consequently, emotions likely play an important role in moral development. However, there is currently little consensus among theorists on how emotions influence moral development. Psychoanalytic theory, founded by Freud, emphasizes the role of guilt in repressing primal drives. Research on prosocial behavior has focused on how emotions motivate individuals to engage in moral or altruistic acts. Social-cognitive development theories have recently begun to examine how emotions influence moral judgments. Intuitionist theorists assert that moral judgments can be reduced to immediate, instinctive emotional responses elicited by moral dilemmas.
Research on socioemotional development and prosocial development has identified several "moral emotions" which are believed to motivate moral behavior and influence moral development (Eisenberg, 2000 for a review).[15] These moral emotions are said to be linked to moral development because they are evidence and reflective of an individual’s set of moral values, which must have undergone through the process of internalization in the first place (Kochanska & Thompson, 1997).[16] The manifestation of these moral emotions can occur at two separate timings: either before or after the execution of a moral or immoral act. A moral emotion that precedes an action is referred to as an anticipatory emotion, and a moral emotion that follows an action is referred to as a consequential emotion (Tangney, Stuewig, & Mashek, 2007).[17] The primary emotions consistently linked with moral development are guilt, shame, empathy, and sympathy. Guilt has been defined as "an agitation-based emotion or painful feeling of regret that is aroused when the actor actually causes, anticipates causing, or is associated with an aversive event" (Fergusen & Stegge, 1998).[18] Shame is often used synonymously with guilt, but implies a more passive and dejected response to a perceived wrong. Guilt and shame are considered "self-conscious" emotions, because they are of primary importance to an individual's self-evaluation. Moreover, there exists a bigger difference between guilt and shame that goes beyond the type of feelings that they may provoke within an individual. This difference lies in the fact that these two moral emotions do not weigh the same in terms of their impact on moral behaviors. Studies on the effects of guilt and shame on moral behaviors has shown that guilt has a larger ability to dissuade an individual from making immoral choices whereas shame did not seem to have any deterring effect on immoral behaviors. However, it should be noted that different types of behaviors in different types of population, under different circumstances might not generate the same outcomes (Tangney, Stuewig, & Mashek, 2007). In contrast to guilt and shame, empathy and sympathy are considered other-oriented moral emotions. Empathy is commonly defined as an affective response produced by the apprehension or comprehension of another's emotional state which mirrors the other's affective state. Similarly, sympathy is defined as an emotional response produced by the apprehension or comprehension of another's emotional state which does not mirror the other's affect, but instead causes one to express concern or sorrow for the other (Eisenberg, 2000).
The relation between moral action and moral emotions has been extensively researched. Very young children have been found to express feelings of care, and empathy towards others, showing concerns for other's well being (Eisenberg, Spinard, & Sadovsky, 2006).[19] Research has consistently demonstrated that when empathy is induced in an individual, he or she is more likely to engage in subsequent prosocial behavior (Batson 1998;[20] Eisenberg, 200 for review). Additionally, other research has examined emotions of shame and guilt in relation to children's empathic and prosocial behavior (Zahn-Waxler & Robinson, 1995).
While emotions serve as information for children in their interpretations about moral consequences of acts, the role of emotions in children's moral judgments has only recently been investigated. Some approaches to studying emotions in moral judgments come from the perspective that emotions are automatic intuitions that define morality (Greene, 2001;[21] Haidt, 2001[22]). Other approaches place emphasis on the role of emotions as evaluative feedback that help children interpret acts and consequences (Turiel & Killen, 2010).[23] Research has shown children attribute different emotional outcomes to actors involved in moral transgressions than those involved in conventional transgressions (Arsenio, 1988,[24] Arsenio & Fleiss, 1996[25]). Emotions may help individuals prioritize among different information and possibilities and reduce information processing demands in order to narrow the scope of the reasoning process (Lemerise & Arsenio, 2000).[26] In addition, Malti, Gummerum, Keller, & Buchmann, (2009) found individual differences in how children attribute emotions to victims and victimizers.[27]
Role of interpersonal, intergroup, and cultural influences[edit]
Children's interactions and experiences with caregivers and peers have been shown to influence their development of moral understanding and behavior[28]Researchers have addressed the influence of interpersonal interactions on children's moral development from two primary perspectives: Socialization/Internalization (Grusec & Goodnow, 1994;[29] Kochanska & Askan, 1995;[30] Kochanska, Askan, & Koenig, 1995[31]) and social domain theory.[32][33][34]
Research from the social domain theory perspective focuses on how children actively distinguish moral from conventional behavior based in part on the responses of parents, teachers, and peers.[35] Social domain suggests that there are different areas of reasoning co-existing in development those include societal (concerns about conventions and grouping), moral (fairness, justice and rights) and psychological (concerns with personal goals and identity).[36] Adults tend to respond to children's moral transgressions (e.g. hitting or stealing) by drawing the child's attention to the effect of his or her action on others, and doing so consistently across various contexts. In contrast, adults are more likely to respond to children's conventional misdeeds (e.g. wearing a hat in the classroom, eating spaghetti with fingers) by reminding children about specific rules and doing so only in certain contexts (e.g. at school but not at home).[37][38] Peers respond mainly to moral but not conventional transgressions and demonstrate emotional distress (e.g. crying or yelling) when they are the victim of moral but unconventional transgressions.[37]
Research from a socialization/internalization perspective focuses on the ways in which adults pass down standards or rules of behavior to children through parenting techniques and why children do or do not internalize those values (Grusec & Goodnow, 1994; Kochanska & Askan, 1995). From this perspective, moral development involves children's increasing compliance with and internalization of adult rules, requests, and standards of behavior. Using these definitions, researchers find that parenting behaviors vary in the extent to which they encourage children's internalization of values, and that these effects depend partially on a child attributes, such as age and temperament (Grusec & Goodnow, 1994). For instance, Kochanska (1997) showed that gentle parental discipline best promotes conscience development in temperamentally fearful children but that parental responsiveness and a mutually responsive parent-child orientation best promote conscience development in temperamentally fearless children.[39] These parental influences exert their effects through multiple pathways, including increasing children's experience of moral emotions (e.g. guilt, empathy) and their self-identification as moral individuals (Kochanska, 2010[40]). Development can be divided up to multiple stages however the first few years of development is usually seen to be formed by 5 years of age. According to Freud's research, relationships between a child and parents early on usually provides the basis forth personality development as well as the formation of morality. [41]
Researchers interested in intergroup attitudes and behavior related to ones moral development have approached the study of stereotypes, prejudice and discrimination in children and adolescents from several theoretical perspectives. Some, however not limited to are of these theoretical frameworks: Cognitive Development Theory (Aboud, 1988);[42] Social Domain Theory (Killen & Rutland, 2011;[43] Killen, Sinno, & Margie, 2007[44]); Social Identity Development Theory (Nesdale, 1999);[45] Developmental Intergroup Theory (Bigler & Liben, 2006);[46] Subjective Group Dynamics (Abrams, Rutland, & Cameron, 2003;[47] Rutland, Killen, & Abrams, 2010[48]); Implicit Theories (Levy, Chiu, & Hong, 2006)[49] and Intergroup-contact Theory (Pettigrew & Tropp, 2008).[50] The plethora of research approaches is not surprising given the multitude of variables, (e.g. group identity, group status, group threat, group norms, intergroup contact, individual beliefs and context) that need to be considered when assessing children's intergroup attitudes. While most of this research has investigated two-dimensional relationships between each of the three components: stereotypes, prejudice and discrimination (e.g., role of stereotypes in intergroup prejudice, use of stereotypes to reason about intergroup discrimination, how prejudices manifest into discrimination), very few have addressed all three aspects of intergroup attitudes and behaviors together (McKown, 2004).[51]
In developmental intergroup research, stereotypes are defined as judgments made about an individual's attributes based on group membership (Killen, Margie, & Sinno, 2006;[52] Killen et al., 2007). These judgments are more complex than regular judgments as they require one to recognize and understand (eg. gender, race, religion, culture, nationality, ethnicity) which group one individual belongs to as they might be treated differently delliberately because of the group they are associated with.[6] Social psychologists focus on stereotypes as a cognitive component influencing intergroup behaviors and tend to define them as being fixed concepts associated with a category (Allport, 1954).[53] Prejudice, on the other hand is defined in terms of negative attitudes or affective expressions toward a whole group or members of a group (Stangor, 2009).[54] Negative stereotypes and prejudices can manifest into discrimination towards an outgroup and for children and adolescents, this may come in the form of exclusion from peer groups as well as the wider community (Killen & Rutland, 2011). Such actions can negatively impact a child in the long term in the sense of weakening ones confidence, self esteem as well personal identity.
One explicit manner in which societies can socialize individuals is through moral education. Solomon and colleagues (1988) present evidence from a study that integrated both direct instruction and guided reflection approaches to moral development, with evidence for resultant increases in spontaneous prosocial behavior.[55]
Culture can also be a key contributor toward differences in morality within society.[56] Prosocial behavior, which is behavior that benefits others, is much more likely in societies with strong social goals rather than societies which emphasize the individual. For example, children being raised in China eventually adopt the collective communist ideals of their society. In fact, children learn to lie and deny responsibility for accomplishing something good instead of seeking recognition for their actions.[56] Early indications of prosocial behavior include the sharing of toys and comforting distressed friends, and these characteristics can be seen in an individual’s behavior as young as infancy and toddlerhood. Starting in preschool, sharing, helping, and other prosocial behaviors become more common, particularly in females, although the gender differences in prosocial behavior are not evident in all social contexts.[56]
Moral relativism[edit]
Moral relativism, also called “cultural relativism,” suggests that morality is relative to each culture. One cannot rightly pass moral judgement on members of other cultures except by their own cultural standards when actions violate a moral principle, which may differ from one’s own. Shweder, Mahapatra, and Miller (1987) argued for the notion that different cultures defined the boundaries of morality differently.[57] The term is also different from moral subjectivism which refers to the view that moral truth is relative to the individual. Moral relativism can be identified as a form of moral skepticism and is often misidentified as moral pluralism. It opposes to the attitude of moral superiority and ethnocentrism found in moral absolutism and the views of moral universalism. Turiel and Perkins (2004) argued for the universality of morality, focusing largely on evidence throughout history of resistance movements that fight for justice through the affirmation of individual self-determination rights.[58]Miller (2006) proposes that there is cultural variability in the priority given to moral considerations (e.g., the importance of prosocial helping).[59] rather than variability in what individuals consider moral (fairness, justice, rights). Wainryb (2006), in contrast, demonstrates that children in diverse cultures such as the U.S., India, China, Turkey, and Brazil share a pervasive view about upholding fairness and the wrongfulness of inflicting armong others.[60] Cultures vary in terms of conventions and customs, but not principles of fairness, which appear to emerge very early in development, prior to socialization influences. Wainryb (1991; 1993) shows that many apparent cultural differences in moral judgments are actually due to different informational assumptions, or beliefs about the way the world works.[61][62] When people hold different beliefs about the effects of actions or the status of different groups of people, their judgments about the harmfulness or fairness of behaviors often differ, even when they are applying the same moral principles.
Religion[edit]
The role of religion in a culture may influence a child's moral development and sense of moral identity. Values are transmitted through religion, which is for many inextricably linked to a cultural identity. Religious development often goes along with moral development of the children as it shapes the child's concepts of right and wrong. Intrinsic aspects of religion may have a positive impact on the internalization and the symbolism of moral identity. The child may internalize the parents' morals if a religion is a family activity or the religious social group's morals to which the child belongs. Religious development mirrors the cognitive and moral developmental stages of the children. Nucci and Turiel (1993), on the other hand, proposed that the development of morality is distinct from the understanding of religious rules when assessing individuals' reactions to whether moral and nonmoral religious rules was contingent to God's word and whether a harmful act could be justified as morally right based on God's commands.[63] Children form their own understanding of how they see the world, themselves or others and are able to understand that not all religious rules are applied to morality, social structures or different religions.
In indigenous American communities[edit]
In Indigenous American communities, morality is taught to children through storytelling. It provides children guidelines for understanding the core values of their community, the significance of life and ideologies of moral character from past generations. [64] Storytelling shapes the minds of young children in these communities as well as forms the dominant means for understanding and the basic foundation for learning and teaching.
Storytelling in everyday life is used as an indirect form of teaching. Stories embedded with lessons of morals, ideals, and ethics are told alongside daily household chores. Most children in Indigenous American communities develop a sense of keen attention to the details of a story with the goal of learning from them, and to understand why people do the things they do.[65] The understanding gained from a child's observation of morality and ethics taught through storytelling allows them to participate within their community appropriately.
Specific animals are used as characters to symbolize specific values and views of the culture in the storytelling where listeners are taught through the actions of these characters. In the Lakota tribe, coyotes are often viewed as a trickster character, demonstrating negative behaviors like greed, recklessness, and arrogance [64] while bears and foxes are usually viewed as wise, noble, and morally upright characters from which children learn to model .[66] In the stories, trickster characters often get into troubles, thus teaching children to avoid exhibiting similar negative behaviors. The reuse of characters calls for a more predictable outcome that children can more easily understand.
Social exclusion[edit]
Intergroup exclusion context provides an appropriate platform to investigate the interplay of these three dimensions of intergroup attitudes and behaviors, prejudice, stereotypes and discrimination. Developmental scientists working from a Social Domain Theory (SDT: Killen et al., 2006; Smetana, 2006) perspective have focused on methods that measure children's reasoning about exclusion scenarios. This approach has been helpful in distinguishing which concerns children attend to when presented with a situation in which exclusion occurs. Exclusion from a peer group could raise concerns about moral issues (e.g. fairness and empathy towards excluded), social-conventional issues (e.g., traditions and social norms set by institutions and groups) and personal issues (e.g., autonomy, individual preferences related to friendships), and these can coexist depending on the context in which the exclusion occurs. In intergroup as well as intragroup contexts, children need to draw on knowledge and attitudes related to their own social identities, other social categories, the social norms associated with these categories as well as moral principals about the welfare of the excluded, and fair treatment, to make judgments about social exclusion. The importance of morality arises when the evaluation process of social exclusion requires one to deal with not only the predisposed tendencies of discrimination, prejudice, stereotypes and bias but also the internal judgments about justice equality and individual rights, which may prove to be a very complex task since it often evokes conflicts and dilemmas coming from the fact that the components of the first often challenge the components of the latter (Killen, Lee-Kim, McGlothlin, & Stangor, 2002).[67]
Findings from a Social Domain Theory perspective show that children are sensitive to the context of exclusion and pay attention to different variables when judging or evaluating exclusion. These variables include, social categories, the stereotypes associated with them, children's qualifications as defined by prior experience with an activity, personality and behavioral traits that might be disruptive for group functioning and conformity to conventions as defined by group identity or social consensus. In the absence of information, stereotypes can be used to justify exclusion of a member of an out-group (Horn 2003,[68] Killen and Stangor, 2001[69]). One's personality traits and whether he or she conforms to socially accepted behaviors related to identity also provide further criteria for social acceptance and inclusion by peers (Killen, Crystal, & Watanabe, 2002;[70] Park, Killen, Crystal, & Watanabe, 2003[71]). Also, research has documented the presence of a transition occurring at the reasoning level behind the criteria of inclusion and exclusion from childhood to adolescence (Horn, 2003). As children get older, they become more attuned to issues of group functioning and conventions and weigh them in congruence with issues of fairness and morality (Killen & Stangor, 2001)
Allocation of resources[edit]
Resource allocation is a critical part of the decision making process for individuals in positions of public responsibility and authority (e.g., health care providers).[72] When resources become scarce, such as in rural communities experiencing situations when there is not enough food to feed everyone, authorities in position to make decisions that affect this community can create conflicts on various levels (e.g., personally, financially, socially, etc.).[73] The moral conflict that arise from these decisions can be divided into a focus of conflict and a locus of moral conflict. The locus, or the place where conflict occurs, can develop from multiple sources which include “any combination of personal, professional, organizational, and community values.[74] The focus of conflict occurs from competing values held by stakeholders and financial investors. As K. C. Calman (1994) stated in regards to the reallocation of resources in a medical setting, resources must be thought of not only as money, but also in the form of skills, time, and faculties.[75]
The healthcare system has many examples where morality and resource allocation has ongoing conflicts. Concerns of morality arise when the initiation, continuation, and withdrawal of intensive care affects a patients well being due to medical decision making.[76] Sox, Higgins, & Owens (2013) offer guidelines and questions for medical practitioners to consider, such as: “How should I interpret new diagnostic information? How do I select the appropriate diagnostic test? How do I choose among several risky treatments?” [77] Withholding and withdrawing life-sustaining treatment, in the United States, has had a moral consensus that there are no differences between these two therapies. However, even though a political decision offers support for medical practitioner's decision making, there continues to be difficulty withdrawing life-sustaining treatments.[76]
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Jump up ^ Turiel, E (2007). "The Development of Morality". In W. Damon, R. M. Lerner and N. Eisenberg. Handbook of Child Psychology. 3 (6th ed.). doi:10.1002/9780470147658.chpsy0313. ISBN 9780471272878. CS1 maint: Uses editors parameter (link)
^ Jump up to: a b Smetana, J. G. (1984). Toddlers' social interactions regarding moral and conventional transgressions. Child Development, 55, 1767-1776.
Jump up ^ Smetana, J. G. (1985). Preschool children's conceptions of transgressions: Effects of varying moral and conventional domain-related attributes. Developmental Psychology, 21, 18-29.
Jump up ^ Kochanska, G. (1997). Multiple pathways to conscience for children with different temperaments: From toddlerhood to age 5. Developmental Psychology, 33, 228-240.
Jump up ^ Kochanska, G., Koenig, J. L., Barry, R. A., Kim, S., & Yoon, J. E. (2010). Children's conscience during toddler and preschool years, moral self, and a competent, adaptive developmental trajectory. Developmental Psychology, 46, 1320-1332
Jump up ^ Freud, S (1930–1961). Civilization and its Discontents. New York, NY: W. W. Norton. CS1 maint: Date format (link)
Jump up ^ Aboud, F. E. (1988). Children and prejudice. Oxford, England: Blackwell.
Jump up ^ Killen, M., & Rutland, A. (2011). Children and social exclusion: Morality, prejudice, and group identity. NY: Wiley/Blackwell Publishers.
Jump up ^ Killen, M., Sinno, S., & Margie, N. G. (2007). Children's experiences and judgments about group exclusion and inclusion. In R. V. Kail (Ed.), Advances in child development and behavior (pp. 173-218). New York: Elseveir.
Jump up ^ Nesdale, D. (1999). Developmental changes in children's ethnic preferences and social cognition. Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology, 20, 501-519
Jump up ^ Bigler, R. S., & Liben, L. (2006). A developmental intergroup theory of social stereotypes and prejudice. In R. Kail (Ed.), Advances in child psychology (pp. 39-90). New York: Elsevier
Jump up ^ Abrams, D., Rutland, A., Cameron, L., & Marques, J. (2003). The development of subjective group dynamics: When in-group bias gets specific. British Journal of Developmental Psychology, 21, 155-176
Jump up ^ Rutland, A., Killen, M., & Abrams, D. (2010). A new social-cognitive developmental perspective on prejudice: The interplay between morality and group identity. Perspectives on Psychological Science, 5, 280-291.
Jump up ^ Levy, S. R., Chiu, C. Y., & Hong, Y. Y. (2006). Lay theories and intergroup relations. Group Processes and Intergroup Relations., 9, 5-24
Jump up ^ Pettigrew, T. F., & Tropp, L. R. (2008). How does intergroup contact reduce prejudice? Meta-analytic tests of three mediators. European Journal of Social Psychology, 38, 922-934. doi:10.1002/ejsp.504
Jump up ^ McKown, C. (2004). Age and ethnic variation in children's thinking about the nature of racism. Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology, 25, 597-617. doi:10.1016/j.appdev.2004.08.001
Jump up ^ Killen, M., Margie, N. G., & Sinno, S. (2006). Morality in the context of intergroup relationships. In M. Killen & J. G. Smetana (Eds.), Handbook of moral development (pp. 155-183). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
Jump up ^ Allport, G. W. (1954). The nature of prejudice. Reading, MA: Addison Wesley.
Jump up ^ Stangor, C. (2009). The study of stereotyping, prejudice, and discrimination within social psychology: A quick history of theory and research. In T. D. Nelson (Ed.), Handbook of prejudice, stereotyping, and discrimination. (pp. 1-22). New York, NY US: Psychology Press.
Jump up ^ Solomon, D., Watson, M. S., Delucchi, K. L., Schaps, E., & Battistich, V. (1988). Enhancing children's prosocial behavior in the classroom. American Educational Research Journal, 25, 527-554.
^ Jump up to: a b c Shaffer, David R. (2009). Social and personality development (6th ed.). Australia: Wadsworth/Cengage Learning. p. 357. ISBN 978-0-495-60038-1.
Jump up ^ Shweder, R. A., Mahapatra, M., & Miller, J. G. (1987). Culture and moral development In J. Kagan & S. Lamb (Eds.), The emergence of morality in young children. (pp.1-83). Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
Jump up ^ Turiel, E. & Perkins, S. A. (2004). Flexibilities of mind: Conflict and culture. Human Development, 47, 158-178.
Jump up ^ Miller, J. G. (2006). Insights into moral development from cultural psychology. In M. Killen & J. G. Smetana (Eds.), Handbook of moral development (pp. 375-398). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
Jump up ^ Wainryb, C. (2006). Moral development in culture: Diversity, tolerance, and justice. In M. Killen & J.G. Smetana (Eds.), Handbook of Moral Development (pp. 211-242). NY: Wiley.
Jump up ^ Wainryb, C. (1991). Understanding differences in moral judgments: The role of informational assumptions. Child Development, 62, 840-851.
Jump up ^ Wainryb, C. (1993). The application of moral judgments to other cultures: Relativism and universality. Child Development, 64, 924-933.
Jump up ^ Nucci, L. P., & Turiel, E. (1993). God's word, religious rules and their relation to Christian and Jewish children's concepts of morality. Child Development, 64, 1485-1491.
^ Jump up to: a b Howard, Scott J. (1999). "Contemporary American Indian storytelling: An outsider's perspective". American Indian Quarterly. 23: 45–53. doi:10.2307/1185925. JSTOR 1185925.
Jump up ^ Gaskins, Suzanne. "Open Attention as a Cultural Tool for Observational Learning" (PDF). University of Notre Dame. Retrieved March 2013. Check date values in: |accessdate= (help)
Jump up ^ http://www.native-languages.org/legends.htm. Missing or empty |title= (help)
Jump up ^ Killen, Melanie; Lee-Kim, Jennie; McGlothlin, Heidi; Stangor, Charles; Helwig, Charles C. (2002). "How Children and Adolescents Evaluate Gender and Racial Exclusion". Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development. 67 (4): i–129. JSTOR 3181568.
Jump up ^ Horn, S. S. (2003). Adolescents' reasoning about exclusion from social groups. Developmental Psychology, 39, 71-84
Jump up ^ Killen, M., & Stangor, C. (2001). Children's social reasoning about inclusion and exclusion in gender and race peer group contexts. Child Development, 72, 174-186
Jump up ^ Killen, M., Crystal, D. S., & Watanabe, H. (2002). The individual and the group: Japanese and American children's evaluations of peer exclusion, tolerance of difference, and prescriptions for conformity. Child Development, 73, 1788-1802
Jump up ^ Park, Y., Killen, M., Crystal, D., & Watanabe, H. (2003). Korean, Japanese, and American children's evaluations of peer exclusion: Evidence for diversity. International Journal of Behavioral Development, 27, 555-565
Jump up ^ Calman, K C (1 June 1994). "The ethics of allocation of scarce health care resources: a view from the centre". Journal of Medical Ethics. 20 (2): 71–4. doi:10.1136/jme.20.2.71. PMC 1376429  . PMID 8083876.
Jump up ^ Gardent, Paul B.,; Reeves, Susan A.,. "Ethic Conflicts in Rural Communities" (PDF). Dartmouth College Press.
Jump up ^ Gardent, Paul B.,; Reeves, Susan A.,. "Ethic Conflicts in Rural Communities" (PDF). Dartmouth College Press.
Jump up ^ Calman, K C (1 June 1994). "The ethics of allocation of scarce health care resources: a view from the centre". Journal of Medical Ethics. 20 (2): 72–73. doi:10.1136/jme.20.2.71. PMC 1376429  .
^ Jump up to: a b Bone, Roger C.; Rackow, Eric C.; Weg, John G.; Butler, Peter; Carton, Robert W.; Elpern, Ellen; Franklin, Cory; Goldman, Edward B.; Gracey, Douglas D.; Hiss, Roland G.; Knaus, William A.; Lefrak, Stephen S.; McCartney, Rev. James J.; O'Connell, Laurence J.; Pellegrino, Edmund D.; Raffin, Thomas A.; Rosen, Robert; Rosenow, Edward C.; Siegler, Mark; Sprung, Charles L.; Tendier, Rabbi Moses D.; Thomas, Alvin V; Voux, Kenneth L.; Wiet, Mitchell (April 1990). "Ethical and Moral Guidelines for the Initiation, Continuation, and Withdrawal of Intensive Care". Chest. 97 (4): 949–958. doi:10.1378/chest.97.4.949.
Jump up ^ Owens, Harold C. Sox, Michael C. Higgins, Douglas K. (2013). Medical decision making (2nd ed.). Chichester, West Sussex, UK: Wiley Blackwell. pp. 1–3. ISBN 978-0-470-65866-6.
External links[edit]
Library resources about
Moral development
Resources in your library
Resources in other libraries
Moral Development article in the Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy
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text:
List of Batman television series cast members
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Batman, a fictional superhero appearing in publications by DC Comics, has appeared in numerous filmed works, with a variety of casts. The list below presents the casts of the television series in which Batman was the eponymous starring character.
Television series[edit]
Character
Series (all except Batman (1966–1968) and Gotham are animated)
Batman
(1966–1968)
The Adventures of Batman and Robin the Boy Wonder
(1968–1969)
The New Adventures of Batman
(1977–1978)
Batman: The Animated Series
(1992–1995)
The New Batman Adventures
(1997–1999)
Batman Beyond
(1999–2001)
The Batman
(2004–2008)
Batman: The Brave and the Bold
(2008–2011)
Beware the Batman
(2013–2014)
Gotham
(2015–present)
CAST
Bruce Wayne
Batman
Adam West Olan Soule Adam West Kevin Conroy Rino Romano Diedrich Bader
Zachary Gordon (young)
Mikey Kelley (pre-teen)
Dee Bradley Baker (infant) Anthony Ruivivar David Mazouz
Terry McGinnis
Batman
Will Friedle
Alfred Pennyworth
Alan Napier Olan Soule Clive Revill
Efrem Zimbalist, Jr. Alastair Duncan James Garrett JB Blanc Sean Pertwee
Commissioner James Gordon
Neil Hamilton Ted Knight Lennie Weinrib Bob Hastings Mitch Pileggi Kurtwood Smith Ben McKenzie
Dick Grayson
Robin
Nightwing
Burt Ward Casey Kasem Burt Ward Brianne Siddall Evan Sabara Jeremy Shada
Grey DeLisle
Jason Marsden
Loren Lester Jerry O'Connell Crawford Wilson
Tim Drake
Robin
Mathew Valencia
Carrie Kelly
Robin
Anndi McAfee
Barbara Gordon
Batgirl
Yvonne Craig Jane Webb Melendy Britt Melissa Gilbert
Tara Strong Stockard Channing Danielle Judovits Mae Whitman Tara Strong
Katana
Vyvan Pham
Kim Mai Guest Sumalee Montano
The Joker
Cesar Romero Larry Storch Lennie Weinrib Mark Hamill
Michael McKean Kevin Michael Richardson Jeff Bennett
Corey Burton Cameron Monaghan
The Penguin
Burgess Meredith Ted Knight Lennie Weinrib Paul Williams Tom Kenny Stephen Root
Jeff Bennett Robin Lord Taylor
The Riddler
Frank Gorshin
John Astin Ted Knight John Glover Robert Englund John Michael Higgins Cory Michael Smith
Two-Face
Richard Moll James Remar
Richard Moll Nicholas D'Agosto
Catwoman
Julie Newmar
Eartha Kitt Jane Webb Melendy Britt Adrienne Barbeau Gina Gershon Nika Futterman Camren Bicondova
Mr. Freeze
George Sanders
Otto Preminger
Eli Wallach Lennie Weinrib Michael Ansara Clancy Brown John Di Maggio Nathan Darrow
Ra's al Ghul
David Warner Peter Woodward Lance Reddick Alexander Siddig
Clock King
Walter Slezak Alan Rachins Dee Bradley Baker
Scarecrow
Henry Polic II Dee Bradley Baker Charlie Tahan
Mad Hatter
David Wayne Roddy McDowall Benedict Samuel
False Face
Malachi Throne Townsend Coleman Corey Burton
Harley Quinn
Arleen Sorkin Hynden Walch Meghan Strange Meggie Vilcina
Man-Bat
Marc Singer Peter MacNicol
Killer Moth
Jeff Bennett Corey Burton
Killer Croc
Aron Kincaid Ron Perlman Stephen Root
Poison Ivy
Diane Pershing Piera Coppola Jennifer Hale Clare Foley
Maggie Geha
Peyton List
Scarface / The Ventriloquist
George Dzundza Dan Castellaneta
Bane
Henry Silva Joaquim de Almeida
Ron Perlman
Clancy Brown Michael Dorn
Firefly
Mark Rolston Jason Marsden Michelle Veintimilla
Camila Perez
Dr. Hugo Strange
Ray Buktenica Frank Gorshin
Richard Green B. D. Wong
Rupert Thorne
John Vernon Victor Brandt
Tony Zucco
Thomas F. Wilson Mark Hamill
Fox
Bill Mumy David Faustino Phil Morris
Shark
Peter Scolari Googy Gress
Vulture
David Jolliffe Grey DeLisle Edoardo Ballerini
Count Vertigo
Michael York Greg Ellis
Spellbinder
Jon Cypher Michael Massee
Blockbuster
Kevin Michael Richardson Gary Anthony Williams
Black Mask
James Remar John Di Maggio Todd Stashwick
Thomas Wayne
Kevin Conroy Corey Burton
Greg Ellis
Adam West Grayson McCouch
Martha Wayne
Adrienne Barbeau Pat Musick
Julie Newmar Brette Taylor
Chief O'Hara
Stafford Repp
Harvey Bullock
Robert Costanzo Donal Logue
Renee Montoya
Ingrid Oliu
Liane Schirmer Victoria Cartagena
Aunt Harriet Cooper
Madge Blake
Lucius Fox
Brock Peters
Mel Winkler Louis Gossett, Jr. Chris Chalk
Green Arrow
Chris Hardwick James Arnold Taylor
Hal Jordan
Green Lantern
Dermot Mulroney Loren Lester
Zatanna
Julie Brown Jennifer Hale
Hawkman
Robert Patrick William Katt
Rex Mason
Metamorpho
Scott Menville Adam Baldwin
Sinestro
Miguel Ferrer Xander Berkeley
Solomon Grundy
Kevin Grevioux Diedrich Bader Drew Powell
Jason Blood
Etrigan
Billy Zane Dee Bradley Baker
Jonah Hex
Bill McKinney Phil Morris
Summer Gleeson
Mari Devon
Mayor Hamilton Hill
Lloyd Bochner
Dr. Leslie Thompkins
Diana Muldaur Morena Baccarin
Bat-Mite
Lou Scheimer Paul Reubens
Ace the Bat-Hound
Frank Welker Dee Bradley Baker
Dana Tan
Lauren Tom
Mrs. Mary McGinnis
Teri Garr
Delia & Deidre Dennis
Melissa Joan Hart
References[edit]
[hide]
v
t
e
Batman franchise media
Live-action television
Batman
episodes
Legends of the Superheroes
OnStar commercials
Birds of Prey
Return to the Batcave: The Misadventures of Adam and Burt
Gotham
episodes
season 3
4
characters
Live-action
serials and films
Batman (1943)
Batman and Robin
Batman (1966)
1989–97 film series
Batman (1989)
Batman Returns
Batman Forever
Batman & Robin
The Dark Knight Trilogy
Batman Begins
The Dark Knight
The Dark Knight Rises
DC Extended Universe
Batman v Superman: Dawn of Justice
Justice League
Animated television
Featuring Batman
The Adventures of Batman
The Batman/Superman Hour
The Batman/Tarzan Adventure Hour
The New Adventures of Batman
Batman: The Animated Series
episodes
The New Batman Adventures
episodes
Batman Beyond
episodes
The Batman
episodes
Batman: The Brave and the Bold
episodes
Beware the Batman
episodes
With other heroes
Super Friends
episodes
Justice League
episodes
Justice League Unlimited
episodes
Young Justice
episodes
Justice League Action
episodes
Animated films
Featuring Batman
Mask of the Phantasm
SubZero
Return of the Joker
Mystery of the Batwoman
The Batman vs. Dracula
Gotham Knight
Under the Red Hood
Year One
The Dark Knight Returns
DC Super Heroes Unite
Son of Batman
Assault on Arkham
Batman vs. Robin
Bad Blood
The Killing Joke
Return of the Caped Crusaders
The Lego Batman Movie
Batman and Harley Quinn
Batman vs. Two-Face
Scooby-Doo! & Batman: The Brave and the Bold
Gotham by Gaslight
Batman Ninja
With Justice League
Justice League: The New Frontier
Superman/Batman: Public Enemies
Justice League: Crisis on Two Earths
Superman/Batman: Apocalypse
Justice League: Doom
Justice League: The Flashpoint Paradox
JLA Adventures: Trapped in Time
Justice League: War
The Lego Movie
Justice League: Throne of Atlantis
Batman Unlimited: Animal Instincts
Justice League: Gods and Monsters
Batman Unlimited: Monster Mayhem
Justice League vs. Teen Titans
Batman Unlimited: Mechs vs. Mutants
With Justice League Dark
Justice League Dark
Animated shorts
Chase Me
Strange Days
Novels
Dead White
Fear Itself
Inferno
The Ultimate Evil
Enemies & Allies
Wayne of Gotham
Enemies in other media
Joker
Bane
Catwoman
Other characters in other media
Robin
Barbara Gordon
Related topics
Batman & Bill
Bruce Wayne (unproduced series)
Batkid Begins
Batman action figures
Lego Batman
Batman Total Justice
Bat phone
Bat-Manga!: The Secret History of Batman in Japan
List of Batman films cast members
List of Batman television series cast members
List of Batman video games
List of Batman children's books
Batman music
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=List_of_Batman_television_series_cast_members&oldid=814914897"
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Independent agencies of the United States government
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Independent agencies of the United States federal government are those agencies that exist outside the federal executive departments (those headed by a Cabinet secretary) and the Executive Office of the President.[1] In a more narrow sense, the term may also be used to describe agencies that, while constitutionally part of the executive branch, are independent of presidential control, usually because the president's power to dismiss the agency head or a member is limited.
Established through separate statutes passed by the Congress, each respective statutory grant of authority defines the goals the agency must work towards, as well as what substantive areas, if any, over which it may have the power of rulemaking. These agency rules (or regulations), when in force, have the power of federal law.
Contents
1 Functional characteristics
1.1 Regulatory agencies
2 Examples of agencies
2.1 Former agencies
3 See also
4 Footnotes
5 External links
Functional characteristics[edit]
This section may be confusing or unclear to readers. Please help us clarify the section. There might be a discussion about this on the talk page. (October 2016) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
Independent agencies can be distinguished from the federal executive departments and other executive agencies by their structural and functional characteristics.[2] Congress can also designate certain agencies explicitly as "independent" in the governing statute, but the functional differences have more legal significance.[3]
While most executive agencies have a single director, administrator, or secretary appointed by the President of the United States, independent agencies (in the narrower sense of being outside presidential control) almost always have a commission, board, or similar collegial body consisting of five to seven members who share power over the agency.[2] (This is why many independent agencies include the word "Commission" or "Board" in their name.) The president appoints the commissioners or board members, subject to Senate confirmation, but they often serve terms that are staggered and longer than a four-year presidential term,[4] meaning that most presidents will not have the opportunity to appoint all the commissioners of a given independent agency. The president can normally designate which commissioner will serve as the chairperson.[4] Normally there are statutory provisions limiting the president's authority to remove commissioners, typically for incapacity, neglect of duty, malfeasance, or other good cause.[5] In addition, most independent agencies have a statutory requirement of bipartisan membership on the commission, so the president cannot simply fill vacancies with members of his own political party.[4]
In reality, the high turnover rate among these commissioners or board members means that most presidents have the opportunity to fill enough vacancies to constitute a voting majority on each independent agency commission within the first two years of the first term as president.[6] In some famous instances, presidents have found the independent agencies more loyal and in lockstep with the president's wishes and policy objectives than some dissenters among the executive agency political appointments.[7] Presidential attempts to remove independent agency officials have generated most of the important Supreme Court legal opinions in this area.[4] Presidents normally do have the authority to remove heads of independent agencies, but they must meet the statutory requirements for removal, such as demonstrating that the individual has committed malfeasance. In contrast, the president can remove regular executive agency heads at will.
If the independent agency exercises any executive powers like enforcement, and most of them do, Congress cannot participate in the regular removal process of commissioners.[8] Constitutionally, Congress can only participate directly in impeachment proceedings. Congress can, however, pass statutes limiting the circumstances under which the president can remove commissioners of independent agencies.[9] Members of Congress cannot serve as commissioners on independent agencies that have executive powers,[10] nor can Congress itself appoint the commissioners – the Appointments Clause of the Constitution vests that power in the president.[11] The Senate does participate, however, in appointments through "advice and consent", which occurs through confirmation hearings and votes on the president's nominees.
Regulatory agencies[edit]
There is a further distinction between an independent agency and an independent regulatory agency. The Paperwork Reduction Act lists 19 enumerated "independent regulatory agencies". Generally, the heads of independent regulatory agencies can only be removed for cause, whereas Cabinet members and heads of executive agencies, such as the Environmental Protection Agency, serve "at the pleasure of the president".[12] Executive Order 12866, which requires cost-benefit analysis for certain regulatory actions, does not apply to independent regulatory agencies.[12]
Examples of agencies[edit]
The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) gathers foreign intelligence and provides national security assessments to policymakers in the United States. It acts as the primary human intelligence provider for the federal government.
The Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CFTC) regulates commodity futures and option markets in the United States. The agency protects market participants against manipulation, abusive trade practices, and fraud. Through oversight and regulation, the CFTC enables the markets to serve better their important functions in the US economy, providing a mechanism for price discovery and a means of offsetting price risk.
The Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB) is responsible for consumer protection in the financial sector. Its jurisdiction includes banks, credit unions, securities firms, payday lenders, mortgage-servicing operations, foreclosure relief services, debt collectors, other financial companies in the United States.
The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) works with state and local governments throughout the United States to control and abate environmental pollution and to address problems related to solid waste, pesticides, radiation, and toxic substances. The EPA sets and enforces standards for air, soil and water quality, evaluates the impact of pesticides and chemical substances, and manages the Superfund program for cleaning toxic waste sites.
The Federal Communications Commission (FCC) is charged with regulating interstate and international communications by radio, television, wire, satellite, and cable. It licenses radio and television broadcast stations, assigns radio frequencies, and enforces regulations designed to ensure that cable rates are reasonable. The FCC regulates common carriers, such as telephone and telegraph companies, as well as wireless telecommunications service providers.
The Federal Election Commission (FEC) oversees campaign financing for all federal elections. The Commission oversees election rules as well as reporting of campaign contributions by the candidates.
The Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) is the United States federal agency with jurisdiction over interstate electricity sales, wholesale electric rates, hydroelectric licensing, natural gas pricing, and oil pipeline rates. FERC also reviews and authorizes liquefied natural gas (LNG) terminals, interstate natural gas pipelines, and non-federal hydropower projects.
The Federal Maritime Commission (FMC) regulates the international ocean transportation of the United States. It is charged with ensuring a competitive and efficient ocean transportation system.[13]
The Federal Reserve Board of Governors is the governing body of the Federal Reserve System (often called "the Fed"),[14] the central bank of the United States. It conducts the nation's monetary policy by influencing the volume of credit and money in circulation. The Federal Reserve regulates private banking institutions, works to contain systemic risk in financial markets, and provides certain financial services to the federal government, the public, and financial institutions.
The Federal Retirement Thrift Investment Board (FRTIB) is one of the smaller Executive Branch agencies, with just over 100 employees. It was established to administer the Thrift Savings Plan (TSP), which provides federal employees the opportunity to save for additional retirement security. The Thrift Savings Plan is a tax-deferred defined contribution plan similar to a private sector 401(k) plan.
The Federal Trade Commission (FTC) enforces federal antitrust and consumer protection laws by investigating complaints against individual companies initiated by consumers, businesses, congressional inquiries, or reports in the media. The commission seeks to ensure that the nation's markets function competitively by eliminating unfair or deceptive practices.
The General Services Administration (GSA) is responsible for the purchase, supply, operation, and maintenance of federal property, buildings, and equipment, and for the sale of surplus items. GSA also manages the federal motor vehicle fleet and oversees telecommuting centers and civilian child care centers.
The International Trade Commission (ITC) provides trade expertise to both the legislative and executive branches of the federal government, determines the impact of imports on US industries, and directs actions against certain unfair trade practices, such as patent, trademark, and copyright infringement.
The National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) preserves the nation's history by overseeing the management of all federal records. The holdings of the National Archives include original textual materials, motion picture films, sound and video recordings, maps, still pictures, and computer data. The Declaration of Independence, the US Constitution, and the Bill of Rights are preserved and displayed at the National Archives building in Washington, D.C.
The National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) is the federal government's space agency. It is responsible for the civilian space program as well as aeronautics and aerospace research.
The National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) administers the principal United States labor law, the National Labor Relations Act. The board is vested with the power to prevent or remedy unfair labor practices and to safeguard employees' rights to organize and determine through elections whether to have a union as their bargaining representative.
The National Transportation Safety Board (NTSB) is responsible for civil transportation accident investigation in the US.[15] The NTSB investigates and reports on aviation accidents and incidents, certain types of highway crashes, ship and marine accidents, pipeline incidents, and railroad accidents.[16]
The Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC) was established by the Energy Reorganization Act of 1974 from the United States Atomic Energy Commission, and opened January 19, 1975. The NRC oversees reactor safety and security, reactor licensing and renewal, radioactive material safety, and spent fuel management (storage, security, recycling, and disposal).
The National Science Foundation (NSF) supports fundamental research and education in all the non-medical fields of science and engineering.
The Postal Regulatory Commission (PRC) was created in 1971 as the Postal Rate Commission and strengthened under the Postal Accountability and Enhancement Act enacted in December 2006. Provides regulatory oversight over the activities of the United States Postal Service.
The Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) was established to protect investors who buy stocks and bonds. Federal laws require companies that plan to raise money by selling their own securities to file reports about their operations with the SEC, so that investors have access to all material information. The commission has powers to prevent or punish fraud in the sale of securities and is authorized to regulate stock exchanges.
The Selective Service System (SSS) is an independent federal agency operating with permanent authorization under the Military Selective Service Act. It is not part of the Department of Defense; however, it exists to serve the emergency manpower needs of the military by conscripting untrained men, or personnel with professional health care skills, if directed by Congress and the President. Its statutory missions also include being ready to administer an alternative service program, in lieu of military service for men classified as conscientious objectors.
The Small Business Administration (SBA) was created in 1953 to advise, assist, and protect the interests of small business concerns. The SBA guarantees loans to small businesses, aids victims of floods and other natural disasters, promotes the growth of minority-owned firms, and helps secure contracts for small businesses to supply goods and services to the federal government.
The Smithsonian Institution (SI) is an independent establishment of the United States created by an act of Congress August 10, 1846. The SI conducts scientific and scholarly research; publishes the results of studies, explorations, and investigations; organizes exhibits representative of the arts, the sciences, American history, and world culture; and engages in educational programming and national and international cooperative research. Most of the National Museums in Washington, D.C., are part of the Smithsonian.
The Social Security Administration (SSA) is the United States federal agency that administers Social Security, a social insurance program consisting of retirement, disability, and survivors' benefits. To qualify for these benefits, most American workers pay Social Security taxes on their earnings; future benefits are based on employee contributions.
The Surface Transportation Board (STB) was created in the ICC Termination Act of 1995 and is the successor agency to the Interstate Commerce Commission. The STB is an economic regulatory agency that Congress charged with resolving railroad rate and service disputes and reviewing proposed railroad mergers. The STB is decisionally independent, although it is administratively affiliated with the Department of Transportation.
The United States Postal Service (USPS) is defined by statute as an "independent establishment" of the federal government, which replaced the Cabinet-level Post Office Department in 1971. The Postal Service is responsible for the collection, transportation, and delivery of the mails, and for the operation of thousands of local post offices across the country. It also provides international mail service through the Universal Postal Union and other agreements with foreign countries.
Other independent agencies: the National Credit Union Administration (NCUA) and the Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC).
Former agencies[edit]
The Committee on Public Information was an agency created to influence US public opinion regarding American participation in World War I. Lasting from April 14, 1917, to June 30, 1919 it was directed by George Creel. The agency used propaganda available to achieve its goals.
The Interstate Commerce Commission regulated common carriers and was thus able to render far reaching orders, such as the desegregation of public transportation. After trucking and railroads were largely deregulated, the ICC was replaced with the independent Surface Transportation Board, with remaining functions transferred to the Department of Transportation.
The United States Maritime Commission was intended to formulate a merchant shipbuilding program to design and build five hundred modern merchant cargo ships for the US Merchant Marine. It also formed the United States Maritime Service. In 1950, its functions were transferred to the United States Maritime Administration, which later became part of the Department of Transportation.
The Reconstruction Finance Corporation was designed to help finance projects during the Great Depression. It later helped finance the nation's military buildup as World War II approached. Scandals led to its eventual dissolution in 1956.
The Atomic Energy Commission was established for peacetime development of atomic energy. In 1974 it was abolished, and two new agencies were created, the Energy Research and Development Administration for military development of nuclear materials and the Nuclear Regulatory Commission for regulation of civilian uses of nuclear materials, such as nuclear power plants and medical uses.
The Office of the United States Nuclear Waste Negotiator was responsible for the placement and long term storage of radioactive waste. It was dissolved in 1995.[17]
The United States Information Agency, which was partially merged into the Department of State in 1999.
See also[edit]
Regulatory agency
Federal executive departments
List of U.S. federal agencies
Government-owned corporations
Footnotes[edit]
Jump up ^ Breger, Marshall J.; Edles, Gary J. (2015). Independent Agencies in the United States: Law, Structure, and Politics. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 6. ISBN 9780199812127.
^ Jump up to: a b Pierce, Richard; Shapiro, Sidney A.; Verkuil , Paul (5th ed. 2009), Administrative Law and Process, Section 4.4.1b, p. 101, Foundation Press ISBN 1-59941-425-2
Jump up ^ Shane,Peter, Merrill, Richard; Mashaw, Jerry (2003), Administrative Law: The American Public Law Process pp.228-29, Thomson-West: ISBN 978-0-314-14425-6 "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2012-07-16. Retrieved 2009-02-01.
^ Jump up to: a b c d Pierce, Shapiro, & Verkuil (2009) p. 102.
Jump up ^ See, e.g., Humphrey's Executor v. United States, 295 U.S. 602 (1935).
Jump up ^ Shane, Merrill, Mashaw (2003) p. 230; Pierce, Shapiro, & Verkuil (2009) p. 102.
Jump up ^ Shane, Merrill, Mashaw (2003) p. 231.
Jump up ^ See Bowsher v. Synar, 478 U.S. 714 (1986), Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1 (1976)
Jump up ^ Humphrey's Executor v. United States 295 U.S. 602 (1935)
Jump up ^ Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1 (1976)
Jump up ^ See Myers v. United States, 272 U.S. 52 (1926); Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1 (1976)
^ Jump up to: a b Copeland CW. (2013). Economic Analysis and Independent Regulatory Agencies. Administrative Conference of the United States. See more at Benefit-Cost Analysis at Independent Regulatory Agencies.
Jump up ^ Federal Maritime Commission
Jump up ^ See, e.g., "Fed, central banks move to boost global confidence". AP. [dead link]
Jump up ^ See "About the NTSB".
Jump up ^ 49 U.S.C. § 1131
Jump up ^ [ Richard H. Stallings Biography, Idaho State University Library]
External links[edit]
List of independent agencies from whitehouse.gov
regulations.gov
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