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Technical foul
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In basketball, a technical foul (also colloquially known as a "T" or a "Tech") is any infraction of the rules penalized as a foul which does not involve physical contact during the course of play between opposing players on the court, or is a foul by a non-player. The most common technical foul is for unsportsmanlike conduct. Technical fouls can be assessed against players, bench personnel, the entire team (often called a bench technical), or even the crowd. These fouls, and their penalties, are more serious than a personal foul, but not necessarily as serious as a flagrant foul (an ejectable offense in leagues below the NBA, and potentially so in the NBA).
Technical fouls are handled slightly differently under international rules than under the rules used by the various competitions in the United States. First, illegal contact between players on the court is always a personal foul under international rules, whereas in the USA, such contact is, with some exceptions, a technical foul when the game clock is not running and/or when the ball is dead. Second, in FIBA play (except for the half-court 3x3 variant, in which individual personal foul counts are not kept), players foul out after five total fouls, technical and personal combined (since 2014, one technical can be included towards the total; two technicals in a game results in ejection). The latter rule is similar to that in college, high school, and middle school basketball in the United States. However, in leagues that play 48-minute games such as the NBA, and in some leagues such as the WNBA, players are allowed six personal fouls before being disqualified, and technical fouls assessed against them do not count toward this total. However, unsportsmanlike technicals in the NBA carry a fine, its severity depending on the number of technicals the player has already obtained, and players are suspended for varying amounts of time after accumulating sixteen technicals in the regular season or seven in the playoffs.
In most American competitions, ejection of the offender, that of the player, coach, or otherwise, is the penalty for being assessed two technical fouls in a game, if charged directly to him/her (some technicals committed by a player are charged to the team only). In addition, any single flagrant technical foul, or a disqualifying foul in FIBA, incurs ejection. FIBA rules do not provide for ejection for any number of non-flagrant technicals (known as unsportsmanlike fouls under that body's rules) against a player, except in 3x3, in which two unsportsmanlike fouls result in ejection. FIBA rules call for ejection when a coach draws two technicals, or a third is called on the bench.
Contents
[hide]
1 Infractions
2 Penalty
3 Notable instances
4 See also
5 References
Infractions[edit]
Many infractions can result in the calling of a technical foul. One of the most common is the use of profane language toward an official or another player. This can be called on either players who are currently active in the play of the game, or seated on a team's bench. It can also be assessed to a coach or another person associated with the team in an official capacity such as a trainer or an equipment manager. Additionally, coaches or players can be assessed a technical foul for disputing an official's call too vehemently, with or without the use of profanity. This verbal unsporting technical foul may be assessed regardless of whether the ball is dead or alive.
Other offenses can result in technical fouls, such as:
Allowing players to lock arms in order to restrict the movement of an opponent (usually a team technical)
Baiting or taunting an opponent
Disrespectfully addressing or contacting an official or gesturing in such a manner as to indicate resentment
Faking being fouled (flopping)
Fighting or threatening to fight
Goaltending a free throw
Grasping either basket during pre-game or halftime warm-ups during the time of the officials' jurisdiction, including attempting to dunk or stuff a dead ball (whether successful or not) prior to or during the game or during any intermission of the game. Beginning in 2015–16, dunking is permitted during warmup periods in NCAA play, although hanging on the rim remains illegal.
Illegal substitution or entering the game at an impermissible time
Intentionally hanging on the basket at any time (except to prevent an injury)
Kicking or striking the basketball at any time using the foot (in an unsportsmanlike manner; unintentional kicking is a violation only)
Knowingly attempting a free throw or accepting a foul to which the player was not entitled
Lifting or jumping onto a teammate to gain a height advantage
Remaining out of bounds to gain an advantage
Removing the jersey or pants within the visual confines of the playing area
Use of television monitoring or replay equipment, computers, or electronics such as megaphones for coaching purposes during the game
Using tobacco or smokeless tobacco
Violations of the rules for delaying the game (in the NBA, NCAA, and NFHS) usually incur a team warning for a first offense, followed by a team technical, or sometimes a player technical, if the same team delays a second time, to include:
Going out of bounds during an opponent's throw-in without contact (warning, then a technical foul), or touching an opposing thrower-in (intentional foul on the violator in NFHS, and is the warning for being out-of-bounds) or the ball (a technical on the offender in NFHS, and is the warning for being out-of-bounds) as it is held entirely in out-of-bounds
Huddling at the foul line for an excessive time (warning, then a technical in NFHS)
Not being ready to start play after a time-out, or to begin a quarter or half, or to shoot a free throw(s) at such times (a special protocol, known as the "resumption-of-play procedure", is used in NFHS, where violations instead of technicals are initially called in some such situations)
Refusing to immediately pass the ball to the nearer official when a whistle blows
Failing as the free thrower to be in the free-throw semicircle when the official is ready to administer the free throw (unless the resumption-of-play procedure is in effect in NFHS, supra)
Throwing the ball into the stands or otherwise preventing a ball from being made live promptly after a made goal to allow one's team to set up on defense (if a blatantly unsportsmanlike act, a technical foul against the player; otherwise, a warning to that team and team technicals thereafter). This includes throwing the ball to an official when such act is not required—such would likely incur a warning. In addition, throwing the ball at an opponent's head may also be considered a technical foul.
and more technical issues, such as:
Beginning the game with a starting player not so designated
Failure to supply the scorer with names and numbers of team players prior to the start of the scheduled contest, or at least 10 minutes prior to the contest in some jurisdictions
Having too many players on the court, or too few (NBA; NCAA and NFHS if intentional)
If the coach leaves his box, especially to argue. There are times when a coach may go to the scorer's table to correct a game error.
Failing, as the coach, to replace a disqualified player within the allotted time (charged to the coach)
(NBA only) playing a "scratched" player (a rule adopted in 2005 where up to two "scratches" are permissible on a 14-man roster)
Refusing to occupy the proper bench
Remaining in or returning to the game after being disqualified
In the NBA, a player may not be ejected if assessed a seventh or subsequent personal foul because of being forced to remain in the game because there are no eligible players on the bench. Each such extra personal foul, though, also includes a technical foul penalty.
Requesting an excess time-out
Uniform violations, including illegal insignia or numbers; having 2 or more players with the same number; or having the wrong number for a player in the official scorebook
Until 2001, the NBA also had a unique rule, the illegal defense, which was designed to stop defenders from dropping back into a zone and thus preventing drives to the basket. The penalty, after a warning, was a technical foul charged to the offending team and one shot for the offense, except that if the first violation occurred within 24 seconds of the end of a period, the technical was assessed without warning.
Beginning with the 2001–02 season, the NBA changed the illegal defense rule to the "defensive 3-second rule," which prohibits a defender from being in the shooting lane for three seconds, unless guarding an opponent within arm's reach (or the man with the ball, regardless of distance). The penalty is the same as it was for an illegal defense, except that no warning is issued. The WNBA implemented this rule in 2013.
Additionally, home teams can be assessed technical fouls resulting from their partisans' misconduct for excessive use of artificial noise, the playing of music by their band, or for dangerous offenses such as throwing items (particularly ice or coins) onto the court.
Usually a fight or lesser altercation between players results in a "double technical", in which a technical foul is issued to both players involved. If any player leaves the team bench during a fight, he can be charged with a technical foul and ejected, as can any coach that does so without the beckoning of an official. Rules against fighting vary from high school to college to the (W)NBA, but all levels penalize severely for such conduct, to include suspensions and (in the [W]NBA) heavy fines. NFHS and NCAA require the automatic ejection of bench personnel leaving the team area during a fight, whether or not these players actually participate in the fight.
Beginning with the 2010–11 season, the NBA began to crack down on general complaining. Technical fouls can now be issued for the following:[1]
Making aggressive gestures anywhere on the court
Disagreement in which a player demonstrates how he was fouled
Running toward an official to complain about a call
Excessive inquiries about a call
Penalty[edit]
When shooting a free throw for a technical foul, only the free throw shooter, in this case Andrei Ivanov, is allowed within the area below the free throw line extended.
In college basketball, NFHS, and lower divisions, the penalty for technical fouls has increased over the years. Initially, the opposing team was awarded one free throw. This later increased to one free throw and possession of the ball. For a while, "bench technicals" assessed on a non-active player, assistant coach, or anyone else on the team bench were considered more serious and resulted in the award of two shots. (Coaches have their own technical fouls, although they may be ejected and/or suspended if they have a mix of technicals totaling two or three fouls, depending on seriousness.)
Today, high school basketball (NFHS in the United States) provides for two free throws and possession of the ball at the division line opposite the scorer's table, regardless of circumstances, for a technical foul. International basketball provides a similar penalty. Before the 2015–16 season, college basketball awarded two shots for all technical fouls, with the ball then put in play at the point of interruption (POI), the spot and circumstances where play was stopped for the technical. Since 2015–16, the NCAA awards only one free throw for so-called "Class B" technicals, such as hanging on the rim or delay of game; "Class A" technical fouls still result in two free throws. In the NBA and WNBA, the penalty remains one free throw for the opposing team, with play resuming from the point of interruption. The shot clock is reset to 14 seconds if it read less than such at the time of the foul. The team awarded the foul shots for a technical may select the player(s) to shoot them (this rule differs slightly from level to level and internationally), as opposed to personal fouls, where the player fouled, unless injured, must shoot his own foul shots.
In the NBA, technical fouls are split into two classes, unsportsmanlike and non-unsportsmanlike. A player assessed an unsportsmanlike technical foul is fined, and accumulating sixteen unsportsmanlike technical fouls during the regular season will result in a one-game suspension.[2] For every two additional unsportsmanlike technical fouls received during that regular season, the player or coach will be automatically suspended for an additional game.[2] Penalties for unsportsmanlike technical fouls are even higher for playoffs games. Players and coaches will be fined for every unsportsmanlike technical foul they receive. Those who accumulate seven unsportsmanlike technical fouls will be suspended for one game. For every two additional unsportsmanlike technical fouls received, the player or coach will be automatically suspended for an additional game.[3]
Non-unsportsmanlike conduct technical fouls are defined per NBA Rule 12, Section V, Paragraph c, and none count towards a fine, ejection or suspension. These fouls are assessed for excessive time-outs, defensive three seconds, scratched player dressing and playing, excessive personal fouls because team is out of players, shattering backboards, or delay of game. An offensive player who intentionally hangs on the backboard, unless it is legal for safety reasons, is fined $500 but is only assessed a non-unsportsmanlike conduct technical foul.
Notable instances[edit]
One of the most famous technical fouls ever assessed was called on Chris Webber of the University of Michigan late in the 1993 NCAA championship game. Down by two points to North Carolina with only seconds remaining, Webber called a time-out when Michigan had none left. The resulting excessive time-out technical foul, for which North Carolina guard Donald Williams made both foul shots, ended any hopes Michigan had of claiming the championship.
In what has been called the greatest game ever played,[4] Game 5 of the 1976 NBA Finals between the Phoenix Suns and Boston Celtics, the Suns found themselves one point down with one second left in double overtime, no time-outs remaining and possession of the ball under their defensive basket after a John Havlicek bucket. Faced with the near-impossibility of sinking an 80-foot desperation shot, Suns guard Paul Westphal hit upon an unusual solution. He intentionally called a time-out the Suns did not have. While this gave the Celtics a free throw, which Jo Jo White successfully converted to increase the lead to two, it gave the Suns possession at halfcourt, and enabled Gar Heard to sink an 18-footer as time expired to force a third overtime. NBA rules were changed the following year to prevent a repeat occurrence.
An instance where many technical fouls could have been called, but were not (instead, the game was abandoned, a remedy available to the officials when too many players would have or have been disqualified or ejected for the game to continue, or when a team continually commits technical fouls in order to make a travesty of proceedings), was the Pacers–Pistons brawl involving players and spectators on November 19, 2004, in an NBA game between the Indiana Pacers and Detroit Pistons. Ron Artest of the Pacers and Ben Wallace of the Pistons began scuffling after Artest fouled Wallace hard. This escalated into a brawl where players from both teams became involved, and grew worse after Artest retreated to the scorer's table and was hit by a cup thrown by a spectator. Artest and several teammates and opponents then ran into the stands and fought with fans. Had technical fouls been formally assessed, the result would likely have been the ejection of both teams' entire squads (except for Pistons player Tayshaun Prince, who was the only player from either team to remain on the bench for the entire incident). In the end, nine players were suspended for a total of 146 games, including Artest for the remainder of the season.[5]
In a 2007 game against the Dallas Mavericks, San Antonio's Tim Duncan was charged a technical foul by referee Joe Crawford for laughing at him while sitting on the bench ("gesturing in such a manner as to indicate resentment," as indicated above). As he had already picked up a technical foul on the previous play, also while sitting on the bench, this led to his ejection. Upon further review it was determined that this technical foul was inconsistent with the league's game management, and NBA commissioner David Stern suspended Crawford for the rest of the season. Duncan was fined $25,000 for the incident.[6]
The most technical fouls ever charged to a team in a single professional game is 6 (all in the second half), to Aris Thessaloniki in a game against Olympiacos of the Greek A1 League on February 10, 2008.
Rasheed Wallace holds the record for the most technical fouls received during one season in the NBA. In the 2000–01 season, he received 41 technical fouls in 80 regular season and postseason games played. Wallace also holds the all-time mark for most technical fouls by a player in a career with 317, a record previously held by Dennis Rodman.[7][8]
There have been a few instances in the NBA when a team's entire bench has either been injured or fouled out, and one of the five remaining eligible players fouls out, resulting in the technical foul that effectively acts as a bonus free throw situation. The Atlanta Hawks' Cliff Levingston (fouled out, but one of the five remaining players was ejected) and the Los Angeles Lakers' Robert Sacre (fouled out) have both taken advantage[clarification needed] of the disqualified player rule. Under NBA Rule 3-I-a (player fouls out) and 3-I-b (player injured or ejected), the player was assessed with a technical foul for remaining in the game or returning to the game after fouling out.
See also[edit]
Flagrant foul
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Abbott, Henry (September 24, 2010). "NBA expands rules on technicals". ESPN.com. ESPN Internet Ventures. Retrieved March 30, 2011.
^ Jump up to: a b Associated Press (April 7, 2011). "Magic's Howard, Richardson suspended". Yahoo! Sports. Archived from the original on 29 June 2011. Retrieved April 8, 2011.
Jump up ^ Associated Press (March 30, 2011). "Dwight Howard's tech upheld by league". ESPN.com. ESPN Internet Ventures. Retrieved March 30, 2011.
Jump up ^ Young, Bob (June 3, 2001). "SUNS: Greatest Game Ever". NBA.com/Suns: Arizona Republic. Turner Sports Interactive, Inc. Retrieved 2009-09-07.
Jump up ^ "NBA suspends Artest for rest of season". NBC Sports. November 22, 2004. Retrieved December 20, 2008.
Jump up ^ "Crawford suspended indefinitely; Duncan fined $25K". ESPN.com. ESPN Internet Ventures. April 18, 2007. Retrieved February 11, 2009.
Jump up ^ Forsberg, Chris (April 22, 2010). "Wallace fined $35,000 for criticizing officials". ESPN.com. ESPN Internet Ventures. Retrieved September 21, 2010.
Jump up ^ Gervino, Tony (December 4, 2012). "Rasheed Wallace Keeps Technicals Flowing With 'Ball Don't Lie'". The New York Times. Retrieved August 8, 2013.
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Coin orientation
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This article does not cite any sources. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (December 2009) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
Coin orientation (or coin alignment or variations of these) is a feature of coins struck by some nations. In these nations, most coins, including all modern coins, have their reverse turned, or aligned, in a specified way relative to the obverse. There are essentially two options, referred to as medallic orientation and coin orientation.
Medallic orientation[edit]
Medallic orientation (or medal alignment, or variations of these) derives its name from medals tagged to a uniform. For a medal to display properly, even if it flips over, the reverse needs to be aligned so that the top of the reverse shares the same position as the top of the obverse. In other words, the image on one face of the coin is rightside-up relative to the other.
In Britain this is sometimes referred to as "British turnover".
Coins with medallic orientation include British coinage and most other Commonwealth coinage, Japanese yen coinage, and euro coinage.
Coin orientation[edit]
The opposite situation is seen in some coins, e.g. coins of the United States. In this case, the coin must be flipped about its horizontal axis in order to see the other side the correct way up. In other words, the image on one face of the coin is upside-down relative to the other. For this reason, 'coin orientation' is used in the United States to express the opposite of 'medal orientation'.
Coins with coin orientation include United States coinage, South Korean coinage, Thai coinage and pre-Euro French coinage.
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Capture of Fort Ticonderoga
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Capture of Fort Ticonderoga
Part of the American Revolutionary War

An 1875 idealized depiction of Ethan Allen demanding the fort's surrender
Date
May 10, 1775
Location
Ticonderoga, Essex County, New York
43°50′29″N 73°23′17″W / 43.84139°N 73.38806°W / 43.84139; -73.38806Coordinates: 43°50′29″N 73°23′17″W / 43.84139°N 73.38806°W / 43.84139; -73.38806
Result
Ticonderoga and Crown Point captured by New England militia
Belligerents
Green Mountain Boys
militia of the Connecticut Colony
militia of the Province of Massachusetts Bay Great Britain
26th Regiment of Foot[1]
Commanders and leaders
Ethan Allen
Benedict Arnold William Delaplace
Strength
83 at Ticonderoga[2]
50 at Crown Point[3]
35 at Saint-Jean[4] 48 at Ticonderoga[5]
9 at Crown Point[6]
21 at Saint-Jean[4]
Casualties and losses
1 captured near Fort Saint-Jean[7]
1 wounded at Ticonderoga[8] All captured
[show]
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e
Canadian campaign
Ticonderoga
Fort St. Jean
Longue-Pointe
Arnold's expedition
Quebec
Saint-Pierre
The Cedars
Trois-Rivières
Valcour Bay
The Capture of Fort Ticonderoga occurred during the American Revolutionary War on May 10, 1775, when a small force of Green Mountain Boys led by Ethan Allen and Colonel Benedict Arnold overcame a small British garrison at the fort and looted the personal belongings of the garrison. Cannons and other armaments from the fort were later transported to Boston and used to fortify Dorchester Heights and break the standoff at the Siege of Boston.
After seizing Ticonderoga, a small detachment captured the nearby Fort Crown Point on May 11. Seven days later, Arnold and 50 men intrepidly raided Fort Saint-Jean on the Richelieu River in southern Quebec, seizing military supplies, cannons, and the largest military vessel on Lake Champlain.
Although the scope of this military action was relatively minor, it had significant strategic importance. It impeded communication between northern and southern units of the British Army, and gave the nascent Continental Army a staging ground for the invasion of Quebec later in 1775. It also involved two larger-than-life personalities in Allen and Arnold, each of whom sought to gain as much credit and honor as possible for these events. Most significantly, artillery from Ticonderoga would be dragged across Massachusetts to the heights commanding Boston Harbor, forcing the British to withdraw from that city.
Contents
[hide]
1 Background
2 Colonial forces assemble
3 Capture of the fort
4 Crown Point and the raid on Fort Saint-Jean
5 Aftermath
5.1 Repercussions in Quebec
5.2 Later actions near Ticonderoga
5.3 Broken communications
5.4 War of words between Allen and Arnold
6 See also
7 References
8 Footnotes
9 References
10 Further reading
11 External links
Background[edit]
In 1775, Fort Ticonderoga's location did not appear to be as strategically important as it had been in the French and Indian War, when the French famously defended it against a much larger British force in the 1758 Battle of Carillon, and when the British captured it in 1759. After the 1763 Treaty of Paris, in which the French ceded their North American territories to the British, the fort was no longer on the frontier of two great empires, guarding the principal waterway between them.[9] The French had blown up the fort's powder magazine when they abandoned the fort, and it had fallen further into disrepair since then. In 1775 it was garrisoned by only a small detachment of the 26th Regiment of Foot, consisting of two officers and forty-six men, with many of them "invalids" (soldiers with limited duties because of disability or illness). Twenty-five women and children lived there as well. Because of its former significance, Fort Ticonderoga still had a high reputation as the "gateway to the continent" or the "Gibraltar of America", but in 1775 it was, according to historian Christopher Ward, "more like a backwoods village than a fort."[5]
Even before shooting started in the American Revolutionary War, American Patriots were concerned about Fort Ticonderoga. The fort was a valuable asset for several reasons. Within its walls was a collection of heavy artillery including cannons, howitzers, and mortars, armaments that the Americans had in short supply.[10][11] The fort was situated on the shores of Lake Champlain, a strategically important route between the Thirteen Colonies and the British-controlled northern provinces. British forces placed there would expose the colonial forces in Boston to attack from the rear.[10] After the war began with the Battles of Lexington and Concord on April 19, 1775, the British General Thomas Gage realized the fort would require fortification, and several colonists had the idea of capturing the fort.
Gage, writing from the besieged city of Boston following Lexington and Concord, instructed Quebec's governor, General Guy Carleton, to rehabilitate and refortify the forts at Ticonderoga and Crown Point.[12] Carleton did not receive this letter until May 19, well after the fort had been captured.[13]
Benedict Arnold had frequently traveled through the area around the fort, and was familiar with its condition, manning, and armaments. En route to Boston following news of the events of April 19, he mentioned the fort and its condition to members of Silas Deane's militia.[14] The Connecticut Committee of Correspondence acted on this information; money was "borrowed" from the provincial coffers and recruiters were sent into northwestern Connecticut, western Massachusetts, and the New Hampshire Grants (now Vermont) to raise volunteers for an attack on the fort.[15]
John Brown, an American spy from Pittsfield, Massachusetts who had carried correspondence between revolutionary committees in the Boston area and Patriot supporters in Montreal, was well aware of the fort and its strategic value.[9] Ethan Allen and other Patriots in the disputed New Hampshire Grants territory also recognized the fort's value, as it played a role in the dispute over that area between New York and New Hampshire.[16] Whether either took or instigated action prior to the Connecticut Colony's recruitment efforts is unclear. Brown had notified the Massachusetts Committee of Safety in March of his opinion that Ticonderoga "must be seized as soon as possible should hostilities be committed by the King's Troops."[16][17]
When Arnold arrived outside Boston, he told the Massachusetts Committee of Safety about the cannons and other military equipment at the lightly defended fort. On May 3, the Committee gave Arnold a colonel's commission and authorized him to command a "secret mission", which was to capture the fort.[18] He was issued £100, some gunpowder, ammunition, and horses, and instructed to recruit up to 400 men, march on the fort, and ship back to Massachusetts anything he thought useful.[19]
Colonial forces assemble[edit]
Fort Ticonderoga from Mount Defiance
Arnold departed immediately after receiving his instructions. He was accompanied by two captains, Eleazer Oswald and Jonathan Brown, who were charged with recruiting the necessary men. Arnold reached the border between Massachusetts and the Grants on May 6, where he learned of the recruitment efforts of the Connecticut Committee, and that Ethan Allen and the Green Mountain Boys were already on their way north. Riding furiously northward (his horse was subsequently destroyed), he reached Allen's headquarters in Bennington the next day.[20] Upon arrival, Arnold was told that Allen was in Castleton, 50 miles (80 km) to the north, awaiting supplies and more men. He was also warned that, although Allen's effort had no official sanction, his men were unlikely to serve under anyone else. Leaving early the next day, Arnold arrived in Castleton in time to join a war council, where he made a case to lead the expedition based on his formal authorization to act from the Massachusetts Committee.[21]
The force that Allen had assembled in Castleton included about 100 Green Mountain Boys, about 40 men raised by James Easton and John Brown at Pittsfield, and an additional 20 men from Connecticut.[22] Allen was elected colonel, with Easton and Seth Warner as his lieutenants.[21] When Arnold arrived on the scene, Samuel Herrick had already been sent to Skenesboro and Asa Douglas to Panton with detachments to secure boats. Captain Noah Phelps, a member of the "Committee of War for the Expedition against Ticonderoga and Crown Point", had reconnoitered the fort disguised as a peddler seeking a shave. He saw that the fort walls were dilapidated, learned from the garrison commander that the soldiers' gunpowder was wet, and that they expected reinforcements at any time.[23][24] He reported this intelligence to Allen, following which they planned a dawn raid.[23]
Many of the Green Mountain Boys objected to Arnold's wish to command, insisting that they would go home rather than serve under anyone other than Ethan Allen. Arnold and Allen worked out an agreement, but no documented evidence exists concerning the deal. According to Arnold, he was given joint command of the operation. Some historians have supported Arnold's contention, while others suggest he was merely given the right to march next to Allen.[Note 1]
Capture of the fort[edit]
The flag of the Green Mountain Boys
By 11:30 pm on May 9, the men had assembled at Hand's Cove (in what is now Shoreham, Vermont) and were ready to cross the lake to Ticonderoga. However, boats did not arrive until 1:30 am, and they were inadequate to carry the whole force.[25] Eighty-three of the Green Mountain Boys made the first crossing with Arnold and Allen, and Douglas went back for the rest.[2] As dawn approached, Allen and Arnold became fearful of losing the element of surprise, so they decided to attack with the men at hand. The only sentry on duty at the south gate fled his post after his musket misfired, and the Americans rushed into the fort. The Patriots then roused the small number of sleeping troops at gunpoint and began confiscating their weapons. Allen, Arnold, and a few other men charged up the stairs toward the officers' quarters. Lieutenant Jocelyn Feltham, the assistant to Captain William Delaplace, was awakened by the noise, and called to wake the captain.[26] Stalling for time, Feltham demanded to know by what authority the fort was being entered. Allen, who later claimed that he said it to Captain Delaplace, replied, "In the name of the Great Jehovah and the Continental Congress!"[27] Delaplace finally emerged from his chambers (fully clothed, not with "his breeches in his hand", as Allen would later say) and surrendered his sword.[27]
Nobody was killed in the assault. The only injury was to one American, Gideon Warren,[28] who was slightly injured by a sentry with a bayonet.[8] Eventually, as many as 400 men arrived at the fort, which they plundered for liquor and other provisions. Arnold, whose authority was not recognized by the Green Mountain Boys, was unable to stop the plunder. Frustrated, he retired to the captain's quarters to await forces that he had recruited, reporting to the Massachusetts Provincial Congress that Allen and his men were "governing by whim and caprice" at the fort, and that the plan to strip the fort and send armaments to Boston was in peril.[29] When Delaplace protested the seizure of his private liquor stores, Allen issued him a receipt for the stores, which he later submitted to Connecticut for payment.[30] Arnold's disputes with Allen and his unruly men were severe enough that there were times when some of Allen's men drew weapons.[29]
On May 12, Allen sent the prisoners to Connecticut's Governor Jonathan Trumbull with a note saying "I make you a present of a Major, a Captain, and two Lieutenants of the regular Establishment of George the Third."[31] Arnold busied himself over the next few days with cataloging the military equipment at Ticonderoga and Crown Point, a task made difficult by the fact that walls had collapsed on some of the armaments.[32]
Crown Point and the raid on Fort Saint-Jean[edit]
1777 map showing the Champlain Valley, and all four forts
Seth Warner sailed a detachment up the lake and captured nearby Fort Crown Point, garrisoned by only nine men. It is widely recorded that this capture occurred on May 10; this is attributed to a letter Arnold wrote to the Massachusetts Committee of Safety on May 11, claiming that an attempt to sail up to Crown Point was frustrated by headwinds. However, Warner claimed, in a letter dated May 12 from "Head Quarters, Crown Point", that he "took possession of this garrison" the day before.[6] It appears likely that, having failed on May 10, the attempt was repeated the next day with success, as reported in Warner's memoir.[33] A small force was also sent to capture Fort George on Lake George, which was held by only two soldiers.[34]
Troops recruited by Arnold's captains began to arrive, some after seizing Philip Skene's schooner Katherine and several bateaux at Skenesboro.[35][36] Arnold rechristened the schooner Liberty. The prisoners had reported that the lone British warship on Lake Champlain was at Fort Saint-Jean, on the Richelieu River north of the lake. Arnold, uncertain whether word of Ticonderoga's capture had reached Saint-Jean, decided to attempt a raid to capture the ship. He had Liberty outfitted with guns, and sailed north with 50 of his men on May 14.[37] Allen, not wanting Arnold to get the full glory for that capture, followed with some of his men in bateaux, but Arnold's small fleet had the advantage of sail, and pulled away from Allen's boats. By May 17, Arnold's small fleet was at the northern end of the lake. Seeking intelligence, Arnold sent a man to reconnoiter the situation at Fort Saint-Jean. The scout returned later that day, reporting that the British were aware of the fall of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and that troops were apparently on the move toward Saint-Jean. Arnold decided to act immediately.[38]
Rowing all night, Arnold and 35 of his men brought their bateaux near the fort. After a brief scouting excursion, they surprised the small garrison at the fort, and seized supplies there, along with the HMS Royal George, a seventy-ton sloop-of-war.[39] Warned by their captives that several companies were on their way from Chambly, they loaded the more valuable supplies and cannons on the George, which Arnold renamed the Enterprise. Boats that they could not take were sunk, and the enlarged fleet returned to Lake Champlain.[4] This activity was observed by Moses Hazen, a retired British officer who lived near the fort. Hazen rode to Montreal to report the action to the local military commander, and then continued on to Quebec City, where he reported the news to General Carleton on May 20. Major Charles Preston and 140 men were immediately dispatched from Montreal to Saint-Jean in response to Hazen's warning.[40]
Fifteen miles out on the lake, Arnold's fleet met Allen's, which was still heading north. After an exchange of celebratory gunfire, Arnold opened his stores to feed Allen's men, who had rowed 100 miles (160 km) in open boats without provisions. Allen, believing he could seize and hold Fort Saint-Jean, continued north, while Arnold sailed south.[41] Allen arrived at Saint-Jean on May 19, where he was warned that British troops were approaching by a sympathetic Montreal merchant who had raced ahead of those troops on horseback.[42] Allen, after penning a message for the merchant to deliver to the citizens of Montreal, returned to Ticonderoga on May 21, leaving Saint-Jean just as the British forces arrived.[42][43] In their haste to escape the British, three men were left behind; one was captured, but the other two eventually returned south by land.[7]
Aftermath[edit]
Further information: Invasion of Canada (1775), Saratoga campaign, Siege of Fort Ticonderoga (1777), and Battle of Saratoga
Ethan Allen and his men eventually drifted away from Ticonderoga, especially once the alcohol began to run out, and Arnold largely controlled affairs from a base at Crown Point.[34][44] He oversaw the fitting of the two large ships, eventually taking command of Enterprise because of a lack of knowledgeable seamen. His men began rebuilding Ticonderoga's barracks, and worked to extract armaments from the rubble of the two forts and build gun carriages for them.[44]
Connecticut sent about 1,000 men under Colonel Benjamin Hinman to hold Ticonderoga, and New York also began to raise militia to defend Crown Point and Ticonderoga against a possible British attack from the north. When Hinman's troops arrived in June, there was once again a clash over leadership. None of the communications to Arnold from the Massachusetts committee indicated that he was to serve under Hinman; when Hinman attempted to assert authority over Crown Point, Arnold refused to accept it, as Hinman's instructions only included Ticonderoga.[45] The Massachusetts committee eventually sent a delegation to Ticonderoga. When they arrived on June 22 they made it clear to Arnold that he was to serve under Hinman. Arnold, after considering for two days, disbanded his command, resigned his commission, and went home, having spent more than £1,000 of his own money in the effort to capture the fort.[46]
A 1902 photo of the Fort Crown Point ruins
When Congress received news of the events, it drafted a second letter to the inhabitants of Quebec, which was sent north in June with James Price, another sympathetic Montreal merchant. This letter, and other communications from the New York Congress, combined with the activities of vocal American supporters, stirred up the Quebec population in the summer of 1775.[47]
When news of the fall of Ticonderoga reached England, Lord Dartmouth wrote that it was "very unfortunate; very unfortunate indeed".[48]
Repercussions in Quebec[edit]
News of the capture of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and especially the raids on Fort Saint-Jean, electrified the Quebec population. Colonel Dudley Templer, in charge of the garrison at Montreal, issued a call on May 19 to raise a militia for defense of the city, and requested Indians living nearby to also take up arms. Only 50 men, mostly French-speaking landowning seigneurs and petty nobility, were raised in and around Montreal, and they were sent to Saint-Jean; no Indians came to their aid. Templer also prevented merchants sympathetic to the American cause from sending supplies south in response to Allen's letter.[49]
General Carleton, notified by Hazen of the events on May 20, immediately ordered the garrisons of Montreal and Trois-Rivières to fortify Saint-Jean. Some troops garrisoned at Quebec were also sent to Saint-Jean. Most of the remaining Quebec troops were dispatched to a variety of other points along the Saint Lawrence, as far west as Oswegatchie, to guard against potential invasion threats.[50] Carleton then traveled to Montreal to oversee the defense of the province from there, leaving the city of Quebec in the hands of Lieutenant Governor Hector Cramahé.[51] Before leaving, Carleton prevailed on Monsignor Jean-Olivier Briand, the Bishop of Quebec, to issue his own call to arms in support of the provincial defense, which was circulated primarily in the areas around Montreal and Trois-Rivières.[52]
Later actions near Ticonderoga[edit]
"Knox entering camp with artillery"
In July 1775, General Philip Schuyler began using the fort as the staging ground for the invasion of Quebec that was launched in late August.[53] In the winter of 1775–1776, Henry Knox directed the transportation of the guns of Ticonderoga to Boston. The guns were placed upon Dorchester Heights overlooking the besieged city and the British ships in the harbor, prompting the British to evacuate their troops and Loyalist supporters from the city in March 1776.[54]
Benedict Arnold again led a fleet of ships at the Battle of Valcour Island, and played other key roles in thwarting Britain's attempt to recapture the fort in 1776.[55] The British did recapture the fort in July 1777 during the Saratoga campaign, but had abandoned it by November after Burgoyne's surrender at Saratoga.[56]
Broken communications[edit]
Although Fort Ticonderoga was not at the time an important military post, its capture had several important results. Rebel control of the area meant that overland communications and supply lines between British forces in Quebec and those in Boston and later New York were severed, so the British military command made an adjustment to their command structure.[57] This break in communication was highlighted by the fact that Arnold, on his way north to Saint-Jean, intercepted a message from Carleton to Gage, detailing the military troop strengths in Quebec.[58] Command of British forces in North America, previously under a single commander, was divided into two commands. General Carleton was given independent command of forces in Quebec and the northern frontier, while General William Howe was appointed Commander-in-Chief of forces along the Atlantic coast, an arrangement that had worked well between Generals Wolfe and Amherst in the French and Indian War.[57] In this war, however, cooperation between the two forces would prove to be problematic and would play a role in the failure of the Saratoga campaign in 1777, as General Howe apparently abandoned an agreed-upon northern strategy, leaving General John Burgoyne without southern support in that campaign.[59]
War of words between Allen and Arnold[edit]
An engraving of Benedict Arnold after John Trumbull by H.B. Hall, published 1879
Beginning on the day of the fort's capture, Allen and Arnold began a war of words, each attempting to garner for himself as much credit for the operation as possible. Arnold, unable to exert any authority over Allen and his men, began to keep a diary of events and actions, which was highly critical and dismissive of Allen.[34] Allen, in the days immediately after the action, also began to work on a memoir. Published several years later (see Further reading), the memoir fails to mention Arnold at all. Allen also wrote several versions of the events, which John Brown and James Easton brought to a variety of Congresses and committees in New York, Connecticut, and Massachusetts. Randall (1990) claims that Easton took accounts written by both Arnold and Allen to the Massachusetts committee, but conveniently lost Arnold's account on the way, ensuring that Allen's version, which greatly glorified his role in the affair, would be preferred.[60] Smith (1907) indicates that it was highly likely that Easton was interested in claiming Arnold's command for himself.[61] There was clearly no love lost between Easton and Arnold. Allen and Easton returned to Crown Point on June 10 and called a council of war while Arnold was with the fleet on the lake, a clear breach of military protocol. When Arnold, whose men now dominated the garrison, asserted his authority, Easton insulted Arnold, who responded by challenging Easton to a duel. Arnold later reported, "On refusing to draw like a gentleman, he having a [sword] by his side and cases of loaded pistols in his pockets, I kicked him very heartily and ordered him from the Point."[62]
See also[edit]
Book: Fort Ticonderoga
American Revolutionary War portal
List of American Revolutionary War battles
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Pell (1929), p. 81, claims there is no documentary evidence. Boatner (1974) (pp. 1101–1102) notes that although Ward believes Arnold merely had the right to march next to Allen, Allen French argues otherwise in The Taking of Ticonderoga in 1775. Bellesiles (1995), p. 117, claims that Allen offered Arnold the right to march at the head of the column to placate Arnold.
Footnotes[edit]
Jump up ^ P. Nelson (2000), p. 61
^ Jump up to: a b Bellesiles (1995), p. 117
Jump up ^ Smith (1907), p. 144
^ Jump up to: a b c Randall (1990), p. 104
^ Jump up to: a b Ward (1952), Volume 1, p. 69
^ Jump up to: a b Chittenden (1872), p. 109
^ Jump up to: a b Jellison (1969), p. 131
^ Jump up to: a b Ward (1952), Volume 1, p. 68.
^ Jump up to: a b Randall (1990), p. 86.
^ Jump up to: a b Ward (1952), Volume 1, p. 64.
Jump up ^ Drake (1873), p. 130.
Jump up ^ Gage (1917), p. 397.
Jump up ^ Lanctot (1967), p. 49.
Jump up ^ Randall (1990), p. 85.
Jump up ^ Randall (1990), p. 87.
^ Jump up to: a b Bellesiles (1995), p. 116.
Jump up ^ Boatner (1974), p. 1101.
Jump up ^ Ward (1952), Volume 1, p. 65.
Jump up ^ J. Nelson (2006), p. 15.
Jump up ^ Randall (1990), p. 86–89.
^ Jump up to: a b Randall (1990), p. 90.
Jump up ^ Smith (1907), pp. 124–125.
^ Jump up to: a b Randall (1990), p. 91.
Jump up ^ Phelps (1899), p. 204.
Jump up ^ Jellison (1969), pp. 114–115.
Jump up ^ Randall (1990), p. 95.
^ Jump up to: a b Randall (1990), p. 96.
Jump up ^ New York, Pension Claims by Disabled Revolutionary War Veterans, 1779-1789
^ Jump up to: a b Randall (1990), p. 97.
Jump up ^ Jellison (1969), p. 124.
Jump up ^ Chittenden (1872), p. 49.
Jump up ^ J. Nelson (2006), p. 40.
Jump up ^ Chipman (1848), p. 141
^ Jump up to: a b c Randall (1990), p. 98
Jump up ^ Smith (1907), p. 155
Jump up ^ Morrissey (2000), p. 10
Jump up ^ Randall (1990), p. 101
Jump up ^ Randall (1990), p. 103
Jump up ^ Smith (1907), p. 157
Jump up ^ Lanctot (1967), pp. 44,50
Jump up ^ Randall (1990), p. 105
^ Jump up to: a b Lanctot (1967), p. 44
Jump up ^ Randall (1990), p. 106
^ Jump up to: a b J. Nelson (2006), p. 53.
Jump up ^ J. Nelson (2006), p. 61.
Jump up ^ Randall (1990), pp. 128–129.
Jump up ^ Lanctot (1967), pp. 55–60.
Jump up ^ Jellison (1969), p. 120.
Jump up ^ Lanctot (1967), p. 45.
Jump up ^ Lanctot (1967), p. 50.
Jump up ^ Lanctot (1967), p. 53.
Jump up ^ Lanctot (1967), p. 52.
Jump up ^ Smith (1907), p. 250.
Jump up ^ French (1911), pp. 387–419.
Jump up ^ Randall (1990), pp. 290–314.
Jump up ^ Morrissey (2000), p. 86.
^ Jump up to: a b Mackesy (1993), p. 40.
Jump up ^ J. Nelson (2006), p. 42.
Jump up ^ Van Tyne (1905), pp. 161–162.
Jump up ^ Randall (1990), p. 99.
Jump up ^ Smith (1907), p. 184.
Jump up ^ Randall (1990), p. 121.
References[edit]
Bellesiles, Michael A (1995). Revolutionary Outlaws: Ethan Allen and the Struggle for Independence on the Early American Frontier. Charlottesville, Virginia: University of Virginia Press. ISBN 978-0-8139-1603-3.
Boatner, Mark Mayo, III (1974) [1966]. Encyclopedia of the American Revolution (revised ed.). New York: McKay. ISBN 0-8117-0578-1.
Chipman, Daniel (1848). Memoir of Colonel Seth Warner. Middlebury, Vermont: L. W. Clark. OCLC 4403351.
Chittenden, Lucius Eugene (1872). The Capture of Ticonderoga: Annual Address Before the Vermont Historical Society Delivered at Montpelier, Vt., on Tuesday Evening, October 8, 1872. Montpelier, Vermont: Vermont Historical Society. ISBN 0-7884-0802-X. OCLC 181111316.
Drake, Francis Samuel (1873). Life and correspondence of Henry Knox: Major-General in the American Revolutionary Army. Boston: S.G. Drake. OCLC 2358685.
French, Allen (1911). The Siege of Boston. New York: McMillan. ISBN 0-659-90572-8. OCLC 3927532.
Gage, Thomas (1931). The correspondence of General Thomas Gage, volume 1. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-208-00812-1.
Jellison, Charles A (1969). Ethan Allen: Frontier Rebel. Syracuse, New York: Syracuse University Press. ISBN 0-8156-2141-8.
Lanctot, Gustave (1967). Canada and the American Revolution 1774–1783. London: Harvard University Press. OCLC 70781264.
Mackesy, Piers (1993). The War for America: 1775–1783. Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press. ISBN 0-8032-8192-7.
Morrissey, Brendan (2000). Saratoga 1777: Turning Point of a Revolution. Oxford: Osprey Publishing. ISBN 978-1-85532-862-4.
Nelson, James L. (2006). Benedict Arnold's Navy: The Ragtag Fleet that Lost the Battle of Lake Champlain But Won the American Revolution. Camden, Maine: McGraw-Hill Professional. ISBN 978-0-07-146806-0.
Nelson, Paul David (2000). General Sir Guy Carleton, Lord Dorchester: Soldier-statesman of Early British Canada. Madison, New Jersey: Fairleigh Dickinson Univ Press. ISBN 978-0-8386-3838-5.
Pell, John (1929). Ethan Allen. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. ISBN 978-0-8369-6919-1.
Phelps, Oliver Seymour; Servin, Andrew T. (1899). The Phelps family of America and their English ancestors, with copies of wills, deeds, letters, and other interesting papers, coats of arms and valuable records (two volumes). Pittsfield, Massachusetts: Eagle Publishing Company. OCLC 39187566.
Randall, Willard Sterne (1990). Benedict Arnold: Patriot and Traitor. New York: William Morrow. ISBN 1-55710-034-9.
Smith, Justin Harvey (1907). Our Struggle for the Fourteenth Colony: Canada, and the American Revolution, Volume 1. New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons. OCLC 259236.
Van Tyne, Claude Halstead (1905). The American Revolution, 1776–1783. New York: Harper & Brothers. OCLC 23093734.
Vermont Historical Society (1871). Collections of the Vermont Historical Society vol. 2. Montpelier, Vermont: Vermont Historical Society. OCLC 19358021.
Ward, Christopher (1952). The War of the Revolution. New York: Macmillan. ISBN 1-56852-576-1. OCLC 425995.
Wilson, Barry (2001). Benedict Arnold: A Traitor in Our Midst. Montreal: McGill-Queen's Press. ISBN 978-0-7735-2150-6.
Further reading[edit]
Allen, Ethan (1849). Ethan Allen's Narrative of the Capture of Ticonderoga: And of His Captivity and Treatment by the British. Burlington, Vermont: C. Goodrich and S.B. Nichols. ISBN 0-665-22135-5. OCLC 17008777.
French, Allen (1928). The Taking of Ticonderoga in 1775: The British Story; A Study of Captors and Captives. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. OCLC 651774.
External links[edit]
Fort Ticonderoga National Historic Landmark
"Capture of Ticonderoga", excerpt from Thrilling Incidents in American History by J.W. Barber, 1860.
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(Up A) Lazy River
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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"Lazy River" redirects here. For the 1934 film, see Lazy River (film).
"(Up A) Lazy River" is a popular tune and song by Hoagy Carmichael and Sidney Arodin, published in 1930. The melody is by Arodin, arranged and with words modified by Carmichael. It is considered a jazz standard and pop standard, and has been recorded by many artists as listed below. A bit of the song is played by Carmichael in the 1946 Oscar-winning film The Best Years of Our Lives.[1] It can also be heard in the 1959 film Hey Boy! Hey Girl!.
Contents
[hide]
1 Recorded versions
2 References
3 Popular culture
4 See also
Recorded versions[edit]
Acker Bilk
Adam Faith (1963)
Art Mooney and his orchestra (vocal: Cathy Ryan and The Clover Leafs) (1952)
Benny Goodman and his orchestra (vocal: Helen Forrest) (1941)
Betty Johnson (1950)
Bing Crosby & Louis Armstrong for their 1960 album Bing & Satchmo.
Bob Wills and his Texas Playboys (1947)
Bobby Darin (1961) #14 hit
Brenda Lee (1962)
Casa Loma Orchestra (1938)
Chet Atkins
Cliff Richard on his album Bold As Brass
Chris Barber
Mina
Crystal Gayle (1999)
Dick Todd
Eddy Howard
Gene Vincent (1956)
Georgie Fame and Annie Ross (1981)
Glenn Miller and his orchestra
Hank Thompson (1972)
Harry Connick Jr. (1988)
Harry James and his orchestra
Hoagy Carmichael (1930)
Hugh and Karl Farr
Julia Lee
Kay Starr
Kenny Ball
Leon Redbone
Les Brown and his Band of Renown
Les Paul Trio
Louis Armstrong and his orchestra (1931)
Louis Prima and his New Orleans Gang (1936)
Manhattan Transfer
Megan Mullally
Merle Travis
Michael Bublé
Mills Brothers
Nat King Cole Trio with vocals by Anita Boyer [2]
Pat Boone (1958)
Paul Whiteman and his orchestra (1956)
Peggy Lee
Pete Fountain
Phil Harris and his orchestra (1932)
Ray Anthony
Rex Allen (1961)
Rickie Lee Jones
Roberta Sherwood (Sepia CD Sepia 1099 - orig rec: 1956)
Rockapella
Rosemary Clooney (1956)
Rusty Draper (1957)
Sam Butera and The Witnesses
Sammy Davis Jr. (1963)
Si Zentner and his orchestra (1961)
Svend Asmussen
Tennessee Ernie Ford
Tex Beneke and his orchestra
The Ames Brothers
The Four Lads
The Gatlin Brothers (1994)
The Mills Brothers (1952)
The Platters
The Three Suns
Woody Herman and his orchestra (1941)
References[edit]
Jump up ^ IMDB. "The Best Years of Our Lives - Soundtracks".
Jump up ^ The King Cole Trio: The MacGregor Years, 1941-1945, Music and Arts Programs of America, Inc.
Popular culture[edit]
The song was stored in music box format in a permanent outdoor display in Cathedral Park under the St. John's Bridge in Portland, Oregon.
Permanent outdoor exhibit of a metal river at Cathedral Park, under the St. John's Bridge in Portland Oregon, installed with music box tune of Hoagy Carmichael's "Up A Lazy River", the year the bridge was dedicated.
Close up of a sign describing exhibit of Drawing on the River at Cathedral Park, under the St. John's Bridge.
See also[edit]
List of 1930s jazz standards

This pop standards-related article is a stub. You can help Wikipedia by expanding it.
v
t
e
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=(Up_A)_Lazy_River&oldid=848251380"
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1930 songs
Songs written by Sidney Arodin
Bobby Darin songs
Songs with music by Hoagy Carmichael
1930s jazz standards
Louis Armstrong songs
Pop standard stubs
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