text:
Barbara Fritchie
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For the play based on this historical character, see Barbara Frietchie.
Barbara Fritchie in 1862
Barbara Fritchie (née Hauer) (December 3, 1766 – December 18, 1862), also known as Barbara Frietchie, and sometimes spelled Frietschie,[1] was a Unionist during the Civil War. She was born in Lancaster, Pennsylvania, and married John Casper Fritchie, a glove maker, on May 6, 1806. She became famous as the heroine of the 1863 poem Barbara Frietchie by John Greenleaf Whittier, in which she pleads with an occupying Confederate general to "Shoot if you must this old gray head, but spare your country's flag."
Contents
[hide]
1 Barbara Fritchie House
2 Legacy
3 Historicity of poem
4 References
5 External links
Barbara Fritchie House[edit]
The Barbara Fritchie House is located at 154 West Patrick Street, Frederick, Maryland. It is a 1927 reconstruction, based on the original house, which was washed away during a storm.[2]
Legacy[edit]
One of the Mid-Atlantic states' top ten horse races was named in her honor; it is one of only seven Grade I or Grade II races run in the state of Maryland. The Barbara Fritchie Handicap is an American race for thoroughbred horses, run at Laurel Park Racecourse in Laurel, Maryland each year. A Grade II race, it is open to fillies and mares age three and up, whose owners are willing to race them seven furlongs on the dirt. It offers a purse of $300,000, and has been run since 1952. The Barbara Fritchie Classic motorcycle races run annually on July 4; top riders from all over compete on the dirt oval at the Frederick County Fairgrounds. The race has been running for almost 100 years.
Historicity of poem[edit]
The flag incident as described in the poem likely never occurred at the Barbara Fritchie house, although Barbara Fritchie was a Unionist and did have a Union flag. Friends of Barbara Fritchie stated that she shook a Union flag at and insulted Confederate troops, but other neighbors said Barbara Fritchie, over 90 years old, was ill at the time.
The woman who inspired the poem was likely Mary Quantrell who lived on Patrick Street. In addition to confusing Barbara Fritchie with Mary Quantrall, the poem was likely embellished by a distant poet working from second or third hand accounts of the incident and other flag incidents. The Confederate general in the poem most likely was not (Stonewall) Jackson, but another Confederate officer since none of the men with General Jackson that day remembered the incident. Gen. Jackson and Barbara Fritchie both died before publication of the poem. Historians and reporters noted other discrepancies between the patriotic poem and witness accounts. [3] [4]
References[edit]
American Civil War portal
Jump up ^ Quynn, Dorothy Mackay, and William Rogers Quynn: Barbara Frietschie. Baltimore: Maryland Historical Society, 1942, 45 pp.
Jump up ^ Nancy Lavin Frederick News Post, October 2, 2012
Jump up ^ McCartney, Robert (September 15, 2012). "Barbara Fritchie didn't wave that flag". Washington Post. Retrieved 2013-04-03.
Jump up ^ Jamie Bussey News-Post Staff (1 July 2007). "The many stories of Barbara Fritchie". The Frederick News-Post.
External links[edit]
Wikisource has original text related to this article:
full text of Whittier's poem
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Barbara Fritchie.
Fritchie gravesite in Frederick, Maryland
Historical Marker Database: Barbara Fritchie House
A parody of the poem
Authority control
WorldCat Identities
VIAF: 35796242
LCCN: n82060324
IATH: w6100sxr
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text:
Thích Quảng Đức
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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‹ The template Infobox religious biography is being considered for merging. ›
Thích
Quảng Đức
Religion
Mahayana Buddhism
Other names
Bồ Tát Thích Quảng Đức
(Bodhisattva Thích Quảng Đức)
Personal
Born
1897
Hội Khánh, French Indochina
Died
11 June 1963(1963-06-11) (aged 65–66)
Saigon, South Vietnam
Senior posting
Based in
South Vietnam
Title
Buddhist monk
Period in office
1917–1963
Religious career
Ordination
1917
Post
Chairman of the Panel on Ceremonial Rites of the Congregation of Vietnamese Monks
Abbot of the Phước Hòa pagoda
Thích is a Buddhist honorary title and Quảng Đức is descriptive of meritorious attributes: see dharma name.
Thích Quảng Đức (Vietnamese: [tʰǐc kʷâːŋ ɗɨ̌k] ( listen); 1897—11 June 1963, born Lâm Văn Túc), was a Vietnamese Mahayana Buddhist monk who burned himself to death at a busy Saigon road intersection on 11 June 1963.[1] Quảng Đức was protesting the persecution of Buddhists by the South Vietnamese government led by Ngô Đình Diệm. Photographs of his self-immolation were circulated widely across the world and brought attention to the policies of the Diệm government. John F. Kennedy said in reference to a photograph of Đức on fire, "No news picture in history has generated so much emotion around the world as that one."[2] Malcolm Browne won a Pulitzer Prize for his photograph of the monk's death.[3][4]
Quảng Đức's act increased international pressure on Diệm and led him to announce reforms with the intention of mollifying the Buddhists. However, the promised reforms were not implemented, leading to a deterioration in the dispute. With protests continuing, the ARVN Special Forces loyal to Diệm's brother, Ngô Đình Nhu, launched nationwide raids on Buddhist pagodas, seizing Quảng Đức's heart and causing deaths and widespread damage. Several Buddhist monks followed Quảng Đức's example, also immolating themselves. Eventually, a U.S.-backed Army coup toppled Diệm, who was assassinated on 2 November 1963.
Contents
[hide]
1 Biography
2 Self-immolation
2.1 Religious background
2.2 Day of the act
2.3 Funeral and aftermath
2.4 Intact heart and symbolism
2.5 Diệm reaction
2.6 Political and media impact
2.7 Precedents and influence
3 See also
4 Notes
5 References
6 Bibliography
7 External links
Biography[edit]
Accounts of the life of Quảng Đức are derived from information disseminated by Buddhist organizations. He was born in the village of Hội Khánh, in Vạn Ninh District of Khánh Hòa Province in central Vietnam as Lâm Văn Túc, one of seven children of Lâm Hữu Ứng and his wife, Nguyễn Thị Nương. At the age of seven, he left to study Buddhism under Hòa thượng Thích Hoằng Thâm, who was his maternal uncle and spiritual master. Thích Hoằng Thâm raised him as a son and Lâm Văn Túc changed his name to Nguyễn Văn Khiết. At age 15, he took the samanera (novice) vows and was ordained as a monk at age 20 under the dharma name Thích Quảng Đức. The Vietnamese name Thích (釋) is from "Thích Ca" or "Thích Già" (釋迦), means "of the Shakya clan."[5] After ordination, he traveled to a mountain near Ninh Hòa, vowing to live the life of a solitary Buddhism-practicing hermit for three years. He returned in later life to open the Thien Loc pagoda at his mountain retreat.[6][7]
After his self-imposed isolation ended, he began to travel around central Vietnam expounding the dharma. After two years, he went into retreat at the Sac Tu Thien An pagoda near Nha Trang. In 1932, he was appointed an inspector for the Buddhist Association in Ninh Hòa before becoming the inspector of monks in his home province of Khánh Hòa. During this period in central Vietnam, he was responsible for the construction of 14 temples.[8] In 1934, he moved to southern Vietnam and traveled throughout the provinces spreading Buddhist teachings. During his time in southern Vietnam, he also spent two years in Cambodia studying the Theravada Buddhist tradition.[citation needed]
After his return from Cambodia, he oversaw the construction of a further 17 new temples during his time in the south. The last of the 31 new temples that he was responsible for constructing was the Quan The Am pagoda in the Phú Nhuận District of Gia Định Province on the outskirts of Saigon.[8] The street on which the temple stands was later renamed Quảng Đức Street in 1975. After the temple-building phase, Đức was appointed to serve as the Chairman of the Panel on Ceremonial Rites of the Congregation of Vietnamese Monks, and as abbot of the Phuoc Hoa pagoda, which was the initial location of the Association for Buddhist Studies of Vietnam (ABSV).[8] When the office of the ABSV was relocated to the Xá Lợi Pagoda, the main pagoda of Saigon, Đức resigned.[6]
Self-immolation[edit]
Religious background[edit]
Main article: Huế Phật Đản shootings
A memorial to Quảng Đức located on the site of his death
In a country where surveys of the religious composition at the time estimated the Buddhist majority to be between 70 and 90 percent,[9][10][11][12] President Diệm was a member of the Catholic minority, and pursued discriminatory policies favoring Catholics for public service and military promotions, as well as in the allocation of land, business arrangements and tax concessions.[13] Diệm once told a high-ranking officer, forgetting that the officer was from a Buddhist family, "Put your Catholic officers in sensitive places. They can be trusted."[14] Many officers in the Army of the Republic of Vietnam converted to Roman Catholicism as their military prospects depended on it.[14] Additionally, the distribution of firearms to village self-defense militias saw weapons given only to Roman Catholics, with some Buddhists in the army being denied promotion if they refused to convert to Roman Catholicism.[15]
Some Roman Catholic priests ran their own private armies,[16] and there were forced conversions and looting, shelling, and demolition of pagodas in some areas, to which the government turned a blind eye.[17] Some Buddhist villages converted en masse to receive aid or avoid being forcibly resettled by Diệm's regime.[18] The "private" status that was imposed on Buddhism by the French, which required official permission to be obtained by those wishing to conduct public Buddhist activities, was not repealed by Diệm.[19] Catholics were also de facto exempt from corvée labor, which the government obliged all citizens to perform, and United States aid was distributed disproportionately to Catholic majority villages by Diệm's regime.[20]
The Roman Catholic Church was the largest landowner in the country and enjoyed special exemptions in property acquisition, and land owned by the Roman Catholic Church was exempt from land reform.[21] The white and gold Vatican flag was regularly flown at all major public events in South Vietnam,[22] and Diệm dedicated his country to the Virgin Mary in 1959.[20]
Buddhist discontent erupted following a ban in early May on flying the Buddhist flag in Huế on Vesak, the birthday of Gautama Buddha. Just days before, Catholics had been encouraged to fly the Vatican flag at a celebration for Archbishop Ngô Đình Thục of Huế, Diệm's elder brother. A large crowd of Buddhists protested the ban, defying the government by flying Buddhist flags on the Buddhist holy day of Vesak and marching on the government broadcasting station. Government forces fired into the crowd of protesters, killing nine people. Diệm's refusal to take responsibility — he blamed the Viet Cong for the deaths — led to further Buddhist protests and calls for religious equality.[23] As Diem remained unwilling to comply with Buddhist demands, the frequency of protests increased.
Day of the act[edit]
Journalist Malcolm Browne's photograph of Quảng Đức during his self-immolation; a similar photograph won the 1963 World Press Photo of the Year.[24]
On 10 June 1963, U.S. correspondents were informed that "something important" would happen the following morning on the road outside the Cambodian embassy in Saigon.[25] Most of the reporters disregarded the message, since the Buddhist crisis had at that point been going on for more than a month, and the next day only a few journalists turned up, including David Halberstam of The New York Times and Malcolm Browne, the Saigon bureau chief for the Associated Press.[25] Đức arrived as part of a procession that had begun at a nearby pagoda. Around 350 monks and nuns marched in two phalanxes, preceded by an Austin Westminster sedan, carrying banners printed in both English and Vietnamese. They denounced the Diệm government and its policy towards Buddhists, demanding that it fulfill its promises of religious equality.[25] Another monk offered himself, but Đức's seniority prevailed.[3]
The act occurred at the intersection[b] of Phan Đình Phùng Boulevard (now Nguyễn Đình Chiểu Street) and Lê Văn Duyệt Street (now Cách Mạng Tháng Tám Street) at 10°46′30″N 106°41′12″E / 10.7750°N 106.6868°E / 10.7750; 106.6868 (Self-immolation of Buddhist monk Thich Quang Duc 1963), a few blocks southwest of the Presidential Palace (now the Reunification Palace). Đức emerged from the car along with two other monks. One placed a cushion on the road while the second opened the trunk and took out a five-gallon petrol can. As the marchers formed a circle around him, Đức calmly sat down in the traditional Buddhist meditative lotus position on the cushion. A colleague emptied the contents of the petrol container over Đức's head. Đức rotated a string of wooden prayer beads and recited the words Nam mô A Di Đà Phật ("Homage to Amitābha Buddha") before striking a match and dropping it on himself. Flames consumed his robes and flesh, and black oily smoke emanated from his burning body.[25][26]
Đức's last words before his self-immolation were documented in a letter he had left:
Before closing my eyes and moving towards the vision of the Buddha, I respectfully plead to President Ngô Đình Diệm to take a mind of compassion towards the people of the nation and implement religious equality to maintain the strength of the homeland eternally. I call the venerables, reverends, members of the sangha and the lay Buddhists to organize in solidarity to make sacrifices to protect Buddhism.[6]
David Halberstam wrote:
I was to see that sight again, but once was enough. Flames were coming from a human being; his body was slowly withering and shriveling up, his head blackening and charring. In the air was the smell of burning human flesh; human beings burn surprisingly quickly. Behind me I could hear the sobbing of the Vietnamese who were now gathering. I was too shocked to cry, too confused to take notes or ask questions, too bewildered to even think ... As he burned he never moved a muscle, never uttered a sound, his outward composure in sharp contrast to the wailing people around him.[27]
The car in which Quảng Đức traveled to his self-immolation; Huế, Thiên Mụ Pagoda.
The spectators were mostly stunned into silence, but some wailed and several began praying. Many of the monks and nuns, as well as some shocked passersby, prostrated themselves before the burning monk. Even some of the policemen, who had orders to control the gathered crowd, prostrated before him.[3]
In English and Vietnamese, a monk repeated into a microphone, "A Buddhist priest burns himself to death. A Buddhist priest becomes a martyr." After approximately ten minutes, Đức's body was fully immolated and it eventually toppled backwards onto its back. Once the fire subsided, a group of monks covered the smoking corpse with yellow robes, picked it up and tried to fit it into a coffin, but the limbs could not be straightened and one of the arms protruded from the wooden box as he was carried to the nearby Xá Lợi Pagoda in central Saigon. Outside the pagoda, students unfurled bilingual banners which read: "A Buddhist priest burns himself for our five requests."[25]
By 1:30 pm, around 1,000 monks had congregated inside to hold a meeting while outside a large crowd of pro-Buddhist students had formed a human barrier around it. The meeting soon ended and all but a hundred monks slowly left the compound. Nearly one thousand monks, accompanied by laypeople, returned to the cremation site. The police lingered nearby. At around 6:00 pm, thirty nuns and six monks were arrested for holding a prayer meeting on the street outside Xá Lợi. The police encircled the pagoda, blocking public passage and giving observers the impression that an armed siege was imminent by donning riot gear.[28]
Funeral and aftermath[edit]
After the self-immolation, the U.S. put more pressure on Diệm to re-open negotiations on the faltering agreement. Diệm had scheduled an emergency cabinet meeting at 11:30 on 11 June to discuss the Buddhist crisis which he believed to be winding down. Following Đức's death, Diệm canceled the meeting and met individually with his ministers. Acting U.S. Ambassador to South Vietnam William Trueheart warned Nguyễn Đình Thuận, Diệm's Secretary of State, of the desperate need for an agreement, saying that the situation was "dangerously near breaking point" and expected Diệm would meet the Buddhists' five-point manifesto. United States Secretary of State Dean Rusk warned the Saigon embassy that the White House would publicly announce that it would no longer "associate itself" with the regime if this did not occur.[29] The Joint Communiqué and concessions to the Buddhists were signed on 16 June.[30]
15 June was set as the date for the funeral, and on that day 4,000 people gathered outside the Xá Lợi pagoda, only for the ceremony to be postponed. On 19 June, his remains were carried out of Xá Lợi to a cemetery 16 kilometers (9.9 mi) south of the city for a re-cremation and funeral ceremony. Following the signing of the Joint Communiqué, attendance was limited by agreement between Buddhist leaders and police to approximately 500 monks.[30]
Intact heart and symbolism[edit]
The heart relic of Quảng Đức
The body was re-cremated during the funeral, but Đức's heart remained intact and did not burn.[3] It was considered to be holy and placed in a glass chalice at Xá Lợi Pagoda.[4] The intact heart relic[3] is regarded as a symbol of compassion. Đức has subsequently been revered by Vietnamese Buddhists as a bodhisattva (Bồ Tát), and accordingly is often referred to in Vietnamese as Bồ Tát Thích Quảng Đức.[6][31] On 21 August, the ARVN Special Forces of Nhu attacked Xá Lợi and other Buddhist pagodas across Vietnam. The secret police intended to confiscate Đức's ashes, but two monks had escaped with the urn, jumping over the back fence and finding safety at the U.S. Operations Mission next door.[32] Nhu's men managed to confiscate Đức's charred heart.[33]
The location chosen for the self-immolation, in front of the Cambodian embassy, raised questions as to whether it was coincidence or a symbolic choice. Trueheart and embassy official Charles Flowerree felt that the location was selected to show solidarity with the Cambodian government of Prince Norodom Sihanouk. South Vietnam and Cambodia had strained relations: in a speech on 22 May, Sihanouk had accused Diệm of mistreating Vietnamese and ethnic minority Khmer Buddhists. The pro-Diệm Times of Vietnam published an article on 9 June which claimed that Cambodian monks had been encouraging the Buddhist crisis, asserting it was part of a Cambodian plot to extend its neutralist foreign policy into South Vietnam. Flowerree noted that Diệm was "ready and eager to see a fine Cambodian hand in all the organized Buddhist actions".[34]
Diệm reaction[edit]
Ngô Đình Diệm
Diệm made a radio address at 19:00 on the day of Đức's death, asserting that he was profoundly troubled by the event. He appealed for "serenity and patriotism", and announced that stalled negotiations would resume with the Buddhists. He claimed that negotiations had been progressing well and in a time of religious tension emphasized the role of the Roman Catholic philosophy of personalism in his rule. He alleged that extremists had twisted the facts and he asserted that the Buddhists can "count on the Constitution, in other words, me."[28]
The Army of the Republic of Vietnam responded to the appeal, putting on a show of solidarity behind Diệm to isolate dissident officers. Thirty high-ranking officers headed by General Lê Văn Tỵ declared their resolve to carry out all missions entrusted to the army for the defense of the constitution and the Republic. The declaration was a veneer which masked a developing plot to oust Diệm.[35] Some of the signatories were to become personally involved in Diệm's overthrow and death in November. Generals Dương Văn Minh and Trần Văn Đôn, the presidential military advisor and the chief of the army who were to lead the coup, were overseas.[35]
Madame Nhu, a Catholic convert from Buddhism and the wife of Diệm's younger brother and chief adviser Ngô Đình Nhu, who was regarded as the First Lady of South Vietnam at the time (as Diệm was a bachelor), said she would "clap hands at seeing another monk barbecue show".[36] Later that month, Diệm's government charged that Đức had been drugged before being forced to commit suicide.[37] The regime also accused Browne of bribing Đức to burn himself.[38]
Political and media impact[edit]
Photographs taken by Malcolm Browne of the self-immolation quickly spread across the wire services and were featured on the front pages of newspapers worldwide. The self-immolation was later regarded as a turning point in the Buddhist crisis and a critical point in the collapse of the Diệm regime.[39]
Historian Seth Jacobs asserted that Đức had "reduced America's Diệm experiment to ashes as well" and that "no amount of pleading could retrieve Diệm's reputation" once Browne's images had become ingrained into the psyche of the world public.[40] Ellen Hammer described the event as having "evoked dark images of persecution and horror corresponding to a profoundly Asian reality that passed the understanding of Westerners."[41] John Mecklin, an official from the U.S. embassy, noted that the photograph "had a shock effect of incalculable value to the Buddhist cause, becoming a symbol of the state of things in Vietnam."[39] William Colby, then chief of the Central Intelligence Agency's Far East Division, opined that Diệm "handled the Buddhist crisis fairly badly and allowed it to grow. But I really don't think there was much they could have done about it once that bonze burned himself."[39]
U.S. President John F. Kennedy said that "no news picture in history has generated so much emotion around the world as that one."
President John F. Kennedy, whose government was the main sponsor of Diệm's regime, learned of Đức's death when handed the morning newspapers while he was talking to his brother, Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy, on the phone. Kennedy reportedly interrupted their conversation about segregation in Alabama by exclaiming "Jesus Christ!" He later remarked that "no news picture in history has generated so much emotion around the world as that one."[40] U.S. Senator Frank Church (D-ID), a member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, claimed that "such grisly scenes have not been witnessed since the Christian martyrs marched hand in hand into the Roman arenas."[41]
In Europe, the photographs were sold on the streets as postcards during the 1960s, and communist China distributed millions of copies of the photograph throughout Asia and Africa as evidence of what it called "US imperialism".[38] One of Browne's photographs remains affixed to the sedan in which Đức was riding and is part of a tourist attraction in Huế.[38] For Browne and the Associated Press (AP), the pictures were a marketing success. Ray Herndon, the United Press International (UPI) correspondent who had forgotten to take his camera on the day, was harshly criticized in private by his employer. UPI estimated that 5,000 readers in Sydney, then a city of around 1.5–2 million, had switched to AP news sources.[42]
Diệm's English-language mouthpiece, the Times of Vietnam, intensified its attacks on both journalists and Buddhists. Headlines such as "Xá Lợi politburo makes new threats" and "Monks plot murder" were printed.[43] One article questioned the relationship between the monks and the press by posing the question as to why "so many young girls are buzzing in and out of Xá Lợi early [in the day]" and then going on to allege that they were brought in for sexual purposes for the U.S. reporters.[43]
Browne's award-winning photograph of Đức's death has been reproduced in popular media for decades, and the incident has been used as a touchstone reference in many films and television programs.
A still photograph of Đức's self-immolation taken by Browne was used for the cover of American rap metal band Rage Against the Machine's debut album which came out in 1992, as well as the cover of their single "Killing in the Name".
Precedents and influence[edit]
Despite the shock of the Western public, the practice of Vietnamese monks self-immolating was not unprecedented. Instances of self-immolations in Vietnam had been recorded for centuries, usually carried out to honor Gautama Buddha. The most recently recorded case had been in North Vietnam in 1950. The French colonial authorities had tried to eradicate the practice after their conquest of Vietnam in the nineteenth century, but had not been totally successful. They did manage to prevent one monk from setting fire to himself in Huế in the 1920s, but he managed to starve himself to death instead. During the 1920s and 1930s, Saigon newspapers reported multiple instances of self-immolations by monks in a matter-of-fact style. The practice had also been seen in the Chinese city of Harbin in 1948 when a monk seated down in the lotus position on a pile of sawdust and soybean oil and set fire to himself in protest against the treatment of Buddhism by the communists of Mao Zedong. His heart remained intact, as did that of Đức.[44]
The Venerable Thich Quảng Đức Monument at the intersection where Quảng Đức performed his self-immolation, Phan Đình Phùng (now Nguyễn Đình Chiểu) Street and Lê Văn Duyệt (now Cach Mạng Thang Tam) Street (10°46′31″N 106°41′13″E / 10.775159°N 106.686864°E / 10.775159; 106.686864)
After Đức, five more Buddhist monks self-immolated up until late October 1963 as the Buddhist protests in Vietnam escalated.[45] On 1 November, the Army of the Republic of Vietnam overthrew Diệm in a coup. Diệm and Nhu were assassinated the next day.[46] Monks have followed Đức's example since for other reasons.[47]
Đức's actions were copied by United States citizens in protests against the Vietnam War:
Norman Morrison, a 31-year-old Quaker pacifist, poured kerosene over himself and set himself alight below the third-floor window of Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara at the Pentagon on 2 November 1965.
Alice Herz, an 82-year-old woman, also burned herself that year in Detroit, Michigan.[48]
Roger Allen LaPorte self-immolated outside the United Nations building in New York City on 9 November 1965.
Florence Beaumont burned herself to death outside the Federal Building in Los Angeles on 15 October 1967.
George Winne, Jr., a student, self-immolated on 10 May 1970 on the campus of the University of California, San Diego and died the following day.
In an apparently non-political case of imitation of Quảng Đức, the young son of an American officer based at the U.S. Embassy in Saigon doused himself with gasoline and set himself on fire. He was seriously burned before the fire was extinguished and later could only offer the explanation that "I wanted to see what it was like."[49]
See also[edit]
Vietnam portal
Biography portal
Buddhism portal
1960s portal
List of civil rights leaders
List of political self-immolations
Nguyễn Văn Lém
Phan Thi Kim Phuc
Notes[edit]
• a)^ Hòa thượng means "The Most Venerable" in Vietnamese.
• b)^ In the satellite image (10°46′31″N 106°41′13″E / 10.775159°N 106.686864°E / 10.775159; 106.686864) of the Saigon intersection where Quảng Đức performed his self-immolation, Phan Đình Phùng (now Nguyễn Đình Chiểu) Street runs NE-SW and Lê Văn Duyệt (now Cách Mạng Tháng Tám) Street runs NW–SE. On the western corner of the intersection stands a memorial to Quảng Đức. For many years a Petrolimex fuel station stood on the northern corner, but this was replaced with a memorial park for Quảng Đức.
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "Monk Suicide by Fire in Anti-Diem Protest," New York Times, 11 June 1963, 6.; David Halberstam, "Diem Asks Peace in Religion Crisis," New York Times 12 June 1963. 3.; Marilyn B. Young, The Vietnam Wars: 1945–1990, New York: Harper Collins Publishers, 1990. 95–96.
Jump up ^ Zi Jun Toong, "Overthrown by the Press: The US Media's Role in the Fall of Diem," Australasian Journal of American Studies 27 (July 2008), 56–72.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e Karnow 1997, p. 297
^ Jump up to: a b Jacobs 2006, p. 148
Jump up ^ Dung, Thay Phap (2006). "A Letter to Friends about our Lineage" (PDF). PDF file on the Order of Interbeing website. Retrieved 23 November 2014.
^ Jump up to: a b c d Thích Nguyên Tạng 2005.
Jump up ^ Huỳnh Minh 2006, pp. 266–267.
^ Jump up to: a b c Huỳnh Minh 2006, p. 268
Jump up ^ Gettleman 1966, pp. 275–276, 366
Jump up ^ Unattributed 1963a
Jump up ^ Tucker 2000, pp. 49, 291, 293
Jump up ^ Ellsberg 1963, pp. 729–733
Jump up ^ Tucker 2000, p. 291
^ Jump up to: a b Gettleman 1966, pp. 280–282
Jump up ^ Harrison 1963b, p. 9
Jump up ^ Warner 1963, p. 210
Jump up ^ Fall 1963, p. 199
Jump up ^ Buttinger 1967, p. 993.
Jump up ^ Karnow 1997, p. 294
^ Jump up to: a b Jacobs 2006, p. 91
Jump up ^ Buttinger 1967, p. 933.
Jump up ^ Harrison 1963a, pp. 5–6
Jump up ^ Jacobs 2006, pp. 140–50
Jump up ^ Browne 1963
^ Jump up to: a b c d e Jacobs 2006, p. 147
Jump up ^ Jones 2003, p. 268
Jump up ^ Halberstam 1965, p. 211
^ Jump up to: a b Jones 2003, p. 270
Jump up ^ Jones 2003, p. 272.
^ Jump up to: a b Hammer 1987, p. 149.
Jump up ^ Huỳnh Minh 2006, p. 266
Jump up ^ Jones 2003, pp. 307–308
Jump up ^ Unattributed 1963b
Jump up ^ Jones 2003, p. 271.
^ Jump up to: a b Hammer 1987, p. 147
Jump up ^ Langguth 2002, p. 216
Jump up ^ Jones 2003, p. 284
^ Jump up to: a b c Prochnau 1995, p. 309.
^ Jump up to: a b c Jones 2003, p. 269
^ Jump up to: a b Jacobs 2006, p. 149
^ Jump up to: a b Hammer 1987, p. 145
Jump up ^ Prochnau 1995, p. 316
^ Jump up to: a b Prochnau 1995, p. 320
Jump up ^ Hammer 1987, p. 146
Jump up ^ Jacobs 2006, pp. 152, 168, 171.
Jump up ^ Jacobs 2006, pp. 173–180
Jump up ^ Hammer 1987, p. 318
Jump up ^ Zinn 2003, p. 486.
Jump up ^ Prochnau 1995, p. 310
Bibliography[edit]
Browne, Malcolm (1963), World Press Photo 1963, Amsterdam: World Press Photo, retrieved 23 October 2007
Buttinger, Joseph (1967), Vietnam: A Dragon Embattled, Praeger Publishers
Ellsberg, Daniel, ed. (10 July 1963), "The Situation in South Vietnam – SNIE 53-2-63", The Pentagon Papers, Gravel Edition, Volume 2, Boston: Beacon Press, retrieved 21 August 2007
Fall, Bernard (1963), The Two Viet-Nams, Praeger Publishers
Gettleman, Marvin E. (1966), Vietnam: History, documents and opinions on a major world crisis, New York: Penguin Books
Halberstam, David (1965), The Making of a Quagmire, New York: Random House
Hammer, Ellen J. (1987), A Death in November: America in Vietnam, 1963, New York City: E. P. Dutton, ISBN 0-525-24210-4
Harrison, Gilbert, ed. (1963a), "Diem's other crusade", The New Republic (22 June 1963)
Harrison, Gilbert, ed. (1963b), "South Vietnam: Whose funeral pyre?", The New Republic (29 June 1963), p. 9
Jacobs, Seth (2006), Cold War Mandarin: Ngo Dinh Diem and the Origins of America's War in Vietnam, 1950–1963, Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, ISBN 0-7425-4447-8
Jones, Howard (2003), Death of a Generation: how the assassinations of Diem and JFK prolonged the Vietnam War, New York: Oxford University Press, ISBN 0-19-505286-2
Karnow, Stanley (1997), Vietnam: A history, New York: Penguin Books, ISBN 0-670-84218-4
Langguth, A. J. (2002), Our Vietnam: the war, 1954–1975, New York: Simon & Schuster, ISBN 0-7432-1231-2
Huỳnh Minh (2006), Gia Định Xưa (in Vietnamese), Ho Chi Minh City: Văn Hóa-Thông Tin Publishing House
Thích Nguyên Tạng (2005), Tiểu Sử Bổ Tát Thích Quảng Dức (in Vietnamese), Fawker: Quảng Đức Monastery (published 1 May 2005), retrieved 20 August 2007
Prochnau, William (1995), Once upon a Distant War, New York: Times Books, ISBN 0-8129-2633-1
Schecter, Jerrod L. (1967), The New Face of Buddha: Buddhism and Political Power in Southeast Asia, New York: Coward-McCann
Shaw, Geoffrey (2015), The Lost Mandate of Heaven: The American Betrayal of Ngo Dinh Diem, President of Vietnam, San Francisco, California, USA: Ignatius Press, ISBN 978-1-58617-935-9
Tucker, Spencer C. (2000), Encyclopedia of the Vietnam War, Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO, ISBN 1-57607-040-9
Unattributed (14 June 1963a), "The Religious Crisis", Time Magazine (14 June 1963), retrieved 21 August 2007
Unattributed (30 August 1963b), "The Crackdown", Time Magazine (30 August 1963), retrieved 23 October 2007
Warner, Denis (1963), The Last Confucian, New York: Macmillan
Zinn, Howard (2003), A People's History of the United States, New York: HarperCollins, ISBN 0-06-052842-7
External links[edit]
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The Rape of the Sabine Women
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The Kidnapping of the Sabine Women by Giambologna, in the Loggia dei Lanzi in Florence
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Rape of the Sabine Women
Caenina
Antemnae
Crustumerium
Fidenae
Veii
Albans
Medullia
Apiloae
Collatia
The Rape of the Sabine Women was an incident in Roman mythology in which the men of Rome committed a mass abduction of young women from the other cities in the region. It has been a frequent subject of artists, particularly during the Renaissance and post-Renaissance eras.
The word "rape" is the conventional translation of the Latin word raptio used in the ancient accounts of the incident. Modern scholars tend to interpret the word as "abduction" or "kidnapping" as opposed to a sexual assault. Controversy remains, however, as to how the acts committed against the women should be judged.[1]
Contents
1 Story
2 War with Sabines and other tribes
3 Artistic representations
3.1 Edgar Degas
3.2 Giambologna
3.3 Nicolas Poussin
3.4 Peter Paul Rubens
3.5 Jacques-Louis David
3.6 John Leech
3.7 Pablo Picasso
3.8 Charles Christian Nahl
4 Literature and performing arts
5 Cultural context
6 Adaptations
7 See also
8 References
9 Sources
10 External links
Story[edit]
Rape of the Sabine Women by Pietro da Cortona, 1627–1629.
The Rape occurred in the early history of Rome, shortly after its founding by Romulus and his mostly male followers. Seeking wives in order to establish families, the Romans negotiated unsuccessfully with the Sabines, who populated the surrounding area. The Sabines feared the emergence of a rival society and refused to allow their women to marry the Romans. Consequently, the Romans planned to abduct Sabine women during a festival of Neptune Equester. They planned and announced a marvelous festival to attract people from all nearby towns. According to Livy, many people from Rome's neighboring towns attended, including folk from the Caeninenses, Crustumini, and Antemnates, and many of the Sabines. At the festival, Romulus gave a signal, at which the Romans grabbed the Sabine women and fought off the Sabine men. The indignant abductees were soon implored by Romulus to accept Roman husbands.[2]
Livy claims that no direct sexual assault took place, albeit the fuller evidence, when compared with the later history, suggests a seduction based on promises by the Romans and then betrayal of those promises. Livy says that Romulus offered them free choice and promised civic and property rights to women. According to Livy, Romulus spoke to them each in person, declaring "that what was done was owing to the pride of their fathers, who had refused to grant the privilege of marriage to their neighbours; but notwithstanding, they should be joined in lawful wedlock, participate in all their possessions and civil privileges, and, than which nothing can be dearer to the human heart, in their common children."[3]
War with Sabines and other tribes[edit]
Jacques Stella, The Rape of the Sabines, mid 17th century, Princeton University Art Museum
Outraged at the occurrence, the king of the Caeninenses entered upon Roman territory with his army. Romulus and the Romans met the Caeninenses in battle, killed their king, and routed their army. Romulus later attacked Caenina and took it upon the first assault. Returning to Rome, he dedicated a temple to Jupiter Feretrius (according to Livy, the first temple dedicated in Rome) and offered the spoils of the enemy king as spolia opima. According to the Fasti Triumphales, Romulus celebrated a triumph over the Caeninenses on 1 March 752 BC.[4]
At the same time, the army of the Antemnates invaded Roman territory. The Romans retaliated, and the Antemnates were defeated in battle and their town captured. According to the Fasti Triumphales, Romulus celebrated a second triumph in 752 BC over the Antemnates.
The Crustumini also started a war, but they too were defeated and their town captured.
Roman colonists subsequently were sent to Antemnae and Crustumerium by Romulus, and many citizens of those towns also migrated to Rome (particularly the families of the captured women).
The Sabines themselves finally declared war, led into battle by their king, Titus Tatius. Tatius almost succeeded in capturing Rome, thanks to the treason of Tarpeia, daughter of Spurius Tarpeius, Roman governor of the citadel on the Capitoline Hill. She opened the city gates for the Sabines in return for "what they bore on their arms", thinking she would receive their golden bracelets. Instead, the Sabines crushed her to death with their shields, and her body was thrown from a rock known ever since by her name, the Tarpeian Rock.
The Romans attacked the Sabines, who now held the citadel. The Roman advance was led by Hostus Hostilius, the Sabine defence by Mettus Curtius. Hostus fell in battle, and the Roman line gave way. They retreated to the gate of the Palatium. Romulus rallied his men by promising to build a temple to Jupiter Stator on the site. He then led them back into battle. Mettus Curtius was unhorsed and fled on foot, and the Romans appeared to be winning.
At this point, however, the Sabine women intervened:
[They], from the outrage on whom the war originated, with hair dishevelled and garments rent, the timidity of their sex being overcome by such dreadful scenes, had the courage to throw themselves amid the flying weapons, and making a rush across, to part the incensed armies, and assuage their fury; imploring their fathers on the one side, their husbands on the other, "that as fathers-in-law and sons-in-law they would not contaminate each other with impious blood, nor stain their offspring with parricide, the one their grandchildren, the other their children. If you are dissatisfied with the affinity between you, if with our marriages, turn your resentment against us; we are the cause of war, we of wounds and of bloodshed to our husbands and parents. It were better that we perish than live widowed or fatherless without one or other of you."[5]
The battle came to an end, and the Sabines agreed to unite in one nation with the Romans. Titus Tatius jointly ruled with Romulus until Tatius's death five years later.
The new Sabine residents of Rome settled on the Capitoline Hill, which they had captured in the battle.[6]
Artistic representations[edit]
Many treatments of the incident combined a suitably inspiring example of the hardiness and courage of ancient Romans with the opportunity to depict multiple figures, including heroically semi-nude figures, in intensely passionate struggle.
The Rape of the Sabine Women by Johann Heinrich Schönfeld
The subject was popular during the Renaissance as symbolising the importance of marriage for the continuity of families and cultures. It was also an example of a battle subject in which the artist could demonstrate his skill in depicting female as well as male figures in extreme poses, with the added advantage of a sexual theme. It was depicted regularly on 15th-century Italian cassoni and later in larger paintings. A comparable opportunity from the New Testament was afforded by the theme of the Massacre of the Innocents.
Edgar Degas[edit]
The Rape of the Sabines[7] (after Poussin), c. 1861-1862
"The masters must be copied over and over again," Degas said, "and it is only after proving yourself a good copyist that you should reasonably be permitted to draw a radish from nature." Degas first received permission to copy paintings at the Louvre in 1853 when he was eighteen. He was most interested in the great works of the Italian Renaissance and of his own classical French heritage, hence this detailed copy of Poussin's painting.[8]
Giambologna[edit]
16th-century Italo-Flemish sculptor Giambologna sculpted a representation of this theme with three figures (a man lifting a woman into the air while a second man crouches), carved from a single block of marble. This sculpture is considered Giambologna's masterpiece[9] Originally intended as nothing more than a demonstration of the artist's ability to create a complex sculptural group, its subject matter, the legendary rape of the Sabines, had to be invented after Francesco I de' Medici, Grand Duke of Tuscany, decreed that it be put on public display in the Loggia dei Lanzi in Piazza della Signoria, Florence.
The proposed site for the sculpture, opposite Benvenuto Cellini's statue of Perseus, prompted suggestions that the group should illustrate a theme related to the former work, such as the rape of Andromeda by Phineus. The respective rapes of Proserpina and Helen were also mooted as possible themes. It was eventually decided that the sculpture was to be identified as one of the Sabine virgins.
The work is signed OPVS IOANNIS BOLONII FLANDRI MDLXXXII ("The work of Johannes of Boulogne of Flanders, 1582"). An early preparatory bronze featuring only two figures is in the Museo Nazionale di Capodimonte in Naples. Giambologna then revised the scheme, this time with a third figure, in two wax models now in the Victoria and Albert Museum, London. The artist's full-scale gesso for the finished sculpture, executed in 1582, is on display at the Galleria dell'Accademia in Florence.
Bronze reductions of the sculpture, produced in Giambologna's own studio and imitated by others, were a staple of connoisseurs' collections into the 19th century.
The Abduction of the Sabine Women, by Nicolas Poussin, (1634–1635) (Metropolitan Museum of Art)
The Rape of the Sabine Women, by Nicolas Poussin, Rome, 1637–38 (Louvre Museum)
Nicolas Poussin[edit]
Nicolas Poussin produced two major versions of this subject, which enabled him to display to the full his unsurpassed antiquarian knowledge, together with his mastery of complicated relations of figures in dramatic encounter. One, now at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, was executed in Rome in 1634–35. It depicts Romulus at the left giving the signal for the abduction.
The second version, of 1636–37, now at the Louvre Museum, shows that, though some of the principal figures are similar, he had not exhausted the subject. The architectural setting is more developed.
Peter Paul Rubens[edit]
Main article: The Rape of the Sabine Women (Rubens)
Peter Paul Rubens painted a version of the subject about 1635–40. It is at the National Gallery, London.
Jacques-Louis David[edit]
The Intervention of the Sabine Women (1799).
Jacques-Louis David painted the other end of the story, when the women intervene to reconcile the warring parties. The Sabine Women Enforcing Peace by Running Between the Combatants (also known as The Intervention of the Sabine Women) was completed in 1799. It is in the Louvre Museum.[citation needed]
David had worked on it from 1796, when France was at war with other European nations, after a period of civil conflict culminating in the Reign of Terror and the Thermidorian Reaction, during which David himself had been imprisoned as a supporter of Robespierre. After David's estranged wife visited him in jail, he conceived the idea of telling the story, to honor his wife, with the theme being love prevailing over conflict. The painting was also seen as a plea for the people to reunite after the bloodshed of the revolution.[citation needed]
The painting depicts Romulus's wife Hersilia — the daughter of Titus Tatius, leader of the Sabines — rushing between her husband and her father and placing her babies between them. A vigorous Romulus prepares to strike a half-retreating Tatius with his spear, but hesitates. Other soldiers are already sheathing their swords.[citation needed]
The rocky outcrop in the background is the Tarpeian Rock.[citation needed]
John Leech[edit]
John Leech's satirical version of The Rape of the Sabine Women
The English 19th-century satirical painter John Leech included in his Comic History of Rome a depiction of the Rape of the Sabine Women, where the women are portrayed, with a deliberate anachronism, in Victorian costume and being carried off from the "Corona et Ancora" ("Crown and Anchor", a common English pub sign in seafaring towns).
Pablo Picasso[edit]
Pablo Picasso visited this theme in his several versions of the Rape of the Sabine Women (1962–63), one of which is in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. These are based on David's version. These conflate the beginning and end of the story, depicting the brutish Romulus and Tatius ignoring and trampling on the exposed figure of Hersilia and her child.[10]
Charles Christian Nahl[edit]
Charles Christian Nahl painted the subject in a trio of works entitled The Abduction, The Captivity, and The Invasion.
Literature and performing arts[edit]
Stephen Vincent Benét wrote a short story called "The Sobbin' Women" that parodied the legend. Later adapted into the musical Seven Brides for Seven Brothers, it tells the story of seven gauche but sincere backwoodsmen, one of whom gets married, encouraging the others to seek partners. After a social where they meet girls they are attracted to, they are denied the chance to pursue their courtship by the latter's menfolk. Following the Roman example, they abduct the girls. As in the original tale, the women are at first indignant but are eventually won over.
The story was parodied by Lady Carlotta, the mischief-making character in Saki's short story "The Schartz-Metterklume Method".[11]
The midrash Sefer haYashar (first attested AD 1624) portrays the story as part of a war between the Sabines, descended from Tubal, and the Roman Kittim (Jasher 17:1–15). A more detailed version of this narrative is found in the earlier mediaeval rabbinic work Yosippon.
In 1962, a Spanish "sword and sandal" film based on the story was made, directed by Alberto Gout. Titled El Rapto de las Sabinas, the film was released in the USA under the titles The Rape of the Sabine Women and The Shame of the Sabine Women.
The latest adaptation is a video film, The Rape of the Sabine Women without dialogue, which was produced in 2005 by Eve Sussman and the Rufus Corporation.[12]
Tom Stoppard's play Rosencrantz and Guildenstern Are Dead features a group of all-male players offering to put on a performance of The Rape of the Sabine Women, to the disgust of the title characters.[13]
Cultural context[edit]
Main article: Raptio
See also: Bride kidnapping
The 18th-century artist Niccolò Bambini painted the subject at least twice.
Scholars have cited parallels between the Rape of the Sabine Women, the Æsir–Vanir War in Norse mythology, and the Mahabharata from Hindu mythology, providing support for a Proto-Indo-European "war of the functions". Regarding these parallels, J. P. Mallory states:
Basically, the parallels concern the presence of first-(magico-juridical) and second-(warrior) function representatives on the victorious side of a war that ultimately subdues and incorporates third function characters, for example, the Sabine women or the Norse Vanir. Indeed, the Iliad itself has also been examined in a similar light. The ultimate structure of the myth, then, is that the three estates of Proto-Indo-European society were fused only after a war between the first two against the third.[14]
Adaptations[edit]
Il ratto delle sabine (1961, film)
See also[edit]
Lapiths
Amazonomachy
Stockholm syndrome
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Packman ZM (January 1999). "Rape and consequences in the Latin declamations" (PDF). Scholia: Studies in Classical Antiquity vol. 8: 34. Retrieved 26 November 2016.
Jump up ^ Livy, Ab Urbe Condita Book 1 Ch. 9, p.15.
Jump up ^ Livy, Ab urbe condita 1.9.
Jump up ^ Livy, Ab urbe condita, 1.10
Jump up ^ Livy, Ab urbe condita 1.13
Jump up ^ Livy, Ab urbe condita, 1:33
Jump up ^ "The Rape of the Sabines - Edgar Degas - www.edgar-degas.org". www.edgar-degas.org. Retrieved 2016-03-26.
Jump up ^ "The Rape of the Sabines (after Poussin) - Browse by Title - Norton Simon Museum". www.nortonsimon.org. Retrieved 2016-03-26.
Jump up ^ Liam E. Semler, The English Mannerist Poets and the Visual Arts 1998, ISBN 978-0-8386-3759-3, page 34.
Jump up ^ La tomba del principe sabino — Glossario Archived 2011-01-02 at the Wayback Machine..
Jump up ^ H. H. Munro (Saki), Beasts and Super-Beasts: Beasts, available at Read book online Archived 2009-01-06 at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ Roberta Smith (February 21, 2007). "The Rape of the Sabine Women: Present at an Empire's Corrupted Birth". New York Times.
Jump up ^ "Rosencrantz and Guildenstern Are Dead". Shmoop.
Jump up ^ Mallory (2005:139).
Sources[edit]
Pope-Hennessy, John, Italian High Renaissance & Baroque Sculpture, London: Phaidon, 1996.
Livy, Ab urbe condita, 1.9–13.
Mallory, J. P (2005). In Search of the Indo-Europeans. Thames & Hudson. ISBN 0-500-27616-1
Walter Friedlaender, Nicolas Poussin: A New Approach (New York: Abrams), 1964.
External links[edit]
Media related to Rape of the Sabine Women at Wikimedia Commons
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Leader of the Opposition (Pakistan)
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For the Leader of the Opposition in other parliamentary systems, see Leader of the Opposition.
The Leader of the Opposition (Urdu: قائد حزب اختلاف), is the people's elected politician who, by law, is the leader of the Official Opposition in Pakistan. The current and incumbent Leader of the Opposition is Syed Khurshid Ahmed Shah of Pakistan Peoples Party Parliamentarians — a party representing PPP. The Leader of the Opposition also leads the Official Opposition to National Assembly of Pakistan, a lower house of Pakistan Parliament. The Leader of the Opposition is normally the leader of the largest party not within the government which is usually the second largest political party in the National Assembly. In established democracies he or she is normally viewed as an alternative Prime Minister. There is also a Leader of the Opposition in the Senate, who is elected / nominated separately.
National Assembly[edit]
A list of the leaders of the Opposition before and according to the 1973 Constitution of Pakistan;
Independent
Pakistan Muslim League (N)
National Awami Party/Pakistan Peoples Party
Pakistan Muslim League (Q)
United Council of Action
Pakistan National Alliance
Numerical list
Leaders of the Opposition
Starting term
Ending term
Political affiliation
Political ideology
A
Fatima Jinnah 1 January 1960 9 July 1967 Independent Pan-Islamism, Pakistani nationalism
B
Nurul Amin 9 July 1967 7 December 1970 Pakistan Muslim League Pakistani nationalism
1
Khan Abdul Wali Khan 14 April 1972 17 August 1975 National Awami Party Democratic socialism
2
Sherbaz Khan Mazari 17 August 1975 5 July 1977 Pakistan National Alliance Secularism
3
Fakhar Imam 24 March 1985 29 May 1988 Pakistan Muslim League National conservatism
(1)
Khan Abdul Wali Khan 2 December 1988 6 August 1990 National Awami Party Democratic socialism
4
Benazir Bhutto 6 November 1990 18 April 1993 Pakistan Peoples Party Democratic socialism
5
Nawaz Sharif 19 October 1993 5 November 1996 Pakistan Muslim League (N) Western conservatism
(4)
Benazir Bhutto 6 November 1996 18 April 1999 Pakistan Peoples Party Democratic socialism
6
Fazal-ur-Rehman 20 August 2004 25 March 2008 United Council of Action Religious conservatism
7
Chaudhry Pervaiz Elahi 25 March 2008 17 September 2008 Pakistan Muslim League (Q) Conservatism
8
Nisar Ali Khan 17 September 2008 7 June 2013 Pakistan Muslim League (N) Western conservatism
9
Syed Khurshid Ahmed Shah 7 June 2013 Incumbent Pakistan Peoples Party Democratic socialism
See also[edit]
National Assembly of Pakistan
Government of Pakistan
Politics of Pakistan
Pakistan
Imran khan
References[edit]
[show]
v
t
e
Leader of the Opposition of Pakistan
F. Jinnah
N. Amin
K.A.W. Khan
S.K. Mazari
F. Imam
K.A.W. Khan
B. Bhutto
N. Sharif
B. Bhutto
F. Rehman
C.P. Elahi
N.A. Khan
K. Shah
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Leader_of_the_Opposition_(Pakistan)&oldid=745535845"
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