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Trial as an adult
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Trial as an adult is a situation in which a juvenile offender is tried as if he or she were an adult.
Where specific protections exist for juvenile offenders (such as suppression of an offender's name or picture or a closed courtroom where the proceedings are not made public), these protections may be waived.
Contents
[hide]
1 United States
1.1 Criminal court vs. juvenile court
1.2 Transfer to criminal court
1.3 Demographics
1.4 Controversy
1.4.1 Advocates for the abolition of juvenile court
1.4.2 Competence of juveniles as trial defendants
1.4.2.1 General capabilities
1.4.2.2 Understanding rights
1.4.2.3 Attorney-client relationship
1.5 Jurors' perception of juvenile defendants
1.6 Public opinion of juveniles in criminal court
1.7 Outcomes of juveniles prosecuted in criminal courts
1.7.1 Short-term consequences
1.7.2 Long-term consequences
1.7.3 Executions of juveniles
2 England and Wales
3 Germany
4 See also
5 References
United States[edit]
See also: Youth incarceration in the United States
The first juvenile court in the United States was established in 1899 in Cook County, Illinois.[1] Before this time, it was widely held that children 7 years old and older were capable of criminal intent and were therefore punished as adults.[2] These juvenile courts focused on the offenders instead of the offenses and worked toward a goal of rehabilitation. These courts also arose from a growing belief that instead of being "miniature adults", children and adolescents possess moral and cognitive capabilities that are not quite fully developed.[2]
After a dramatic increase in violent juvenile offenses in the 1990s,[3] a greater number of juveniles were transferred from juvenile court to criminal court for their crimes. This process is controversial, due to concerns about the difference between the cognitive and moral capabilities of juveniles vs. adults and the ease with which juvenile cases can be transferred. Supporters of the abolition of juvenile court, however, argue that prosecuting juvenile offenders in criminal court offers better protection to society and holds juveniles responsible for their actions.
Criminal court vs. juvenile court[edit]
There are several differences between juvenile court and criminal court in the United States. One of the most significant differences is the intent of the two systems; the focus of the juvenile justice system is on rehabilitation and future reintegration, while the goal of the criminal justice system is punishment and deterrence of future crime. In juvenile court rulings, decisions often take psychosocial factors into account along with current offense severity and the youth's offense history. In contrast, in criminal proceedings, the severity of the offense and criminal history weigh most heavily in sentencing outcome. Upon release, those who pass through the juvenile justice system receive parole-like surveillance along with reintegration programs, reflecting the belief that juvenile behavior can be changed. Those released from prison receive surveillance which serves to monitor and report illegal behavior.[2]
Transfer to criminal court[edit]
During the late 1980s and early 1990s murders by juveniles increased dramatically, which resulted in new legislation that allowed for more juveniles and younger juveniles to be transferred to criminal court.[3] These changes, many of which took place between 1992 and 1995, included lowering the age of judicial transfer, adding to the list of transferable offenses, and creating automatic transfer laws for certain ages and offenses.[4] It has been found recently that the United States transfers roughly 13,000 juveniles to adult courts every year, with approximately 36% of those transfers involving youth who committed violent offenses.[5]
There are four main processes by which juvenile defendants can be transferred to criminal court[3][4]
Judicial Waiver: Juvenile court judges have the ability to transfer juveniles to criminal court, usually takes into account age and severity of offense
Prosecutorial Discretion: Prosecutors have the authority to file cases in juvenile court or criminal court jurisdiction
Statutory Exclusion: State laws that require certain categories of juvenile offenders to appear in criminal court based on age or type of offense
"Once an adult, always an adult" or "Once waived/always waived": State laws that require juveniles to be tried in criminal court if any previous crimes were seen in criminal court
Twenty-three states have no minimum age in at least one judicial waiver or statutory exclusion provision allowing for the transfer of juveniles to adult court. In states where a minimum age is specified for all transfer provisions, age 14 is the most common minimum age.[6]
Demographics[edit]
In 2003, 2.2 million arrests were made involving individuals under 18, with the most serious offenses most frequently involving larceny-theft, drug abuse violations, and disorderly conduct.[6] According to 1998 statistics from the Bureau of Justice,[7] which looked at 7,100 transferred juveniles charged with felonies within 40 of the nation's largest urban counties, violent felony offenses made up 63.5% of the charges made against juvenile defendants in criminal court. Other offenses included property offenses (17.7%), drug offenses (15.1%) and public-disorder offenses (3.5%). Of this sample of juveniles, 23% were transferred to criminal court by judicial waiver, 34% by prosecutorial discretion, and 41.6% by statutory exclusion. Within this sample of juveniles, 96% percent were male. A majority of the juvenile defendants were African American (62%). The rest of the sample was made up of Caucasian (20%), Latino (16%) and other (2%). At time of arrest almost 40% of the juveniles were age 17, with 30.7% ages 16–17, 19.2% ages 15–16, 6.8% ages 14–15, and 0.3% less than 14 years of age.
In a study that looked at 1,829 youths, from ten to 17 years of age, it was found that females, non-Hispanic whites, and younger juveniles were less likely to be tried in criminal court than males, African Americans, Hispanics, and older youths. Among the juveniles transferred to criminal court, 68% had one psychiatric disorder and 43% had two or more psychiatric disorders. When the juveniles who were sentenced in criminal court were compared to the juveniles sentenced in juvenile court, those youth who were sentenced to adult prison had greater odds of having a disruptive behavior disorder, a substance abuse disorder, or affective and anxiety disorders.[8]
An estimated 250,000 youth are tried, sentenced, or incarcerated as adults every year across the United States.[9]
Controversy[edit]
Advocates for the abolition of juvenile court[edit]
Critics of the juvenile court argue that the definitions of childhood and adolescence that were used to establish the first juvenile courts in America are no longer equivalent to the definitions of childhood and adolescence today. These critics state that the boundary between juvenile and adult is no longer as clear, as children appear to grow up faster, with more exposure to adult ideas, and as adults more often engage in juvenile behaviors and activities.[10][11]
It is also argued[11] that many juvenile jurisdictions are no longer taking a rehabilitative approach to juvenile delinquents, and are instead becoming more and more punitive,[11] and that because of some of the modifications within the juvenile justice system (e.g. required to waive access to a jury of peers[4]) these defendants are losing out on chances for better advocacy[10] and they are not receiving all their rights as a trial defendant.
Other critical beliefs of the juvenile justice system are that the system allows for youth to escape the consequences of their actions. This then leads to further predation of society. It is also believed that children/adolescents understand the implications of violent behavior, and because of this, deserve a more complete punishment. Last, it does not always appear that the juvenile justice system is succeeding in deterring juvenile crime.[citation needed]
Competence of juveniles as trial defendants[edit]
There is much controversy surrounding the idea of trying and sentencing juveniles as adults in criminal court. This debate centers around the cognitive and moral capacities of juveniles.
There have been numerous attempts to conceptualize and organize the abilities needed to be deemed a competent defendant in criminal court. Competency can be defined as the ability to assist counsel and the ability to engage in proficient reasoning and judgment-making.[12] To assist counsel, a defendant must be able to understand trial procedures, understand the charges against him or her, understand his or her rights in court, and must be able to engage in beneficial communication with his or her counsel. To demonstrate proficient reasoning and judgment in court-related matters, a defendant must understand that counsel will provide insight and aid, know when it is beneficial to waive certain rights, and comprehend repercussions of certain options within court proceedings.[13]
General capabilities[edit]
It has been found that youths younger than 13 are lacking many of the abilities that older adolescent and adult defendants possess; namely a familiarity with court proceedings, a robust understanding of rights, a comprehension that defense attorneys are on the side of the defendant, and an ability to communicate effectively with counsel.[13]
A 2003 study by Grisso et al.[14] suggested that among a sample of 1,393 community youths (ages 11–17) and young adults (ages 18–24) and detained youth and young adults, that those aged 15 and younger are unable to perform as well as older adolescent and young adults as trial defendants. It was found in this study that
approximately one third of 11- to 13-year-olds and approximately one fifth of 14 to 15 year olds are as impaired in capacities relevant to adjudicative competence as are seriously mentally ill adults who would likely be considered incompetent to stand trial.
A study that looked exclusively at juveniles 16–17 years old who were directly filed to criminal court (i.e. transferred by prosecutorial discretion) found no significant differences in competence between these youth and older criminal defendants.[15]
Regarding juveniles' knowledge about criminal court, it has been found that most adolescent offenders are ignorant of the transfer laws that may force them to be tried and sentenced as an adult, and it is suggested that a previous knowledge of these laws might have deterred them from committing their crime.[16]
It has been shown that most mid-to-late adolescents are close to adults in cognitive abilities; however, they are less likely to use their abilities because of several reasons. First, juveniles have less experience in life. They are less likely to perceive risks and less likely to contemplate how present actions might affect their future situations.[17][18] The teenage environment also poses several risks to vulnerable individuals. These at-risk adolescents are more often subjected to influences from other troublemaking youth, and opposing these influences has the possibility of resulting in poor outcomes, such as being rejected, suffering ridicule or being physically accosted.[19] Adolescents are also less independent than adults in the decision-making process[18] which could lead to more conforming behavior.[20]
Younger adolescents are also more likely than adults and older adolescents to display compliance behavior with authority figures (e.g. make a plea agreement).[14]
When evaluating a person's maturity of judgment, his responsibility (i.e. ability to act independently and take care of one's self), temperance (i.e. to avoid engaging in impulsive/extreme decision making), and perspective (i.e. the ability to assess a situation from different angles) are measured.[21] It has been found that adolescents are less mature than college students, young adults and adults on the responsibility and perspective factors, with no difference between delinquent and non-delinquent youth.[22] Further, maturity of judgment is a better predictor of total delinquency than age, gender, race, education level, socioeconomic status (SES), and anti-social decision making.[22]
In the cases where juveniles have been deemed incompetent to stand trial, it has been found that these juveniles differ significantly from juveniles deemed competent. Incompetent juveniles are significantly younger than their counterpart competent juveniles, they are more likely to be wards of the state, more likely to be receiving special education services, and more likely to have suffered previous abuse.[23]
Understanding rights[edit]
It has been found that juveniles' understanding and appreciation of their Miranda Rights is significantly impaired among those adolescents aged 11–15,[24][25][26] with age and IQ being the best predictors of Miranda comprehension.[27] Many adolescent defendants find that Miranda vocabulary and reading levels exceed their understanding,[28] and when studying specific components of Miranda Rights, there are several ideas that juveniles find difficult to recognize. For example, 44% of juveniles think that waiting for the police to ask questions is the same as the right to remain silent and 61% of juveniles believe that one must talk in court. These beliefs show a lack of juveniles' understanding of one's right against self-incrimination. Further, 39% of juveniles think that if one pleads guilty, one still has the ability to try to prove his innocence.[29] Defendants aged 15 and younger are also more likely than older defendants to waive the right to an attorney and to confess during police interrogations.[30] Last, juveniles often misunderstand that they have the right to an attorney before and during a police interrogation, and erroneously believe that attorneys only serve innocent defendants.[27]
Attorney-client relationship[edit]
Juveniles' appreciation and understanding of attorney-client privileges are also lacking. When comparing juveniles and adults, juveniles are much more likely to refuse to talk to an attorney, even though it is the attorney's duty to help. When juveniles are asked if they trust their attorney, only 6.2% of juveniles related positively to disclosing information to their attorney.[31] Further, juvenile male defendants and juvenile defendants from ethnic minority groups are less likely to trust their attorney or to disclose information about the case to their attorney than female and Caucasian defendants.[30]
Jurors' perception of juvenile defendants[edit]
Researchers have found that jurors believe previously abused or intellectually disabled defendants are less receptive to rehabilitation, and that disabled juveniles should be held at less fault than non-disabled juveniles for crimes committed. In a 2009 mock jury study, when looking at a case of a previously maltreated juvenile charged with murder, the juvenile defendant was held at less fault by the jury when she was accused of killing her abuser.[32]
Public opinion of juveniles in criminal court[edit]
There are several variables that have an effect on public willingness to transfer juvenile offenders to criminal court. The offender's age and level of offense (ex. use of a weapon) both influence public opinion. The older an offender is and the more serious his crime, the more likely the public is willing to transfer him. Neither criminal history nor victim information has been found to influence public willingness to transfer. African-Americans are also more likely than any other race to be targeted for transfer to criminal court.[33]
Another study that looked at public attitudes toward transferring juveniles to adult court found that the seriousness of the crime is the most important factor in public attitudes shifting toward approval of transfer. The two other most important factors include age of offender and the offender's criminal history. However, seriousness of offense and age of offender outweigh whether the juvenile is a 1st time or a repeat offender in attitudes toward transfer. Whether repeat offender or not the psychological and mental state of the child has everything to do with whether the child will repeat the offense over again. transferring from juvenile to criminal can make the matter worse and can cause more psychological damage from the isolation and the oppressed feelings of not being able to be redeemed.[34]
Outcomes of juveniles prosecuted in criminal courts[edit]
Although the sanctions are more serious in this kind of case than if the juvenile was tried as a child, certain allowances are still made due to the fact the offender is a minor. These include a juvenile offender not being forced to serve time in an adult prison, or with adult prisoners. Extreme sanctions such as the death penalty are generally not handed down to minors.
Short-term consequences[edit]
In 1989, researchers found that juveniles housed in adult facilities are
5 times more likely to be sexually assaulted than youth held in juvenile detention centers[35]
2 times more likely to be beaten by staff than youth held in juvenile detention centers[35]
4.6 times more likely to commit suicide than the general adolescent population[36]
7.7 times more likely to commit suicide than adolescents in juvenile detention centers[36]
Additionally, juveniles who witness violence during incarceration, which is more likely in adult facilities, are less likely to be deterred from future crime.[16]
Youth convicted as adults are at a greater risk of assault and death in adult jails and prisons.[37]
Long-term consequences[edit]
Juveniles whose cases were seen in criminal court were more likely to reoffend and to reoffend sooner than matched samples of juveniles whose cases were seen in juvenile court.[38][39] For example, juveniles tried and convicted as adults were found to be 32% more likely to commit another crime in the future than juveniles tried and adjudicated delinquent for similar crimes in the juvenile justice system.[40]
Executions of juveniles[edit]
Since the reinstatement of the death penalty in 1976, 22 offenders have been executed in the United States for crimes committed during adolescence.[6][41] However, in 2005 the juvenile death penalty was abolished, and cited as cruel and unusual punishment following the ruling of the Supreme Court in Roper v. Simmons.[17]
Since 1990, only nine countries have executed offenders aged under 18 years at the time of their crime. These are the People's Republic of China (PRC), Democratic Republic of the Congo, Iran, Nigeria, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, the United States and Yemen.[42]
England and Wales[edit]
Juveniles are generally tried in a youth court. If a juvenile is charged with an offence that was committed alongside an adult, then both offenders will be tried in an adult magistrates' court, except if it is necessary in the interests of justice that they both be tried in Crown Court.[43]
Juveniles may also be tried as adults in Crown Court for serious offences such as homicide, certain firearms offences, and grave crimes[44] (including sexual assault and child sex offences). Unlike in the Youth Court, trials are open to the public. Media name suppression can be waived at the discretion of the judge, but the young person has no authority in law to insist his/her own name be released.
Germany[edit]
Juveniles between the ages of fourteen and eighteen at the time of their offense may only be tried at all if "they were mature enough to realize the wrongfulness of their conduct and were also capable of acting accordingly". If so, they are tried in a youth court (Jugendgericht). These courts may also try adults between the ages of eighteen and twenty as juveniles if they are found to lack the maturity to be tried as adults.
In any case juveniles cannot be put in prison for less than 6 months nor for more that 10 years. However, there is a movement to allow the indefinite detention of "very dangerous young criminals" after they have served their prison sentences, as it is already allowed for adult prisoners.[45]
See also[edit]
Capital Punishment of Juveniles
Youth Criminal Justice Act
References[edit]
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^ Jump up to: a b c Juvenile justice: A century of change. 1999. National report series. Juvenile Justice Bulletin (PDF)
^ Jump up to: a b c Young, M. C., & Gainsborough, J. (2000). Prosecuting juveniles in adult court: An assessment of trends and consequences.
^ Jump up to: a b c Torbet, P., Gable, R., Hurst, H., Montgomery, I., Szymanski, L., & Thomas, D. (1996). State responses to serious and violent juvenile crime. Washington, DC: Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention.
Jump up ^ Ruddell, R., Mays, G. L., & Giever, D. M. (1998). "TRANSFERRING JUVENILES TO ADULT COURTS. Recent trends and issues in Canada and the United States". Juvenile and Family Court Journal. 49 (3): 1. doi:10.1111/j.1755-6988.1998.tb01481.x. CS1 maint: Multiple names: authors list (link)
^ Jump up to: a b c Snyder, H. N. & Sickmund, M. (2006). Juvenile offenders and victims: 2006 national report. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention.
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Jump up ^ Juveniles executed in the United State in the modern era. Death penalty information center.
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Jump up ^ Magistrates' Court Act 1980, s. 24.
Jump up ^ Powers of Criminal Courts (Sentencing) Act 2000, s. 91
Jump up ^ Children’s Rights: Germany
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Mantle (geology)
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
For other uses, see Mantle (disambiguation).
The mantle is a layer inside a terrestrial planet and some other rocky planetary bodies. For a mantle to form, the planetary body must be large enough to have undergone the process of planetary differentiation by density. The mantle is bounded on the bottom by the planetary core and on top by the crust. The terrestrial planets (Earth, Venus, Mars and Mercury), the Moon, two of Jupiter's moons (Io and Europa) and the asteroid Vesta each have a mantle made of silicate rock.[1][2][3][4][5][6][7][8] Interpretation of spacecraft data suggests that at least two other moons of Jupiter (Ganymede and Callisto), as well as Titan and Triton, each have a mantle made of ice or other solid volatile substances.[9][10][11][12]
Contents
[hide]
1 Earth's mantle
1.1 Structure
1.2 Characteristics
1.3 Temperature
1.4 Movement
1.5 Exploration
2 See also
3 References
4 Further reading
5 External links
Earth's mantle
The internal structure of Earth
The interior of Earth, similar to the other terrestrial planets, is divided into layers of different composition. The mantle is a layer between the crust and the outer core. Earth's mantle is a silicate rocky shell with an average thickness of 2,886 kilometres (1,793 mi).[13] The mantle makes up about 84% of Earth's volume.[14] It is predominantly solid but in geological time it behaves as a very viscous fluid. The mantle encloses the hot core rich in iron and nickel, which makes up about 15% of Earth's volume.[14] Past episodes of melting and volcanism at the shallower levels of the mantle have produced a thin crust of crystallized melt products near the surface.[15] Information about the structure and composition of the mantle has been obtained from geophysical investigation and from direct geoscientific analyses of Earth mantle-derived xenoliths and mantle that has been exposed by mid-oceanic ridge spreading.
Two main zones are distinguished in the upper mantle: the inner asthenosphere composed of plastic flowing rock of varying thickness, on average about 200 km (120 mi) thick,[16] and the lowermost part of the lithosphere composed of rigid rock about 50 to 120 km (31 to 75 mi) thick.[17] A thin crust, the upper part of the lithosphere, surrounds the mantle and is about 5 to 75 km (3.1 to 46.6 mi) thick.[18] Recent analysis of hydrous ringwoodite from the mantle suggests that there is between one[19] and three[20] times as much water in the transition zone between the lower and upper mantle than in all the world's oceans combined.[21]
In some places under the ocean the mantle is actually exposed on the surface of Earth.[22] There are also a few places on land where mantle rock has been pushed to the surface by tectonic activity, most notably the Tablelands region of Gros Morne National Park in the Canadian province of Newfoundland and Labrador and Zabargad Island (St. John's Island) in the Red Sea. (Also Macquarie Island, Saint Peter and Saint Paul Archipelago, Troodos Ophiolite, Lizard Complex, Semail Ophiolite, and other ophiolites)
Structure
The mantle is divided into sections which are based upon results from seismology. These layers (and their thicknesses/depths) are the following: the upper mantle (starting at the Moho, or base of the crust around 7 to 35 km (4.3 to 21.7 mi) downward to 410 km (250 mi)),[23] the transition zone (410–660 km or 250–410 mi), the lower mantle (660–2,891 km or 410–1,796 mi), and anomalous core–mantle boundary with a variable thickness (on average ~200 km (120 mi) thick).[15][24][25][26]
The top of the mantle is defined by a sudden increase in seismic velocity, which was first noted by Andrija Mohorovičić in 1909; this boundary is now referred to as the Mohorovičić discontinuity or "Moho".[24][27] The uppermost mantle plus overlying crust are relatively rigid and form the lithosphere, an irregular layer with a maximum thickness of perhaps 200 km (120 mi). Below the lithosphere the upper mantle becomes notably more plastic. In some regions below the lithosphere, the seismic shear velocity is reduced; this so-called low-velocity zone (LVZ) extends down to a depth of several hundred km. Inge Lehmann discovered a seismic discontinuity at about 220 km (140 mi) depth;[28] although this discontinuity has been found in other studies, it is not known whether the discontinuity is ubiquitous. The transition zone is an area of great complexity; it physically separates the upper and lower mantle.[26] Very little is known about the lower mantle apart from that it appears to be relatively seismically homogeneous. The D" layer at the core–mantle boundary separates the mantle from the core.[15][24] In 2015, research using gravitational data from GRACE satellites and the long wavelength nonhydrostatic geoid indicated viscosity[29] increases by a factor of ten to 150 about 1,000 kilometres (620 mi) below earth's surface; separate research also indicates sinking tectonic plates stall at this depth, leading Robert van der Hilst to speculate "In term's of structure and dynamics, 1,000 kilometers could be more important" (than the currently accepted 660 km depth upper—lower division).[30] The lower mantle also contains some discontinueous zones, called "thermochemical piles" which have been interpreted as either thermally differentiated, upwellings bringing warmer material towards the surface, or as chemically differentiated material.[31] A principal source of the heat that drives plate tectonics is the radioactive decay of uranium, thorium, and potassium in Earth’s crust and mantle.[32]
Characteristics
The mantle differs substantially from the crust in its mechanical properties as the direct consequence of the difference in composition (expressed as different mineralogy). The distinction between crust and mantle is based on chemistry, rock types, rheology and seismic characteristics. The crust is a solidification product of mantle derived melts, expressed as various degrees of partial melting products during geologic time. Partial melting of mantle material is believed to cause incompatible elements to separate from the mantle, with less dense material floating upward through pore spaces, cracks, or fissures, that would subsequently cool and solidify at the surface. Typical mantle rocks have a higher magnesium to iron ratio and a smaller proportion of silicon and aluminium than the crust. This behavior is also predicted by experiments that partly melt rocks thought to be representative of Earth's mantle.
Mapping the interior of the Earth with earthquake waves.
Mantle rocks shallower than about 410 km (250 mi) depth consist mostly of olivine, pyroxenes, spinel-structure minerals, and garnet;[26] typical rock types are thought to be peridotite,[26] dunite (olivine-rich peridotite), and eclogite. Between about 400 km (250 mi) and 650 km (400 mi) depth, olivine is not stable and is replaced by high pressure polymorphs with approximately the same composition: one polymorph is wadsleyite (also called beta-spinel type), and the other is ringwoodite (a mineral with the gamma-spinel structure). Below about 650 km (400 mi), all of the minerals of the upper mantle begin to become unstable. The most abundant minerals present, the silicate perovskites, have structures (but not compositions) like that of the mineral perovskite followed by the magnesium/iron oxide ferropericlase.[33] The changes in mineralogy at about 400 and 650 km (250 and 400 mi) yield distinctive signatures in seismic records of the Earth's interior, and like the moho, are readily detected using seismic waves. These changes in mineralogy may influence mantle convection, as they result in density changes and they may absorb or release latent heat as well as depress or elevate the depth of the polymorphic phase transitions for regions of different temperatures. The changes in mineralogy with depth have been investigated by laboratory experiments that duplicate high mantle pressures, such as those using the diamond anvil.[34]
Composition of Earth's mantle in weight percent[35] [36]
Element
Amount
Compound
Amount
O 44.8
Mg 22.8 SiO2 46
Si 21.5 MgO 37.8
Fe 5.8 FeO 7.5
Ca 2.3 Al2O3 4.2
Al 2.2 CaO 3.2
Na 0.3 Na2O 0.4
K 0.03 K2O 0.04
Sum 99.7 Sum 99.1
The inner core is solid, the outer core is liquid, and the mantle solid/plastic. This is because of the relative melting points of the different layers (nickel–iron core, silicate crust and mantle) and the increase in temperature and pressure as depth increases. At the surface both nickel–iron alloys and silicates are sufficiently cool to be solid. In the upper mantle, the silicates are generally solid (localised regions with small amounts of melt exist); however, as the upper mantle is both hot and under relatively little pressure, the rock in the upper mantle has a relatively low viscosity. In contrast, the lower mantle is under tremendous pressure and therefore has a higher viscosity than the upper mantle. The metallic nickel–iron outer core is liquid because of the high temperature, despite the high pressure. As the pressure increases, the nickel–iron inner core becomes solid because the melting point of iron increases dramatically at these high pressures.[37]
Temperature
In the mantle, temperatures range between 500 to 900 °C (932 to 1,652 °F) at the upper boundary with the crust; to over 4,000 °C (7,230 °F) at the boundary with the core.[37] Although the higher temperatures far exceed the melting points of the mantle rocks at the surface (about 1200 °C for representative peridotite), the mantle is almost exclusively solid.[37] The enormous lithostatic pressure exerted on the mantle prevents melting, because the temperature at which melting begins (the solidus) increases with pressure.
Movement
Main article: Mantle convection
This figure is a snapshot of one time-step in a model of mantle convection. Colors closer to red are hot areas and colors closer to blue are cold areas. In this figure, heat received at the core–mantle boundary results in thermal expansion of the material at the bottom of the model, reducing its density and causing it to send plumes of hot material upwards. Likewise, cooling of material at the surface results in its sinking.
Because of the temperature difference between the Earth's surface and outer core and the ability of the crystalline rocks at high pressure and temperature to undergo slow, creeping, viscous-like deformation over millions of years, there is a convective material circulation in the mantle.[24] Hot material upwells, while cooler (and heavier) material sinks downward. Downward motion of material occurs at convergent plate boundaries called subduction zones. Locations on the surface that lie over plumes are predicted to have high elevation (because of the buoyancy of the hotter, less-dense plume beneath) and to exhibit hot spot volcanism. The volcanism often attributed to deep mantle plumes is alternatively explained by passive extension of the crust, permitting magma to leak to the surface (the "Plate" hypothesis).[38]
The convection of the Earth's mantle is a chaotic process (in the sense of fluid dynamics), which is thought to be an integral part of the motion of plates. Plate motion should not be confused with continental drift which applies purely to the movement of the crustal components of the continents. The movements of the lithosphere and the underlying mantle are coupled since descending lithosphere is an essential component of convection in the mantle. The observed continental drift is a complicated relationship between the forces causing oceanic lithosphere to sink and the movements within Earth's mantle.
Although there is a tendency to larger viscosity at greater depth, this relation is far from linear and shows layers with dramatically decreased viscosity, in particular in the upper mantle and at the boundary with the core.[39] The mantle within about 200 km (120 mi) above the core–mantle boundary appears to have distinctly different seismic properties than the mantle at slightly shallower depths; this unusual mantle region just above the core is called D″ ("D double-prime"), a nomenclature introduced over 50 years ago by the geophysicist Keith Bullen.[40] D″ may consist of material from subducted slabs that descended and came to rest at the core–mantle boundary and/or from a new mineral polymorph discovered in perovskite called post-perovskite.
Earthquakes at shallow depths are a result of stick-slip faulting; however, below about 50 km (31 mi) the hot, high pressure conditions ought to inhibit further seismicity. The mantle is considered to be viscous and incapable of brittle faulting. However, in subduction zones, earthquakes are observed down to 670 km (420 mi). A number of mechanisms have been proposed to explain this phenomenon, including dehydration, thermal runaway, and phase change. The geothermal gradient can be lowered where cool material from the surface sinks downward, increasing the strength of the surrounding mantle, and allowing earthquakes to occur down to a depth of 400 km (250 mi) and 670 km (420 mi).
The pressure at the bottom of the mantle is ~136 GPa (1.4 million atm).[26] Pressure increases as depth increases, since the material beneath has to support the weight of all the material above it. The entire mantle, however, is thought to deform like a fluid on long timescales, with permanent plastic deformation accommodated by the movement of point, line, and/or planar defects through the solid crystals comprising the mantle. Estimates for the viscosity of the upper mantle range between 1019 and 1024 Pa·s, depending on depth,[39] temperature, composition, state of stress, and numerous other factors. Thus, the upper mantle can only flow very slowly. However, when large forces are applied to the uppermost mantle it can become weaker, and this effect is thought to be important in allowing the formation of tectonic plate boundaries.
Exploration
Exploration of the mantle is generally conducted at the seabed rather than on land because of the relative thinness of the oceanic crust as compared to the significantly thicker continental crust.
The first attempt at mantle exploration, known as Project Mohole, was abandoned in 1966 after repeated failures and cost over-runs. The deepest penetration was approximately 180 m (590 ft). In 2005 an oceanic borehole reached 1,416 metres (4,646 ft) below the sea floor from the ocean drilling vessel JOIDES Resolution.
On 5 March 2007, a team of scientists on board the RRS James Cook embarked on a voyage to an area of the Atlantic seafloor where the mantle lies exposed without any crust covering, midway between the Cape Verde Islands and the Caribbean Sea. The exposed site lies approximately three kilometres beneath the ocean surface and covers thousands of square kilometres.[41][42] A relatively difficult attempt to retrieve samples from the Earth's mantle was scheduled for later in 2007.[43] The Chikyu Hakken mission attempted to use the Japanese vessel Chikyū to drill up to 7,000 m (23,000 ft) below the seabed. This is nearly three times as deep as preceding oceanic drillings.
A novel method of exploring the uppermost few hundred kilometres of the Earth was recently proposed, consisting of a small, dense, heat-generating probe which melts its way down through the crust and mantle while its position and progress are tracked by acoustic signals generated in the rocks.[44] The probe consists of an outer sphere of tungsten about one metre in diameter with a cobalt-60 interior acting as a radioactive heat source. It was calculated that such a probe will reach the oceanic Moho in less than 6 months and attain minimum depths of well over 100 km (62 mi) in a few decades beneath both oceanic and continental lithosphere.[45]
Exploration can also be aided through computer simulations of the evolution of the mantle. In 2009, a supercomputer application provided new insight into the distribution of mineral deposits, especially isotopes of iron, from when the mantle developed 4.5 billion years ago.[46]
See also
Core–mantle boundary
Lehmann discontinuity
Mantle xenoliths
Mantle convection
Mesosphere (mantle)
Mohorovičić discontinuity
Post-perovskite phase transition
Primitive mantle
Earth's internal heat budget
References
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Jump up ^ "Japan hopes to predict 'Big One' with journey to center of Earth". PhysOrg.com. 2005-12-15. Archived from the original on 2005-12-19. Retrieved 2008-03-16. An ambitious Japanese-led project to dig deeper into the Earth's surface than ever before will be a breakthrough in detecting earthquakes including Tokyo's dreaded "Big One," officials said Thursday.
Jump up ^ Ojovan M.I., Gibb F.G.F., Poluektov P.P., Emets E.P. 2005. Probing of the interior layers of the Earth with self-sinking capsules. Atomic Energy, 99, 556–562
Jump up ^ Ojovan M.I., Gibb F.G.F. "Exploring the Earth’s Crust and Mantle Using Self-Descending, Radiation-Heated, Probes and Acoustic Emission Monitoring". Chapter 7. In: Nuclear Waste Research: Siting, Technology and Treatment, ISBN 978-1-60456-184-5, Editor: Arnold P. Lattefer, Nova Science Publishers, Inc. 2008
Jump up ^ University of California – Davis (2009-06-15). Super-computer Provides First Glimpse Of Earth's Early Magma Interior. ScienceDaily. Retrieved on 2009-06-16.
Further reading
Don L. Anderson, Theory of the Earth, Blackwell (1989), is a textbook dealing with the Earth's interior and is now available on the web. Retrieved 2007-12-23.
Jeanloz, Raymond (2000). "Mantle of the Earth". In Haraldur Sigurdsson; Bruce Houghton; Hazel Rymer; John Stix; Steve McNutt. Encyclopedia of Volcanoes. San Diego: Academic Press. pp. 41–54. ISBN 978-0-12-643140-7. Retrieved 2010-05-17.
Nixon, Peter H. (1987). Mantle xenoliths: J. Wiley & Sons, 844p., (ISBN 0-471-91209-3).
Donald L. Turcotte and Gerald Schubert, Geodynamics, Cambridge University Press, Third Edition (2014), ISBN 978-1-107-00653-9 (Hardback) ISBN 978-0-521-18623-0 (Paperback)
External links
The Wikibook Historical Geology has a page on the topic of: Structure of the Earth
The Biggest Dig: Japan builds a ship to drill to the earth's mantle – Scientific American Magazine (September 2005)
Information on the Mohole Project
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Blue poison dart frog
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Blue poison dart frog
Conservation status
Not evaluated (IUCN 3.1)[1]
Scientific classification
Kingdom: Animalia
Phylum: Chordata
Class: Amphibia
Order: Anura
Suborder: Neobatrachia
Family: Dendrobatidae
Genus: Dendrobates
Species: D. tinctorius
Subspecies: D. tinctorius "azureus"
Trinomial name
Dendrobates tinctorius "azureus"
Hoogmoed, 1969
The blue poison dart frog or blue poison arrow frog or known by its native name, okopipi, (Dendrobates tinctorius "azureus") is a poison dart frog found in the forests surrounded by the Sipaliwini savanna, which is located in southern Suriname and adjacent far northern Brazil. D. tinctorius "azureus" is also known by its Tirio Indian name, okopipi. Its scientific name comes from its azure color. While frequently considered a valid species in the past, recent authorities treat it as a variant of D. tinctorius.[1][2]
Contents
[hide]
1 Description
2 Behavior
3 Reproduction
4 Feeding
5 Captive care
6 References
7 External links
Description[edit]
D. tinctorius "azureus" frogs in captivity.
D. tinctorius "azureus" is a medium-sized frog that weighs about 8 g and grows to 3.0-4.5 cm in length. Females are larger and about half a centimeter longer than males, but males have larger toes. The frog has a typical lifespan of five to seven years in the wild. Its bright blue skin, usually darker around its limbs and stomach, serves as a warning to predators. The glands of poisonous alkaloids located a defense mechanism to potential predators. These poisons paralyze and sometimes kill the predator. The black spots are unique to each frog, enabling individuals to be identified. This species of frog has a distinctive hunch-backed posture.
Each foot has four toes, which each have a flattened tip with a suction cup pad used for gripping. The tips of the toes in females are round, while males have heart-shaped tips.
As with almost all frogs, tadpoles differ greatly in appearance from adults. They have a long tail, about 6 mm, with a total length around 10 mm. They lack legs and have gills instead of lungs.
Behavior[edit]
Play media
Blue poison frog
D. tinctorius "azureus"
D. tinctorius "azureus" is a mainland animal, but stays close to water sources. These frogs spend most of their awake time, during the day, hopping around in short leaps. They are very territorial and aggressive both towards their own species and others. To ward off intruders, they use a series of calls, chases, and wrestling. Although poison dart frogs are known for their skin toxins, used on the tips of arrows or darts of natives, in reality only the species of the Phyllobates genus are used in this manner. In captivity, the frogs lose toxicity as a result of altered diets.
Reproduction[edit]
The blue poison dart frog breeds seasonally, usually during February or March when the weather is rainy. To find mates, the males sit on a rock and produce quiet calls, which the females follow to track down the males. The females then physically fight over a male. The male takes the female to a quiet place by water, which becomes the site of the egg-laying. Fertilization occurs externally; once the eggs are laid, the male covers them in his sperm.
Between five and 10 offspring are produced at each mating. Eggs are laid in the male’s territory, which he defends. The male takes care of the eggs, sometimes joined by the female. The eggs hatch after 14 to 18 days, and after 10 to 12 weeks the tadpoles are fully mature. Both sexes reach sexual maturity at two years of age. The expected lifespan of D. tinctorius "azureus" is between 4 and 6 years in the wild, and about 10 years in captivity.
Feeding[edit]
The blue poison dart frog feeds on ants, beetles, flies, mites, spiders, termites, maggots, and caterpillars.
Captive care[edit]
See also: History of dendrobatid frogkeeping
In captivity, like most captive dart frogs, they eat a staple diet of fruit flies, pinhead crickets, rice flour beetle larvae, and springtails.
References[edit]
Amphibians and Reptiles portal
Animals portal
^ Jump up to: a b Philippe Gaucher; Ross MacCulloch (2010). "Dendrobates tinctorius". IUCN Red List of Threatened Species. Version 2013.1. International Union for Conservation of Nature. Retrieved 22 August 2013.
Jump up ^ Wollenberg, Katharina C.; Veith, Michael; Noonan, Brice P.; Lötters, Stefan (2006). Quattro, J. M, ed. "Polymorphism Versus Species Richness—systematics of Large Dendrobates from the Eastern Guiana Shield (Amphibia: Dendrobatidae)". Copeia. 6 (4): 623. doi:10.1643/0045-8511(2006)6[623:PVSROL]2.0.CO;2.
External links[edit]
Wikispecies has information related to: Dendrobates azureus
Media related to Blue poison dart frog at Wikimedia Commons
University of Michigan
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Blue_poison_dart_frog&oldid=796923532"
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Tetrapods described in 1969
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Amphibians of Brazil
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