text:
Birdhouse in Your Soul
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"Birdhouse in Your Soul"
Single by They Might Be Giants
from the album Flood
Released
1989
Format
7", cassette, CD single, 12"
Recorded
1989
Length
3:19
Label
Elektra (US)
Elektra / WEA (EU)
Songwriter(s)
John Flansburgh, John Linnell
Producer(s)
Clive Langer & Alan Winstanley
They Might Be Giants singles chronology
"Purple Toupee"
(1989) "Birdhouse in Your Soul"
(1989) "Istanbul (Not Constantinople)"
(1990)
"Purple Toupee"
(1989) "Birdhouse in Your Soul"
(1989) "Istanbul (Not Constantinople)"
(1990)
Audio sample
file
help
"Birdhouse in Your Soul" is a song by American alternative rock band They Might Be Giants. It was released in late 1989 as the first single from the album Flood. It reached #3 on the United States Modern Rock Tracks chart and #6 on the UK Singles Chart[1] and remains their highest-charting single in both countries. In Australia, "Birdhouse In Your Soul" peaked at #125 on the ARIA singles chart.[2] The song returned to the UK Singles Chart in 2010, after its use in a television advert for Clarks Shoes, peaking at #70.[1] The song is sung from the point of view of a nightlight.[3] It is the band's only Elektra release not to have been released in the 1990s.
Contents
[hide]
1 Lyrics
2 Music video
3 In media
4 Track listing
5 Personnel
6 References
7 External links
Lyrics[edit]
The song tells the story, in oblique terms, of a nightlight with the appearance of a blue canary, from the point of view of the nightlight itself. The summation of its opening statements ("I'm your only friend; I'm not your only friend, but I'm a little glowing friend, but really I'm not actually your friend; but I am") reveals that while it is not really a friend in the traditional sense of the word, its job as a nocturnal protector of its owner (the listener) makes it their only friend while they sleep. It asks the listener to make a birdhouse (being a safe place for something small and vulnerable) for the light it creates in their mind and soul.
The nightlight then goes on to proclaim its identity ("my name is 'blue canary;' one note, spelled 'L-I-T-E'"), and that it will always serve its intended purpose to the listener and their room. It references a picture in the room, probably a lighthouse ("There's a picture opposite me of my primitive ancestry, which stood on rocky shores and kept the beaches shipwreck-free"), and states that while it respects the job a lighthouse does, it would cause shipwrecks if it tried to serve as a lighthouse itself ("Though I respect that a lot, I'd be fired if that were my job, after killing Jason off and countless screaming Argonauts"). It is simply a "guardian angel" for its friend and owner.
As the song fades, the line "while you're at it, keep the nightlight on inside the birdhouse in your soul" echoes the chorus, essentially telling the listener to keep all the good things that provide light in their soul protected.
The lyric "My story's infinite / Like the Longines Symphonette / It doesn't rest" is a reference to the [Longines Symphonette Society, which back in the 1960s and 1970s, released numerous albums consisting of recordings of various classical and classic pieces of music,[4][dubious – discuss] as well as to the Longines Symphonette, a watch showcased at the 1964 New York World's Fair. In fact, band member John Linnell attended the fair as a child, which is featured in some of their other songs. It may also be a reference to the Longines Symphonette clock/radio/lamp of the 1960s and 1970s, which would be near the canary nightlight and, being mains powered, would not rest.
Music video[edit]
The music video was filmed in the New York County's Surrogate's Court and Hall of Records building in Manhattan in 1989 and featured dancers with pictures of William Allen White's eyes attached to glasses obscuring their own. It also features John Linnell's head in a black background with small, red, candle-like lights surrounding his head, John Flanburgh's Danelectro Shorthorn 59DC, and both of the John's bouncing. To match the "blue canary" theme, John Linnell wears a blue turtleneck sweater. It also features several backdrops including a City-like backdrop, a forest-like backdrop, and a backdrop with buildings and palm trees. No blue canary, nightlight or otherwise, appears in the video.
In media[edit]
The television series Pushing Daisies featured a performance of the song by Kristin Chenoweth and Ellen Greene in the episode "Pigeon", an episode whose music was awarded a Primetime Emmy Award for Outstanding Music Composition for a Series; the song also appeared on the show's soundtrack.[5]"
The song features prominently in Jonathan Ames' HBO sitcom Bored to Death. In the 2009 episode, "Make it quick, Fitzgerald!," the fictionalized character Jonathan Ames (Jason Schwartzman) turns off a blue canary nightlight. Underlining the reference, the song runs at the end of the episode and through the credits.
The song was also featured in an episode of British sitcom Peter Kay's Car Share, playing on the radio in the titular car.
The song is featured as the main theme of the web series Yu-Gi-Oh: The Abridged Series: Season Zero.
During AdventureQuest Worlds 3rd birthday event this song was featured as the main theme of the event.
Track listing[edit]
All songs by They Might Be Giants.
7" single & cassette single
"Birdhouse in Your Soul" – 3:19
"Hot Cha" – 1:34
12" single & CD single
"Birdhouse in Your Soul" – 3:19
"Hot Cha" – 1:34
"Hearing Aid" – 3:26
"Ant" – 1:53
Personnel[edit]
Mark Feldman contributes some violin, while the trumpet sample was played by Frank London.
References[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b "Official Charts > They Might Be Giants". The Official UK Charts Company. Retrieved 2015-10-03.
Jump up ^ "Response from ARIA re: chart inquiry, received 2015-07-15". Imgur. Archived from the original on 2015-07-16. Retrieved 2015-10-03.
Jump up ^ Allmusic song review
Jump up ^ Birdhouse In Your Soul Songfacts
Jump up ^ Pushing Daisies Original Television Soundtrack from Allmusic
External links[edit]
"Birdhouse in Your Soul" at This Might Be A Wiki
Birdhouse in Your Soul EP on This Might Be A Wiki
Lyrics of this song at MetroLyrics
hide
v
t
e
They Might Be Giants
John Flansburgh
John Linnell
Dan Miller
Danny Weinkauf
Marty Beller
Hal Cragin
Brian Doherty
Jonathan Feinberg
Dan Hickey
Kurt Hoffman
Graham Maby
Tony Maimone
Eric Schermerhorn
Studio albums
Rock albums
They Might Be Giants (1986)
Lincoln (1988)
Flood (1990)
Apollo 18 (1992)
John Henry (1994)
Factory Showroom (1996)
Long Tall Weekend (1999)
Mink Car (2001)
The Spine (2004)
The Else (2007)
Join Us (2011)
Nanobots (2013)
Glean (2015)
Phone Power (2016)
I Like Fun (2018)
Children's albums
No! (2002)
Here Come the ABCs (2005)
Here Come the 123s (2008)
Here Comes Science (2009)
Why? (2015)
EPs
Why Does the Sun Shine? (The Sun Is a Mass of Incandescent Gas) (1993)
Back to Skull (1994)
Working Undercover for the Man (2000)
They Might Be Giants In... Holidayland (2001)
Bed, Bed, Bed (2003)
Indestructible Object (2004)
The Spine Surfs Alone (2004)
Singles
"Don't Let's Start"
"(She Was A) Hotel Detective"
"They'll Need a Crane"
"Ana Ng"
"Purple Toupee"
"Birdhouse in Your Soul"
"Istanbul (Not Constantinople)"
"The Statue Got Me High"
"I Palindrome I"
"The Guitar (The Lion Sleeps Tonight)"
"S-E-X-X-Y"
"Doctor Worm"
"Boss of Me"
"Man, It's So Loud in Here"
"Experimental Film"
"I'm Impressed"
"Can't Keep Johnny Down"
"You're on Fire"
Other notable songs
"Put Your Hand Inside the Puppet Head"
"Particle Man"
"James K. Polk"
Live albums
Live!! New York City 10/14/94 (1994)
Severe Tire Damage (1998)
Live (1999)
The Spine Hits the Road (2004)
Almanac (2004)
Venue Songs (2004)
First Album Live! (2014)
Flood Live in Australia (2015)
Live in Brooklyn (2016)
Compilations
Don't Let's Start (1989)
Miscellaneous T (1991)
Then: The Earlier Years (1997)
Best of the Early Years (1999)
They Got Lost (2002)
Dial-A-Song: 20 Years of They Might Be Giants (2002)
A User's Guide to They Might Be Giants (2005)
Venue Songs DVD/CD (2005)
Album Raises New and Troubling Questions (2011)
Idlewild (2014)
Video releases
Direct from Brooklyn (1999)
Gigantic (A Tale of Two Johns) (2003)
Here Come the ABCs (2005)
Venue Songs DVD/CD (2005)
Here Come the 123s (2008)
Here Comes Science (2009)
Related articles
Discography
Mono Puff
State Songs (1999)
The Brothers Chaps
International Space Year
"Tiny Toon Music Television" (1991)
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Birdhouse_in_Your_Soul&oldid=848971351"
Categories:
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text:
Springfield Armory XDM
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Springfield Armory XDM
Type
Semi-automatic pistol
Place of origin
Croatia
Production history
Designer
Marko Vuković
Manufacturer
HS Produkt
Produced
2006+
Variants
See Variants
Specifications
Weight
28-32 oz
Length
6.75-8.3"
Height
4.75-5.75"
Cartridge
9×19mm Parabellum
.40 S&W
.45 ACP
Action
Short recoil operated
Feed system
Detachable box magazine
Sights
Fixed and illuminated night sights
The Springfield Armory XDM (X-Treme Duty, the M is for the match grade barrel and match grade trigger) are a series of semi-automatic pistols that are polymer-framed and striker-fired. They closely resemble their predecessor, the HS2000 pistol (most widely known in the United States as Springfield Armory XD). Manufactured in the city of Karlovac, Croatia by HS Produkt (formerly I.M. Metal), the Springfield Armory XDM is the marketing name for the weapon, which is licensed and sold in the United States by Springfield Armory, Inc..[1]
Contents
[hide]
1 History
2 Design
3 Users
4 Variants
4.1 3.8" 9MM Compact
4.2 3.8" .40S&W Compact
4.3 3.8" .45ACP Compact
4.4 3.8" 9MM
4.5 3.8". 40S&W
4.6 4.5" 9MM
4.7 4.5" .40S&W
4.8 4.5" 45ACP
4.9 5.25" COMP SERIES 9MM
4.10 5.25" COMP SERIES .40S&W
4.11 5.25" COMP SERIES .45ACP
5 References
History[edit]
The most noticeable differences between the previous XD models are the XDM's interchangeable back-straps and match-grade barrel. The first XDM was produced in .40 S&W holding 16 rounds in the magazine. This gun was soon followed by the 9mm and .45 ACP. XDMs are also produced as compact pistols in .40 S&W, .45ACP and 9mm with 3.8" barrels. Recently XDM has produced a competition series in 9mm, .40 S&W, and .45 ACP with a 5.25" barrel, remotely resembling the 5" tactical XD pistols. The XDM series of pistols won Handgun of the Year in 2009.[2]
Design[edit]
All XDM series of pistols comes with a 'Match Grade" barrel and trigger, and an ambidextrous magazine release. Match Grade barrels are manufactured to tighter tolerances and custom-fitted for better accuracy and to make the pistol "competition ready". The XDM is a polymer framed handgun with full steel inserts and a mounting rail.
While cosmetically looking superior to the original XD guns with its "all terrain" grip pattern, the angle and depth of each contour in the grip has been calculated for maximized control vertically, horizontally and torsionally. The Major Grasp Slide Serrations were modified for a better more penetrating grasp. All XDM pistols come with grip and trigger safety mechanisms and a loaded chamber indicator at the top of the gun just behind the barrel. A traditional manual safety is an optional feature. The surface of the metal has undergone a Melonite treatment, a salt bath nitriding process which leaves a hard, corrosion-resistant surface. Unlike the previous generation of XD handguns, the XDM does not require pulling the trigger to disassemble the gun, making field stripping safer and faster.[3]
Users[edit]
Main article: HS2000 § Users
United States: Issued or approved for use by a large number of police departments and other Law Enforcement agencies.[4]
Variants[edit]
3.8" 9MM Compact[edit]
Caliber: 9MM
Magazines: 1 - 13-round Compact, SUS
1 - 19-round with X-Tension (USPAT.7191556), SUS
Barrel: 3.8” Steel, Melonite, Fully Supported Ramp
Sights: Dovetail Front and Rear (Steel) 3-Dot
Trigger Pull: 5.5 – 7.7 lbs
Frame : Black Polymer
Slide: Forged Steel
Overall Length: 6.75"
Height: 4.75" with 13-round, 5.75" with 19-round X-Tension
Weight with empty mag: 28oz with 13-round, 29oz with 19-round X-Tension
Available colors: Black, Bi-Tone SS/Black
[5]
3.8" .40S&W Compact[edit]
Caliber: .40S&W
Magazines: 1 - 11-round Compact,SS
1 - 16-round with X-Tension (USPAT.7191556), SS
Barrel: 3.8” Steel, Melonite, Fully Supported Ramp
Sights: Dovetail Front and Rear (Steel) 3-Dot
Trigger Pull: 5.5 – 7.7 lbs
Frame : Black Polymer
Slide: Forged Steel
Overall Length: 6.75"
Height: 4.75" with Compact Mag/ 5.75" with X-Tension (USPAT.7191556)
Weight with empty mag: 28oz / 29oz with X-Tension
Available colors: Black, Bi-Tone SS/Black
[6]
3.8" .45ACP Compact[edit]
Caliber: .45 ACP
Magazines: 1 - 9-round Compact,SUS
1 - 13-round with X-Tension (USPAT.7191556), SUS
Barrel: 3.8” Steel, Melonite, Fully Supported Ramp
Sights: Dovetail Front and Rear (Steel) 3-Dot
Trigger Pull: 5.5 – 7.7 lbs
Frame : Black Polymer
Slide: Forged Steel
Overall Length: 7.00"
Height: 4.55" with Compact Mag/ 5.55" with X-Tension (USPAT.7191556)
Weight with empty mag: 27oz / 29oz with X-Tension mag and sleeve
Available colors: Black, Bi-Tone SS/Black
[7]
3.8" 9MM[edit]
Caliber: 9MM
Magazines: 2 - 19-round, Stainless Steel
Barrel: 3.8” Steel, Melonite, Fully Supported Ramp
Sights: Dovetail Front and Rear (Steel) 3-Dot
Trigger Pull: 5.5 – 7.7 lbs
Frame: Black Polymer
Slide: Forged Steel
Overall Length: 7"
Height: 5.6"
Weight with empty mag: 27.5oz
Available colors: Black, Bi-Tone SS/Black
[8]
3.8". 40S&W[edit]
Caliber: .40S&W
Magazines: 2 – 16-round, Stainless steel
Barrel: 3.8" Steel, Melonite, Fully Supported Ramp
Sights: Dovetail Front and Rear (Steel) 3-Dot
Trigger Pull: 5.5 – 7.7 lbs
Frame : Black Polymer
Slide: Forged Steel
Overall Length: 7"
Height: 5.6"
Weight with empty mag: 28oz
Available colors: Black, Bi-Tone SS/Black
[9]
4.5" 9MM[edit]
Caliber: 9MM
Magazines: 2 - 19-round, Stainless Steel
Barrel: 4.5" Steel, Melonite, Fully Supported Ramp
Sights: Dovetail Front and Rear (Steel) 3-Dot
Trigger Pull: 5.5 - 7.7 lbs.
Frame : Black Polymer
Slide: Forged Steel
Overall Length: 8"
Height: 5.6"
Weight with empty mag: 32 oz.
Available colors: Black, Bi-tone SS/Black.
[10]
4.5" .40S&W[edit]
Caliber: .40S&W
Magazines: 2 – 16
-round, Stainless Steel
Barrel: 4.5" Steel, Melonite,Fully Supported Ramp
Sights: Dovetail Front and Rear (Steel) 3-Dot
Trigger Pull: 5.5 - 7.7 lbs.
Frame : Black Polymer
Slide: Forged Steel
Overall Length: 8"
Height: 5.6"
Weight with empty mag: 32 oz.
Available colors: Black, OD Green, Bi-tone SS/Black. Bi-tone SS/ OD Green
MSRP: $500 USD
[11]
4.5" 45ACP[edit]
Caliber: 45ACP
Magazines: 2 – 13-round, Stainless Steel
Barrel: 4.5" Steel, Melonite, Fully Supported Ramp
Sights: Dovetail Front and Rear (Steel) 3-Dot
Trigger Pull: 5.5 - 7.7 lbs.
Frame : Black Polymer
Slide: Forged Steel
Overall Length: 8"
Height: 5.75"
Weight with empty mag: 31 oz .
Available colors: Black and Bi-Tone
MSRP: $645
[12]
5.25" COMP SERIES 9MM[edit]
Caliber: 9×19mm
Capacity: 19+1RDS
Magazines: 3 magazines for a limited time - 19-round
Barrel: 5.25" Match Grade Select Fit Steel, Melonite, Fully Supported Ramp
Sights: Red fiber optic front (replacement red & green filament included)
Fully adjustable target rear
Sight Radius: 7.25"
Frame : black polymer
Slide: forged steel with lightening cuts
Length: 8.3"
Height: 5.75"
Weight with empty mag: 29oz
Available colors: Black and Bi-Tone
MSRP: $795 / $865
[13]
5.25" COMP SERIES .40S&W[edit]
Caliber: .40S&W
Capacity: 16+1RDS
Magazines: 3 magazines for a limited time - 16-round
Barrel: 5.25" Match Grade Select Fit Steel, Melonite, Fully Supported Ramp
Sights: Red fiber optic front (replacement red & green filament included)
Fully adjustable target rear
Sight Radius: 6
.25"
Frame : black polymer
Slide: forged steel with lightening cuts
Length: 8.3"
Height: 5.75"
Weight with empty mag: 32oz
Available colors: Black and Bi-Tone
[14]
5.25" COMP SERIES .45ACP[edit]
Caliber: 45ACP
Capacity: 13+1RDS
Magazines: 3 magazines for a limited time - 13-round
Barrel: 5.25" Match Grade Select Fit Steel, Melonite, Fully Supported Ramp
Sights: Red fiber optic front (replacement red & green filament included)
Fully adjustable target rear
Sight Radius: 7.25"
Frame : black polymer
Slide: forged steel with lightening cuts
Length: 8.3"
Height: 5.75"
Weight with empty mag: 32oz
Available colors: Black and Bi-Tone
[15]
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "Frequently Asked Questions". HS Arms. 2007-05-20. Retrieved 2007-11-22.
Jump up ^ Springfield Armory XDM: 2009 Handgun of the Year
Jump up ^ Springfield Armory - Introducing the XD(m) Polymer Handgun
Jump up ^ Modern Firearms – Handguns – HS2000 / Springfield XD pistol
Jump up ^ Springfield Armory - Introducing the XD(m) Polymer Handgun
Jump up ^ Springfield Armory - Introducing the XD(m) Polymer Handgun
Jump up ^ Springfield Armory - Introducing the XD(m) Polymer Handgun
Jump up ^ Springfield Armory - Introducing the XD(m) Polymer Handgun
Jump up ^ Springfield Armory - Introducing the XD(m) Polymer Handgun
Jump up ^ Springfield Armory - Introducing the XD(m) Polymer Handgun
Jump up ^ Springfield Armory - Introducing the XD(m) Polymer Handgun
Jump up ^ Springfield Armory - Introducing the XD(m) Polymer Handgun
Jump up ^ Springfield Armory - Introducing the XD(m) Polymer Handgun
Jump up ^ Springfield Armory - Introducing the XD(m) Polymer Handgun
Jump up ^ Springfield Armory - Introducing the XD(m) Polymer Handgun
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Springfield_Armory_XDM&oldid=805433631"
Categories:
Semi-automatic pistols
Semi-automatic pistols of the United States
Semi-automatic pistols of Croatia
9mm Parabellum firearms
.40 S&W firearms
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Siege of Constantinople (717–718)
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For other sieges of the city, see list of sieges of Constantinople.
Second Arab Siege of Constantinople
Part of the Arab–Byzantine wars

Map of the environs of Constantinople in Byzantine times
Date
15 July/Augusta[›] 717 – 15 August 718
Location
Thrace, Bithynia and Sea of Marmara
Result
Decisive Byzantine–Bulgar victory
Climax of the Arab–Byzantine wars
Belligerents
Umayyad Caliphate Byzantine Empire
Bulgar Khanate
Commanders and leaders
Maslama ibn Abd al-Malik
Sulayman ibn Mu'ad
Umar ibn Hubayra Emperor Leo III
Khan Tervel
Strength
120,000 men[1]
2,560 ships[2] unknown
[show]
v
t
e
Arab–Byzantine wars
Early conflicts
Mu'tah
Dathin
Firaz
Muslim conquest of the Levant
al-Qaryatayn
Bosra
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Mamma
Carthage
Umayyad invasions of Anatolia
and Constantinople
1st Constantinople
Sebastopolis
Tyana
2nd Constantinople
Nicaea
Akroinon
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Kamacha
Abbasid invasion of 782
Kopidnadon
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(2nd) Milazzo
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2nd Taormina
Rometta
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Naval warfare and raids
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Crete
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Antioch
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Syria
Orontes
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Azaz
The Second Arab siege of Constantinople in 717–718 was a combined land and sea offensive by the Muslim Arabs of the Umayyad Caliphate against the capital city of the Byzantine Empire, Constantinople. The campaign marked the culmination of twenty years of attacks and progressive Arab occupation of the Byzantine borderlands, while Byzantine strength was sapped by prolonged internal turmoil. In 716, after years of preparations, the Arabs, led by Maslama ibn Abd al-Malik, invaded Byzantine Asia Minor. The Arabs initially hoped to exploit Byzantine civil strife and made common cause with the general Leo III the Isaurian, who had risen up against Emperor Theodosius III. Leo, however, tricked them and secured the Byzantine throne for himself.
After wintering in the western coastlands of Asia Minor, the Arab army crossed into Thrace in early summer 717 and built siege lines to blockade the city, which was protected by the massive Theodosian Walls. The Arab fleet, which accompanied the land army and was meant to complete the city's blockade by sea, was neutralized soon after its arrival by the Byzantine navy through the use of Greek fire. This allowed Constantinople to be resupplied by sea, while the Arab army was crippled by famine and disease during the unusually hard winter that followed. In spring 718, two Arab fleets sent as reinforcements were destroyed by the Byzantines after their Christian crews defected, and an additional army sent overland through Asia Minor was ambushed and defeated. Coupled with attacks by the Bulgars on their rear, the Arabs were forced to lift the siege on 15 August 718. On its return journey, the Arab fleet was almost completely destroyed by natural disasters and Byzantine attacks.
The siege's failure had wide-ranging repercussions. The rescue of Constantinople ensured the continued survival of Byzantium, while the Caliphate's strategic outlook was altered: although regular attacks on Byzantine territories continued, the goal of outright conquest was abandoned. Historians consider the siege to be one of history's most important battles, as its failure postponed the Muslim advance into Southeastern Europe for centuries.
Contents
[hide]
1 Background
2 Sources
3 Opening stages of the campaign
4 Opposing forces
5 Siege
6 Aftermath
7 Historical assessment and impact
8 Cultural impact
9 References
9.1 Footnotes
9.2 Citations
9.3 Sources
10 Further reading
Background[edit]
Following the first Arab siege of Constantinople (674–678), the Arabs and Byzantines experienced a period of peace. After 680, the Umayyad Caliphate was in the throes of the Second Muslim Civil War and the consequent Byzantine ascendancy in the East enabled the emperors to extract huge amounts of tribute from the Umayyad government in Damascus.[3] In 692, as the Umayyads emerged as victors from the Muslim Civil War, Emperor Justinian II (r. 685–695 and 705–711) re-opened hostilities. The result was a series of Arab victories that led to the loss of Byzantine control over Armenia and the Caucasian principalities, and a gradual encroachment upon Byzantine borderlands. Year by year, the Caliphate's generals, usually members of the Umayyad family, launched raids into Byzantine territory and captured fortresses and towns.[4] After 712, the Byzantine defensive system began to show signs of collapse: Arab raids penetrated further and further into Asia Minor, border fortresses were repeatedly attacked and sacked, and references to Byzantine reaction in the sources become more and more scarce.[5] In this, the Arabs were aided by the prolonged period of internal instability that followed the first deposition of Justinian II in 695, in which the Byzantine throne changed hands seven times in violent coups.[6] In the words of the Byzantinist Warren Treadgold, "the Arab attacks would in any case have intensified after the end of their own civil war ... With far more men, land and wealth than Byzantium, the Arabs had begun to concentrate all their strength against it. Now they threatened to extinguish the empire entirely by capturing its capital."[7]
Sources[edit]
The information available on the siege comes from sources composed in later dates, which are often mutually contradictory. The main Byzantine source is the extensive and detailed account of the Chronicle of Theophanes the Confessor (760–817) and secondarily the brief account in the Breviarium of Patriarch Nikephoros I of Constantinople (died 828), which shows small differences, mainly chronological, from Theophanes's version.[8] For the events of the siege, both authors appear to have used a primary account composed during the reign of Leo III the Isaurian (r. 717–741) which therefore contains a favourable depiction of the latter, while Theophanes apparently relies on an unknown biography of Leo (ignored by Nikephoros) for the events of 716. The eighth century chronicler Theophilus of Edessa records the years leading up to the siege and the siege itself in some detail, paying particular attention to the diplomacy between Maslama and Leo III.[9] The Arab sources, mainly the 11th-century Kitab al-'Uyun and the more concise narrative in the History of the Prophets and Kings by al-Tabari (838–923), rely on primary accounts by early 9th-century Arab writers, but are more confused and contain several legendary elements. The Syriac language accounts are based on Agapius of Hierapolis (died 942), who likely drew from the same primary source as Theophanes, but are far briefer.[10]
Opening stages of the campaign[edit]
Gold solidus of Anastasios II (r. 713–715), who prepared Constantinople for the coming Arab assault
The Arab successes opened the way for a second assault on Constantinople, an undertaking already initiated under Caliph al-Walid I (r. 705–715). Following his death, his brother and successor Sulayman (r. 715–717) took up the project with increased vigour, according to Arab accounts because of a prophecy that a Caliph bearing the name of a prophet would capture Constantinople; Sulayman (Solomon) was the only member of the Umayyad family to bear such a name. According to Syriac sources, the new Caliph swore "to not stop fighting against Constantinople before having exhausted the country of the Arabs or to have taken the city".[11] The Umayyad forces began assembling at the plain of Dabiq north of Aleppo, under the direct supervision of the Caliph. As Sulayman was too sick to campaign himself, however, he entrusted command to his brother Maslama ibn Abd al-Malik.[12] The operation against Constantinople came at a time when the Umayyad state was undergoing a period of continuous expansion to the east and west. Muslim armies advanced into Transoxiana, India and the Visigothic Kingdom of Hispania.[13]
Arab preparations, especially the construction of a large fleet, did not go unnoticed by the worried Byzantines. Emperor Anastasios II (r. 713–715) sent an embassy to Damascus under the patrician and urban prefect, Daniel of Sinope, ostensibly in order to plea for peace, but in reality to spy on the Arabs. Anastasios, in turn, began to prepare for the inevitable siege: the fortifications of Constantinople were repaired and equipped with ample artillery (catapults and other siege weapons), while food stores were brought into the city. In addition, those inhabitants who could not stockpile food for at least three years were evacuated.[14] Anastasios strengthened his navy and in early 715 dispatched it against the Arab fleet that had come to Phoenix—usually identified with modern Finike in Lycia, it may also be modern Fenaket across Rhodes,[15] or perhaps Phoenicia (modern Lebanon), famed for its cedar forests[16]—to collect timber for their ships. At Rhodes, however, the Byzantine fleet, encouraged by the soldiers of the Opsician Theme, rebelled, killed their commander John the Deacon and sailed north to Adramyttium. There, they acclaimed a reluctant tax collector, Theodosius, as emperor.[17] Anastasios crossed into Bithynia in the Opsician Theme to confront the rebellion, but the rebel fleet sailed on to Chrysopolis. From there, it launched attacks against Constantinople, until, in late summer, sympathizers within the capital opened its gates to them. Anastasios held out at Nicaea for several months, finally agreeing to resign and retire as a monk.[18] The accession of Theodosios, who from the sources comes across as both unwilling and incapable, as a puppet emperor of the Opsicians provoked the reaction of the other themes, especially the Anatolics and the Armeniacs under their respective strategoi (generals) Leo the Isaurian and Artabasdos.[19]
Map of Byzantine Asia Minor and Thrace in the early 8th century
In these conditions of near-civil war, the Arabs began their carefully prepared advance. In September 715, the vanguard, under general Sulayman ibn Mu'ad, marched over Cilicia into Asia Minor, taking the strategic fortress of Loulon on its way. They wintered at Afik, an unidentified location near the western exit of the Cilician Gates. In early 716, Sulayman's army continued into central Asia Minor. The Umayyad fleet under Umar ibn Hubayra cruised along the Cilician coast, while Maslama ibn Abd al-Malik awaited developments with the main army in Syria.[20]
The Arabs hoped that the disunity among the Byzantines would play to their advantage. Maslama had already established contact with Leo the Isaurian. French scholar Rodolphe Guilland theorized that Leo offered to become a vassal of the Caliphate, although the Byzantine general intended to use the Arabs for his own purposes. In turn, Maslama supported Leo hoping to maximize confusion and weaken the Empire, easing his own task of taking Constantinople.[21]
Sulayman's first objective was the strategically important fortress of Amorium, which the Arabs intended to use as a base the following winter. Amorium had been left defenceless in the turmoil of the civil war and would have easily fallen, but the Arabs chose to bolster Leo's position as a counterweight to Theodosios. They offered the city terms of surrender if its inhabitants would acknowledge Leo as emperor. The fortress capitulated, but still did not open its gates to the Arabs. Leo came to the vicinity with a handful of soldiers and executed a series of ruses and negotiations to garrison 800 men in the town. The Arab army, thwarted in its objective and with supplies running low, withdrew. Leo escaped to Pisidia and, in summer, supported by Artabasdos, was proclaimed and crowned as Byzantine emperor, openly challenging Theodosios.[22][23]
Gold solidus of Leo III
Leo's success at Amorium was fortunately timed, since Maslama with the main Arab army had in the meantime crossed the Taurus Mountains and was marching straight for the city. In addition, as the Arab general had not received news of Leo's double-dealing, he did not devastate the territories he marched through—the Armeniac and Anatolic themes, whose governors he still believed to be his allies.[24] On meeting up with Sulayman's retreating army and learning what had transpired, Maslama changed direction: he attacked Akroinon and from there marched to the western coastlands to spend the winter. On his way, he sacked Sardis and Pergamon. The Arab fleet wintered in Cilicia.[25] Leo, in the meantime, began his own march on Constantinople. He captured Nicomedia, where he found and captured, among other officials, Theodosios's son, and then marched to Chrysopolis. In spring 717, after short negotiations, he secured Theodosios's resignation and his recognition as emperor, entering the capital on 25 March. Theodosios and his son were allowed to retire to a monastery as monks, while Artabasdos was promoted to the position of kouropalates and received the hand of Leo's daughter, Anna.[26]
Opposing forces[edit]
From the outset, the Arabs prepared for a major assault on Constantinople. The late 8th-century Syriac Zuqnin Chronicle reports that the Arabs were "innumerable", while the 12th-century Syriac chronicler Michael the Syrian mentions a much-inflated 200,000 men and 5,000 ships. The 10th-century Arab writer al-Mas'udi mentions 120,000 troops, and the account of Theophanes the Confessor 1,800 ships. Supplies for several years were hoarded, and siege engines and incendiary materials (naphtha) were stockpiled. The supply train is said to have numbered 12,000 men, 6,000 camels and 6,000 donkeys, while according to the 13th-century historian Bar Hebraeus, the troops included 30,000 volunteers (mutawa) for the Holy War (jihad).[27] Whatever the true numbers, the attackers were considerably more numerous than the defenders; according to Treadgold, the Arab host may have outnumbered the entire Byzantine army.[1] Little is known on the detailed composition of the Arab force, but it appears that it mostly consisted of and was led by Syrians and Jazirans of the elite ahl al-Sham ("People of Syria"), the main pillar of the Umayyad regime and veterans of the struggle against Byzantium.[28] Alongside Maslama, Umar ibn Hubayra, Sulayman ibn Mu'ad, and Bakhtari ibn al-Hasan are mentioned as his lieutenants by Theophanes and Agapius of Hierapolis, while the later Kitab al-'Uyun replaces Bakhtari with Abdallah al-Battal.[29]
Although the siege consumed a large part of the Caliphate's manpower and resources,b[›] it was still capable of launching raids against the Byzantine frontier in eastern Asia Minor during the siege's duration: in 717, Caliph Sulayman's son Daud captured a fortress near Melitene and in 718 Amr ibn Qais raided the frontier.[30] On the Byzantine side, the numbers are unknown. Aside from Anastasius II's preparations (which might have been neglected following his deposition),[31] the Byzantines could count on the assistance of the Bulgars, with whom Leo concluded a treaty that possibly included alliance against the Arabs.[32]
Siege[edit]
Photo of a restored section of the triple Theodosian Walls protecting Constantinople from its land side
In early summer, Maslama ordered his fleet to join him and with his army crossed the Hellespont (Dardanelles) at Abydos into Thrace. The Arabs began their march on Cοnstantinople, thoroughly devastating the countryside, gathering supplies, and sacking the towns they encountered.[33] In mid-July or mid-August,a[›] the Arab army reached Constantinople and isolated it completely on land by building a double siege wall of stone, one facing the city and one facing the Thracian countryside, with their camp positioned between them. According to Arab sources, at this point Leo offered to ransom the city by paying a gold coin for every inhabitant, but Maslama replied that there could not be peace with the vanquished, and that the Arab garrison of Constantinople had already been selected.[34]
The Arab fleet under Sulayman (often confused with the Caliph himself in the medieval sources) arrived on 1 September, anchoring at first near the Hebdomon. Two days later, Sulayman led his fleet into the Bosphorus and the various squadrons began anchoring by the European and Asian suburbs of the city: one part sailed south of Chalcedon to the harbours of Eutropios and Anthemios to watch over the southern entrance of the Bosporus, while the rest of the fleet sailed into the strait, passed by Constantinople and began making landfall on the coasts between Galata and Kleidion, cutting the Byzantine capital's communication with the Black Sea. But as the Arab fleet's rearguard, twenty heavy ships with 2,000 marines, was passing the city, the southerly wind stopped and then reversed, drifting them towards the city walls, where a Byzantine squadron attacked them with Greek fire. Theophanes reported that some went down with all hands, while others, burning, sailed down to the Princes' Islands of Oxeia and Plateia. The victory encouraged the Byzantines and dejected the Arabs, who, according to Theophanes, had originally intended to sail to the sea walls during the night and try to scale them using the ships' steering paddles. The same night, Leo drew up the chain between the city and Galata, closing the entrance to the Golden Horn. The Arab fleet became reluctant to engage the Byzantines, and withdrew to the safe harbour of Sosthenion further north on the European shore of the Bosporus.[35]
The Second Arab Siege of Constantinople, as depicted in the 14th-century Bulgarian translation of the Manasses Chronicle
The Arab army was well-provisioned, with Arab accounts reporting high mounds of supplies piled up in their camp, and had even brought along wheat to sow and harvest the next year. The failure of the Arab navy to blockade the city, however, meant that the Byzantines too could ferry in provisions. In addition, the Arab army had already devastated the Thracian countryside during its march and could not rely on it for foraging. The Arab fleet and the second Arab army, which operated in the Asian suburbs of Constantinople, were able to bring in limited supplies to Maslama's army.[36] As the siege drew into winter, negotiations opened between the two sides, extensively reported by Arab sources but ignored by Byzantine historians. According to the Arab accounts, Leo continued to play a double game with the Arabs. One version claims that he tricked Maslama into handing over most of his grain supplies, while another claims that the Arab general was persuaded to burn them altogether, so as to show the inhabitants of the city that they faced an imminent assault and induce them to surrender.[37] The winter of 718 was extremely harsh; snow covered the ground for over three months. As the supplies in the Arab camp ran out, a terrible famine broke out: the soldiers ate their horses, camels, and other livestock, and the bark, leaves and roots of trees. They swept the snow of the fields they had sown to eat the green shoots, and reportedly resorted to cannibalism and eating their own excrement. Consequently, the Arab army was ravaged by epidemics; with great exaggeration, the Lombard historian Paul the Deacon put the number of their dead of hunger and disease at 300,000.[38]
Depiction of the use of Greek fire, miniature from the Madrid Skylitzes
The situation looked set to improve in spring when the new Caliph, Umar II (r. 717–720), sent two fleets to the besiegers' aid: 400 ships from Egypt under a commander named Sufyan and 360 ships from Africa under Izid, all laden with supplies and arms. At the same time, a fresh army began marching through Asia Minor to assist in the siege. When the new fleets arrived in the Sea of Marmara, they kept their distance from the Byzantines and anchored on the Asian shore. The Egyptians were in the Gulf of Nicomedia near modern Tuzla and the Africans south of Chalcedon (at Satyros, Bryas and Kartalimen). Most of the Arab fleets' crews were composed of Christian Egyptians, however, and they began deserting to the Byzantines upon their arrival. Notified by the Egyptians of the advent and disposition of the Arab reinforcements, Leo launched his fleet in an attack against the new Arab fleets. Crippled by the defection of their crews, and helpless against Greek fire, the Arab ships were destroyed or captured along with the weapons and supplies they carried. Constantinople was now safe from a seaborne attack.[39] On land too the Byzantines were victorious: their troops managed to ambush the advancing Arab army under a commander named Mardasan and destroy it in the hills around Sophon, south of Nicomedia.[40]
Constantinople could now be easily resupplied by sea and the city's fishermen went back to sea, as the Arab fleet did not sail again. Still suffering from hunger and pestilence, the Arabs lost a major battle against the Bulgars, who killed, according to Theophanes, 22,000. It is unclear, however, whether the Bulgars attacked the Arab encampment because of their treaty with Leo or whether the Arabs strayed into Bulgar territory seeking provisions, as reported by the Syriac Chronicle of 846. Michael the Syrian mentions that the Bulgars participated in the siege from the beginning, with attacks against the Arabs as they marched through Thrace and subsequently on their encampment, but this is not corroborated elsewhere.[41] The siege had clearly failed, and Caliph Umar sent orders to Maslama to retreat. After thirteen months of siege, on 15 August 718, the Arabs departed. The date coincided with the feast of the Dormition of the Theotokos (Assumption of Mary), and it was to her that the Byzantines ascribed their victory. The retreating Arabs were not hindered or attacked on their return, but their fleet lost more ships in a storm in the Marmara Sea while other ships were set afire by ashes from the volcano of Santorini, and some of the survivors were captured by the Byzantines, so that Theophanes claims that only five vessels made it back to Syria.[42] Arab sources claim that altogether 150,000 Muslims perished during the campaign, a figure which, according to the Byzantinist John Haldon, "while certainly inflated, is nevertheless indicative of the enormity of the disaster in medieval eyes".[43]
Aftermath[edit]
Map of the Muslim expansion and the Byzantine Empire at the end of the Umayyad Caliphate, in 750
The expedition's failure weakened the Umayyad state. As historian Bernard Lewis commented, "Its failure brought a grave moment for Umayyad power. The financial strain of equipping and maintaining the expedition caused an aggravation of the fiscal and financial oppression which had already aroused such dangerous opposition. The destruction of the fleet and army of Syria at the sea walls of Constantinople deprived the regime of the chief material basis of its power".[44] The blow to the Caliphate's might was severe, and although the land army did not suffer losses in the same degree as the fleet, Umar is recorded as contemplating withdrawing from the recent conquests of Hispania and Transoxiana, as well as a complete evacuation of Cilicia and other Byzantine territories that the Arabs had seized over the previous years. Although his advisors dissuaded him from such drastic actions, most Arab garrisons were withdrawn from the Byzantine frontier districts they had occupied in the lead-up to the siege. In Cilicia, only Mopsuestia remained in Arab hands as a defensive bulwark to protect Antioch.[45] The Byzantines even recovered some territory in western Armenia for a time. In 719, the Byzantine fleet raided the Syrian coast and burned down the port of Laodicea and, in 720 or 721, the Byzantines attacked and sacked Tinnis in Egypt.[46] Leo also restored control over Sicily, where news of the Arab siege of Constantinople and expectations of the city's fall had prompted the local governor to declare an emperor of his own, Basil Onomagoulos. It was during this time, however, that effective Byzantine control over Sardinia and Corsica ceased.[47] Besides this, the Byzantines failed to exploit their success in launching attacks of their own against the Arabs. In 720, after a hiatus of two years, Arab raids against Byzantium resumed, although now they were no longer directed at conquest, but rather seeking booty. The Arab attacks would intensify again over the next two decades, until the major Byzantine victory at the Battle of Akroinon in 740. Coupled with military defeats on the other fronts of the overextended Caliphate, and the internal instability which culminated in the Abbasid Revolution, the age of Arab expansion came to an end.[48]
Historical assessment and impact[edit]
The second Arab siege of Constantinople was far more dangerous for Byzantium than the first as, unlike the loose blockade of 674–678, the Arabs launched a direct, well-planned attack on the Byzantine capital, and tried to cut off the city completely from land and sea.[30] The siege represented a final effort by the Caliphate to "cut off the head" of the Byzantine Empire, after which the remaining provinces, especially in Asia Minor, would be easy to capture.[49] The Arab failure was chiefly logistical, as they were operating too far from their Syrian bases, but the superiority of the Byzantine navy through the use of Greek fire, the strength of Constantinople's fortifications, and the skill of Leo III in deception and negotiations also played important roles.[50]
Along with the Battle of Tours in 732, the Siege of Constantinople stopped the Muslim expansion into Europe
The failure of the Arab siege led to a profound change in the nature of warfare between Byzantium and the Caliphate. The Muslim goal of conquest of Constantinople was effectively abandoned, and the frontier between the two empires stabilized along the line of the Taurus and Antitaurus Mountains, over which both sides continued to launch regular raids and counter-raids. In this incessant border warfare, frontier towns and fortresses changed hands frequently, but the general outline of the border remained unaltered for over two centuries, until the Byzantine conquests of the 10th century.[51] The eastern fleets of the Caliphate entered a century-long decline; only the Ifriqiyan fleets maintained regular raids on Byzantine Sicily, until they too subsided after 752.[52] Indeed, with the exception of the advance of the Abbasid army under Harun al-Rashid up to Chrysopolis in 782, no other Arab army would ever come within sight of the Byzantine capital again.[53] Consequently, on the Muslim side the raids themselves eventually acquired an almost ritual character, and were valued mostly as a demonstration of the continuing jihad and sponsored by the Caliph as a symbol of his role as the leader of the Muslim community.[54]
The outcome of the siege was of considerable macrohistorical importance. The Byzantine capital's survival preserved the Empire as a bulwark against Islamic expansion into Europe until the 15th century, when it fell to the Ottoman Turks. Along with the Battle of Tours in 732, the successful defence of Constantinople has been seen as instrumental in stopping Muslim expansion into Europe. Historian Ekkehard Eickhoff writes that "had a victorious Caliph made Constantinople already at the beginning of the Middle Ages into the political capital of Islam, as happened at the end of the Middle Ages by the Ottomans—the consequences for Christian Europe [...] would have been incalculable", as the Mediterranean would have become an Arab lake, and the Germanic successor states in Western Europe would have been cut off from the Mediterranean roots of their culture.[55] Military historian Paul K. Davis summed the siege's importance as follows: "By turning back the Moslem invasion, Europe remained in Christian hands, and no serious Moslem threat to Europe existed until the fifteenth century. This victory, coincident with the Frankish victory at Tours (732), limited Islam's western expansion to the southern Mediterranean world."[56] Thus the historian John B. Bury called 718 "an ecumenical date", while the Greek historian Spyridon Lambros likened the siege to the Battle of Marathon and Leo III to Miltiades.[57] Consequently, military historians often include the siege in lists of the "decisive battles" of world history.[58]
Cultural impact[edit]
Among Arabs, the 717–718 siege became the most famous of their expeditions against Byzantium. Several accounts survive, but most were composed at later dates and are semi-fictional and contradictory. In legend, the defeat was transformed into a victory: Maslama departed only after symbolically entering the Byzantine capital on his horse accompanied by thirty riders, where Leo received him with honour and led him to the Hagia Sophia. After Leo paid homage to Maslama and promised tribute, Maslama and his troops—30,000 out of the original 80,000 that set out for Constantinople—departed for Syria.[59] The tales of the siege influenced similar episodes in Arabic epic literature. A siege of Constantinople is found in the tale of Omar bin al-Nu'uman and his sons in the Thousand and One Nights, while both Maslama and the Caliph Sulayman appear in a tale of the Hundred and One Nights from the Maghreb. The commander of Maslama's bodyguard, Abdallah al-Battal, became a celebrated figure in Arab and Turkish poetry as "Battal Gazi" for his exploits in the Arab raids of the next decades. Similarly, the 10th-century epic Delhemma, related to the cycle around Battal, gives a fictionalized version of the 717–718 siege.[60]
Later Muslim and Byzantine tradition also ascribed the building of Constantinople's first mosque, near the city's praetorium, to Maslama. In reality, the mosque near the praetorium was probably erected in about 860, as a result of an Arab embassy in that year.[61] Ottoman tradition also ascribed the building of the Arap Mosque (located outside Constantinople proper in Galata) to Maslama, although it erroneously dated this to around 686, probably confusing Maslama's attack with the first Arab siege in the 670s.[62] The passing of the Arab army also left traces at Abydos, where "Maslama's Well" and a mosque attributed to him were still known in the 10th century.[53]
Eventually, following their repeated failures before Constantinople, and the continued resilience of the Byzantine state, the Muslims began to project the fall of Constantinople to the distant future. Thus the city's fall came to be regarded as one of the signs of the arrival of the end times in Islamic eschatology.[63] The siege became a motif in Byzantine apocalyptic literature as well, with decisive final battles against the Arabs before the walls of Constantinople being featured in the early 8th-century Greek translation of the Syriac Apocalypse of Pseudo-Methodius and the Apocalypse of Daniel, written either at about the time of the siege or a century later.[64]
References[edit]
Footnotes[edit]
^ a: Theophanes the Confessor gives the date as 15 August, but modern scholars believe that this is probably meant to mirror the Arabs' departure date in the next year. Patriarch Nikephoros I on the other hand explicitly records the duration of the siege as 13 months, implying that it began on 15 July.[65]
^ b: According to the historian Hugh N. Kennedy, based on the numbers found in the contemporary army registers (diwans), the total manpower available to the Umayyad Caliphate in ca. 700 ranged between 250,000 and 300,000 men, spread throughout the various provinces. It is unclear, however, what portion of this number could actually be fielded for any particular campaign, and does not account for surplus manpower that could be mobilized in exceptional circumstances.[66]
Citations[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b Treadgold 1997, p. 346.
Jump up ^ Treadgold 1997, pp. 346–347.
Jump up ^ Lilie 1976, pp. 81–82, 97–106.
Jump up ^ Blankinship 1994, p. 31; Haldon 1990, p. 72; Lilie 1976, pp. 107–120.
Jump up ^ Haldon 1990, p. 80; Lilie 1976, pp. 120–122, 139–140.
Jump up ^ Blankinship 1994, p. 31; Lilie 1976, p. 140; Treadgold 1997, pp. 345–346.
Jump up ^ Treadgold 1997, p. 345.
Jump up ^ Brooks 1899, pp. 19–20.
Jump up ^ Mango & Scott 1997, pp. lxxxviil–xxxviii.
Jump up ^ Brooks 1899, pp. 19–20, Guilland 1959, pp. 115–116
Jump up ^ Brooks 1899, pp. 20–21; El-Cheikh 2004, p. 65; Guilland 1959, p. 110; Lilie 1976, p. 122; Treadgold 1997, p. 344.
Jump up ^ Guilland 1959, pp. 110–111.
Jump up ^ Hawting 2000, p. 73.
Jump up ^ Mango & Scott 1997, p. 534; Lilie 1976, pp. 122–123; Treadgold 1997, pp. 343–344.
Jump up ^ Mango & Scott 1997, p. 537 (Note #5).
Jump up ^ Lilie 1976, p. 123 (Note #62).
Jump up ^ Haldon 1990, p. 80; Mango & Scott 1997, pp. 535–536; Lilie 1976, pp. 123–124; Treadgold 1997, p. 344.
Jump up ^ Haldon 1990, pp. 80, 82; Mango & Scott 1997, p. 536; Treadgold 1997, pp. 344–345.
Jump up ^ Lilie 1976, p. 124; Treadgold 1997, p. 345.
Jump up ^ Guilland 1959, p. 111; Mango & Scott 1997, p. 538; Lilie 1976, pp. 123–125.
Jump up ^ Guilland 1959, pp. 118–119; Lilie 1976, p. 125.
Jump up ^ Mango & Scott 1997, pp. 538–539; Lilie 1976, pp. 125–126; Treadgold 1997, p. 345.
Jump up ^ For a detailed examination of Leo's negotiations with the Arabs before Amorium in Byzantine and Arab sources, cf. Guilland 1959, pp. 112–113, 124–126.
Jump up ^ Guilland 1959, p. 125; Mango & Scott 1997, pp. 539–540; Lilie 1976, pp. 126–127.
Jump up ^ Guilland 1959, pp. 113–114; Mango & Scott 1997, pp. 540–541; Lilie 1976, p. 127; Treadgold 1997, p. 345.
Jump up ^ Haldon 1990, pp. 82–83; Mango & Scott 1997, pp. 540, 545; Lilie 1976, pp. 127–128; Treadgold 1997, p. 345.
Jump up ^ Guilland 1959, p. 110; Kaegi 2008, pp. 384–385; Treadgold 1997, p. 938 (Note #1).
Jump up ^ Guilland 1959, p. 110; Kennedy 2001, p. 47.
Jump up ^ Canard 1926, pp. 91–92;Guilland 1959, p. 111.
^ Jump up to: a b Lilie 1976, p. 132.
Jump up ^ Lilie 1976, p. 125.
Jump up ^ Treadgold 1997, p. 347.
Jump up ^ Brooks 1899, p. 23; Mango & Scott 1997, p. 545; Lilie 1976, p. 128; Treadgold 1997, p. 347.
Jump up ^ Guilland 1959, p. 119; Mango & Scott 1997, p. 545; Lilie 1976, pp. 128–129; Treadgold 1997, p. 347.
Jump up ^ Guilland 1959, pp. 119–120; Mango & Scott 1997, pp. 545–546; Lilie 1976, p. 128; Treadgold 1997, p. 347.
Jump up ^ Lilie 1976, p. 129; Treadgold 1997, p. 347.
Jump up ^ Brooks 1899, pp. 24–28, 30; Lilie 1976, p. 129.
Jump up ^ Brooks 1899, pp. 28–29; Guilland 1959, pp. 122–123; Mango & Scott 1997, p. 546; Lilie 1976, pp. 129–130; Treadgold 1997, p. 347.
Jump up ^ Guilland 1959, p. 121; Mango & Scott 1997, pp. 546, 548; Lilie 1976, p. 130; Treadgold 1997, pp. 347–348.
Jump up ^ Guilland 1959, p. 122;Mango & Scott 1997, p. 546; Lilie 1976, pp. 130–131; Treadgold 1997, p. 348.
Jump up ^ Canard 1926, pp. 90–91; Guilland 1959, pp. 122, 123; Mango & Scott 1997, p. 546; Lilie 1976, p. 131.
Jump up ^ Mango & Scott 1997, p. 550; Treadgold 1997, p. 349.
Jump up ^ Haldon 1990, p. 83.
Jump up ^ Lewis 2002, p. 79.
Jump up ^ Blankinship 1994, pp. 33–34; Lilie 1976, pp. 132–133; Treadgold 1997, p. 349.
Jump up ^ Blankinship 1994, p. 287 (Note #133); Lilie 1976, p. 133; Treadgold 1997, p. 349.
Jump up ^ Treadgold 1997, pp. 347, 348.
Jump up ^ Blankinship 1994, pp. 34–35, 117–236; Haldon 1990, p. 84; Kaegi 2008, pp. 385–386; Lilie 1976, pp. 143–144.
Jump up ^ Lilie 1976, pp. 140–141.
Jump up ^ Blankinship 1994, p. 105; Kaegi 2008, p. 385; Lilie 1976, p. 141; Treadgold 1997, p. 349.
Jump up ^ Blankinship 1994, pp. 104–106; Haldon 1990, pp. 83–84; El-Cheikh 2004, pp. 83–84; Toynbee 1973, pp. 107–109.
Jump up ^ Eickhoff 1966, pp. 35–39.
^ Jump up to: a b Mordtmann 1986, p. 533.
Jump up ^ El-Cheikh 2004, pp. 83–84; Kennedy 2001, pp. 105–106.
Jump up ^ Eickhoff 1966, p. 35.
Jump up ^ Davis 2001, p. 99.
Jump up ^ Guilland 1959, p. 129.
Jump up ^ Crompton 1997, pp. 27–28; Davis 2001, pp. 99–102; Fuller 1987, pp. 335ff.; Regan 2002, pp. 44–45; Tucker 2010, pp. 94–97.
Jump up ^ Canard 1926, pp. 99–102; El-Cheikh 2004, pp. 63–64; Guilland 1959, pp. 130–131.
Jump up ^ Canard 1926, pp. 112–121; Guilland 1959, pp. 131–132.
Jump up ^ Canard 1926, pp. 94–99; El-Cheikh 2004, p. 64; Guilland 1959, pp. 132–133; Hasluck 1929, p. 720.
Jump up ^ Canard 1926, p. 99; Hasluck 1929, pp. 718–720; Mordtmann 1986, p. 533.
Jump up ^ Canard 1926, pp. 104–112; El-Cheikh 2004, pp. 65–70; Hawting 2000, p. 73.
Jump up ^ Brandes 2007, pp. 65–91.
Jump up ^ Mango & Scott 1997, p. 548 (Note #16); Guilland 1959, pp. 116–118.
Jump up ^ Kennedy 2001, pp. 19–21
Sources[edit]
Blankinship, Khalid Yahya (1994). The End of the Jihâd State: The Reign of Hishām ibn ʻAbd al-Malik and the Collapse of the Umayyads. Albany, New York: State University of New York Press. ISBN 0-7914-1827-8.
Brandes, W. (2007). "Die Belagerung Konstantinopels 717/718 als apokalyptisches Ereignis. Zu einer Interpolation im griechischen Text der Pseudo-Methodios-Apokalypse". In Belke, K. Byzantina Mediterranea: Festschrift für Johannes Koder zum 65. Geburtstag (in German). Vienna: Böhlau. pp. 65–91. ISBN 3205776089.
Brooks, E. W. (1899). "The Campaign of 716–718 from Arabic Sources". The Journal of Hellenic Studies. The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies. XIX: 19–33. doi:10.2307/623841.
Canard, Marius (1926). "Les expéditions des Arabes contre Constantinople dans l'histoire et dans la légende". Journal Asiatique (in French) (208): 61–121. ISSN 0021-762X.
Crompton, Samuel Willard (1997). 100 Battles That Shaped World History. San Mateo, California: Bluewood Books. ISBN 978-0-912517-27-8.
Davis, Paul K. (2001). "Constantinople: August 717–15 August 718". 100 Decisive Battles: From Ancient Times to the Present. Oxford, United Kingdom: Oxford University Press. pp. 99–102. ISBN 0-19-514366-3.
Eickhoff, Ekkehard (1966). Seekrieg und Seepolitik zwischen Islam und Abendland: das Mittelmeer unter byzantinischer und arabischer Hegemonie (650-1040) (in German). De Gruyter.
El-Cheikh, Nadia Maria (2004). Byzantium Viewed by the Arabs. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard Center for Middle Eastern Studies. ISBN 0-932885-30-6.
Fuller, J. F. C. (1987). A Military History of the Western World, Volume 1: From the Earliest Times to the Battle of Lepanto. New York City: Da Capo Press. ISBN 978-0-306-80304-8.
Guilland, Rodolphe (1959). "L'Expedition de Maslama contre Constantinople (717-718)". Études byzantines (in French). Paris: Publications de la Faculté des Lettres et Sciences Humaines de Paris: 109–133. OCLC 603552986.
Haldon, John F. (1990). Byzantium in the Seventh Century: The Transformation of a Culture. Revised Edition. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-31917-1.
Hasluck, F. W. (1929). "LVII. The Mosques of the Arabs in Constantinople". Christianity and Islam Under the Sultans, Volume 2. Oxford, United Kingdom: Clarendon Press. pp. 717–735.
Hawting, G. R. (2000). The First Dynasty of Islam: The Umayyad Caliphate AD 661–750 (2nd ed.). London, United Kingdom and New York City, New York: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-24072-7.
Kaegi, Walter E. (2008). "Confronting Islam: Emperors versus Caliphs (641–c. 850)". In Shepard, Jonathan. The Cambridge History of the Byzantine Empire c. 500–1492. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. pp. 365–394. ISBN 978-0-521-83231-1.
Kennedy, Hugh (2001). The Armies of the Caliphs: Military and Society in the Early Islamic State. London, United Kingdom: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-203-45853-2.
Lewis, Bernard (2002). The Arabs in History (Sixth Edition). Oxford, United Kingdom: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-280310-7.
Lilie, Ralph-Johannes (1976). Die byzantinische Reaktion auf die Ausbreitung der Araber. Studien zur Strukturwandlung des byzantinischen Staates im 7. und 8. Jhd (in German). Munich, Germany: Institut für Byzantinistik und Neugriechische Philologie der Universität München.
Mango, Cyril; Scott, Roger (1997). The Chronicle of Theophanes Confessor. Byzantine and Near Eastern History, AD 284–813. Oxford, United Kingdom: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-822568-7.
Mordtmann, J. H. (1986). "(al-)Ḳusṭanṭīniyya". The Encyclopedia of Islam, New Edition, Volume V: Khe–Mahi. Leiden and New York: BRILL. pp. 532–534. ISBN 90-04-07819-3.
Regan, Geoffrey (2002). Battles That Changed History: Fifty Decisive Battles Spanning over 2,500 Years of Warfare. London, United Kingdom: André Deutsch. ISBN 978-0-233-05051-5.
Toynbee, Arnold J. (1973). Constantine Porphyrogenitus and His World. Oxford, United Kingdom: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-215253-X.
Treadgold, Warren (1997). A History of the Byzantine State and Society. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press. ISBN 0-8047-2630-2.
Tucker, Spencer C. (2010). Battles That Changed History: An Encyclopedia of World Conflict. Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-1-59884-429-0.
Further reading[edit]
Radic, Radivoj (18 August 2008). "Two Arabian sieges of Constantinople (674-678; 717/718)". Encyclopedia of the Hellenic World, Constantinople. Athens, Greece: Foundation of the Hellenic World. Retrieved 14 July 2012.
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values: Belagerung von Konstantinopel (717–718) – Alemannisch

values: حصار القسطنطينية (717-718) – Arabic

values: Аблога Канстанцінопаля (717—718) – Belarusian

values: Обсада на Константинопол (717 – 718) – Bulgarian

values: Setge de Constantinoble (717-718) – Catalan

values: Obléhání Konstantinopole (717–718) – Czech

values: Belagerung von Konstantinopel (717–718) – German

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values: Πολιορκία της Κωνσταντινούπολης (717-18) – Greek

values: Sitio de Constantinopla (717-718) – Spanish

values: محاصره دوم قسطنطنیه – Persian

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values: Կոստանդնուպոլսի պաշարում (717-718) – Armenian

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values: კონსტანტინოპოლის ალყა (717-718) – Georgian

values: Konstantinápoly ostroma (717–718) – Hungarian

values: Опсада на Цариград (717–718) – Macedonian

values: Beleg van Constantinopel (717-718) – Dutch

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values: Al Doilea Asediu Arab al Constantinopolului (717-718) – Romanian

values: Осада Константинополя (717—718) – Russian

values: Опсада Цариграда (717—718) – Serbian

values: Opsada Carigrada (717–718) – Serbo-Croatian

values: Konstantinopolin piiritys (717) – Finnish

values: การล้อมกรุงคอนสแตนติโนเปิล (ค.ศ. 717-718) – Thai

values: Konstantinopolis Kuşatması (717-718) – Turkish

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