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Edict of Nantes
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The Edict of Nantes
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The Edict of Nantes (French: édit de Nantes), signed in April 1598 by King Henry IV of France, granted the Calvinist Protestants of France (also known as Huguenots) substantial rights in the nation, which was still considered essentially Catholic at the time. In the edict, Henry aimed primarily to promote civil unity.[a] The edict separated civil from religious unity, treated some Protestants for the first time as more than mere schismatics and heretics, and opened a path for secularism and tolerance. In offering general freedom of conscience to individuals, the edict offered many specific concessions to the Protestants, such as amnesty and the reinstatement of their civil rights, including the right to work in any field or for the state and to bring grievances directly to the king. It marked the end of the religious wars that had afflicted France during the second half of the 16th century.
The Edict of St. Germain, promulgated 36 years before by Catherine de Médici, had granted limited tolerance to Huguenots but was overtaken by events, as it was not formally registered until after the Massacre of Vassy on 1 March 1562, which triggered the first of the French Wars of Religion.
The later Edict of Fontainebleau, which revoked the Edict of Nantes in October 1685, was promulgated by Louis XIV, the grandson of Henry IV. It drove an exodus of Protestants and increased the hostility of Protestant nations bordering France.
Contents
[hide]
1 Background
2 The Edict
3 Revocation
4 Literal translation
5 See also
6 Notes
7 References
7.1 Footnotes
7.2 Sources
8 External links
Background[edit]
The Edict aimed primarily to end the long-running Wars of Religion.[b] Henry IV also had personal reasons for supporting the Edict. Prior to assuming the throne in 1589 he had espoused Protestantism, and he remained sympathetic to the Protestant cause: he had converted to Catholicism in 1593 only in order to secure his position as king, supposedly saying "Paris is well worth a Mass". The Edict succeeded in restoring peace and internal unity to France, though it pleased neither party: Catholics rejected the apparent recognition of Protestantism as a permanent element in French society and still hoped to enforce religious uniformity, while Protestants aspired to parity with Catholics. "Toleration in France was a royal notion, and the religious settlement was dependent upon the continued support of the crown."[1]
Re-establishing royal authority in France required internal peace, based on limited toleration enforced by the crown. Since royal troops could not be everywhere, Huguenots needed to be granted strictly circumscribed possibilities of self-defense.[1]
The Edict[edit]
Henry IV of France by Frans Pourbus the younger.
The Edict of Nantes that Henry IV signed comprised four basic texts, including a principal text made up of 92 articles and largely based on unsuccessful peace treaties signed during the recent wars. The Edict also included 56 "particular" (secret) articles dealing with Protestant rights and obligations. For example, the French state guaranteed protection of French Protestants travelling abroad from the Inquisition. "This crucifies me," protested Pope Clement VIII, upon hearing of the Edict. The final two parts consisted of brevets (letters patent) which contained the military clauses and pastoral clauses. These two brevets were withdrawn in 1629 by Louis XIII, following a final religious civil war.
The two letters patent[2] supplementing the Edict granted the Protestants safe havens (places de sûreté), which were military strongholds such as La Rochelle, in support of which the king paid 180,000 écus a year, along with a further 150 emergency forts (places de refuge), to be maintained at the Huguenots' own expense. Such an act of toleration was unusual in Western Europe,[c] where standard practice forced subjects to follow the religion of their ruler — the application of the principle of cuius regio, eius religio.
While it granted certain privileges to Huguenots, the edict upheld Catholicism's position as the established religion of France. Protestants gained no exemption from paying the tithe[d] and had to respect Catholic holidays and restrictions regarding marriage. The authorities limited Protestant freedom of worship to specified geographic areas. The Edict dealt only with Protestant and Catholic coexistence; it made no mention of Jews, or of Muslims, who were offered temporary asylum in France when the Moriscos were being expelled from Spain.[e]
The original Act which promulgated the Edict has disappeared. The Archives Nationales in Paris preserves only the text of a shorter document modified by concessions extracted from the King by the clergy and the Parlement of Paris, which delayed ten months before finally signing and setting seals to the document in 1599. A copy of the first edict, sent for safekeeping to Protestant Geneva, survives. The provincial parlements resisted in their turn; the most recalcitrant, the parlement of Rouen, did not unreservedly register the Edict until 1609.[4]
The location of the signing is mooted. The Edict itself states merely that it is "given at Nantes, in the month of April, in the year of Our Lord one thousand five hundred and ninety-eight". By the late 19th century the Catholic tradition[5] cited the signing in the "Maison des Tourelles", home of prosperous Spanish trader André Ruiz; it was destroyed by bombing in World War II.
Revocation[edit]
Main article: Edict of Fontainebleau
Louis XIV, by Hyacinthe Rigaud
The Edict remained unaltered in effect, registered by the parliaments as "fundamental and irrevocable law," with the exception of the brevets, which had been granted for a period of eight years, and were renewed by Henry in 1606 and in 1611 by Marie de Médecis, who confirmed the Edict within a week of the assassination of Henry, stilling Protestant fears of another St. Bartholomew's Day massacre. The subsidies had been reduced by degrees, as Henry gained more control of the nation.[6] By the peace of Montpellier in 1622, concluding a Huguenot revolt in Languedoc, the fortified Protestant towns were reduced to two, La Rochelle and Montauban. The brevets were entirely withdrawn in 1629, by Louis XIII, following the Siege of La Rochelle, in which Cardinal Richelieu blockaded the city for fourteen months.
During the remainder of Louis XIII's reign, and especially during the minority of Louis XIV, the implementation of the Edict varied year by year, voiced in declarations and orders, and in case decisions in the Council, fluctuating according to the tides of domestic politics and the relations of France with powers abroad.[7]
In October 1685, Louis XIV, the grandson of Henry IV, renounced the Edict and declared Protestantism illegal with the Edict of Fontainebleau. This act, commonly called the 'revocation of the Edict of Nantes,' had very damaging results for France. While the wars of religion did not re-ignite, intense persecution of Protestants took place. All Protestant ministers were given two weeks to leave the country unless they converted to Catholicism and all other Protestants were prohibited from leaving the country. In spite of the prohibition, the persecution including many examples of torture caused as many as 400,000 to flee France at risk of their lives.[8][9] Most moved to Great Britain, Prussia, the Dutch Republic, Switzerland, South Africa and the new French colonies and the Thirteen Colonies in North America.[10] This exodus deprived France of many of its most skilled and industrious individuals, some of whom thenceforward aided France's rivals in the Netherlands and in England. The revocation of the Edict of Nantes also further damaged the perception of Louis XIV abroad, making the Protestant nations bordering France even more hostile to his regime. Upon the revocation of the edict, Frederick William, Elector of Brandenburg issued the Edict of Potsdam, which encouraged Protestants to come to Brandenburg-Prussia.
Freedom to worship and civil rights for non-Catholics in France were not restored until the signing of the Edict of Versailles, also known as the Edict of Tolerance, by Louis XVI 102 years later, on 7 November 1787. This edict was enacted by parlement two months later, less than two years before the end of the Ancien Régime and the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen of 1789 would fully eliminate religious discrimination in France.[11]
Literal translation[edit]
The principal and most salient provisions of Henry IV’s Edict of Nantes, as promulgated at Nantes in Brittany probably on 30 April 1598, include:[12]
Henri, by the grace of God king of France and of Navarre, to all to whom these presents come, greeting:

Among the infinite benefits which it has pleased God to heap upon us, the most signal and precious is his granting us the strength and ability to withstand the fearful disorders and troubles which prevailed on our advent in this kingdom. The realm was so torn by innumerable factions and sects that the most legitimate of all the parties was fewest in numbers. God has given us strength to stand out against this storm; we have finally surmounted the waves and made our port of safety,—peace for our state. For which his be the glory all in all, and ours a free recognition of his grace in making use of our instrumentality in the good work.... We implore and await from the Divine Goodness the same protection and favor which he has ever granted to this kingdom from the beginning....

We have, by this perpetual and irrevocable edict, established and proclaimed and do establish and proclaim:

I. First, that the recollection of everything done by one party or the other between March, 1585, and our accession to the crown, and during all the preceding period of troubles, remain obliterated and forgotten, as if no such things had ever happened....

III. We ordain that the Catholic Apostolic and Roman religion shall be restored and reëstablished in all places and localities of this our kingdom and countries subject to our sway, where the exercise of the same has been interrupted, in order that it may be peaceably and freely exercised, without any trouble or hindrance; forbidding very expressly all persons, of whatsoever estate, quality, or condition, from troubling, molesting, or disturbing ecclesiastics in the celebration of divine service, in the enjoyment or collection of tithes, fruits, or revenues of their benefices, and all other rights and dues belonging to them; and that all those who during the troubles have taken possession of churches, houses, goods or revenues, belonging to the said ecclesiastics, shall surrender to them entire possession and peaceable enjoyment of such rights, liberties, and sureties as they had before they were deprived of them....

VI. And in order to leave no occasion for troubles or differences between our subjects, we have permitted, and herewith permit, those of the said religion called Reformed to live and abide in all the cities and places of this our kingdom and countries of our sway, without being annoyed, molested, or compelled to do anything in the matter of religion contrary to their consciences, ... upon condition that they comport themselves in other respects according to that which is contained in this our present edict.

VII. It is permitted to all lords, gentlemen, and other persons making profession of the said religion called Reformed, holding the right of high justice [or a certain feudal tenure], to exercise the said religion in their houses....

IX. We also permit those of the said religion to make and continue the exercise of the same in all villages and places of our dominion where it was established by them and publicly enjoyed several and divers times in the year 1597, up to the end of the month of August, notwithstanding all decrees and judgments to the contrary....

XIII. We very expressly forbid to all those of the said religion its exercise, either in respect to ministry, regulation, discipline, or the public instruction of children, or otherwise, in this our kingdom and lands of our dominion, otherwise than in the places permitted and granted by the present edict.

XIV. It is forbidden as well to perform any function of the said religion in our court or retinue, or in our lands and territories beyond the mountains, or in our city of Paris, or within five leagues of the said city....

XVIII. We also forbid all our subjects, of whatever quality and condition, from carrying off by force or persuasion, against the will of their parents, the children of the said religion, in order to cause them to be baptized or confirmed in the Catholic Apostolic and Roman Church; and the same is forbidden to those of the said religion called Reformed, upon penalty of being punished with especial severity....

XXI. Books concerning the said religion called Reformed may not be printed and publicly sold, except in cities and places where the public exercise of the said religion is permitted.

XXII. We ordain that there shall be no difference or distinction made in respect to the said religion, in receiving pupils to be instructed in universities, colleges, and schools; nor in receiving the sick and poor into hospitals, retreats, and public charities.
See also[edit]
Edict of Toleration
Freedom of religion
List of treaties
Michel de l'Hôpital, a precursor to Henry IV’s policies
Peace of Vervins
Warsaw Confederation (1573) in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ In 1898, the tricentennial celebrated the edict as the foundation of the coming Age of Toleration; the 1998 anniversary, by contrast, was commemorated with a book of essays under the title, Coexister dans l'intolérance (Michel Grandjean and Bernard Roussel, editors, Geneva, 1998).
Jump up ^ A detailed chronological account of the negotiations that led to the Edict's promulgation has been offered by Janine Garrisson, L'Édit de Nantes: Chronique d'une paix attendue (Paris: Fayard) 1998.
Jump up ^ For Eastern Europe, see Mehmed II's Firman on the Freedom of the Bosnian Franciscans or the Warsaw Confederation.
Jump up ^ The King engaged to support the Protestant ministers in part recompense.
Jump up ^ The ordonnance of 22 February 1610 stipulated that the emigrés settle north of the Dordogne (safely away from the manipulations of Spanish agents) and that they embrace the Catholic faith; those who did not wish to do so were granted right of passage to French ports on the Mediterranean, to take ship for Barbary.[3] By the time the ordonnance was published Henri IV had been assassinated.
References[edit]
Footnotes[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b George A. Rothrock, Jr., "Some Aspects of Early Bourbon Policy toward the Huguenots" Church History 29.1 (March 1960:17–24) p. 17.
Jump up ^ Texts published in Benoist 1693 I:62–98 (noted by Rothrock).
Jump up ^ L. P. Harvey, Muslims in Spain, 1500 to 1614, 2005:318
Jump up ^ Rothrock 1960:23 note 6.
Jump up ^ Reported in Baedeker, Northern France, 1889.
Jump up ^ A point made in Rothrock 1960:19.
Jump up ^ Ruth Kleinman, "Changing Interpretations of the Edict of Nantes: The Administrative Aspect, 1643–1661" French Historical Studies 10.4 (Autumn 1978:541–571.
Jump up ^ "Internet History Sourcebooks". www.fordham.edu.
Jump up ^ Morison, Samuel Eliot (1972). The Oxford History of the American People. New York City: Mentor. p. 220. ISBN 0-451-62600-1.
Jump up ^ See History of the French in Louisville.
Jump up ^ Encyclopedia of the Age of Political Ideals, Edict of Versailles (1787) Archived 2012-07-14 at the Wayback Machine., downloaded 29 January 2012
Jump up ^ History Guide, The Edict of Nantes (1598)
Sources[edit]
The source followed by most modern historians is the Huguenot refugee Élie Benoist's Histoire de l'édit de Nantes, 3 vols. (Delft, 1693–95). E.G. Léonard devotes a chapter to the Edict of Nantes in his Histoire général du protestantisme, 2 vols. (Paris) 1961:II:312–89.
External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Edict of Nantes.
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Early Nationalists
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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For other uses, see Moderate Party (disambiguation).
Indian National Congress (Early Nationalists 1885–1905)
Leader
W.C. Banerjee[1]
Rash Behari Ghosh
Surendranath Banerjee
R. C. Dutt
Dadabhai Naoroji
Gopal Krishna Gokhale
Pherozeshah Mehta
Justice Ranade
P. R. Naidu
S. Subramania Iyer
Ananda Charlu
Madan Mohan Malaviya
A.O. Hume
William Wedderburn
Founder
A.O. Hume[2]
Founded
1885 (1885)
Dissolved
1905 (1905)
Preceded by
The Landholders' society
Succeeded by
Assertive Nationalist (Extremist)
Newspaper
Dharma Marg Darshak (magazine)
Ideology
Regain Self-government without violation
Politics of India
Political parties
Elections
The Early Nationalists,[3] also known as the Moderates,[4] were a group of political leaders in India active between 1885 and 1905. Their emergence marked the beginning of the organised national movement in India.[5] With members of the group drawn from educated middle-class professionals including lawyers, teachers and government officials, many of them were educated in England. They have become known as "Early Nationalists" because they believed in demanding reforms while adopting constitutional and peaceful means to achieve their aims.[6][7] The Early Nationalists had full faith in the British sense of justice, fair play, honesty, and integrity while they believed that British rule was a boon for India.[8] The Early Nationalists were staunch believers in open-minded and moderate politics.[9][10]
Their successors, the "Assertives", existed from 1905 to 1919 and were followed by nationalists of the Gandhian era, which existed from 1919 until Indian Independence in 1947.
Contents
1 Origins of the name "Moderates"
2 Methodology
3 Achievements
4 Demands
4.1 Constitutional reforms
4.2 Economic reforms
4.3 Administrative reforms
4.4 Defence of civil rights
5 Criticism
6 British Government's attitude
7 Failure
8 Prominent leaders who fought for independence
8.1 Surendranath Banerjee
8.2 Gopal Krishna Gokhale
8.3 A. O. Hume
8.4 Dadabhai Naoroji
9 Sessions
10 See also
11 References
12 Further reading
Origins of the name "Moderates"[edit]
The first session of the Early Nationalists of India in 1885
Focusing on demands for reform, the Early Nationalists adopted a constitutional and peaceful approach to achieve their objectives. They remained friendly towards the British rulers but believed that Indians should have a proper and legitimate role in the government of the country. Although they asked for constitutional and other reforms within the framework of British rule, they had full faith in that nation's sense of justice and fair play.[11] They further believed that continuation of the British connection with India was in the interests of both countries. At an early stage, the nationalists considered their association with England an advantage. British rule had done much good by removing various cultural anomalies including the caste system and the abolition of the practice of sati or "widow sacrifice" that had previously pervaded Indian society. Influenced by western thought, culture, education, literature and history, the demands of the early nationalists were not considered extreme but of a relatively moderate nature.[6][8]
Methodology[edit]
The founder of Early Nationalism A. O. Hume (left) with Sir William Wedderburn (right) and Dadabhai Naoroji
The Early Nationalists believed in patience and conciliation rather than confrontation, adopting orderly progress and constitutional means to realise their aims. To educate the people, to arouse political consciousness, and to create powerful public opinion in favour of their demands they organised annual sessions. Processions and meetings were held, speeches delivered and discussions held on various economic, social and political questions. Following these discussions, resolutions were adopted. They also drafted petitions and memorandums before submitting them to the government. The Early Nationalists wanted to convey their feelings to the government, so as to gradually bring the authorities around to their viewpoint. To influence the British government and to enlighten the British public and its political leaders, the Early Nationalists sent deputations of leading Indian leaders to England. In 1889, a British Committee of the Indian National Congress was founded and followed by a journal called India started by the Committee in 1890.[10]
Achievements[edit]
A. O. Hume, the founder of Indian National Congress (Moderates)
In spite of their role as the most progressive force of the time, the Early Nationalists received widespread criticism over their lack of success. They were treated with contempt by their British rulers and their demands were not fulfilled.[12]
In spite of such criticism, the Early Nationalists did achieve some of their goals. They created a national awakening among the people that made Indians conscious of the bonds of common political, economic, and cultural interests that united them, They also trained people in politics by popularising the ideas of democracy, civil liberties, secularism and nationalism .The Early Nationalists did pioneering work by exposing the true nature of British rule in India. They made the people realise the economic content and character of British imperialism. In doing so, they weakened the foundations of British rule in India. Their political and economic programmes established the idea that India must be ruled in the interest of the Indians. The efforts of the Early Nationalists also led to the implementation of various social reforms such as the appointment of a Public Service Commission. A resolution of the House of Commons (1893) allowing for simultaneous examination for the Indian Civil Service in London and India. Appointment of the Welby Commission on Indian Expenditure (1895). They also passed The Indian Councils Act of 1892.[13] These achievements served as the basis for nationalist movements in later years by extremist leaders.[14]
Demands[edit]
The Early Nationalists wanted certain political and economic reforms with the view to unify the people of India.
Constitutional reforms[edit]
Believing that India should eventually move towards democratic self-government, the Early Nationalists wanted a larger share in the governing of India. They did not seek immediate attainment of their goal as they feared that the government would suppress their activities. Instead they aimed at winning freedom through a gradual process.[15]
Their constitutional demands were:
Abolition of the India Council Act.
Expansion of the legislative council and Legislative Assemblies, both Central and Provincial.
Increase in the membership of Indians by including some members elected by local bodies like chambers of commerce, universities, etc. in these councils and by giving greater powers to them. They demanded Indian control over the public purse and raised the slogan "No taxation without representation".
By the beginning of the 20th century, they demanded for Swaraj (self-rule) within the British Empire similar to the self-governing colonies in Canada and Australia.
Adequate representation of Indians in the executive council of the Viceroy and those of the governors.[11]
Economic reforms[edit]
The economic issues raised by the Early Nationalists were:
Reduction in land revenue and protection of peasants against unjust demands of the zamindars (hereditary land owners).
Reduction in expenditure on the army, and the money thus saved to be spent on welfare activities such as health and education.
An enquiry into India's growing poverty and famines.
Availability of cheap credit to peasants through agricultural banks.
Development of banking, irrigation, medical and health facilities for the people.
Industrial growth through trade protection. That meant that a heavy tax should be imposed on imported goods and the government should give loans for the development of iron, coal, paper and sugar industries in India.
Total abolition of the salt tax and the duty on sugar.[6][11]
Administrative reforms[edit]
The Moderates made the following demands in the administrative sphere:
Demand for simultaneous Indian Civil Service examinations in England and India.
Complete separation of the executive and the judiciary. They made this demand to protect Indians from arbitrary acts by the police and the bureaucracy.
Increase in the powers of the municipal bodies and reduction of official control over them.
Repeal of the Arms Act and License Act.
Wider employment of Indians in the higher grades of administrative services.
Spread of primary education among the masses.
Improvement of the police system to make it honest, efficient and popular.[11]
Defence of civil rights[edit]
The Early Nationalists defended civil rights whenever the British government tried to curtail them. Their struggle for freedom became an integral part of the national movement from the very beginning. In 1897, Tilak and many other leaders were arrested and tried for making provocative speeches.[8][11] The Early Nationalists demanded the Abolition of the Preventive Detention Act and restoration of individual liberties and right to assemble and to form associations. They also wanted the Removal of the restrictions imposed by the British Government on the freedom of speech, and the freedom of the press.[8]
Criticism[edit]
The methods used by the Early Nationalists of passing resolutions and sending petitions were seen as inadequate by critics who argued that they depended on the generosity of the British instead of relying on their own strength and challenging the imperialist might. They failed to realise that British and Indian interests clashed with each other and that Britain was using India's resources to increase its wealth.[6][8] The Early Nationalists failed to draw the masses into the mainstream of the national movement such that their area of influence remained limited to urban educated Indians. In particular, their leadership comprised only members of professional groups such as lawyers,[16] doctors, journalists and teachers.
British Government's attitude[edit]
In the beginning, the British Government looked upon the actions of the Early Nationalists favourably, and expressed no animosity towards them. Furthermore, a few government officials attended the first session of the Early Nationalists and took part in its deliberations. The Nationalists were invited to a garden party held by the Viceroy, Lord Dufferin in Calcutta in 1886 and another hosted by the Governor of Chennai in 1887.[17] Official attitudes soon changed; Lord Dufferin tried to divert the National Movement by suggesting to Hume that the Early Nationalists should devote themselves to social rather than political affairs. However, rather than emerging as a tool in the hands of the authorities, the Early Nationalists gradually became the focus of Indian nationalism.[6]
In 1887, Dufferin attacked the Early Nationalists in a speech and ridiculed it as representing only a microscopic minority of the people. British officials criticised the Nationalists and branded its leader as "disloyal babus" and "violent villains".[17]
In 1890, Government employees were forbidden to participate in deliberations with the Early Nationalists or attend their meetings. Realising that the growing unity of the Indians posed a major threat to their rule, the British pushed their policy of divide and rule further. They encouraged Sayyid Ahmed Khan, Raja Shiva Prasad of Benaras (now Varanasi), and other pro-British individuals to start an anti-Early Nationalist movement. They sowed seeds of communalism between the Hindus and the Muslims on the one hand and between the Indian masses and their leaders on the other. They followed a policy of granting minor concessions to put down the growth of nationalism. However, their policy of repression and hostility only served to make the Early Nationalists more powerful.[6]
Failure[edit]
Some of the younger elements within the Indian National Congress were dissatisfied with the achievements of the Early Nationalists and vociferous critics of the methods of peaceful constitutional agitation that they promulgated.[9] Young members advocated the adoption of European revolutionary methods to counter British imperialism while mainstream Early Nationalists remained loyal to the crown, with their desire to regain self-government lacking conviction. The Early Nationalists failed to attain their objectives, giving rise to another group of leaders known as Assertive or Extremist Nationalists.[6][8] The most prominent leaders of the Assertive Nationalists were Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Lala Lajpat Rai and Bipin Chandra Pal, who are known collectively as the Lal-Bal-Pal trio.[18]
Prominent leaders who fought for independence[edit]
Surendranath Banerjee[edit]
Main article: Surendranath Banerjee
To create an all-India political organisation, Banerjee convened the Indian National Conference in 1883 at Kolkata. Banerjee merged the Indian National Conference with the Indian National Congress in 1886 as both organisations had similar objectives. He presided over two sessions of the Congress in 1895 and 1902.[6]

Gopal Krishna Gokhale[edit]
Main article: Gopal Krishna Gokhale
Gopal Krishna Gokhale,known as "The Political Guru of Gandhi" as he was the one who guided Mahatma Gandhi to travel around India in order to fight against the British, was one of the social and political leaders during the Indian Independence Movement against the British Empire in India. Gokhale was a senior leader of the Indian National Congress and founder of the Servants of India Society. Through the Society as well as the Congress and other legislative bodies he served in, Gokhale campaigned for Indian self-rule and also social reform. He was the leader of the moderate faction of the Congress party that advocated reforms by working with existing government institutions.
A. O. Hume[edit]
Main article: Allan Octavian Hume
While the Early Nationalists moved towards the formation of an all-India political body, Englishman A. O. Hume, a retiree from the Indian Civil Service, saw the need for an organisation that would draw the government's attention to current administrative drawbacks and suggest the means to rectify them. In 1884 Hume, in consultation with the Indian leaders, laid the foundations of Indian National Union but it was postponed due to an outbreak of plague in Pune. Later on, at the suggestion of Dadabhai Naoroji, the name was changed to "Indian National Congress" and the foundation of the organisation laid on 28 December 1885.[17]
Dadabhai Naoroji[edit]
Main article: Dadabhai Naoroji
Dadabhai Naoroji, popularly known as the "Grand Old Man of India",[19] took an active part in the foundation of the Indian National Congress and was elected its President thrice, in 1886, 1893 and after the Moderate phase in 1906.[6][20] He spent a major part of his life in Britain to create awareness among British people and politicians about the plight of Indians.
Sessions[edit]
Year of session
Session
Place
Name of the president
1885 1st Mumbai W. C. Banerjee[21]
1886 2nd Kolkata Dadabhai Naoroji[19]
1887 3rd Chennai Justice Badruddin Tyabji[22]
1888 4th Allahabad George Yule[22]
1889 5th Mumbai Sir William Wedderburn[23]
1890 6th Kolkata Mr. Pherozeshah Mehta[24]
1891 7th Nagpur P Ananda Charlu[25]
1892 8th Allahabad W. C. Banerjee
1893 9th Lahore Mr. Dadabhai Naoroji
1894 10th Chennai Alfred Webb[26]
1895 11th Poona Surendranath Banerjee[27]
1896 12th Kolkata Rahmatullah Sayani[28]
1897 13th Amraoti M. C. Shankaran Nair[29]
1898 14th Chennai A. M. Bose[30]
1899 15th Lucknow Romesh Chunder Dutt
1900 16th Lahore N. G. Chandarverkar[31]
1901 17th Kolkata D. E. Wacha[citation needed]
1902 18th Ahmedabad Surendranath Banerjee
1903 19th Chennai Lalmohan Ghosh
1904 20th Mumbai Sir Henry Cotton
1905 21st Benaras Gopal Krishna Gokhale[15]
See also[edit]
Surat Split
History of the Indian National Congress
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "Indian National Congress UK".
Jump up ^ Bevir, Mark (9 February 2013). "Theosophy and the Origins of the Indian National Congress". University of California, Berkeley. Retrieved 1 January 2003.
Jump up ^ Ralhan, Om Prakash, ed. (1995). Encyclopedia of Political Parties – India – Pakistan – Bangladesh – National – Regional – Local. 23. Moderate phrase in India. New Dehli: Anmol Publications. pp. 29–36. The phase from 1885 to 1905 is known as the period of the Early Nationalists.
Jump up ^ Porter, Robin J. (2001). "Imperial India, 1858–1914". Oxford History of the British Empire: The Nineteenth Century. pp. 345, 434.
Jump up ^ Burke, S. M.; Al-Din, Salim (1997). The British Raj in India: An Historical Review. USA: Oxford University Press, USA. pp. 325–332. ISBN 978-0195-7773-45. One of the most distinguishing features of the second half of the 19th century was the birth of national awakening in India. It originated from the concepts of nationalism and right of self-determination initiated by the French Revolution, the socio-religious reform movement, the spread of western education and the reaction of Indians to British Raj. The political awareness generated by these trends gave birth to various political associations. This trend culminated in the establishment of the Early Nationalists in 1885, which was the starting point of the organised national movement in India
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h i Sequeira, Dolly Ellen; Raj, S. Irudaya (2009). History & Civics. Morning Star Publishers. pp. 27, 35–41, 45. ISBN 978-8131-7033-11.
Jump up ^ Stein, Burton. A History of India. I. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. pp. 254–255. ISBN 978-0-19-565446-2. Avoiding confrontations, the early Congress leaders were patient, moderate and conciliatory in their demands
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f Kundra, D. N. (2012). History & Civics PART II. Goyal Brothers Prakashan. pp. 91, 93, 98–106, 111.
^ Jump up to: a b Seth, Sanjay (1999). "Rewriting Histories of Nationalism; The politics of "Moderate Nationalism" in India". The American Historical Review. 104 (1): 102, 115. doi:10.2307/2650182. JSTOR 2650182. (subscription required)
^ Jump up to: a b Ludden, David (2002). India and South Asia: a Short history. pp. 135–197.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e Bhattacharya, D. C.; Ghai, K. K. (2009). Indian History. Dayal publishers. pp. 55, 60–61, 88, 92.
Jump up ^ James, Lawrence (2000). Raj: The Making and unmaking of British India. I. St. Martin's Griffin. pp. 323–324. ISBN 0312263821.
Jump up ^ Vohra, Ranbir (2001). The Making of India: A Historical Survey. M. E. Sharpe. p. 56. ISBN 9780765607126.
Jump up ^ Guha, Ramachandra. India after Gandhi:The History of the World's largest Democracy. pp. 98–99. The achievements by the early Congress leaders urged the development and basic foundation of the extremist leaders.
^ Jump up to: a b Jim Masselos (1991). Indian Nationalism: An History. Bangalore: Sterling Publishers. pp. 122–123, 125–129, 157–158.
Jump up ^ "Lawyers are drawn for the formation of Moderates".
^ Jump up to: a b c John F. Riddick (2006). The history of British India: a chronology. Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. 122 –123 and 55, 136. ISBN 0-313-32280-5{{inconsistent citations}}
Jump up ^ Ashalatha, A.; Koropath, Pradeep; Nambarathil, Saritha (2009). "Chapter 6 – Indian National Movement". Social Science: Standard VIII Part 1 (PDF). Government of Kerala • Department of Education. State Council of Educational Research and Training (SCERT). p. 72. Retrieved 13 October 2011.
^ Jump up to: a b S. R. Bakshi (1991). Dadabhai Naoroji:The Grand Old Man. Delhi: Anmol Publications. pp. 12, 45. ISBN 81-7041-426-1.
Jump up ^ Kesayan, Mukul (29 May 2008). "Story of the Congress – Three pivotal moments that shaped early nationalism in India". Calcutta: The Telegraph.
Jump up ^ Buckland, C. E. (1906). Dictionary of Indian Biography. London: Swan Sonnenshein & Co. p. 48.
^ Jump up to: a b "Past Presidents of Indian National Congress". Indian National Congress. Archived from the original on 15 January 2002.
Jump up ^ C. Hayavadana Rao, ed. (1915). The Indian Biographical Dictionary. Pillar & Co. pp. 460–61.
Jump up ^ "Presidents of Indian National Congress". 2009.
Jump up ^ "Ananda Charlu the seventh congress president".
Jump up ^ "Alfred Webb President – Madras, 1894". Past presidents of Indian National Congress. Indian National Congress.
Jump up ^ "As congress president".
Jump up ^ "President of congress".
Jump up ^ "13th President of congress".
Jump up ^ "Ananda Mohan Bose". Britannica.com.
Jump up ^ "Former Justices". Bombay High Court, Bombay.
Further reading[edit]
Argov, D. (1967). Moderates and Extremists in the Indian Nationalist Movement, 1883–1920. Bombay.
Sarkar, Sumit (1983). Modern India: 1885–1947. Madras: Macmillan. ISBN 0-333-90425-7.
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Running mate
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For other uses, see Running mate (disambiguation).
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A running mate is a person running together with another person on a joint ticket during an election. The term is most often used in reference to the person in the subordinate position (such as the vice presidential candidate running with a presidential candidate) but can also properly be used when referring to both candidates, such as by saying Joko Widodo and Jusuf Kalla, and Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto, were running mates in relation to the presidential elections held in Indonesia in 2014 and Kenya in 2013 respectively.
Running mates may be chosen, by custom or by law, to balance the ticket geographically, ideologically, or personally; examples of such a custom for each of the criteria are, geographically, in Nigerian presidential elections, in which a presidential candidate from the predominantly Christian south is typically matched with a vice presidential candidate from the predominantly Muslim north, and vice-versa, ideologically, the Brazilian general elections in 2010 and 2014, where Dilma Rousseff of the left-wing Workers' Party ran alongside Michel Temer of the center-right Brazilian Democratic Movement Party, and, personally, the Bulgarian presidential election, 2016, in which both candidates who went on to the second round of voting, Rumen Radev and Tsetska Tsacheva, had running mates of the opposite gender. The objective is to create a more widespread appeal for the ticket and the results can range from assisting the resulting pair of candidates in appealing to a larger base of people to deterring voters who were initially inclined to vote for the running candidate, but may have been put off by the choice of the running mate.
The term is usually used in countries in which the offices of President and Vice President are both directly elected on the same ticket, in reference to a prospective Vice President. However, there are countries, such as the Philippines and (nominally) Cyprus, in which the President and Vice-President are elected on separate tickets, and frequently, this results in them being from different political parties - indeed, when the Philippine Vice-Presidential position was restored in 1987, only once were the President and Vice-President elected from the same ticket, in 2004. Further, in other countries, such as Botswana and Venezuela, the Vice-President is legally appointed by the President in all cases (unlike, for instance, the United States, in which the President appoints a Vice-President only in case of a vacancy, or Taiwan, in which the President nominates candidates for Vice-President in case of a vacancy and the Legislative Council elects one of them to fill the vacancy).
In cases of both separate elections and appointments, the President and Vice-President are not considered running mates because they are not elected on the same ticket.
Contents
[hide]
1 In United States politics
2 Outside the United States
3 List of adoption of a Running Mate system
4 References
In United States politics[edit]
In the United States, "running mate" refers not only to a candidate for vice president (federal), but also to a candidate for lieutenant governors of those states where the governor and lieutenant governor are jointly elected. Historically, American running mates were chosen by political parties in consultation with the principal candidate (i.e., the person running for president or governor). In the late 1960s, it became the practice of the principal candidate in presidential elections to announce his or her preferred choice of running mate at his or her political party's national convention. The current practice is for the presumptive nominee of a political party to announce his or her choice for running mate before the national convention which, because of the extensive primary election and caucus system, is becoming increasingly irrelevant.
The practice of running candidates for president and vice president together evolved in the nineteenth century. Originally, electors cast two ballots for president and whoever took second place in the tabulation became vice president. Starting in 1804, the president and vice president were elected on separate ballots as specified in the Twelfth Amendment to the United States Constitution which was adopted in that year. As more and more states subsequently began to choose their electors by popular election instead of appointment (South Carolina being the last state to change, in 1860), candidates began to realize they could run together as a team for president and vice president instead of running completely separately for each office.
The practice of a presidential candidate having a running mate was solidified during the American Civil War. In 1864, in the interest of fostering national unity, Abraham Lincoln from the Republican Party (popular in the North) and Andrew Johnson of the Democratic Party (popular in the South) were co-endorsed and ran together for President and Vice-President as candidates of the National Union Party. Notwithstanding this party disbanded after the war ended, with the result that Republican Lincoln was succeeded by Democrat Johnson; the states began to place candidates for President and Vice-President together on the same ballot ticket - thus making it impossible to vote for a presidential candidate from one party and a vice-presidential candidate from another party, as had previously been possible.
Presidential candidates from smaller states sometimes choose a vice presidential running mate from a state with a large number of electoral votes - as when Walter Mondale of Minnesota (10 votes) selected Geraldine Ferraro of New York (then 36 votes). It is preferred, but not legally required, that the running mate be from a different state from the presidential nominee, because each elector can vote for no more than one candidate from his or her own state. Running mates can also be chosen from swing states in order to boost a candidate's chance of winning in the state.
In electing a subordinate officer the Electors will not require those qualifications requisite for supreme command. The office of the Vice President will be sinecure. It will be brought to market and exposed to sale to procure votes for the President.
—  William Cocke, December 2, 1803, Witcover 1992 cited by Sigelman and Wahlbeck 1997[1]
Outside the United States[edit]
This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (March 2017)
In many countries in which there are a President and Vice-President with both positions being directly elected, the running mate of the winning presidential candidate automatically assumes the Vice-Presidency; a notable exception is the Philippines, in which one presidential candidate can (and usually is) elected with the running mate of an opposing candidate.
List of adoption of a Running Mate system[edit]
This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (October 2017)
Country
Formal Adoption
First Election Used
Before
Notes
United States Never Never (de jure); 1864 (de facto) Separate Election De facto - The United States formally uses a system of indirect election by an electoral college
Brazil 1966 1966 Separate and indirect election Indirect election by an electoral college was introduced by the 1964-88 Military Junta; until then, the President of Brazil was elected directly.
1988 1989 Indirect election under the Running Mate system Direct presidential elections were restored, retaining the running mate system, by the 1988 Constitution.
Bangladesh 1989 Never Appointment by President Vice-Presidency abolished upon reversion to a Parliamentary System in 1991
Taiwan 1992 1996 Separate and indirect election
Malawi 1994 1994 N/A (No Vice-Presidency)
Indonesia 2002 2004 Separate and indirect election
Palau 2004 2008 Separate election The Running Mate system was abolished in 2008, effective 2012, following which Palau reverted to separate election
Zambia 2015 2016 Appointment by President
Ivory Coast 2016 2020 N/A (No Vice-Presidency) Before the 2020 elections, an Interim Vice-President is to be appointed by the President
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Lee Sigelman; Paul J. Wahlbeck (December 1997). "The "Veepstakes": Strategic Choice in Presidential Running Mate Selection". The American Political Science Review. 91 (4): 855–864. JSTOR 2952169.
How Clinton And Trump Are Using Their Running Mates On The Campaign Trail
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Running_mate&oldid=837089126"
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