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Results of the War of 1812
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Results of the War of 1812 the war of 1812 happened between Great Britain and the United States in 1812. It caused no geographical changes. The main result of the war was two centuries of peace between the United States and Britain. All the causes of the war had disappeared with the end of the war between Britain and France and with the destruction of the power of Indians to block American expansion into the Northwest. American fears of the Native Americans ended, as did British plans to create a buffer Native American state. The American quest for honor after its humiliations by the British were satisfied. The final collapse of the opposition Federalist Party opened an "Era of good feelings" with lessened partisanship and an exuberant spirit. The British paid little attention to the war, concentrating instead on their final defeat of Napoleon in 1815. The U.S. failed to gain any territory from British North America, contrary to many American politicians'n land from Spain.[1]
After Napoleon's defeat in 1814, Britain was no longer at war with France and there were no restrictions on trade; the British suspended their policy of impressment of American sailors, and never resumed it, but they insisted they still had the right to resume it. Americans believed they had regained their honour[2] and proclaimed victory in what they called a "second war of independence" for the decisive defeat of the British invaders at New Orleans seemed to prove that Britain could never regain control of America (although this had at no time during the war been either plausible or a British intention).[3] The threat of secession by New England ended with the failure of the Hartford Convention.
In Britain, the importance of the conflict was totally overshadowed by European triumphs: Napoleon had returned from exile in March 1815, and was finally defeated at Waterloo 100 days later.
Upper Canada emerged from the war with a sense of unity and pride as part of the British Empire. Anglophone Canadians claimed the war as a victory for their freedom from American control and credited their militia for the repulse of American invasions. Francophone Canadians largely ignore the war.
Contents
1 Efforts to end the war
2 Negotiations
3 Native American affairs
4 Canada
5 Britain
6 United States
6.1 Impact on U.S. military
7 Honor
8 Economic impact
9 See also
10 References
11 Further reading
11.1 Memory of the war
12 External links
Efforts to end the war[edit]
Efforts to end the war began in 1812 when the chief U.S. diplomat in London proposed an armistice in return for a renunciation of impressments; the British refused. Later, in 1812, when the British captured Detroit and news of the repeal of the Orders reached Washington, Sir George Prevost arranged an armistice with his counterpart Henry Dearborn. The British Frigate HMS Junon was sent to relay The American’s response to the British squadrons on the North American Station. However, President James Madison decided to continue the war. In 1813, Russia offered to mediate a peace, but London rejected the offer, because it might compromise British interests in Europe.[4] Finally, Great Britain and the United States agreed to commence peace negotiations in January 1814: the talks were delayed.
Negotiations[edit]
At last in August 1814, peace discussions began in the neutral city of Ghent. Both sides began negotiations with unrealistic demands. The U.S. wanted an end to all British maritime practices it deemed objectionable and also demanded cessions of Canadian territory and guaranteed fishing rights off Newfoundland. The British announced as an essential element of the peace treaty their long-standing goal of creating an Indian barrier state, a large "neutral" Indian state that would cover most of the Old Northwest. It would be independent of the United States and under the tutelage of the British, who would use it to block American expansion and to build up their control of the fur trade.[5] London dropped the demand when the Americans adamantly refused and indicated it would end the negotiations. The British had been weakened by the collapse of Tecumseh's Confederacy after the Battle of the Thames in 1813 and no longer controlled adequate supply lines to support an Indian barrier state.[6] Britain also wanted to keep the far-northeastern parts of Maine that had been captured to provide a land corridor to Quebec from the maritime colonies.
After months of negotiations, against the background of changing military victories, defeats and losses, the parties finally realized that their nations wanted peace and there was no real reason to continue the war. Now each side was tired of the war. Export trade was all but paralyzed and after Napoleon fell in 1814 France was no longer an enemy of Britain, so the Royal Navy no longer needed to stop American shipments to France, and it no longer needed more seamen. The British were preoccupied in rebuilding Europe after the apparent final defeat of Napoleon. The negotiators agreed to return to the status quo ante bellum with no changes in boundaries. Both sides signed the Treaty of Ghent on December 24, 1814. The next and final step would be formal ratification by each government.[7]
The British—but not the Americans—knew, when they signed, that a battle was imminent at New Orleans (it was fought on January 8, 1815).[8] This treaty finally went into effect when it was formally ratified by both sides in February 1815.
The Treaty of Ghent failed to secure official British acknowledgment of American maritime rights, but in the century of peace between the worlds naval powers from 1815 until World War I these rights were not seriously violated. The British navy ended the practices that angered Americans, for they were no longer needed after Napoleon. American pride and honor was built as a result of the Indian threat being ended, and through rejoicing surrounding American victory at New Orleans.[9] In doing so, the United States had successfully created sense of becoming fully independent from Britain.[10]
Native American affairs[edit]
A key reason that American frontiersmen were so much in favor of the war in the first place was the threat posed to their continued settlement of Native American-inhabited territory by various tribes, which they blamed on the arms and supplies provided by British agents in Canada. In addition, they wanted access to lands that the British acknowledged belonged to the U.S. but that the British were blocking expansion into by inciting and arming the Native Americans. The death of Tecumseh in battle in 1813 removed a powerful obstacle to expansion, although Native American involvement in the war continued, as did their resistance to American westward expansion after the war's end. The natives were the main losers in the war, losing British protection, and never regained their influence.[11]
In the Southeast, Andrew Jackson's destruction of Britain's allies, the Creek Indians at the Battle of Horseshoe Bend in 1814, ended the threat of Native American hostilities in that region. It opened vast areas in Georgia and Alabama for settlement as plantations and farmlands. The U.S. occupied all of West Florida during the war and in 1819 purchased the rest of Florida from Spain, thus preventing the Spanish from arming hostile tribes there. Creek Indians who escaped to Spanish Florida joined the Seminoles there, and put up a long resistance known as the Seminole Wars.[12]
In the treaty, the British promised not to arm the Native Americans in the U.S. from Canada (nor even trade with them), and the U.S.-Canada border was largely pacified. However, some Americans assumed that the British continued to conspire with their former Native American allies in an attempt to forestall U.S. hegemony in the Great Lakes region. Such perceptions were faulty, argues Calloway (1987). After the Treaty of Ghent, the Native Americans in the Great Lakes region became an undesirable burden to British policymakers.[13]
Canada[edit]
Some in Washington had expected the largely American population of Upper Canada to throw off the "British yoke", but that did not happen. After 1815, British officials, Anglican clergy and Canadians loyal to the Empire tried to spot and root out American ideals, such as democracy and republicanism. Thus, the British and Loyalist elite were able to set the different colonies, of what would later become Canada, on a different course from that of their former enemy. Canada discouraged further American immigration.[14]
When the United States attacked British North America, most of the British forces were engaged in the Napoleonic Wars. Thus, British North America had minimal troops to defend against the United States, who had a much larger (though initially poorly trained) military force. For most of the war, British North America stood alone against a much stronger American force. Reinforcements from the United Kingdom did not arrive until 1814, the final year of the war. The repelling of the American force helped to foster British loyalties in the colonies that later became Canada.
The nationalistic sentiment caused a suspicion of such American ideas as republicanism, which would frustrate political reform in Upper and Lower Canada until the Rebellions of 1837. However, the War of 1812 started the process that ultimately led to Canadian Confederation in 1867. Canadian writer Pierre Berton has written that, although later events such as the rebellions and the Fenian raids of the 1860s were more important, Canada would have become part of the United States if the War of 1812 had not taken place, because more and more American settlers would have arrived and Canadian nationalism would not have developed.
The War of 1812 was highly significant in Britain's North American colonies. After the war, British sympathizers portrayed the war as a successful fight for national survival against an American democratic force that threatened the peace and stability the Canadians desired. Throughout the war, most of Canada's inhabitants assigned the war to an American desire to annex the British colonies, a perception reinforced by American Generals like William Hull, who issued proclamations stating that Canada would be annexed.[15]
An alleged Canadian myth from the war was that Canadian militiamen had performed admirably, while the British officers were largely ineffective. Jack Granatstein has termed this the "militia myth", and he feels it has had a deep effect on Canadian military thinking, which placed more stress on a citizens' militia than on a professional standing army. The United States suffered from a similar "frontiersman myth" at the start of the war, believing falsely that individual initiative and marksmanship could be effective against a well-disciplined British battle line. Granatstein argues that the militia was not particularly effective in the war and that any British military success was the work of British regular forces and the result of British domination over the sea. Isaac Brock, for example, was reluctant to trust the militia with muskets.[16]
Others argue that, in fact, the Canadian militia played important roles in several key engagements, including at the Battle of Chateauguay where they were central to defeating the American advance on Montreal in the fall of 1813.[17][18] Historian Robert Henderson has referred to this as "The myth of the Militia myth".[19] See: Canadian Units of the War of 1812
During the war, British officers constantly worried that the Americans would block the St. Lawrence River, which forms part of the Canada–U.S. border. If the U.S. military had done so, there would have been no British supply route for Upper Canada, where most of the land battles took place, and British forces would likely have had to withdraw or surrender all western British territory within a few months. British officers' dispatches after the war exhibited astonishment that the Americans never took such a simple step, but the British were not willing to count on the enemy repeating the mistake: as a result, Britain commissioned the Rideau Canal, an expensive project connecting Kingston, on Lake Ontario, to the Ottawa River, providing an alternative supply route that bypassed the part of the St. Lawrence River along the U.S. border. The settlement at the northeastern end of the canal, where it joins the Ottawa River, later became the city of Ottawa, Canada's fourth-largest city and its capital (placed inland to protect it from U.S. invasion—known then as the 'defensible back-country'). Because population away from the St. Lawrence shores was negligible, the British, in the years following the war, took great lengths to ensure that back-country settlement was increased. They settled soldiers and initiated assisted-immigration schemes, offering free land to farmers, mostly tenants of estates in the south of Ireland. The canal project was not completed until 1832 and was never used for its intended purpose.[20]
Britain[edit]
In contrast to Canada, the War of 1812 is seldom remembered in Britain today, as the conflict was quickly forgotten by the British public. Chiefly, this is because it was overshadowed by the dramatic events of the contemporary Napoleonic wars, and because Britain herself neither gained nor lost anything by the peace settlement, except for the fact that it kept control of Canada.[21]
The Royal Navy was acutely conscious that the United States Navy had won single-ship duels during the war, even though they had no strategic effect. Particular attention was given these battles because American propaganda had projected them as battles of equal force, when actually the only single ship duel where the forces were equal was the Battle of Boston Harbor which the British won. Furthermore, Britain had effectively won the war on the ocean as almost the entire US Navy was blockaded and unable to fight. British honor was restored when the USS President was captured and taken to Britain for all to see that the American ships that participated in battles of so-called equal force where actually much larger than the British ships they were engaged with.[22]
American privateers and commerce raiders had captured approximately 1200 British merchant ships, sending insurance rates up and embarrassing the Admiralty. Nevertheless, 50% of all American privateers were captured by the British while the privateers only captured 5% to 7% of British commerce. Meanwhile, for every 14 American merchant ships that traded before the start of the war only 1 ship dared leave port during the war despite the American effort to double maritime trade. Furthermore, of the few ships that left port, a total 1400 were captured. In addition, Britain did win many sea battles. The Royal Navy had been able to deploy overwhelming strength to American waters, annihilating rather than merely denting American maritime trade, and driving the American economy close to bankruptcy. The Royal Navy would emerge unchecked from the conflict.[23]
The British Army regarded the 1812-15 conflict in Canada and America as a sideshow. Only one regiment, the 41st, was awarded a battle honor (Detroit) from the war. The army was more interested in the lessons of the Peninsular War in Spain. The battle New Orleans could be conveniently attributed to poor leadership or insuperable physical obstacles and British attention was given to the Royal Navy's successful capture of the American flagship which the Americans conveniently overlooked.[24] If generalship had been better, it was believed, then British would have been successfully at New Orleans. Due to the huge, overwhelming success and pre-eminence of the Duke of Wellington in Europe, the British army was to make no change to its systems of recruitment, discipline and awards of commissions for more than half a century.
The British suffered 5,000 killed or wounded soldiers and sailors in the war.
United States[edit]
The gloom in New England, which staunchly opposed the war, culminated in December 1814, as delegates from five states met secretly in the Hartford Convention. It demanded constitutional amendments to protect New England's interests against the West and the South. Secession talk was rife and the region might have threatened to secede from the Union, if their demands had been ignored, but the news of peace ended the movement.
The United States had faced near-disaster in 1814, but the victories at the Battle of New Orleans and the Battle of Baltimore and what seemed to be a successful fight against the United Kingdom increased to unite the United States into one nation. Meanwhile, the loss of the American flagship USS President was conveniently overlooked by the public. The best-known patriotic legacy of the war was The Star Spangled Banner. The words are by Francis Scott Key, who after the bombardment of Fort McHenry set them to the music of a British drinking song, "To Anacreon in Heaven." In 1889 the U.S. Navy began using The Star Spangled Banner at flag-raising ceremonies, a practice copied by the Army. In 1931, Congress made it the U.S. National Anthem.[25]
Although all of the original objectives of the war had failed, the American people saw the War of 1812 as evidence of the success of the democratic experiment. The war ushered in a period of American history that has frequently been called "the Era of Good Feelings," a time when, at least on the surface, most Americans felt unified behind a common purpose. The War of 1812 convinced the country that it could fend off any foreign threats and that its focus should be on expansion at home.
With the collapse of the Hartford Convention and news of the triumph at the Battle of New Orleans, Americans had cause for celebration. In February, President James Madison sent Congress the treaty of peace. He congratulated the nation on the close of a war "waged with the success which is the natural result of the wisdom of the legislative councils, of the patriotism of the people, of the public spirit of the militia, and of the velour of the military and naval forces of the country." The spirit of nationalism and pride led to the collapse of the nay-sayer Federalist Party and the new Era of Good Feelings.[26]
One indirect result of the War of 1812 was the later election to the presidency of war heroes Andrew Jackson and of William Henry Harrison. Both of these men won military fame which had much to do with their elections. Another indirect result was the decline of Federalist power.
Impact on U.S. military[edit]
During the war a total of 2,260 American soldiers and sailors were killed. The war cost the United States about $200 million. Neither the United States nor Great Britain gained any military advantage. Indirectly the United States made some gains.[27]
A significant military development was the increased emphasis by General Winfield Scott on professionalism in the U.S. Army officer corps and in particular, the training of officers at the United States Military Academy ("West Point"). This new professionalism would become apparent during the Mexican-American War (1846–1848). After the Texas Annexation by the U.S., the term Manifest Destiny became a widely used political term for those who propagated American expansionism and military pride.[28]
In a related development, the United States officially abandoned its reliance on the militia for its defense. Moreover, Army Corps of Engineers (which at that time controlled West Point), began building fortifications around New Orleans as a response to the British attack on the city during the war. This effort then grew into numerous civil river works, especially in the 1840s and 1850s under General Pierre Beauregard. The Corps remains the authority over Mississippi (and other) river works.
The embarrassing defeat of Fort Madison in what is now Iowa and Fort McKay in Prairie du Chien led to the fortification of the Mississippi, with the expansion of Fort Belle Fontaine near St. Louis, and the construction of Fort Armstrong (1816) and Fort Edwards (1816) in Illinois, Fort Crawford (1816) in Prairie du Chien, and Fort Snelling (1819) in Minnesota. Removal of all Indians from the Mississippi Valley became a top priority for the U.S. government.[29]
Honor[edit]
Historian Norman Risjord has emphasized the central importance of honour as a cause the war.[30] Americans of every political stripe saw the need to uphold national honour, and to reject the treatment of the United States by Britain as a third class nonentity. Americans talked incessantly about the need for force in response.[31] This quest for honour was a major cause of the war in the sense that most Americans who were not involved in mercantile interests or threatened by Indian attack strongly endorsed the preservation of national honour.[32] Chesapeake–Leopard Affair in which the HMS Leopard attacked the USS Chesapeake in June 1807 was a decisive event.[33] Historians have documented the importance of honour in shaping public opinion in a number of states, including Massachusetts,[34] Ohio,[35] Pennsylvania,[36][37] and Tennessee,[38] as well as the territory of Michigan.[39] Americans widely celebrated the conclusion of the war as successful, especially the spectacular defeat of the main British invasion army at New Orleans, while conveniently overlooking the loss of their flagship the very next week. For the next century it was often called "the Second American War for Independence" and it propelled Andrew Jackson and William Henry Harrison to the White House.[40] Americans felt they had restored their sense of honour.
National honour, the reputation of republican government, and the continuing supremacy of the Republican party had seemed to be at stake.... National honour had [now] been satisfied," says historian Lance Banning, "Americans celebrated the end of the struggle with a brilliant burst of national pride. They felt that they had fought a second war for independence, and had won.[41]
According to Historians such as Andrew Lambert and William James, British honor was challenged because deserters from the Royal Navy were granted citizenship in the United States. This led to the impressment of American citizens into the Royal Navy. In 1811, the Little Belt Affair would anger the Admiraly and embarrass the United States. This would lead to the British having a particular interest in capturing the United States flagship USS President. Although the British would effectively disable the vast majority of the United States Navy during the war by having the ships blockaded, the single ship actions that the American's won embarrassed the Admiralty. Specific attention was given to these battles as the American's claimed there were between ships of equal force.[42]
The British effectively restored their honor by capturing the sloop of war USS Frolic and more importantly the flagship USS President . Both ships were taken to Britain for all to see that the American ships of the so-called engagements of equal force were much larger than the British ships they had fought in single ship duels. Furthermore, the United States failed at abolishing impressment when the treaty was signed, but the British did not continue the practice as the Napoleonic Wars had ended so they no longer needed as many sailors. In doing so British honor was restored, only for the entire conflict to be overshadowed by the defeat of Napoleon.[43]
Economic impact[edit]
Although during the War of 1812 the United States' economy was severely damaged by the British blockade, the aftermath gave a dramatic boost to the manufacturing capabilities of the United States. The British blockade of the American coast created a shortage of cotton cloth in the United States, leading to the creation of a cotton-manufacturing industry, beginning at Waltham, Massachusetts by Francis Cabot Lowell. The war also spurred on construction of the Erie Canal project, which was built to promote commercial links yet was also perceived as having military uses should the need ever arise.[44] As the charter of the First Bank of the United States had been allowed to expire in 1811, the federal government was ill-prepared to finance the war and resorted to such expediencies as the suspension of specie payment and the issuance of Treasury Notes. These actions set a precedent for future Federal responses to financial crises. Also, this exposure of the nation's financial weaknesses explained in part the Congressional decision to charter the Second Bank of the United States in 1816. The readiness of Southern leaders especially John C. Calhoun to support such a measure also indicates a high degree of national feeling.[45] Perhaps the clearest sign of a new sense of national unity was the victorious Democratic-Republican Party, its long-time foes, the Federalists, vanishing from national politics. The result was an Era of Good Feelings with the lowest level of partisanship ever seen.[46]
Canadians, however, contrasted their post-war economic stagnation to the booming American economy, which Desmond Morton believes led to the Rebellions of 1837.[47] During the war, Bermudian privateers, with their fast Bermuda sloops, were to capture 298 ships (the total captures by all British naval or privateering vessels between the Great Lakes and the West Indies was 1,593 vessels).[48]
See also[edit]
Chronology of the War of 1812
Origins of the War of 1812
War of 1812
Treaty of Ghent
Anglo-American Convention of 1818
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Taylor, Alan (2010). The Civil War of 1812. Random House. pp. 137–139. ISBN 978-0-679-77673-4.
Jump up ^ Bradford Perkins, ed. The Causes of the War of 1812: National Honor or National Interest? (1962)
Jump up ^ Hickey p. 300; Barry Schwartz, "The Social Context of Commemoration: A Study in Collective Memory." Social Forces 61#2 (1982), p. 312 in JSTOR.
Jump up ^ Benn (2002), p. 81.
Jump up ^ Dwight L. Smith"A North American Neutral Indian Zone: Persistence of a British Idea." Northwest Ohio Quarterly 61#2-4 (1989): 46-63.
Jump up ^ Francis M. Carroll (2001). A Good and Wise Measure: The Search for the Canadian-American Boundary, 1783-1842. U. of Toronto Press. p. 24.
Jump up ^ Robert V. Remini, Henry Clay: Statesman for the Union (1992), pp. 94-122.
Jump up ^ Pratt (1955), pp. 135-7.
Jump up ^ Bertram Wyatt-Brown, "Andrew Jackson's Honor," Journal of the Early Republic, Vol. 17, No. 1 (Spring, 1997), pp. 1-36 in JSTOR
Jump up ^ Watts (1989)
Jump up ^ Walter R. Borneman, 1812: The War That Forged a Nation (2005), p. 269.
Jump up ^ Robert Remini, Andrew Jackson and His Indian Wars (2002), pp. 277-82.
Jump up ^ Colin G. Calloway, Crown and Calumet: British-Indian Relations, 1783-1815 (1987)
Jump up ^ Alan Taylor, The Civil War of 1812 (2010), p. 443.
Jump up ^ Taylor, Alan (2010). The Civil War of 1812. Random House. pp. 137–139. ISBN 978-0-679-77673-4.
Jump up ^ J. L. Granatstein, Canada's army: waging war and keeping the peace (2004), p. 4.
Jump up ^ http://www.warof1812.ca/lacolle1812.htm
Jump up ^ http://www.warof1812.ca/chatgy.htm
Jump up ^ Robert Henderson "The myth of the 'Militia Myth' Dorchester Review (Volume 3 No. 1 Spring/Summer 2013)
Jump up ^ J. L. Granatstein, Canada's army: waging war and keeping the peace (2004), p. 15.
Jump up ^ Jeremy Black, The War of 1812 in the Age of Napoleon (2009), pp. 221-32.
Jump up ^ Lambert, Andrew: The Challege: Britain against America in The War of 1812, Kindle edition
Jump up ^ Lambert, Andrew: The Challege: Britain against America in The War of 1812, Kindle edition
Jump up ^ Lambert, Andrew: The Challege: Britain against America in The War of 1812, Kindle edition
Jump up ^ Benn, p. 84.
Jump up ^ George Dangerfield, The Era of Good Feelings (1952), ch 1.
Jump up ^ War of 1812. (2006). Compton's by Britannica. Retrieved April 1, 2006, from Encyclopædia Britannica Online. (The Curious End of the War[permanent dead link])
Jump up ^ Weigley (1973)
Jump up ^ Prucha, Francis P. (1969) The Sword of the Republic: The United States Army on the Frontier 1783–1846. Macmillan, New York
Jump up ^ Norman K. Risjord, "1812: Conservatives, War Hawks and the Nation's Honor." William and Mary Quarterly: A Magazine of Early American History (1961): 196-210. in JSTOR
Jump up ^ Robert L. Ivie, "The metaphor of force in prowar discourse: The case of 1812." Quarterly Journal of Speech 68#3 (1982), pp. 240-253.
Jump up ^ Bradford Perkins, The causes of the War of 1812: National honor or national interest? (1962).
Jump up ^ Spencer Tucker, Injured Honor: The Chesapeake-Leopard Affair, June 22, 1807 (Naval Institute Press, 1996)
Jump up ^ William Barlow and David O. Powell. "Congressman Ezekiel Bacon of Massachusetts and the Coming of the War of 1812." Historical Journal of Massachusetts 6#2 (1978): 28.
Jump up ^ William R. Barlow, "Ohio's Congressmen and the War of 1812." Ohio History 72 (1963): 175-94.
Jump up ^ Victor Sapio, Pennsylvania and the War of 1812 (University Press of Kentucky, 2015)
Jump up ^ Martin Kaufman, "War Sentiment in Western Pennsylvania: 1812." Pennsylvania History (1964): 436-448.
Jump up ^ William A. Walker, "Martial Sons: Tennessee Enthusiasm for the War of 1812." Tennessee Historical Quarterly 20.1 (1961): 20+
Jump up ^ William Barlow, "The Coming of the War of 1812 in Michigan Territory." Michigan History 53 (1969): 91-107.
Jump up ^ Andrew Robertson; et al. (2010). Encyclopedia of U.S. Political History. SAGE Publications. p. 372.
Jump up ^ Lance Banning (1980). The Jeffersonian Persuasion: Evolution of a Party Ideology. Cornell UP. p. 295.
Jump up ^ Lambert, Andrew: The Challege: Britain against America in The War of 1812, Kindle edition
Jump up ^ Lambert, Andrew: The Challege: Britain against America in The War of 1812, Kindle edition
Jump up ^ Stanley Engerman and Robert E. Gallman, eds. The Cambridge economic history of the United States: the colonial era: Volume 1 (2000), p. 372.
Jump up ^ Wiltse (1944)
Jump up ^ George Dangerfield, The Awakening of American Nationalism, 1815-1828 (1966), ch. 1.
Jump up ^ Desmond Morton, A Military History of Canada (2007), p. 71.
Jump up ^ Walter Brownell Hayward, Bermuda past and present (1910), pp. 58-66.
Further reading[edit]
Further information: List of books about the War of 1812
Berton, Pierre; The Invasion of Canada: 1812-1813 (1980). ISBN 0-7710-1244-6; Flames Across the Border: 1813-1814 (1981); reissued as Pierre Berton's War of 1812 (Toronto: Anchor Canada, 2011); popular Canadian narrative; 928pp
Bickham, Troy, The Weight of Vengeance: The United States, The British Empire, and the War of 1812 (Oxford University Press, 2012) ISBN 978-0195391787
Black, Jeremy. The War of 1812 in the Age of Napoleon (2009) by English military historian
Borneman, Walter R. 1812: The War That Forged a Nation (2004), popular American version
Burt, A. L. The United States, Great Britain and British North America from the Revolution to the Establishment of Peace after the War of 1812. (1940) online edition
Heidler, Donald & Jeanne T. Heidler (eds) Encyclopedia of the War of 1812 (2nd ed 2004) 636pp; most comprehensive guide; 500 entries by 70 scholars from several countries
Hickey, Donald R. Don't Give Up the Ship! Myths of the War of 1812. (2006) ISBN 0-252-03179-2
Hickey, Donald R. The War of 1812: A Forgotten Conflict. ISBN 0-252-06059-8 (1990), standard scholarly history.
Hickey, Donald R. 187 Things You Should Know about the War of 1812 (Baltimore: Maryland Historical Society, 2012), 170 pp.
Hitsman, J. M. The Incredible War of 1812 (1965), survey by Canadian scholar
Jensen, Richard. "Military History on the Electronic Frontier: Wikipedia Fights the War of 1812," The Journal of Military History 76#4 (October 2012): 523-556; online version; the debate here on Wikipedia
Langguth, A. J. Union 1812: The Americans Who Fought the Second War of Independence (2006) 495pp, popular history
Latimer, Jon, 1812: War with America (Harvard, 2007). A British naval perspective.
Perkins, Bradford. Castelereagh and Adams: England and the United States, 1812-1823. (1964), the standard scholarly diplomatic history
Remini, Robert Vincent, Henry Clay: Statesman for the Union (1991), pp. 94–122.
Stagg, J.C.A. The War of 1812: Conflict for a Continent (Cambridge Essential Histories, 2012) brief overview by New Zealand scholar
Taylor, Alan. The Civil War of 1812: American Citizens, British Subjects, Irish Rebels, & Indian Allies (2010) by Pulitzer Prize winner
Tucker, Spencer C., ed. The Encyclopedia of the War of 1812 (3 vol: ABC-CLIO, 2012), 1034pp.
Zuehlke, Mark. For Honour's Sake: The War of 1812 and the Brokering of an Uneasy Peace. (2007) by Canadian military historian.
Memory of the war[edit]
Austen, Ian. "Canada Puts Spotlight on War of 1812, With USA as Villain." New York Times 7 October 2012. online
Coates, Colin M., and Cecilia Morgan. Heroines and History: Representations of Madeleine de Verchères and Laura Secord (U of Toronto Press, 2002).
Eamon, Michael. "The War Against Public Forgetfulness: Commemorating 1812 in Canada" London Journal of Canadian Studies (2014) 29#1 pp. 134–185 online
Forest, Timothy S. "Epic Triumph, Epic Embarrassment or Both? Commemorations of the War of 1812 Today in Niagara Region," Ontario History 104#1 (2012), pp. 96+.
Hammack Jr., James W. (1976). Kentucky and the Second American Revolution: The War of 1812. University Press of Kentucky. pp. 107–112.
Knowles, Norman. Inventing the Loyalists: the Ontario Loyalist Tradition and the Creation of Usable Pasts (U of Toronto Press, 1997)
MacDonald, Heather. "Heroes and Identity: Two-Hundred Years in the Making," The Great Lakes Journal of Undergraduate History (2013) 1#1 Article 6 online
Morgan, Cecilia. ""Remembering 1812 in the 1840s: John Richardson and the Writing of the War", London Journal of Canadian Studies (2014) 29#1 pp. 39–69 online
Robertson, James Tyler. "For God, King, and Country: Nineteenth-Century Methodist Interpretations of the War of 1812" London Journal of Canadian Studies (2014) 29#1 pp. 1–38; Canadian Methodists online
Sheppard, George. Plunder, Profit, and Paroles: A Social History of the War of 1812 in Upper Canada (McGill-Queen's University Press, 1994)
Tiro, Karim M. "Now You See It, Now You Don't: The War of 1812 in Canada and the United States in 2012." Public Historian 35#1 (2013): 87-97. in JSTOR
Wasson, Jeffrey. "Inventing a Foundation Myth: Upper Canada in the War of 1812" (Clark University, 2014) online
External links[edit]
A Question of Identity: War of 1812, a 1966 National Film Board of Canada documentary on the war's role in fostering a sense of Canadian identity
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Oak (wine)
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Oak wine barrels
Oak is used in winemaking to vary the color, flavor, tannin profile and texture of wine. It can be introduced in the form of a barrel during the fermentation or aging periods, or as free-floating chips or staves added to wine fermented in a vessel like stainless steel. Oak barrels can impart other qualities to wine through evaporation and low level exposure to oxygen.[1]
Contents
[hide]
1 History
2 Effects on wine
3 Oak types and sources
3.1 Differences between French and American oak
4 Wine barrel
4.1 Barrel construction
5 Barrel alternatives
6 Other wood types
7 See also
8 References
9 External links
History[edit]
A California Chardonnay that shows on the label that it has been barrel fermented.
In early wine history, the amphora was the vessel of choice for the storage and transportation of wine. Due to the perishable nature of wood material it is difficult to trace the usage of barrels in history. The Greek historian Herodotus noted that ancient Mesopotamians used barrels made of palm wood to transport wine along the Euphrates. Palm is a difficult material to bend and fashion into barrels, however, and wine merchants in different regions experimented with different wood styles to find a better wood source.[2] The use of oak has been prevalent in winemaking for at least two millennia, first coming into widespread use during the time of the Roman Empire. In time, winemakers discovered that beyond just storage convenience, wine kept in oak barrels took on properties that improved it by making it softer and, in some cases, better-tasting.[3] Robert Mondavi is credited with expanding the knowledge of winemakers in the United States about the different types of oak and barrel styles through his experiments in the 1960s and '70s.[4]
Effects on wine[edit]
The effect of oak aging on two Penedès region Cabernet Sauvignon varietals, a two-year-old cosecha (left) and six-year-old crianza (right). As the wine matures, its color shifts from deep purple or crimson to a lighter brick-red, and takes on a more graduated appearance in the glass.
The porous nature of an oak barrel allows evaporation and oxygenation to occur in wine but typically not at levels that would cause oxidation or spoilage. The typical 59-gallon (225-liter) barrel can lose anywhere from 51⁄2 to 61⁄2 gallons (21 to 25 liters) (of mostly alcohol and water) in a year through evaporation. This allows the wine to concentrate its flavor and aroma compounds. Small amounts of oxygen are allowed to pass through the barrel and act as a softening agent upon the wine's tannins.[3]
The chemical properties of oak can have a profound effect on wine. Phenols within the wood interact to produce vanilla type flavors and can give the impression of tea notes or sweetness. The degree of "toast" on the barrel can also impart different properties affecting the tannin levels as well as the aggressive wood flavors.[5] The hydrolyzable tannins present in wood, known as ellagitannins, are derived from lignin structures in the wood. They help protect the wine from oxidation and reduction.[6]
Oak barrel aging sherry. It has a transparent front for people to see the process inside
Wines can be barrel fermented in oak or placed in oak after fermentation for a period of aging or maturation. Wine matured in oak receives more oak flavors and properties than wine fermented in oak because yeast cells present in fermentation interact with and "latch on" to oak components. When dead yeast cells are removed as lees some oak properties go with them.[7]
Characteristics of white wines fermented in oak include a pale color and extra silky texture. White wines fermented in steel and matured in oak will have a darker coloring due to heavy phenolic compounds still present.[8] Flavor notes commonly used to describe wines exposed to oak include caramel, cream, smoke, spice and vanilla. Chardonnay is a varietal with very distinct flavor profiles when fermented in oak, which include coconut, cinnamon and cloves notes. The "toastiness" of the barrel can bring out varying degrees of mocha and toffee notes in red wine.[9]
The length of time a wine spends in the barrel is dependent on the varietal and finished style the winemaker desires. The majority of oak flavoring is imparted in the first few months the wine is in contact with oak, while longer term exposure adds light barrel aeration, which helps precipitate phenolic compounds and quickens the aging process.[8] New World Pinot noir may spend less than a year in oak. Premium Cabernet Sauvignon may spend two years. The very tannic Nebbiolo grape may spend four or more years in oak. High end Rioja producers will sometimes age their wines up to ten years in American oak to get a desired earthy cedar and herbal character.[7]
Oak types and sources[edit]
The Quercus petraea tree responsible for French oak.
The species of oak typically used for American oak production is the Quercus alba which is a white oak species that is characterized by its relatively fast growth, wider grains and lower wood tannins. It is found in most of the Eastern United States as well as Missouri, Minnesota and Wisconsin where many wine barrels are from. In Oregon the Quercus garryana white oak has started to gain usage due to its closer similarities to European oak.
In France, both the Quercus robur (common oak) and Quercus petraea (white oak) are considered apt for wine making, however, the latter is considered far superior for its finer grain and richer contribution of aromatic components like vanillin and its derivates, methyl-octalactone and tannins, as well as phenols and volatile aldehydes. French oak typically comes from one or more primary forests: Allier, Limousin, Nevers, Tronçais and Vosges. The wood from each of these forests has slightly different characteristics. Many winemakers utilize barrels made from different cooperages, regions and degrees of toasting in blending their wines to enhance the complexity of the resulting wine.[10]
The tighter grain of French oak allows for a more gradual integration of flavors in the wine.
Italian winemakers have had a long history of using Slavonian oak from the Quercus robur which is known for its tight grain, low aromatics and medium level tannins. Slavonian oak tends to be used in larger barrel sizes (with less surface area relative to volume) with the same barrels reused for many more years before replacement.[11] Prior to the Russian Revolution, Quercus petraea oak from the Baltic/European states especially from Hungary was the most highly sought after wood for French winemaking. The trees in the Hungarian Zemplén Mountains grow slower in the volcanic soil and smaller, creating fine tight grain which sequentially lends itself to a very delicate extraction.
The hemicellulose in the Hungarian oak breaks down more easily, and conveys an exceptional selection of toasted, vanilla, sugary, woody, spicy and caramel-like flavors – imparting these aromas with less intensity, and slower than American or French oak.
Many winemakers favor the softer, smoother, creamier texture that Hungarian oak offers their wines. French winemakers preferred to use Hungarian barrels until the early 20th century, then – because of world wars, supply cut – the French wine industry was forced to find its own source in France, similar to the unique quality, legendary Hungarian Zemplén oak.
However, after the fall of the Iron Curtain, the cooperages from France again became major consumers of the exclusive Quercus petraea/Sessile Hungarian Oak trees originating in the Zemplén Mountain Forest.[12]
The Russian oak from the Adygey region along the Black Sea is being explored by French winemakers as a cheaper alternative to French and Hungarian oak.[13] Canadian wineries have been experimenting with the use of Canadian oak, which proponents describe as a middle ground between American and French oak even though it is the same species as American oak.[14]
Oak trees are typically between 80–120 years old prior to harvesting with the ideal conditions being a cool climate in a dense forest region that gives the trees opportunity to mature slowly and develop a tighter grain. Typically one tree can provide enough wood for two 225-litre (59 US gal) barrels. The trees are typically harvested in the winter months when there is less sap in the trunk.[12]
Differences between French and American oak[edit]
American oak tends to be more intensely flavored than French oak with more sweet and vanilla overtones due to the American oak having two to four times as many lactones.[9] Winemakers choose American oak typically for bold, powerful reds, base wines for "assemblage", or for warm climate Chardonnays. Besides being derived from different species, a major difference between American and French oak comes from the preparation of the wood. The tighter grain and less watertight nature of French oak obliges coopers to split the wood along the grain. The wood is then aged or "seasoned" for 24 to 36 months in the open air, in a so-called wood-yard.
Oak seasoning at the Tonelería Nacional wood yard
Even though American coopers may use a kiln-dry method to season the wood, almost all others will season American oak in exactly the same way as French.[12] Open air seasoning has the advantage of leaching undesirable chemical components and bitter tannins, mellowing the oak in a manner that kiln-dry methods are incapable of replicating.[9] Even though sun, rain, and wind may suffice in most cases to season oak, in drier climates coopers - such as Tonelería Nacional - apply up to 2000 mm (80 in) of water a year to their wood stacks in order to facilitate the seasoning process.
Since French oak must be split, only 20 to 25% of the tree can be utilized; American oak may be serrated, which makes it at least twice as economical. Its more pronounced oxidation and a quicker release of aromas help wines to lose their astringency and harshness faster; which makes this the wood of choice for shorter maturations - six to ten months. Because of American oak’s modest tannin contribution, the perfect first fill is a wine with abundant tannins and good texture; it allows the fruit to interact harmoniously with the wood, which contributes a wide array of complex aromas and soft, yet very palatable tannins.
French oak, on the other hand, generates silky and transparent tannins, which transmit a sensation of light sweetness combined with fruity flavors that persist in the mouth. Spices and toasted almond are noteworthy, combined with flavors of ripe red fruit in red wines, and notes of peach, exotic fruits and floral aromas like jasmine and rose in whites, depending on the grape variety employed.
Wine barrel[edit]
See also: Aging barrel
The "red band" on some wine barrels is the residue of spilt red wine. For aesthetics some wineries will paint this center portion of the barrel red for a cleaner look.
Wooden wine barrel at Pollenca, Spain
Wine barrels, especially those made of oak, have long been used as containers in which wine is aged. Aging in oak typically imparts desirable vanilla, butter and spice flavors to wine. The size of the barrel plays a large role in determining the effects of oak on the wine by dictating the ratio of surface area to volume of wine with smaller containers having a larger impact. The most common barrels are the Bordeaux barriques style which hold 225 litres (59 US gal) followed by the Burgundy style barrel which hold 228 litres (60 US gal). Some New World wine makers are now also using the larger hogshead 300-litre (79 US gal) barrel.[8] Larger barrels are also traditionally used in parts of Italy such as Barolo,[15] as well as the south of France.
New barrels impart more flavors than do previously used barrels. Over time many of the oak properties get "leached" out of the barrel with layers of natural deposits left from the wine building up on the wood to where after 3 to 5 vintages there may be little or no oak flavors imparted on the wine.[5] In addition, oxygen transport through the oak and into the wine, which is required for maturation, becomes severely limited after 3–5 years. The cost of barrels varies due to the supply and demand market economy and can change with different features that a cooperage may offer. As of late 2007 the price for a standard American oak barrel was US$600 to 800, French oak US$1200 and up, and Eastern European US$600.[16] Due to the expense of barrels, several techniques have been devised in an attempt to save money. One is to shave the inside of used barrels and insert new thin inner staves that have been toasted.[17]
Barrel construction[edit]
Barrel midway through construction.
Barrels are constructed in cooperages. The traditional method of European coopers has been to hand-split the oak into staves (or strips) along the grain. After the oak is split, it is allowed to "season" or dry outdoors while exposed to the elements. This process can take anywhere from 10 to 36 months during which time the harshest tannins from the wood are leached out. These tannins are visible as dark gray and black residue left on the ground once the staves are removed. The longer the wood is allowed to season the softer the potential wine stored in the barrels may be but this can add substantially to the cost of the barrel. In some American cooperage the wood is dried in a kiln instead of outdoor seasoning. While this method is much faster, it does not soften the tannins quite as much as outdoor seasoning.[18]
The staves are then heated, traditionally over an open fire, and, when pliable, are bent into the desired shape of the barrel and held together with iron rings. Instead of fire, a cooper may use steam to heat up the staves but this tends to impart less "toastiness" and complexity to the resulting wine. Following the traditional, hand worked style, a cooper is typically able to construct one barrel in a day's time. Winemakers can order barrels with the wood on the inside of the barrel having been lightly charred or toasted with fire, medium toasted, or heavily toasted.[18] Typically the "lighter" the toasting the more oak flavor and tannins that are imparted. Heavy toast or "charred" which is typical treatment of barrels in Burgundy wine have an added dimension from the char that medium or light toasted barrels do not impart.[8] Heavy toasting dramatically reduces the coconut note lactones, even in American oak, but create a high carbon content that may reduce the coloring of some wines. During the process of toasting, the furanic aldehydes in the wood reach a higher level of concentration. This produces the "roasted" aroma in the wine. The toasting also enhances the presences of vanillin and the phenol eugenol which creates smokey and spicy notes that in some wines are similar to the aromatics of oil of cloves.[19]
Barrel alternatives[edit]
Oak chips in fermenting Chardonnay.
A Chardonnay from the Russian River Valley labeling itself as "unoaked" to differentiate itself from other oak-influenced Chardonnays.
Although oak barrels have long been used by winemakers, many wineries now use oak wood chips for aging wine more quickly and also adding desired woody aromas along with vanilla flavors. It is a common misconception that oak imparts butter flavors to wine. This is not so. The butter flavors come from lactic acid, naturally present in the wine, converted during malolactic fermentation to diacetyl. This process reverses itself, although the addition of sulfur dioxide prevents this, and the diacetyl remains. Oak chips can be added during fermentation or during aging. In the latter case, they are generally placed into fabric sacks and placed into the aging wine. The diversity of chips available gives winemakers numerous options. Oak chips have the benefit of imparting intense oak flavoring in a matter of weeks while traditional oak barrels would need a year or more to convey similar intensity. Critics claim that the oak flavoring from chips tend to be one-dimensional and skewed towards the vanilla extract with the wines still lacking some of the physical benefits that barrel oak imparts.[17] The use of oak powder is also less common than chips, although they are a very practical alternative if oak character is to be introduced during fermentation. Oak planks or staves are sometimes used, either during fermentation or aging. Wines made from these barrel alternatives typically do not age as well as wines that are matured in barrels.[8] Improvements in micro-oxygenation have allowed winemakers to better mimic the gentle aeration of oak barrels in stainless steel tanks with oak chips.[20]
Prior to 2006, the practice of using oak chips was outlawed in the European Union.[21] In 1999, the Bordeaux court of appeals fined four wineries, including third growth Chateau Giscours, over $13,000 USD for the use of oak chips in their wine.[22]
Other wood types[edit]
Weighing a sherry barrel
Throughout history other wood types, including chestnut, pine, redwood, and acacia, have been used in crafting winemaking vessels, particularly large fermentation vats. However none of these wood types possess the compatibility with wine that oak has demonstrated in combining its water tight, yet slightly porous, storage capabilities with the unique flavor and texture characteristic that it can impart to the wine that it is in contact with.[23] Chestnut is very high in tannins and is too porous as a storage barrel and must be coated with paraffin to prevent excessive wine loss through evaporation. Redwood is too rigid to bend into the smaller barrel shapes and imparts an unpleasant flavor. Acacia imparts a yellow tint to the wine. Other hardwoods like apple and cherry wood have an off putting smell.[24] Austrian winemakers have a history of using acacia barrels. Historically, chestnut was used by Beaujolais, Italian and Portuguese wine makers.[25] Some Rhône winemakers still use paraffin coated chestnut barrels but the coating minimizes any effect from the wood making its function similar to a neutral concrete vessel. In Chile there are traditions for using barrels made of rauli wood but it is beginning to fall out of favor due to the musky scent it imparts on wine.[26]
See also[edit]
Wine portal
Barrel
Clarification and stabilization of wine
Ullage (wine)
HOW TO STORE AND MAINTAIN OAK BARREL
References[edit]
Jump up ^ J. Robinson Jancis Robinson's Wine Course Third Edition pg 91-93 Abbeville Press 2003 ISBN 0-7892-0883-0
Jump up ^ H. Johnson Vintage: The Story of Wine pg 25-26 Simon and Schuster 1989 ISBN 0-671-68702-6
^ Jump up to: a b K. MacNeil The Wine Bible pg 40 Workman Publishing 2001 ISBN 1-56305-434-5
Jump up ^ H. Johnson Vintage: The Story of Wine pg 453 Simon and Schuster 1989 ISBN 0-671-68702-6
^ Jump up to: a b K. MacNeil The Wine Bible pg 41 Workman Publishing 2001 ISBN 1-56305-434-5
Jump up ^ J. Robinson (ed) "The Oxford Companion to Wine" Third Edition pg 492 Oxford University Press 2006 ISBN 0-19-860990-6
^ Jump up to: a b K. MacNeil The Wine Bible pg 45 Workman Publishing 2001 ISBN 1-56305-434-5
^ Jump up to: a b c d e J. Robinson Jancis Robinson's Wine Course Third Edition pg 93 Abbeville Press 2003 ISBN 0-7892-0883-0
^ Jump up to: a b c D. Sogg "White Wines, New Barrels: The taste of new oak gains favor worldwide" Wine Spectator July 31, 2001
Jump up ^ T. Stevenson "The Sotheby's Wine Encyclopedia" pg 33-34 Dorling Kindersley 2005 ISBN 0-7566-1324-8
Jump up ^ [1] Archived October 17, 2010, at the Wayback Machine.
^ Jump up to: a b c J. Robinson Jancis Robinson's Wine Course Third Edition pg 92 Abbeville Press 2003 ISBN 0-7892-0883-0
Jump up ^ D. Sogg "French Barrelmaker Turns to Russian Oak" Wine Spectator October 15, 2002
Jump up ^ K. Ebjich "Canadian Oak Barrels Get the Nod From Winemakers" Wine Spectator November 11, 2003 Archived October 10, 2004, at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ J Wheaver '[2]" 2006
Jump up ^ World Cooperage Product Information Archived August 28, 2007, at the Wayback Machine.
^ Jump up to: a b D. Sogg "Oak Flavorings" Wine Spectator Sept.20th, 2002
^ Jump up to: a b K. MacNeil The Wine Bible pg 42-43 Workman Publishing 2001 ISBN 1-56305-434-5
Jump up ^ T. Stevenson "The Sotheby's Wine Encyclopedia" pg 33 Dorling Kindersley 2005 ISBN 0-7566-1324-8
Jump up ^ J. Robinson (ed) "The Oxford Companion to Wine" Third Edition pg 491 Oxford University Press 2006 ISBN 0-19-860990-6
Jump up ^ Jancis Robinson (May 4, 2006). "Giant 'teabags' of oak chips now legal in Europe". San Francisco Chronicle.
Jump up ^ J. Mann "Bordeaux Chateaus Fined for Use of Wood Chips" Wine Spectator November 29, 1999 Archived September 25, 2008, at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ J. Robinson Jancis Robinson's Wine Course Third Edition pg 91 Abbeville Press 2003 ISBN 0-7892-0883-0
Jump up ^ J. Ross "Rethinking American vs. French oak" Wines & Vines November 1, 1992 Archived February 13, 2009, at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ J. Robinson (ed) "The Oxford Companion to Wine" Third Edition pg 775 Oxford University Press 2006 ISBN 0-19-860990-6
Jump up ^ T. Stevenson "The Sotheby's Wine Encyclopedia" pg 32 Dorling Kindersley 2005 ISBN 0-7566-1324-8
External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Barrique wine barrels.
Foudres, Demi Muids, Puncheons, and Wood Fermenters: The Appeal of Large Oak from the Tablas Creek Vineyard blog
Wooden Barrels from Oak
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Band gap
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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This article is about solid state physics. For voltage control circuitry in electronics, see Bandgap voltage reference.
This article is about the electronic bandgap found in semiconductors. For the photonic band gap, see photonic crystal.
In solid-state physics, a band gap, also called an energy gap or bandgap, is an energy range in a solid where no electron states can exist. In graphs of the electronic band structure of solids, the band gap generally refers to the energy difference (in electron volts) between the top of the valence band and the bottom of the conduction band in insulators and semiconductors. It is the energy required to promote a valence electron bound to an atom to become a conduction electron, which is free to move within the crystal lattice and serve as a charge carrier to conduct electric current. It is closely related to the HOMO/LUMO gap in chemistry. If the valence band is completely full and the conduction band is completely empty, then electrons cannot move in the solid; however, if some electrons transfer from the valence to the conduction band, then current can flow (see carrier generation and recombination). Therefore, the band gap is a major factor determining the electrical conductivity of a solid. Substances with large band gaps are generally insulators, those with smaller band gaps are semiconductors, while conductors either have very small band gaps or none, because the valence and conduction bands overlap.
Contents
[hide]
1 In semiconductor physics
1.1 Photovoltaic cells
1.2 List of band gaps
2 Optical versus electronic bandgap
3 In photonics and phononics
4 Materials
4.1 List of electronics topics
5 See also
6 References
7 External links
In semiconductor physics[edit]
Semiconductor band structure.
Every solid has its own characteristic energy-band structure. This variation in band structure is responsible for the wide range of electrical characteristics observed in various materials. In semiconductors and insulators, electrons are confined to a number of bands of energy, and forbidden from other regions. The term "band gap" refers to the energy difference between the top of the valence band and the bottom of the conduction band. Electrons are able to jump from one band to another. However, in order for an electron to jump from a valence band to a conduction band, it requires a specific minimum amount of energy for the transition. The required energy differs with different materials. Electrons can gain enough energy to jump to the conduction band by absorbing either a phonon (heat) or a photon (light).
A semiconductor is a material with a small but non-zero band gap that behaves as an insulator at absolute zero but allows thermal excitation of electrons into its conduction band at temperatures that are below its melting point. In contrast, a material with a large band gap is an insulator. In conductors, the valence and conduction bands may overlap, so they may not have a band gap.
The conductivity of intrinsic semiconductors is strongly dependent on the band gap. The only available charge carriers for conduction are the electrons that have enough thermal energy to be excited across the band gap and the electron holes that are left off when such an excitation occurs.
Band-gap engineering is the process of controlling or altering the band gap of a material by controlling the composition of certain semiconductor alloys, such as GaAlAs, InGaAs, and InAlAs. It is also possible to construct layered materials with alternating compositions by techniques like molecular-beam epitaxy. These methods are exploited in the design of heterojunction bipolar transistors (HBTs), laser diodes and solar cells.
The distinction between semiconductors and insulators is a matter of convention. One approach is to think of semiconductors as a type of insulator with a narrow band gap. Insulators with a larger band gap, usually greater than 4 eV,[1] are not considered semiconductors and generally do not exhibit semiconductive behaviour under practical conditions. Electron mobility also plays a role in determining a material's informal classification.
The band-gap energy of semiconductors tends to decrease with increasing temperature. When temperature increases, the amplitude of atomic vibrations increase, leading to larger interatomic spacing. The interaction between the lattice phonons and the free electrons and holes will also affect the band gap to a smaller extent.[2] The relationship between band gap energy and temperature can be described by Varshni's empirical expression (named after Y. P. Varshni),
E g ( T ) = E g ( 0 ) − α T 2 T + β {\displaystyle E_{g}(T)=E_{g}(0)-{\frac {\alpha T^{2}}{T+\beta }}} , where Eg(0), α and β are material constants.[3]
In a regular semiconductor crystal, the band gap is fixed owing to continuous energy states. In a quantum dot crystal, the band gap is size dependent and can be altered to produce a range of energies between the valence band and conduction band.[4] It is also known as quantum confinement effect.
Band gaps also depend on pressure. Band gaps can be either direct or indirect, depending on the electronic band structure.
Photovoltaic cells[edit]
Main article: Solar cell
The Shockley–Queisser limit gives the maximum possible efficiency of a single-junction solar cell under un-concentrated sunlight, as a function of the semiconductor band gap. If the band gap is too high, most daylight photons cannot be absorbed; if it is too low, then most photons have much more energy than necessary to excite electrons across the band gap, and the rest is wasted. The semiconductors commonly used in commercial solar cells have band gaps near the peak of this curve, for example silicon (1.1eV) or CdTe (1.5eV). The Shockley–Queisser limit has been exceeded experimentally by combining materials with different band gap energies to make tandem solar cells.
The optical band gap (see below) determines what portion of the solar spectrum a photovoltaic cell absorbs.[5] A semiconductor will not absorb photons of energy less than the band gap; and the energy of the electron-hole pair produced by a photon is equal to the bandgap energy. A luminescent solar converter uses a luminescent medium to downconvert photons with energies above the band gap to photon energies closer to the band gap of the semiconductor comprising the solar cell.[6]
List of band gaps[edit]
Below are band gap values for some selected materials. For a comprehensive list of band gaps in semiconductors, see List of semiconductor materials.
Group
Material
Symbol
Band gap (eV) @ 302K
Reference
IV Diamond C 5.5 [7]
IV Silicon Si 1.11 [8]
IV Germanium Ge 0.67 [8]
III–V Gallium nitride GaN 3.4 [8]
III–V Gallium phosphide GaP 2.26 [8]
III–V Gallium arsenide GaAs 1.43 [8]
IV–V Silicon nitride Si3N4 5
IV–VI Lead sulfide PbS 0.37 [8]
IV–VI Silicon dioxide SiO2 9 [9]
Copper oxide Cu2O 2.1 [10]
Optical versus electronic bandgap[edit]
In materials with a large exciton binding energy, it is possible for a photon to have just barely enough energy to create an exciton (bound electron–hole pair), but not enough energy to separate the electron and hole (which are electrically attracted to each other). In this situation, there is a distinction between "optical bandgap" and "electrical band gap" (or "transport gap"). The optical bandgap is the threshold for photons to be absorbed, while the transport gap is the threshold for creating an electron–hole pair that is not bound together. The optical bandgap is at a lower energy than the transport gap.
In almost all inorganic semiconductors, such as silicon, gallium arsenide, etc., there is very little interaction between electrons and holes (very small exciton binding energy), and therefore the optical and electronic bandgap are essentially identical, and the distinction between them is ignored. However, in some systems, including organic semiconductors and single-walled carbon nanotubes, the distinction may be significant.
In photonics and phononics[edit]
In photonics, band gaps or stop bands are ranges of photon frequencies where, if tunneling effects are neglected, no photons can be transmitted through a material. A material exhibiting this behaviour is known as a photonic crystal. The concept of hyperuniformity[11] has broadened the range of photonic band gap materials, beyond photonic crystals. By applying the technique in supersymmetric quantum mechanics, a new class of optical disordered materials have been suggested,[12] which support band gaps perfectly equivalent to those of crystals or quasicrystals.
Similar physics applies to phonons in a phononic crystal.
Materials[edit]
Aluminium gallium arsenide
Boron nitride
Indium gallium arsenide
Indium arsenide
Gallium arsenide
Gallium nitride
Germanium
Metallic hydrogen
List of electronics topics[edit]
Electronics
Bandgap voltage reference
Condensed matter physics
Direct and indirect bandgaps
Electrical conduction
Electron hole
Field-effect transistor
Light-emitting diode
Photodiode
Photoresistor
Photovoltaics
Solar cell
Solid state physics
Semiconductor
Semiconductor devices
Strongly correlated material
Valence band
See also[edit]
Wide bandgap semiconductors
Band bending
Spectral density
Pseudogap
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Babu, V.Suresh (2010). Solid State Devices and Technology, 3rd Edition. Peason.
Jump up ^ H. Unlu (1992). "A Thermodynamic Model for Determining Pressure and Temperature Effects on the Bandgap Energies and other Properties of some Semiconductors". Solid State Electronics. 35 (9): 1343–1352. Bibcode:1992SSEle..35.1343U. doi:10.1016/0038-1101(92)90170-H.
Jump up ^ Temperature dependence of the energy bandgap. Ece-www.colorado.edu. Retrieved on 2013-04-03.
Jump up ^ “Evident Technologies”. Evidenttech.com. Retrieved on 2013-04-03.
Jump up ^ Nanoscale Material Design. Nrel.gov. Retrieved on 2013-04-03.
Jump up ^ Nanocrystalline luminescent solar converters, 2004
Jump up ^ Kittel, Charles. Introduction to Solid State Physics, 7th Edition. Wiley.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f Streetman, Ben G.; Sanjay Banerjee (2000). Solid State electronic Devices (5th ed.). New Jersey: Prentice Hall. p. 524. ISBN 0-13-025538-6.
Jump up ^ Vella, E.; Messina, F.; Cannas, M.; Boscaino, R. (2011). "Unraveling exciton dynamics in amorphous silicon dioxide: Interpretation of the optical features from 8 to 11 eV". Physical Review B. 83 (17): 174201. Bibcode:2011PhRvB..83q4201V. doi:10.1103/PhysRevB.83.174201.
Jump up ^ Baumeister, P.W. (1961). "Optical Absorption of Cuprous Oxide". Physical Review. 121 (2): 359. Bibcode:1961PhRv..121..359B. doi:10.1103/PhysRev.121.359.
Jump up ^ Xie, Ruobing; Long, Gabrielle G.; Weigand, Steven J.; Moss, Simon C.; Carvalho, Tobi; Roorda, Sjoerd; Hejna, Miroslav; Torquato, Salvatore; Steinhardt, Paul J. (2013-08-13). "Hyperuniformity in amorphous silicon based on the measurement of the infinite-wavelength limit of the structure factor". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. 110 (33): 13250–13254. Bibcode:2013PNAS..11013250X. ISSN 0027-8424. PMC 3746861  . PMID 23898166. doi:10.1073/pnas.1220106110.
Jump up ^ Yu, Sunkyu; Piao, Xianji; Hong, Jiho; Park, Namkyoo (2015-09-16). "Bloch-like waves in random-walk potentials based on supersymmetry". Nature Communications. 6: 8269. Bibcode:2015NatCo...6E8269Y. PMC 4595658  . PMID 26373616. arXiv:1501.02591  . doi:10.1038/ncomms9269.
External links[edit]
Direct Band Gap Energy Calculator
Moriarty, Philip. "Energy Gap (and what makes glass transparent?)". Sixty Symbols. Brady Haran for the University of Nottingham.
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Band_gap&oldid=800738115"
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values: portal navigation p-navigation p-navigation-label

values: Guidance on how to use and edit Wikipedia

values: About the project, what you can do, where to find things

values: A list of recent changes in the wiki [ctrl-alt-r]

values: portal navigation p-interaction p-interaction-label

values: List of all English Wikipedia pages containing links to this page [ctrl-alt-j]

values: Recent changes in pages linked from this page [ctrl-alt-k]

values:
/wiki/Wikipedia:File_Upload_Wizard
Upload files [ctrl-alt-u]
u

values: A list of all special pages [ctrl-alt-q]

values: Permanent link to this revision of the page

values: Link to connected data repository item [ctrl-alt-g]

values: Printable version of this page [ctrl-alt-p]

values: portal navigation p-wikibase-otherprojects p-wikibase-otherprojects-label

values:
uls-settings-trigger
Language settings
0
button
true

values: فجوة النطاق – Arabic

values: نوار ممنوعه – Persian

values: बैण्ड अन्तराल – Hindi

values: פער אסור – Hebrew

values:
https://nl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Band_gap
Band gap – Dutch
nl
nl
interlanguage-link-target

values: バンドギャップ – Japanese

values: Hol i faststoffysikk – Norwegian Nynorsk

values: Запрещённая зона – Russian

values:
https://sv.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bandgap
Bandgap – Swedish
sv
sv
interlanguage-link-target

values: ช่องว่างพลังงาน – Thai

values: Заборонена зона – Ukrainian

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values:
suggestions
display: none; font-size: 13px;

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