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Charles Erwin Wilson
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For the CEO of General Electric and official in the FDR and Truman administrations, see Charles Edward Wilson (General Electric executive).
For other uses, see Charles Wilson.
Charles Wilson
5th United States Secretary of Defense
In office
January 28, 1953 – October 8, 1957
President
Dwight D. Eisenhower
Preceded by
Robert A. Lovett
Succeeded by
Neil H. McElroy
Personal details
Born
(1890-07-18)July 18, 1890
Minerva, Ohio, U.S.
Died
September 26, 1961(1961-09-26) (aged 71)
Norwood, Louisiana, U.S.
Political party
Republican[citation needed]
Spouse(s)
Jessie Curtis
Education
Carnegie Mellon University (BS)
Charles Erwin Wilson (July 18, 1890 – September 26, 1961) was an American engineer and businessman who served as United States Secretary of Defense from 1953 to 1957 under President Dwight D. Eisenhower.[1] Known as "Engine Charlie",[2] he was previously the president and chief executive officer of General Motors. In the wake of the Korean War, he cut the defense budget significantly.
Contents
1 Early life and career
2 General Motors career
3 Secretary of Defense
4 Human experimentation
5 Later life and death
6 Nickname
7 References
8 External links
Early life and career[edit]
Wilson was born in Minerva, Ohio, the son of Thomas E. and Rosalind (née Unkefer) Wilson.[3] After earning a degree in electrical engineering from the Carnegie Institute of Technology in 1909, he joined the Westinghouse Electric Company in Pittsburgh, where eventually he supervised the engineering of automobile electrical equipment, and during World War I, the development of dynamotors and radio generators for the Army and Navy. Wilson married Jessie Ann Curtis on September 11, 1912. They had five children.
General Motors career[edit]
In 1919, Wilson moved to Remy Electric, a General Motors subsidiary, as chief engineer and sales manager. By January 1941 he was the president of General Motors. During World War II, Wilson directed the company's huge defense production effort, which earned him a Medal for Merit in 1946.[4] He was still head of General Motors when Eisenhower selected him as Secretary of Defense in January 1953.
Secretary of Defense[edit]
Wilson's nomination sparked a controversy that erupted during his confirmation hearings before the Senate Armed Services Committee, based on his large stockholdings in General Motors. Reluctant to sell the stock, valued at the time at more than $2.5 million (or about $24 million in 2018), Wilson agreed to do so under committee pressure. During the hearings, when asked if he could make a decision as Secretary of Defense that would be adverse to the interests of General Motors, Wilson answered affirmatively. But he added that he could not conceive of such a situation "because for years I thought what was good for our country was good for General Motors, and vice versa." That statement has frequently been misquoted as "What's good for General Motors is good for the country." Although Wilson tried for years to correct the misquote, he was reported, at the time of his retirement in 1957, to have accepted the popular impression.[5]
Wilson was finally confirmed as Secretary of Defense by a Senate vote of 77 to 6 and began his duties in the Pentagon with his standing somewhat diminished by the confirmation debate.
Both Wilson and Eisenhower entered office committed to reorganizing the US Department of Defense. They succeeded in securing from Congress approval in June 1953 of Reorganization Plan No. 6, which made changes in OSD, the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the chain of command. Wilson welcomed the reorganization plan, which became effective on June 30, 1953, as facilitating more efficient management of the Department of Defense. He looked on the assistant secretaries as his "vice presidents" and tried to run the Pentagon like an industrial corporation. Wilson took advantage of the reorganization to decentralize administration, giving the service secretaries more responsibility and importance. In his first annual report, he noted that the service secretaries were his principal assistants; decentralizing operational responsibility to them would make for effective exercise of civilian authority throughout the Department of Defense. In July 1954, to complement the 1953 reorganization, Wilson issued a directive to the JCS, the most important provision of which stated that "the Joint Staff work of each of the Chiefs of Staff shall take priority over all other duties," their tasks as chiefs of individual services. The directive also clarified the role of the JCS chairman and his authority over the Joint Staff while making clear that assignment of major tasks to the Joint Staff was the prerogative of the full JCS.
Internal reorganization was only one of several major changes during Wilson's tenure, the most important being the "New Look" defense concept. Eisenhower had criticized Truman's policies during the 1952 campaign, arguing that they were reactive rather than positive and that they forced the United States to compete with the Soviet Union on terms laid down by the latter. Eisenhower entered office with strong convictions about the need to reorient the nation's security policy, convictions reflecting his interest in maintaining a staunch defense while cutting government expenditures and balancing the budget.
The president inaugurated planning for the New Look in July 1953 by asking the incoming members of the JCS (Admiral Arthur W. Radford, chairman; General Matthew B. Ridgway, Army chief of staff; General Nathan F. Twining, Air Force chief of staff; and Admiral Robert B. Carney, chief of naval operations) to prepare a paper on overall defense policy. Although the JCS paper did not recommend any fundamental changes, the National Security Council in October 1953 adopted a key tenet of the New Look that a large-scale limited war or a general war would likely be fought with nuclear weapons. Eisenhower formally presented the New Look in his State of the Union message in January 1954, and Wilson helped to explain it. More defense for less money was possible, he said. With new weapons and techniques and ready reserves of troops and materiel, the United States could support capable military forces within budget allocations that Congress was willing to provide.
The major features of the New Look included greater reliance on nuclear weapons, using the advantage the United States had over the Soviet Union in such weapons; elevation of strategic air power, the major means to deliver nuclear weapons, to a more important position (not an expansion in the number of Air Force wings but rather development and production of better equipment); cuts in conventional ground forces, based both on reliance on strategic and tactical nuclear weapons and the expectation that US allies would provide ground troops for their own defense; an expanded program of continental defense, which, along with strategic air power, would serve as a principal ingredient of the New Look's deterrence program; and modernization and enlargement of reserve forces, enhancing the military manpower base while reducing active duty forces.
Although the Eisenhower administration generally adhered to the New Look throughout Wilson's term, the policy remained controversial. Some critics maintained that it made impossible the fighting of a limited non-nuclear war. The Army and the Navy felt that the increased emphasis on air power and nuclear weapons represented a departure from the concept of "balanced forces" in which individual service programs were balanced against overall requirements. Implicit in the policy was rejection of the idea that a year of crisis with the Soviet Union was imminent (to occur when the Soviets achieved offensive nuclear capability against the United States) or that a general war was just around the corner. Wilson pointed out frequently that defense policy should be long-term and not based on short-term projections of Soviet-American relations. "Military expenditures," he observed, "must be adequate, but not so great that they will become an intolerable burden which will harm the social and economic fabric of our country. True security cannot be founded on arms and arms alone."
Wilson worked hard to reduce the defense budget, which meant some immediate cutbacks in fiscal year 1953 funds and a concerted effort to economize in subsequent years. Total obligational authority approved by Congress during Wilson's tenure decreased significantly at first and then began to creep back up, but it remained lower than the Truman administration's last budgets, inflated because of the Korean War. The TOA for FY 1953, Truman's final Defense budget, was $44.2 billion. TOA in subsequent fiscal years was: 1954, $30.4 billion; 1955, $33.7 billion; 1956, $33.06 billion; 1957, $39.7 billion; and 1958, $41.1 billion. Especially after 1954, when the Democratic Party regained control of Congress, the Wilson-Eisenhower effort to curb defense expenditures provoked growing criticism. The Air Force, even though the New Look enhanced its role, opposed the decision to cut back from the Truman goal of 143 wings, and its congressional supporters tried repeatedly, sometimes successfully, to appropriate more money for air power than the administration wanted. The other services, especially the Army, objected to force reductions ordained by the New Look. Both General Ridgway, who retired as Army chief of staff in June 1955, and his successor, General Maxwell D. Taylor, believed that the Army was receiving too small a share of the military budget.
Its standing threatened by the New Look, the Army questioned the wisdom of reliance on "massive retaliation" and strategic air power to the neglect of other force elements. Wilson reportedly observed that the United States "can't afford to fight limited wars. We can only afford to fight a big war, and if there is one, that is the kind it will be." However, by 1955 the Army and, later that decade, the Navy, departed from their emphasis on preparation for total war by urging the need to prepare for limited war, non-global conflicts restricted in geographical area, force size, and weapons although tactical nuclear weapons were not ruled out. Generals Ridgway and Taylor stressed the need to have a variety of forces available and equipped to fight different kinds of war from a local non-nuclear war to a global strategic nuclear conflict. They rejected the notion that limited wars would occur only in less-developed areas and argued that such conflicts might occur in NATO as well.
The Army received indirect support from such critics of massive retaliation as Bernard Brodie, William W. Kaufmann, and Henry A. Kissinger, who noted that the United States and the Soviet Union had or were acquiring the power to destroy each other with strategic nuclear weapons, thus precluding their rational use in response to a limited attack. Taylor, concluding that the Soviet Union and the United States had achieved mutual nuclear deterrence, believed that limited-war forces would play an active role in future conflicts and that atomic retaliatory forces would play a passive role. The Army moved into missile and space programs in an effort to preserve for itself a part in planning for and fighting a nuclear war, but in the late 1950s, it continued to push for adoption of a new national security policy acknowledging the primacy of limited war. While the Eisenhower administration did not adopt the Army's position, by the time that Wilson left office, it had accepted both the need to prepare for limited war and the idea that deterrence of a direct attack on US interests required "sufficient," rather than "superior," retaliatory capability.
Increased competition among the services resulting from the New Look compelled Wilson to deal with the perennially troublesome question of service roles and missions, complicated by the introduction of new weapons, especially missiles. He noted in his semi-annual report at the end of FY 1956 that the services, which had eight categories of guided missiles available for various tasks, could not agree on their respective roles and missions in relation to these and other planned missile systems. Also at issue were aircraft types for the individual services and Air Force tactical support for the Army. To address those and other nagging questions, Wilson issued two important documents. The former, a memorandum to members of the Armed Forces Policy Council on November 26, 1956, dealt with five points of contention. First, Wilson limited the Army to small aircraft with specifically defined functions within combat zones. On the matter of airlift adequacy, which the Army questioned, the secretary declared current Air Force practices acceptable. As to air defense, the Army received responsibility for point defense of specified geographical areas, vital installations, and cities; the Air Force became responsible for area defense and the interception of enemy attacks away from individual vital installations; and the Navy could maintain ship-based air defense weapon systems. Wilson assigned to the Air Force primary responsibility for tactical support for the Army, although the Army could use surface-to-surface missiles for close support of its field operations. Finally, the secretary gave the Air Force sole authority to operate land-based intermediate-range ballistic missile (IRBM) systems and the Navy the same responsibility for ship-based IRBMs. He enjoined the Army from planning operational employment of missiles with ranges beyond 200 miles (320 km).
On March 18, 1957, Wilson issued a directive to clarify his earlier decisions on the Army-Air Force use of aircraft for tactical purposes. He made no major changes from the previous division of responsibility but provided a more detailed and specific listing of those functional areas for which the Army could procure its own aircraft and those for which it would rely on the Air Force.
Although Wilson found it necessary to clarify service roles and missions, he did not press for extensive further unification of the armed forces. He established in February 1956 an office of special assistant to the Secretary of Defense for guided missiles but made few other changes after implementation of Reorganization Plan No. 6 in 1953. When asked in 1957 about persistent demands for further unification, Wilson responded, "It's an oversimplification in the false hope that you could thus wash out the problems if you put the people all in the same uniform and that then they wouldn't disagree over what should be done. Of course, they would."
Wilson, a folksy, honest, and outspoken man, sometimes got into trouble because of casual remarks. In January 1957, for example, he referred to enlistees in the National Guard during the Korean War as "draft dodgers." That caused a storm of protest and even brought a rebuke from Eisenhower, who said he thought Wilson had made "a very... unwise statement, without stopping to think what it meant." On another occasion, Wilson jokingly referred to the White House as a "dung hill," generating further controversy. Those episodes should not detract from recognition of Wilson's determined efforts to run the Department of Defense efficiently and to maintain the nation's security forces within reasonable budget guidelines.[editorializing]
Wilson indicated his intention to retire from office shortly after the start of the second Eisenhower term and left on October 8, 1957. Eisenhower noted when Wilson stepped down that under him, "the strength of our security forces has not only been maintained but has been significantly increased" and that he had managed the Defense Department "in a manner consistent with the requirements of a strong, healthy national economy."[6]
On October 9, 1957, Eisenhower presented Wilson with the Medal of Freedom.
Human experimentation[edit]
While serving as Secretary of Defense, Wilson enacted stronger rules against human medical experimentation. The 1953 Wilson Memo led the military to adopt the Nuremberg Code. Patients would have to provide written, informed consent.
Wilson wrote, "By reason of the basic medical responsibility in connection with the development of defense of all types against atomic, biological and/or chemical warfare agents, Armed Services personnel and/or civilians on duty at installations engaged in such research shall be permitted to actively participate in all phases of the program."[7]
Jonathan Moreno and Susan Lederer wrote in a 1996 issue of the Kennedy Institute of Ethics Journal that the Wilson Memo remained classified until 1975, limiting its availability to researchers. They found the Air Force and Army tried to implement the rules but found spotty compliance in actual Pentagon research.[citation needed]
Later life and death[edit]
After he left the Pentagon, Wilson returned to Michigan, where he devoted his time to business and family affairs. He died in Norwood, Louisiana, and was interred at the Acacia Park Cemetery, a Masonic cemetery in Beverly Hills, Michigan, a suburb of Detroit.
Nickname[edit]
Charles Erwin Wilson should not be confused with Charles Edward Wilson, who was the CEO of General Electric and served President Truman as the head of the Office of Defense Mobilization. The two were respectively nicknamed "Engine Charlie"[8] and "Electric Charlie" so that they could be more easily distinguished.
References[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Charles Erwin Wilson.
Wikiquote has quotations related to: Charles Erwin Wilson
Jump up ^ "Charles E. Wilson - Dwight D. Eisenhower Administration". Office of the Secretary of Defense - Historical Office.
Jump up ^ "10 Best Quotes", Car and Driver, 1/88, p. 49.
Jump up ^ "Business Cabinet". Life. 34 (3): 108. January 19, 1953. Retrieved 3 February 2017.
Jump up ^ Herman, Arthur. Freedom's Forge: How American Business Produced Victory in World War II, p. 161, Random House, New York, NY, 2012. ISBN 978-1-4000-6964-4.
Jump up ^ Hyde, Justin (September 14, 2008). "GM's 'Engine Charlie' Wilson learned to live with a misquote". Detroit Free Press. Retrieved September 3, 2012.
Jump up ^ "Quoted almost directly from Defense Department Biography of Charles E. Wilson".
Jump up ^ [1] Archived March 24, 2006, at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ Hyde, Justin (September 14, 2008). "GM's 'Engine Charlie' Wilson learned to live with a misquote". Detroit Free Press. Retrieved 15 December 2015.
Biography
Charles E. Wilson Ohio Historical Marker
The American Presidency Project - Citation Accompanying the Medal of Freedom Presented to Secretary of Defense Charles E. Wilson. - October 9, 1957
Business positions
Preceded by
Alfred P. Sloan CEO General Motors
1946 – 1953 Succeeded by
Harlow Curtice
Preceded by
William S. Knudsen President General Motors
1941 – 1953 Succeeded by
Harlow Curtice
Political offices
Preceded by
Robert A. Lovett U.S. Secretary of Defense
Served under: Dwight D. Eisenhower
1953–1957 Succeeded by
Neil H. McElroy
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Cabinet of President Dwight D. Eisenhower (1953–61)
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Christian A. Herter (1959–61)
Secretary of the Treasury
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Robert B. Anderson (1957–61)
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Charles E. Wilson (1953–57)
Neil H. McElroy (1957–59)
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William P. Rogers (1957–61)
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Fred A. Seaton (1956–61)
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Sinclair Weeks (1953–58)
Lewis L. Strauss (1958–59)
Frederick H. Mueller (1959–61)
Secretary of Labor
Martin P. Durkin (1953)
James P. Mitchell (1953–61)
Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare
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Marion B. Folsom (1955–58)
Arthur S. Flemming (1958–61)
External links[edit]
Charles Erwin Wilson at Find a Grave
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Herman Cain
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Herman Cain
Cain speaking at a fundraiser in Phoenix, Arizona in 2011
Born
(1945-12-13) December 13, 1945 (age 72)
Memphis, Tennessee, U.S.
Alma mater
Morehouse College (BS)
Purdue University, West Lafayette (MS)
Political party
Republican
Spouse(s)
Gloria Cain (m. 1968)[1]
Children
2
Website
Official website
This article is part of a series
about
Herman Cain
Campaign for the Presidency
2012
This Is Herman Cain!
9–9–9 Plan
President of the
Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City
Political positions
9–9–9: An Army of Davids
v
t
e
Herman Cain (born December 13, 1945)[2] is an American author, business executive, radio host, syndicated columnist, and Tea Party activist from Georgia.[3][4][5] He was a candidate for the 2012 U.S. Republican Party presidential nomination.[3]
Cain grew up in Georgia and graduated from Morehouse College in 1967 with a Bachelor of Science in Mathematics.[6] Cain pursued graduate studies at Purdue University and graduated with a Master of Science in Computer Science in 1971,[7] while also working full-time for the U.S. Department of the Navy.[8] In 1977, he joined Pillsbury Company in Minneapolis where he later became vice president.[9] During the 1980s, his success as a business executive at Burger King prompted Pillsbury Company to appoint him as chairman and CEO of Godfather's Pizza, in which capacity he served from 1986 to 1996.[10]
Cain was chairman of the Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City Omaha Branch from 1989 to 1991.[11] He was deputy chairman, from 1992 to 1994, and chairman, from 1995 to 1996, of the Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City.[11] In 1995, Cain was appointed by Newt Gingrich to the Kemp Commission,[12] and was a senior economic adviser to the Bob Dole presidential campaign.[13] Cain became the CEO of the National Restaurant Association,[14] in which he served as president and CEO from 1996 to 1999.[14] During the presidency of Bill Clinton, Cain publicly opposed the Clinton health care plan of 1993, about which he questioned the president at a town hall meeting.[15] Cain has served as a member of the board of directors of several companies, including Aquila, Inc., Nabisco, Whirlpool, Reader's Digest, and AGCO.[10][16][17]
In May 2011, Cain announced his presidential candidacy. By the fall, his proposed 9–9–9 tax plan and debating performances had made him the Republican front-runner and he briefly led President Obama in the polls.[18] In November, however, his campaign struggled with allegations of sexual misconduct—all denied by Cain[19]—and he announced its suspension on December 3.[20] At the end of 2011, the Pew Research Center reported that, of the Republican candidates, "Herman Cain was the most covered candidate" during the year.[21] On May 15, 2012, Cain endorsed Mitt Romney.[22]
Contents
[hide]
1 Family and personal life
2 Education and career
2.1 Burger King
2.2 Godfather’s Pizza
2.3 Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City
2.4 National Restaurant Association
2.5 Media work
2.6 Recognition
3 Political activities
3.1 Role in the defeat of 1993 Clinton health care plan
3.2 Senior adviser to 1996 Dole campaign
3.3 2000 presidential campaign
3.4 2004 U.S. Senate candidacy
3.5 Americans for Prosperity and America's PAC
3.6 2012 presidential campaign
3.6.1 Straw poll victories
3.6.2 9–9–9 Plan
3.6.3 Campaign suspension
3.7 Cain’s Solutions Revolution
3.8 State of the Union response
3.9 Call for a third party
4 Bibliography
5 See also
6 References
7 External links
Family and personal life[edit]
Herman Cain was born in Memphis, Tennessee, to Lenora (Davis) Cain, a cleaning woman and domestic worker, and Luther Cain Jr., who was raised on a farm and worked as a barber and janitor, as well as a chauffeur for The Coca-Cola Company president Robert W. Woodruff. Cain has said that as he was growing up, his family was "poor but happy." Cain related that his mother taught him about her belief that "success was not a function of what you start out with materially, but what you start out with spiritually." His father worked three jobs to own his own home—something he achieved during Cain’s childhood—and to see his two sons graduate.[8][23][24]
Cain grew up on the west side of Atlanta, Georgia, attending school and the Rev. Cameron M. Alexander's Antioch Baptist Church North in the neighborhood now known as The Bluff. Eventually Cain's father saved enough money and the family moved to a modest brick home on Albert Street in the Collier Heights neighborhood. He attended Archer (public) High School, graduating in 1963.[25]
Cain married Gloria Cain (née Etchison), of Atlanta, soon after her graduation from Morris Brown College in 1968.[26][27] Gloria Cain is a homemaker, with experience as a teacher and a librarian.[26] The couple have two children and three grandchildren.[26]
In 2006 Cain was diagnosed with Stage IV cancer in his colon and metastases to his liver and given a 30 percent chance of survival. Cain underwent surgery and chemotherapy following the diagnosis, and has since reported that he is in remission.[28]
Disclosures filed during his campaign in 2011 categorized Cain’s wealth at that time as being between $2.9 and $6.6 million, with Cain’s combined income for both 2010 and 2011 being between $1.1 and $2.1 million.[29]
Cain also serves as an associate minister at Antioch Baptist Church North in Atlanta, which he joined at the age of 10.[30] The church is part of the National Baptist Convention[31] and is politically liberal and theologically conservative; the church's senior pastor, Rev. Cameron M. Alexander, does not share Cain’s political philosophy.[32][33]
Education and career[edit]
Cain received a master of science in computer science from Purdue University[7] in 1971 while he also worked full-time as a ballistics analyst for the U.S. Department of the Navy as a civilian.[34]
After completing his master's degree from Purdue, Cain left the Department of the Navy and began working for The Coca-Cola Company in Atlanta as a computer systems analyst. In 1977, he moved to Minneapolis to join Pillsbury,[35] soon becoming director of business analysis[36] in its restaurant and foods group in 1978.[10][37]
Burger King[edit]
At age 36 Cain was assigned in the 1980s to analyze and manage 400 Burger King stores in the Philadelphia area. At the time, Burger King was a Pillsbury subsidiary. Under Cain, his region posted strong improvement in three years.[9][38] According to a 1987 account in the Minneapolis Star Tribune, Pillsbury's then-president Win Wallin said, "He was an excellent bet. Herman always seemed to have his act together."[10] At Burger King, Cain "established the BEAMER program, which taught our employees, mostly teenagers, how to make our patrons smile" by smiling themselves. It was a success: "Within three months of the program's initiation, the sales trend was moving steadily higher."[39]
Godfather’s Pizza[edit]
Cain's success at Burger King prompted Pillsbury to appoint him president and CEO of another subsidiary, Godfather's Pizza. On his arrival on April 1, 1986, Cain told employees, “I’m Herman Cain and this ain’t no April Fool’s joke. We are not dead. Our objective is to prove to Pillsbury and everyone else that we will survive.”[10] Godfather's Pizza was performing poorly, having slipped in ranks of pizza chains from third in 1985 to fifth in 1988.[9] Under Cain’s leadership, Godfather's closed approximately 200 restaurants and eliminated several thousand jobs, and by doing so returned to profitability.[29] In a leveraged buyout in 1988, Cain, executive vice president and COO Ronald B. Gartlan, and a group of investors bought Godfather’s from Pillsbury.[9]
Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City[edit]
Cain served as chairman of the board of the Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City Omaha Branch from January 1, 1989, to December 31, 1991.[11] He became a member of the board of directors of the Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City in 1992.[11] He served as deputy chairman from January 1, 1992, to December 31, 1994, and then as its chairman until August 19, 1996,[11] when he resigned to become active in national politics.[40]
National Restaurant Association[edit]
Cain left Godfather’s Pizza in 1996 and moved to Washington, D.C. From 1996 to 1999 he served as CEO of the National Restaurant Association, a trade group and lobbying organization for the restaurant industry, on whose board of directors he had previously served.[14] Cain’s lobbying work for the association led to a number of connections to Republican lawmakers and politicians.[29] Under Cain's leadership, the Association lobbied against increases to the minimum wage, mandatory health care benefits, regulations against smoking, and lowering the blood alcohol limit that determines whether one is driving under the influence.[41]
Cain was on the board of directors of several companies, including Aquila, Inc., Nabisco, Whirlpool, Reader's Digest, and AGCO, Inc.[10][16][17]
After Cain’s term with the restaurant advocacy group ended in 1999, he returned to Omaha for about a year, then moved to his hometown of Atlanta in 2000.[42]
Media work[edit]
Cain writes a syndicated op-ed column, which is distributed by the North Star Writers Group.[43]
Cain appeared in the 2009 documentary An Inconvenient Tax.[44] From 2008, until February 2011, Cain hosted The Herman Cain Show on Atlanta talk radio station WSB.[45][46] On January 19, 2012, Cain began working for WSB again by providing daily commentaries, while occasionally filling in for Erick Erickson and Neal Boortz.[46]
On October 1, 2012, Cain began writing weekly online columns for the media organization Newsmax, in a series titled “9-9-9 To Save America.”[47]
Cain took over Boortz's radio talk show on January 21, 2013, upon Boortz’s retirement.[48] The program is heard weekdays on WSB from 9 a.m. to Noon. The show was dropped from the Westwood One Radio Network in December 2016 in favor of The Chris Plante Show, continuing to air in limited syndication through WSB's owner, Cox Radio.[49]
On February 15, 2013, Fox News Channel announced Cain would join the network as a contributor.[50]
On April 19th, CM manager Carrie Carroll announced that Herman Cain has joined her shop under PM Mission Command, working out of the CTSF, Ft Hood, Texas, office.
Recognition[edit]
Cain received the 1996 Horatio Alger Award[51] and has received honorary degrees from Creighton University, Johnson & Wales University, Morehouse College, University of Nebraska, New York City Technical College, Purdue University, Suffolk University, and Tougaloo College.[16]
Because of his Christian ethic applied to his business acumen, Cain was profiled in The Entrepreneur's Creed, written by Mike Hamel and published by Broadman & Holman,[52] which spotlighted notable executives, including Jerry Colangelo (former owner of the Phoenix Suns, Arizona Diamondbacks).[53] In the book, Cain is referred to as "the Colin Powell of American capitalism," according to former presidential candidate and football star, Jack Kemp. Kemp stated that Cain's "conquests won't be counted in terms of countries liberated or lives saved, but in those things that make life worth living — expanding opportunity, creating jobs and broadening horizons, not just for those he knows, but through his example, for those he'll never meet." Hamel notes that such a claim is remarkable, given Cain's father was a chauffeur for the CEO of Coca-Cola.[54]
Political activities[edit]
Role in the defeat of 1993 Clinton health care plan[edit]
Cain publicly opposed the Clinton health care plan of 1993. As president-elect of the National Restaurant Association, he challenged Bill Clinton on the costs of the employer mandate contained within the bill and criticized its effect on small businesses. Bob Cohn of Newsweek described Cain as one of the primary opponents of the plan:
The Clintons would later blame "Harry and Louise," the fictional couple in the ads aired by the insurance industry, for undermining health reform. But the real saboteurs are named Herman and John. Herman Cain is the president of Godfather's Pizza and president-elect of the National Restaurant Association. An articulate entrepreneur, Cain transformed the debate when he challenged Clinton at a town meeting in Kansas City, Missouri. Cain asked the president what he was supposed to say to the workers he would have to lay off because of the cost of the "employer mandate". Clinton responded that there would be plenty of subsidies for small businessmen, but Cain persisted. "Quite honestly, your calculation is inaccurate," he told the president. "In the competitive marketplace it simply doesn't work that way."[15]
Joshua Green of The Atlantic has called Cain's exchange with Clinton his "auspicious debut on the national political stage".[55]
Conservative politician and former housing secretary Jack Kemp was so impressed with Cain's performance that he chartered a plane to Nebraska to meet Cain after the debate. Cain credits Kemp with his becoming interested in politics.[56]
Senior adviser to 1996 Dole campaign[edit]
See also: United States presidential election, 1996
Cain was a senior economic adviser to the Bob Dole presidential campaign in 1996.[13]
2000 presidential campaign[edit]
Main article: Republican Party (United States) presidential primaries, 2000
Cain briefly ran for the Republican presidential nomination in 2000; he says it was more about making political statements than winning the nomination. "George W. Bush was the chosen one, he had the campaign DNA that followers look for." However, Cain went on to state, "I believe that I had a better message and I believe that I was the better messenger."[57] After ending his own campaign, however, he endorsed Steve Forbes.[58]
2004 U.S. Senate candidacy[edit]
Main article: United States Senate election in Georgia, 2004
In 2004 Cain ran for the U.S. Senate in Georgia and did not win in the primaries. He was pursuing the seat that came open with the retirement of Democrat Zell Miller. Cain sought the Republican nomination, facing congressmen Johnny Isakson and Mac Collins in the primary. Collins tried to paint Cain as a moderate,[59] citing Cain's support for affirmative action programs, while Cain argued that he was a conservative, noting that he opposed the legality of abortion except when the mother's life is threatened.[60] Cain finished second in the primary with 26.2% of the vote, ahead of Collins, who won 20.6%, but because Isakson won 53.2% of the vote, Isakson was able to avoid a runoff.[61]
Americans for Prosperity and America's PAC[edit]
Starting in 2005, Cain worked for the political advocacy group Americans for Prosperity (AFP) alongside Mark Block. Block would later become campaign manager for Cain's 2012 presidential run and would be joined in Cain's campaign by several other AFP employees. Cain continued to receive honorariums for speaking at AFP events until he announced his campaign for the Republican nomination.[62] Cain's senior economic advisor during his 2012 presidential campaign, Rich Lowrie, who helped devise Cain's 9-9-9 tax plan, had served on the AFP board.[63] In 2006, Cain voiced several radio ads encouraging people of color to vote Republican; the ads were funded by a group called America's PAC and its founder J. Patrick Rooney.[64]
2012 presidential campaign[edit]
Main article: Herman Cain presidential campaign, 2012
Cain speaking at the Ames Straw Poll in August 2011.
In 2010, "Cain addressed more than 40 Tea Party rallies, hit all the early presidential states, and became a YouTube sensation."[6] On September 24, 2010, Cain announced that he was considering a run for president in 2012 on the Republican Party ticket.[65] In December, Cain was the "surprise choice" for 2012 GOP nominee in a RedState.com reader poll.[6] Cain announced the formation of a presidential exploratory committee on January 12, 2011,[66][67] and officially announced his candidacy on May 21 in Atlanta.[68]
Straw poll victories[edit]
A popular speaker, Cain's addresses to conservative groups were well received,[69][70] and in late September and early October 2011, Cain won the straw polls of the Florida Republican Party, TeaCon, and the National Federation of Republican Women's Convention.[71][72] "My focus groups have consistently picked Herman Cain as the most likeable candidate in the debates," said GOP pollster Frank Luntz. "Don't underestimate the power of likability, even in a Republican primary. The more likeable the candidate, the greater the electoral potential."[71][73]
9–9–9 Plan[edit]
Main article: 9–9–9 Plan
In July 2011, an advisor suggested that his campaign's tax policy plan be called "the Optimal Tax", but Cain rejected the name, saying "we're just going to call it what it is: 9–9–9 Plan".[74] The plan would replace the current tax code with a 9-percent business transactions tax, a 9-percent personal income tax, and a 9-percent federal sales tax. During a debate on October 12, Cain said his plan "expands the base", arguing that "when you expand the base, we can arrive at the lowest possible rate, which is 9-9-9".[75] An analysis released to Bloomberg News by the campaign claimed that the rate for each of the three taxes could in fact be as low as 7.3%, but "poverty grants" – which Cain has described as a lower rate in targeted "empowerment zones"[76] – necessitated a national rate of 9%.[75] Paul Krugman has criticized the plan, saying it shifts much of the current tax burden from the rich to the poor.[77] Arthur Laffer,[74] Lawrence Kudlow,[78] the Club for Growth,[79] and Congressman Paul Ryan[80] have spoken favorably of "9-9-9". On October 21, Cain told a crowd in Detroit that the plan would be 9-0-9 for the poor, saying that "if you are at or below the poverty level ... then you don't pay that middle 9 on your income".[81] Cain's 9-9-9 plan attracted skepticism from his fellow candidates at numerous Republican debates.[82]
Campaign suspension[edit]
Main section: Herman Cain presidential campaign, 2012#Sexual misconduct accusations
Cain in Scottsdale, Arizona, in November 2011
In late October 2011, Politico reported that Cain had been accused by two women of sexual harassment and misconduct during his time as CEO of the National Restaurant Association in the late 1990s.[83][84] Harassment accusations were later made by two additional women. Cain acknowledged that the restaurant organization made financial settlements to the complainants. Two of the four women came forward publicly: Sharon Bialek and Karen Kraushaar.[85]
On November 28, 2011, Cain asserted that a woman named Ginger White would be claiming to have had an affair with him, and that the allegation was not true.[86] An interview with White was aired an hour later on Fox 5 in Atlanta. In the interview, White said the affair lasted 13 years and ended right before Cain announced his presidential campaign.[87] On November 30, 2011, Herman Cain denounced allegations of sexual harassment and adultery as "character assassination" during an event in Dayton, Ohio.[88]
On December 3, 2011, Cain announced he was "suspending" his campaign for the presidency following allegations of sexual harassment and adultery, which he denied,[19] but were widely considered responsible for the sharp drop in his poll numbers.[89]
Cain’s Solutions Revolution[edit]
On January 4, 2012, Cain announced the "Cain's Solutions Revolution". Cain's stated goal was to get commitments from members of Congress to support the 9-9-9 Plan before the 2012 elections.[90] Cain stated that he started a new movement because the "biggest comment I got when I ended my candidacy was to keep 9-9-9 alive. That's what this is about, and I'm going to keep it alive with what I'm calling Cain's Solutions Revolution."[91] In order to promote this movement, Cain was using both a bus tour and a new website.[92] New York magazine stated, "It's Cain's earnest effort to keep 9-9-9 alive and focus on solutions."[93] On January 20, 2012, Cain spoke at Stephen Colbert's "Rock Me Like a Herman Cain: South Cain-Olina Primary Rally".[94] The Huffington Post reported the crowd size was between 3,000 and 5,000 people. It had been called "the largest campaign rally so far during this GOP presidential primary season",[95] and "the biggest political rally of the primary season".[94]
State of the Union response[edit]
For President Obama's 2012 State of the Union address, the Tea Party Express chose Cain to give its second annual response.[96] After Indiana Governor Mitch Daniels gave the official GOP response,[97] Cain delivered his speech at the National Press Club.[98] The speech was streamed live on the Tea Party Express website.[97][99] Cain referred to Obama's address as a "hodgepodge of liberal ideas", adding that there were "no big ideas that would impact job growth" and "no big ideas that would stimulate economic growth in this country".[100]
Call for a third party[edit]
After Barack Obama's reelection in 2012, Herman Cain told Bryan Fischer that the Republican Party no longer represented the interests of conservatives in the United States and that it didn't have "the ability to rebrand itself", so a third party, "not Ron Paul and the Ron Paulites" but "a legitimate third party", would be needed to replace it.[101]
Bibliography[edit]
"The Intangibles of Implementation" in the technical journal Interfaces (Vol. 9, No. 5, 1979, pp. 144–147), published by the Institute for Operations Research and the Management Sciences (INFORMS).
Leadership is Common Sense (2nd ed.). Tapestry. November 2000 [first published 1997]. ISBN 978-1-930819-02-3.
Speak as a Leader. Lebhar-Friedman Books. December 1999. ISBN 978-0-86730-782-5.
CEO of SELF. Tapestry. August 2001. ISBN 978-1-930819-04-7.
They Think You're Stupid. Stroud & Hall. June 10, 2011 [first published 2005]. ISBN 978-0-9796462-7-0.
This is Herman Cain!: My Journey to the White House. Threshold Editions. October 2011. ISBN 978-1-4516-6613-7.
9-9-9 An Army of Davids. Velocity Mascot. May 1, 2012. ISBN 978-1-62086-030-4.
See also[edit]
Conservatism portal
List of African-American Republicans
Political positions of Herman Cain
References[edit]
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Jump up ^ Chandler, D.L. (January 25, 2012). "Herman Cain Responds To Obama's Speech With Tea Party Rebuttal". News One for Black America. Radio One. Retrieved January 25, 2012.
Jump up ^ "Cain: 'We deserve better'". UPI. January 24, 2012. Retrieved January 25, 2012.
Jump up ^ "GOP civil war: Herman Cain calls for 3rd party".
External links[edit]
Find more aboutHerman Cainat Wikipedia's sister projects
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Watch Herman Cain Battle Bill Clinton on Health Care, Joshua Green, The Atlantic, January 2011, with Profile
Business positions
Preceded by
William Theisen President and Chief Executive Officer of Godfather's Pizza
1986–1996 Succeeded by
Ron Gartlan
Preceded by
William Fisher President and Chief Executive Officer of the National Restaurant Association
1996–1999 Succeeded by
Steven C. Anderson
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Preceded by
Burton Dole Chair of the Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City
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Drue Jennings
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WorldCat Identities
VIAF: 267597928
LCCN: n96068761
SUDOC: 157271935
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Herman_Cain&oldid=837232197"
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Herman Cain
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