text:
American English
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"U.S. English" redirects here. For the political organization, see U.S. English (organization).
Not to be confused with North American English.
For other uses, see American English (disambiguation).
American English
Region
United States
Native speakers
225 million, all varieties of English in the United States (2010 census)[1]
25.6 million L2 speakers of English in the United States (2003)
Language family
Indo-European
Germanic
West Germanic
Ingvaeonic
Anglo–Frisian
English
American English
Writing system
Latin (English alphabet)
Unified English Braille[2]
Language codes
ISO 639-3
–
Glottolog
None
IETF
en-US
This article contains IPA phonetic symbols. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Unicode characters. For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, see Help:IPA.
English language prevalence in the United States. Darker shades of blue indicate higher concentrations of native English speakers in the corresponding states
Comparison of
American and
British English
American English
British English
Computing
Keyboards
Orthography
Spelling
Speech
Accent
Pronunciation
Vocabulary
Glossary of American terms not widely
used in the United Kingdom
Glossary of British terms not widely
used in the United States
Lists of words having different meanings
in American and British English:
(A–L
M–Z)
Works
Works with different titles
in the UK and US
v
t
e
American English (AmE, AE, AmEng, USEng, en-US[3]), sometimes called United States English or U.S. English,[4][5] is the set of varieties of the English language native to the United States.[6]
English is the most widely spoken language in the United States and is the common language used by the federal government, considered the de facto language of the country because of its widespread use. English has been given official status by 32 of the 50 state governments.[7][8] As an example, while both Spanish and English have equivalent status in the local courts of Puerto Rico, under federal law, English is the official language for any matters being referred to the United States district court for the territory.[9]
The use of English in the United States is a result of British colonization of the Americas. The first wave of English-speaking settlers arrived in North America during the 17th century, followed by further migrations in the 18th and 19th centuries. Since then, American English has developed into new dialects, in some cases under the influence of West African and Native American languages, German, Dutch, Irish, Spanish, and other languages of successive waves of immigrants to the United States.
Any American or even Canadian English accent perceived as free of noticeably local, ethnic, or cultural markers is popularly called "General American", described by sociolinguist William Labov as "a fairly uniform broadcast standard in the mass media". Otherwise, however, historical and present linguistic evidence does not support the notion of there being a mainstream standard English of the United States.[10][11] According to Labov, with the major exception of Southern American English, regional accents throughout the country are not yielding to this broadcast standard.[12] On the contrary, the sound of American English continues to evolve, with some local accents disappearing, but several larger regional accents emerging.[13]
Contents
[hide]
1 Varieties
1.1 Eastern New England
1.2 New York City
1.3 South
1.4 Inland North and North Central
1.5 Midland
1.6 West
1.7 Other varieties
2 Phonology
3 Vocabulary
3.1 Creation of an American lexicon
3.1.1 19th century onwards
3.2 Morphology
3.3 English words that survived in the United States and not in the United Kingdom
3.4 Regionally distinct terms within the United States
4 Differences between British and American English
5 See also
6 Notes
7 References
8 Bibliography
9 Further reading
10 External links
Varieties[edit]
Main articles: Regional vocabularies of American English and North American English regional phonology
While written American English is (in general) standardized across the country, there are several recognizable variations in the spoken language, both in pronunciation and in vernacular vocabulary. The regional sounds of present-day American English are reportedly engaged in a complex phenomenon of "both convergence and divergence": some accents are homogenizing and levelling, while others are diversifying and deviating further away from one another.[14] In 2010, William Labov summarized the current state of regional American accents as follows:[15]
Some regional American English has undergone "vigorous new sound changes" since the mid-nineteenth century onwards, spawning relatively recent Mid-Atlantic (centered on Philadelphia and Baltimore), Western Pennsylvania (centered on Pittsburgh), Inland Northern (centered on Chicago, Detroit, and the Great Lakes region), Midland (centered on Indianapolis, Columbus, and Kansas City) and Western accents, all of which "are now more different from each other than they were fifty or a hundred years ago." Meanwhile, the unique features of the Eastern New England (centered on Boston) and New York City accents appear to be stable. "On the other hand, dialects of many smaller cities have receded in favor of the new regional patterns";[15] for example, the traditional accents of Charleston and of Cincinnati have given way to the general Midland accent, and of St. Louis now approaches the sounds of an Inland Northern or Midland accent. At the same time, the Southern accent, despite its huge geographic coverage,[13] "is on the whole slowly receding due to cultural stigma: younger speakers everywhere in the South are shifting away from the marked features of Southern speech." Finally, the "Hoi Toider" dialect shows the paradox of receding among younger speakers in North Carolina's Outer Banks islands, yet strengthening in the islands of the Chesapeake Bay.
Major regional dialects of American English
ENE
WNE
NYC
MID-ATLANTIC
INLAND NORTHERN
WPA
NORTH CENTRAL
WESTERN
MIDLAND
SOUTHERN
Texas
New
Mexico
California
Appalachia
Boston
Rhode Island
Pacific Northwest
Chesapeake &
Outer Banks
Maine
New
Orleans
Upper
Peninsula
Philadelphia &
Baltimore
The map above shows the major regional dialects of American English (in all caps) plus smaller and more local dialects, as demarcated primarily by Labov et al.'s Atlas of North American English,[16] as well as the related Telsur Project's regional maps. Any region may also contain speakers of a "General American" accent that resists the marked features of their region. Furthermore, this map does not account for speakers of ethnic or cultural varieties (such as African-American Vernacular English, Chicano English, Cajun English, etc.). All regional American English, unless specifically stated otherwise, can be assumed to be rhotic, with the father–bother merger, Mary–marry–merry merger, and pre-nasal "short a" tensing.[note 1]
Western [show]
The Western dialect, including Californian and New Mexican sub-types (with Pacific Northwest English also, arguably, a sub-type), is defined by:
Cot–caught merger to [ɑ] ( listen)
/oʊ/ is [oʊ]
/uː/ is [ü~ʉ]
North Central [show]
The North Central ("Upper Midwest") dialect, including an Upper Michigan sub-type, is defined by:
Cot–caught merger to [ä] ( listen)[17]
/oʊ/ is [oʊ] (and may even monophthongize to [o])[17]
/uː/ is [u][17]
Inland Northern [show]
The Inland Northern ("Great Lakes") dialect, including its less advanced Western New England (WNE) sub-types, is defined by:
No cot–caught merger: the cot vowel is [ä~a] and caught vowel is [ɒ]
/æ/ is universally [ɛə], the triggering event for the Northern Cities Vowel Shift in more advanced sub-types ([ɛə] ← /æ/ ← /ɑː/~/ɒ/ ← /ɔː/ ← /ʌ/ ← /ɛ/)[18]
/oʊ/ is [oʊ~ʌo]
Midland [show]
The Midland dialect is defined by:
Cot–caught merger is in transition[19]
/aɪ/ may be [aː], often only before /l/, /m/, /n/, or /ɹ/
/aʊ/ is [æɵ~æo][20]
/oʊ/ is [ɜʊ~ɵʊ]
WPA [show]
The Western Pennsylvania dialect, including its advanced Pittsburgh sub-type, is defined by:
Cot–caught merger to [ɒ~ɔ], the triggering event for the Pittsburgh Chain Shift in the city itself ([ɒ~ɔ] ← /ɑː/ ← /ʌ/) but no trace of the Canadian Shift[21]
/oʊ/ is [ɜʊ~ɞʊ][22]
Full–fool–foal merger to [ʊɫ~ʊw]
Specifically in Greater Pittsburgh, /aʊ/ is [aʊ~aː], particularly before /l/ and /r/, and in unstressed function words[23]
Southern [show]
The Southern dialects, including several sub-types, are defined by:
No (or transitional) cot–caught merger: the cot vowel is [ɑ] and caught vowel is [ɑɒ]
/aɪ/ is [aː] at least before /b/, /d/, /g/, /v/, or /z/, or word-finally, and potentially elsewhere, the triggering event for the Southern Shift ([aː] ← /aɪ/ ← /eɪ/ ← /iː/)
"Southern drawl" may break short front vowels into gliding vowels: /æ/ → [ɛ(j)ə]; /ɛ/ → [ɪ(j)ə]; /ɪ/ → [i(j)ə][24]
/aʊ/ is [æo], the triggering event for the Back Upglide Shift in more advanced sub-types ([æo] ← /aʊ/ ← /ɔː/ ← /ɔɪ/)[25]
/oʊ/ is [ɜʉ~ɜʊ]
Mid-Atlantic [show]
The Mid-Atlantic ("Delaware Valley") dialect, including Philadelphia and Baltimore sub-types, is defined by:
No cot–caught merger: the cot vowel is [ä~ɑ] and caught vowel is [ɔə~ʊə]; this severe distinction is the triggering event for the Back Vowel Shift before /r/ (/ʊər/ ← /ɔːr/~/ɔər/ ← /ɑːr/)[26]
Unique Mid-Atlantic /æ/ split system: the bad vowel is [eə] and sad vowel is [æ]
/oʊ/ is [ɜʊ~əʊ]
/aʊ/ is [ɛɔ][20]
No Mary–marry–merry merger
NYC [show]
The New York City dialect (with New Orleans English an intermediate sub-type between NYC and Southern) is defined by:
No cot–caught merger: the cot vowel is [ä~ɑ] and caught vowel is [ɔə~ʊə]; this severe distinction is the triggering event for the Back Vowel Shift before /r/ (/ʊər/ ← /ɔːr/~/ɔər/ ← /ɑːr/)[27]
Non-rhoticity or variable rhoticity
Unique New York City /æ/ split system: the bad vowel is [eə] and bat vowel is [æ]
/oʊ/ is [oʊ~ʌʊ]
•No Mary–marry–merry merger
ENE [show]
Eastern New England dialect, including Maine and Boston sub-types (with Rhode Island English an intermediate sub-type between ENE and NYC), is defined by:
Cot–caught merger to [ɒ~ɑ] (lacking only in Rhode Island)
Non-rhoticity or variable rhoticity[28]
/aʊ/ is [ɑʊ~äʊ][29]/oʊ/ is [oʊ~ɔʊ]
•/uː/ is [u]
• Commonly, beginnings of /aɪ/ and /aʊ/ in a raised position when before voiceless consonants: [əɪ~ʌɪ] and [əʊ~ʌʊ], respectively
Possibly no Mary–marry–merry merger
No father–bother merger (except in Rhode Island): the father vowel is [a~ä] and bother vowel is [ɒ~ɑ][30]
Below, eleven major American English accents are defined by their particular combinations of certain characteristics:
Accent name
Most populous urban center
Strong /aʊ/ fronting
Strong /oʊ/ fronting
Strong /uː/ fronting
Strong /ɑːr/ fronting
/æ/ split system
Cot–caught merger
Pin–pen merger
African American English Mixed No No No No Mixed Yes
Chicano English No No Mixed No No Yes No
Inland Northern U.S. English Chicago No No No Yes No No No
Mid-Atlantic U.S. English Philadelphia Yes Yes Yes No Yes No No
Midland U.S. English Indianapolis Yes Yes Yes No No Mixed Mixed
New York City English New York City Yes No No[31] No Yes No No
North-Central U.S. English Minneapolis No No No Yes No Yes No
Northern New England English Boston No No No Yes No Yes No
Southern U.S. English San Antonio Yes Yes Yes No No Mixed Yes
Western U.S. English Los Angeles No No Yes No No Yes No
Western Pennsylvania English Pittsburgh Yes Yes Yes No No Yes Mixed
Eastern New England[edit]
Main article: Eastern New England English
Marked New England speech is mostly associated with eastern New England, centering on Boston and Providence, and traditionally includes some notable degree of r-dropping (or non-rhoticity),[28] as well as the back tongue positioning of the /uː/ vowel (to [u]) and the /aʊ/ vowel (to [ɑʊ~äʊ]).[29] In and north of Boston, the /ɑːr/ sound is famously centralized or even fronted. Boston shows a cot–caught merger, while Providence keeps the same two vowels sharply distinct.
New York City[edit]
Main article: New York City English
New York City English, which prevails in a relatively small but nationally recognizable dialect region in and around New York City (including Long Island and northeastern New Jersey). Its features include some notable degree of non-rhoticity and a locally unique short-a vowel pronunciation split. New York City English otherwise broadly follows Northern patterns, except that the /aʊ/ vowel is fronted. The cot–caught merger is markedly resisted around New York City, as depicted in popular stereotypes like tawwk and cawwfee, with this thought vowel being typically tensed and diphthongal.
South[edit]
Main article: Southern American English
Most older Southern speech along the Eastern seaboard was non-rhotic, though, today, all local Southern dialects are strongly rhotic, defined most recognizably by the /aɪ/ vowel losing its gliding quality and approaching [aː~äː], the initiating event for the Southern Vowel Shift, which includes the famous "Southern drawl" that makes short front vowels into gliding vowels.[24]
Inland North and North Central[edit]
Since the mid-twentieth century, a distinctive new Northern speech pattern has developed near the Canadian border of the United States, centered on the central and eastern Great Lakes region (but only on the American side). Linguists call this region the "Inland North", as defined by its local vowel shift—occurring in the same region whose "standard Midwestern" speech was the basis for General American in the mid-20th century (though prior to this recent vowel shift). Those not from this area frequently confuse it with the North Midland dialect treated below, referring to both, plus areas to the immediate west of the Great Lakes region, all collectively as "the Midwest": a common but vaguely delineated term for what is now the central or north-central United States. The North Central or "Minnesotan" dialect is also prevalent in the Upper Midwest, and is characterized by influences from the German and Scandinavian settlers of the region (like "yah" for yes, pronounced similarly to "ja" in German, Norwegian and Swedish). In parts of Pennsylvania and Ohio, another dialect known as Pennsylvania Dutch English is also spoken.
Midland[edit]
Between the traditional American dialect areas of the "North" and "South" is what linguists have long called the "Midland". This geographically overlaps with some states situated in the lower Midwest. West of the Appalachian Mountains begins the broad zone of modern-day Midland speech . Its vocabulary has been divided into two discrete subdivisions, the "North Midland" that begins north of the Ohio River valley area, and the "South Midland" speech, which to the American ear has a slight trace of the "Southern accent" (especially due to some degree of /aɪ/ glide weakening). The South Midland dialect follows the Ohio River in a generally southwesterly direction, moves across Arkansas and Oklahoma west of the Mississippi, and peters out in West Texas. Modern Midland speech is transitional regarding a presence or absence of the cot–caught merger. Historically, Pennsylvania was a home of the Midland dialect, however, this state of early English-speaking settlers has now largely split off into new dialect regions, with distinct Philadelphia and Pittsburgh dialects documented since the latter half of the twentieth century.
West[edit]
Main article: Western American English
A generalized Midland speech continues westward until becoming a somewhat internally diverse Western American English that unites the entire western half of the country. This Western dialect is mostly unified by a firm cot–caught merger and a conservatively backed pronunciation of the long oh sound in goat, toe, show, etc., but a fronted pronunciation of the long oo sound in goose, lose, tune, etc. Western speech itself contains such advanced sub-types as Pacific Northwest English and California English, with the Chicano English accent also being a sub-type primarily of the Western accent. In the immediate San Francisco area, some older speakers do not have the normal Western cot–caught merger. The island state of Hawaii, though primarily English-speaking, is also home to a creole language known commonly as Hawaiian Pidgin, and some native Hawaiians may even speak English with a Pidgin accent.
Other varieties[edit]
Although no longer region-specific,[32] African American Vernacular English, which remains prevalent particularly among working- and middle-class African Americans, has a close relationship to Southern dialects and has greatly influenced everyday speech of many Americans, including hip hop culture. The same aforementioned socioeconomic groups, but among Hispanic and Latino Americans, have also developed native-speaker varieties of English. The best-studied Latino Englishes are Chicano English, spoken in the West and Midwest, and New York Latino English, spoken in the New York metropolitan area. Additionally, ethnic varieties such as Yeshiva English and "Yinglish" are spoken by some American Jews, and Cajun Vernacular English by some Cajuns in southern Louisiana.
Phonology[edit]
See also: North American English regional phonology
Pure vowels in General American English (Monophthongs)
GenAm phonemes
GenAm realization
Example words
/æ/ [æ] ( listen)[33] bath, trap, yak
[æ~ɛə~eə][34][35] ban, tram, yeah
/ɑ/ [ɑ~ä] ( listen)[36] ah, father, spa
bother, lot, wasp (father-bother merger)
/ɔ/ [ɑ~ɒ~ɔ̞][36] boss, cloth, dog, off (lot-cloth split)
all, bought, flaunt
/ɛ/ [ɛ] ( listen)[33] dress, met, bread
/ə/ [ə] ( listen)[33] about, syrup, arena
/ɪ/ [ɪ] ( listen)[33] kit, pink, tip
[ɪ̈~ɪ~ə] ( listen)[37] private, muffin, wasted (allophone of /ɪ/)
/i/ [i] ( listen)[33] beam, chic, fleece
[i] ( listen)[38] happy, money, parties (allophone of /i/)
/ʌ/ [ʌ̈~ɐ] ( listen) bus, flood, what
/ʊ/ [ʊ] ( listen)[33] book, put, should
/u/ [u̟~ʊu~ʉu~ɵu] ( listen)[39][40] goose, new, true
Compared with English as spoken in England, North American English[41] is more homogeneous, and any North American accent that exhibits a majority of the most common phonological features is known as "General American." This section mostly refers to such widespread or mainstream pronunciation features that characterize American English.
Studies on historical usage of English in both the United States and the United Kingdom suggest that spoken American English did not simply deviate away from period British English, but retained certain now-archaic features contemporary British English has since lost.[42] One of these is the rhoticity common in most American accents, because in the 17th century, when English was brought to the Americas, most English in England was also rhotic. The preservation of rhoticity has been further supported by the influences of Hiberno-English, West Country English and Scottish English.[43] In most varieties of North American English, the sound corresponding to the letter ⟨r⟩ is a postalveolar approximant [ɹ̠] or retroflex approximant [ɻ] rather than a trill or tap (as often heard, for example, in the English accents of Scotland or India). A unique "bunched tongue" variant of the approximant r sound is also associated with the United States, and seems particularly noticeable in the Midwest and South.[44]
The red dots show every U.S. metropolitan area where over 50% non-rhotic speech has been documented among some of that area's local white speakers. Non-rhotic speech may be heard from black speakers throughout the whole country.[45]
Traditionally, the "East Coast" comprises three or four major linguistically distinct regions, each of which possesses English varieties both distinct from each other as well as quite internally diverse: New England, the New York metropolitan area, the Mid-Atlantic states (centering on Philadelphia and Baltimore), and the Southern United States. The only r-dropping (or non-rhotic) regional accents of American English are all spoken along the East Coast, except the Mid-Atlantic region, because these areas were in close historical contact with England and imitated prestigious varieties of English at a time when these were undergoing changes;[46] in particular, the London prestige of non-rhoticity (or dropping the ⟨r⟩ sound, except before vowels) from the 17th century onwards, which is now widespread throughout most of England. Today, non-rhoticity is confined in the United States to the accents of eastern New England, the former plantation South, New York City, and African American Vernacular English (though the vowel-consonant cluster found in "bird", "work", "hurt", "learn", etc. usually retains its r pronunciation today, even in these non-rhotic accents). Other than these varieties, American accents are rhotic, pronouncing every instance of the ⟨r⟩ sound.
Many British accents have evolved in other ways compared to which General American English has remained relatively more conservative, for example, regarding the typical southern British features of a trap–bath split, fronting of /oʊ/, and H-dropping. The innovation of /t/ glottaling, which does occur before a consonant (including a syllabic coronal nasal consonant, like in the words button or satin) and word-finally in General American, additionally occurs variably between vowels in British English. On the other hand, General American is more innovative than the dialects of England, or English elsewhere in the world, in a number of its own ways:
The merger of /ɑ/ and /ɒ/, making father and bother rhyme. This change, known as the father–bother merger is in a transitional or completed stage nearly universally in North American English. Exceptions are in northeastern New England English, such as the Boston accent, New York City English, Philadelphia English, Baltimore English[verification needed], and many Southern dialects, such as the Yat dialect.[clarification needed][47][48]
About half of all Americans merge of the vowels /ɑ/ and /ɔ/. This is the so-called cot–caught merger, where words like cot and caught are homophones. This change has occurred most firmly in eastern New England (Boston area), Greater Pittsburgh, and the whole western half of the country.[49]
For speakers who do not merge caught and cot, the lot–cloth split has taken hold. This change took place prior to the unrounding of the cot. It is the result of the lengthening and raising of the cot vowel, merging with the caught vowel in many cases before voiceless fricatives (as in cloth, off), which is also found in some varieties of British English, as well as before /ŋ/ (as in strong, long), usually in gone, often in on, and irregularly before /ɡ/ (log, hog, dog, fog).
The strut vowel, rather than the lot or thought vowel, is used in the function words was, of, from, what, everybody, nobody, somebody, anybody, and, for some speakers, because and want, when stressed.[50][51][52][53]
Vowel mergers before intervocalic /ɹ/: The Mary–marry–merry, serious–Sirius, and hurry–furry mergers are found in most American English dialects. However, exceptions exist primarily along the east coast.
Americans vary slightly in their pronunciations of R-colored vowels—such as those in /ɛəɹ/ and /ɪəɹ/—sometimes monophthongizing towards [ɛɹ] and [ɪɹ] or tensing towards [eɪɹ] and [i(ə)ɹ] respectively, causing pronunciations like [pʰeɪɹ] for pair/pear and [pʰiəɹ] for peer/pier.[54] Also, /jʊər/ is often reduced to [jɚ], so that cure, pure, and mature may all end with the sound [ɚ], thus rhyming with blur and sir. The word sure is also part of this rhyming set as it is commonly pronounced [ʃɚ].
Dropping of /j/ is much more extensive than in most of England. In most North American accents, /j/ is dropped after all alveolar and interdental consonants (i.e. everywhere except after /p/, /b/, /f/, /h/, /k/, and /m/) so that new, duke, Tuesday, presume are pronounced [nu], [duk], [ˈtʰuzdeɪ], [pʰɹɪˈzum].
/æ/ tensing in environments that vary widely from accent to accent. With most American speakers, for whom the phoneme /æ/ operates under a somewhat continuous system, /æ/ has both a tense and a lax allophone (with a kind of "continuum" of possible sounds between those two extremes, rather than a definitive split). In these accents, /æ/ is overall realized before nasal stops as more tense (approximately [eə̯]), while other environments are more lax (approximately the standard [æ]); for example, note the vowel sound in [mæs] for mass, but [meə̯n] for man). In some American accents, though, specifically those from Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New York City, [æ] and [eə̯] are entirely separate (or "split") phonemes, for example, in planet [pʰɫænɪ̈t̚] vs. plan it [pʰɫeənɪ̈t̚]. This is often called the Mid-Atlantic split-a system. Note that these vowels move in the opposite direction in the mouth compared to the backed British "broad A"; this phenomenon has been noted as related to the increasingly rare phenomenon of older speakers of the eastern New England (Boston) area for whom /æ/ changes to /ɑ/ before /f/, /s/, /θ/, /ð/, /z/, /v/ alone or when preceded by a homorganic nasal.
[show]
v
t
e
/æ/ tensing in North American English[55]
Environment Dialect
Consonant after /æ/ Syllable type Example words New York City & New Orleans Baltimore & Philadelphia Eastern New England General American, Midland U.S., & Western U.S. Canadian, Northwestern U.S., & Upper Midwestern U.S. Southern U.S. & African American Vernacular Great Lakes
/r/ Open
[show]
arable, arid, baron, barrel, barren, carry, carrot, chariot, charity, clarity, Gary, Harry, Larry, marionette, maritime, marry, marriage, paragon, parent, parish, parody, parrot, etc.; this feature is determined by the presence or absence of the Mary-marry-merry merger
[æ] [æ~ɛ(ə)] [ɛ(ə)]
/m/, /n/ Closed
[show]
Alexander, answer, ant, band, can (the noun), can't, clam, dance, ham, hamburger, hand, handy, man, manly, pants, plan, planning, ranch, sand, slant, tan, understand, etc.; in Philadelphia, began, ran, and swam alone remain lax
[eə] [æ~eə] [æ~ɛə] [ɛ(j)ə~eə] [eə]
Open
[show]
amity, animal, can (the verb), Canada, ceramic, family (varies by speaker),[56], gamut, hammer, janitor, manager, manner, Montana, panel, planet, profanity, salmon, Spanish, etc.
[æ]
/ɡ/ Closed
[show]
agriculture, bag, crag, drag, flag, magnet, rag, sag, tag, tagging, etc.
[eə] [æ] [æ] [æ~e] [æ~ɛ(j)ə]
Open
[show]
agate, agony, dragon, magazine, ragamuffin, etc.
[æ]
/b/, /d/, /dʒ/, /ʃ/, /v/, /z/, /ʒ/ Closed
[show]
absolve, abstain, add, ash, as, bad, badge, bash, cab, cash, clad, crag, dad, drab, fad, flash, glad, grab, had, halve (varies by speaker), jazz (varies by speaker), kashmir, mad, magnet, pad, plaid, rag, raspberry, rash, sad, sag, smash, splash, tab, tadpole, trash, etc. In NYC, this environment, particularly, /v/ and /z/, has a lot of variance and many exceptions to the rules. In Philadelphia, bad, mad, and glad alone in this set become tense. Similarly, in New York City, the /dʒ/ set is often tense even in open syllables (magic, imagine, etc.)
[eə] [æ~ɛə] [æ]
/f/, /s/, /θ/ Closed
[show]
ask, bask, basket, bath, brass, casket, cast, class, craft, crass, daft, drastic, glass, grass, flask, half, last, laugh, laughter, mask, mast, math, pass, past, path, plastic, task, wrath, etc.
[eə]
All other consonants
[show]
act, agony, allergy, apple, aspirin, athlete, avid, back, bat, brat, café, cafeteria, cap, cashew, cat, Catholic, chap, clap, classy, diagonal, fashion, fat, flap, flat, gap, gnat, latch, magazine, mallet, map, mastiff, match, maverick, Max, pack, pal, passive, passion, pat, patch, pattern, rabid, racket, rally, rap, rat, sack, sat, Saturn, savvy, scratch, shack, slack, slap, tackle, talent, trap, travel, wrap, etc.
[æ]
Footnotes [show]
Nearly all American English speakers pronounce /æŋ/ somewhere between [æŋ] and [eɪŋ], though Western speakers specifically favor [eɪŋ].
The NYC, Philadelphia, and Baltimore dialects' rule of tensing /æ/ in certain closed-syllable environments also applies to words inflectionally derived from those closed-syllable /æ/ environments that now have an open-syllable /æ/. For example, in addition to pass being tense (according to the general rule), so are its open-syllable derivatives passing and passer-by, but not passive.
Flapping of intervocalic /t/ and /d/ to alveolar tap [ɾ] before unstressed vowels (as in butter [ˈbʌɾəɹ], party [ˈpʰɑɹɾi]) and syllabic /l/ (bottle [ˈbɑɾəɫ]), as well as at the end of a word or morpheme before any vowel (what else [wʌˈɾɛɫs], whatever [wʌˈɾɛvəɹ]). Thus, for most speakers, pairs such as ladder/latter, metal/medal, and coating/coding are pronounced the same, except with the stressed /aɪ/ (see below).
Canadian raising of /aɪ/: many speakers split the sound /aɪ/ based on its presence before either a voiceless or voiced consonant, so that in writer it is pronounced [ʌɪ] but in rider it is pronounced [äɪ] (because [t] is a voiceless consonant while [d] is voiced). This is a form of Canadian raising but, unlike more extreme forms of that process, does not affect /aʊ/. In many areas and idiolects, a distinction between what elsewhere become homophones through this process is maintained by vowel lengthening in the vowel preceding the formerly voiced consonant, e.g., [ˈɹʌɪɾɚ] for "writer" as opposed to [ˈɹäɪɾɚ] for "rider".
Many speakers in the Inland North, North Central American English, and Philadelphia dialect areas raise /aɪ/ before voiced consonants in certain words as well, particularly [d], [g] and [n]. Hence, words like tiny, spider, cider, tiger, dinosaur, cyber-, beside, idle (but sometimes not idol), and fire may contain a raised nucleus. The use of [ʌɪ] rather than [aɪ] in such words is unpredictable from phonetic environment alone, though it may have to do with their acoustic similarity to other words that do contain [ʌɪ] before a voiceless consonant, per the traditional Canadian-raising system. Hence, some researchers have argued that there has been a phonemic split in these dialects; the distribution of the two sounds is becoming more unpredictable among younger speakers.[57]
T glottalization is common when /t/ is in the final position of a syllable or word (get, fretful: [ɡɛʔ], [ˈfɹɛʔfəɫ]), though this is always superseded by the aforementioned rules of flapping
L-velarization: England's typical distinction between a "clear L" (i.e. [l]) and a "dark L" (i.e. [ɫ] or sometimes even [ʟ]) is much less noticeable in nearly all dialects of American English; it may even be altogether absent.[58] Instead, most U.S. speakers pronounce all "L" sounds with a tendency to be "dark", meaning with some degree of velarization.[59] The only notable exceptions to this are in some Spanish-influenced U.S. English varieties (such as East Coast Latino English, which typically shows a clear "L" in syllable onsets); in New York City English, where the /l/ is clear in prevocalic positions;[60] and in older, moribund Southern speech of the U.S., where "L" is clear in an intervocalic environment between front vowels.[61]
Both intervocalic /nt/ and /n/ may commonly be realized as [ɾ̃] or simply [n], making winter and winner homophones in fast or non-careful speech.
The vowel /ɪ/ in unstressed syllables generally merges with /ə/ (weak-vowel merger), so roses is pronounced like Rosa's.
Some mergers found in most varieties of both American and British English include:
Horse–hoarse merger, making the vowels /ɔ/ and /o/ before 'r' homophones, with homophonous pairs like horse/hoarse, corps/core, for/four, morning/mourning, war/wore, etc. homophones.
Wine–whine merger, making pairs like wine/whine, wet/whet, Wales/whales, wear/where, etc. homophones, in most cases eliminating /ʍ/, the voiceless labiovelar fricative. Many older varieties of southern and western American English still keep these distinct, but the merger appears to be spreading.
Vocabulary[edit]
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North America has given the English lexicon many thousands of words, meanings, and phrases. Several thousand are now used in English as spoken internationally.
Creation of an American lexicon[edit]
The process of coining new lexical items started as soon as the colonists began borrowing names for unfamiliar flora, fauna, and topography from the Native American languages.[62] Examples of such names are opossum, raccoon, squash and moose (from Algonquian).[62] Other Native American loanwords, such as wigwam or moccasin, describe articles in common use among Native Americans. The languages of the other colonizing nations also added to the American vocabulary; for instance, cookie, cruller, stoop, and pit (of a fruit) from Dutch; angst, kindergarten, sauerkraut from German,[63] levee, portage ("carrying of boats or goods") and (probably) gopher from French; barbecue[dubious – discuss], stevedore, and rodeo from Spanish.[64][65][66][67]
Among the earliest and most notable regular "English" additions to the American vocabulary, dating from the early days of colonization through the early 19th century, are terms describing the features of the North American landscape; for instance, run, branch, fork, snag, bluff, gulch, neck (of the woods), barrens, bottomland, notch, knob, riffle, rapids, watergap, cutoff, trail, timberline and divide.[citation needed] Already existing words such as creek, slough, sleet and (in later use) watershed received new meanings that were unknown in England.[citation needed]
Other noteworthy American toponyms are found among loanwords; for example, prairie, butte (French); bayou (Choctaw via Louisiana French); coulee (Canadian French, but used also in Louisiana with a different meaning); canyon, mesa, arroyo (Spanish); vlei, skate, kill (Dutch, Hudson Valley).
The word corn, used in England to refer to wheat (or any cereal), came to denote the plant Zea mays, the most important crop in the U.S., originally named Indian corn by the earliest settlers; wheat, rye, barley, oats, etc. came to be collectively referred to as grain. Other notable farm related vocabulary additions were the new meanings assumed by barn (not only a building for hay and grain storage, but also for housing livestock) and team (not just the horses, but also the vehicle along with them), as well as, in various periods, the terms range, (corn) crib, truck, elevator, sharecropping and feedlot.[citation needed]
Ranch, later applied to a house style, derives from Mexican Spanish; most Spanish contributions came after the War of 1812, with the opening of the West. Among these are, other than toponyms, chaps (from chaparreras), plaza, lasso, bronco, buckaroo, rodeo; examples of "English" additions from the cowboy era are bad man,[clarification needed] maverick, chuck ("food") and Boot Hill; from the California Gold Rush came such idioms as hit pay dirt or strike it rich. The word blizzard probably originated in the West. A couple of notable late 18th century additions are the verb belittle and the noun bid, both first used in writing by Thomas Jefferson.[citation needed]
With the new continent developed new forms of dwelling, and hence a large inventory of words designating real estate concepts (land office, lot, outlands, waterfront, the verbs locate and relocate, betterment, addition, subdivision), types of property (log cabin, adobe in the 18th century; frame house, apartment, tenement house, shack, shanty in the 19th century; project, condominium, townhouse, split-level, mobile home, multi-family in the 20th century), and parts thereof (driveway, breezeway, backyard, dooryard; clapboard, siding, trim, baseboard; stoop (from Dutch), family room, den; and, in recent years, HVAC, central air, walkout basement).[citation needed]
Ever since the American Revolution, a great number of terms connected with the U.S. political institutions have entered the language; examples are run (i.e, for office), gubernatorial, primary election, carpetbagger (after the Civil War), repeater, lame duck (a British term used originally in Banking)[68] and pork barrel. Some of these are internationally used (for example, caucus, gerrymander, filibuster, exit poll).
19th century onwards[edit]
The development of industry and material innovations throughout the 19th and 20th centuries were the source of a massive stock of distinctive new words, phrases and idioms. Typical examples are the vocabulary of railroading (see further at rail terminology) and transportation terminology, ranging from names of roads (from dirt roads and back roads to freeways and parkways) to road infrastructure (parking lot, overpass, rest area), and from automotive terminology to public transit (for example, in the sentence "riding the subway downtown"); such American introductions as commuter (from commutation ticket), concourse, to board (a vehicle), to park, double-park and parallel park (a car), double decker or the noun terminal have long been used in all dialects of English.[69]
Trades of various kinds have endowed (American) English with household words describing jobs and occupations (bartender, longshoreman, patrolman, hobo, bouncer, bellhop, roustabout, white collar, blue collar, employee, boss [from Dutch], intern, busboy, mortician, senior citizen), businesses and workplaces (department store, supermarket, thrift store, gift shop, drugstore, motel, main street, gas station, hardware store, savings and loan, hock [also from Dutch]), as well as general concepts and innovations (automated teller machine, smart card, cash register, dishwasher, reservation [as at hotels], pay envelope, movie, mileage, shortage, outage, blood bank).[citation needed]
Already existing English words—such as store, shop, dry goods, haberdashery, lumber—underwent shifts in meaning; some—such as mason, student, clerk, the verbs can (as in "canned goods"), ship, fix, carry, enroll (as in school), run (as in "run a business"), release and haul—were given new significations, while others (such as tradesman) have retained meanings that disappeared in England. From the world of business and finance came break-even, merger, delisting, downsize, disintermediation, bottom line; from sports terminology came, jargon aside, Monday-morning quarterback, cheap shot, game plan (football); in the ballpark, out of left field, off base, hit and run, and many other idioms from baseball; gamblers coined bluff, blue chip, ante, bottom dollar, raw deal, pass the buck, ace in the hole, freeze-out, showdown; miners coined bedrock, bonanza, peter out, pan out and the verb prospect from the noun; and railroadmen are to be credited with make the grade, sidetrack, head-on, and the verb railroad. A number of Americanisms describing material innovations remained largely confined to North America: elevator, ground, gasoline; many automotive terms fall in this category, although many do not (hatchback, sport utility vehicle, station wagon, tailgate, motorhome, truck, pickup truck, to exhaust).[citation needed]
In addition to the above-mentioned loans from French, Spanish, Mexican Spanish, Dutch, and Native American languages, other accretions from foreign languages came with 19th and early 20th century immigration; notably, from Yiddish (chutzpah, schmooze, tush) and German—hamburger and culinary terms like frankfurter/franks, liverwurst, sauerkraut, wiener, deli(catessen); scram, kindergarten, gesundheit;[70] musical terminology (whole note, half note, etc.); and apparently cookbook, fresh ("impudent") and what gives? Such constructions as Are you coming with? and I like to dance (for "I like dancing") may also be the result of German or Yiddish influence.[71]
Finally, a large number of English colloquialisms from various periods are American in origin; some have lost their American flavor (from OK and cool to nerd and 24/7), while others have not (have a nice day, for sure);[72][73] many are now distinctly old-fashioned (swell, groovy). Some English words now in general use, such as hijacking, disc jockey, boost, bulldoze and jazz, originated as American slang. Among the many English idioms of U.S. origin are get the hang of, bark up the wrong tree, keep tabs, run scared, take a backseat, have an edge over, stake a claim, take a shine to, in on the ground floor, bite off more than one can chew, off/on the wagon, stay put, inside track, stiff upper lip, bad hair day, throw a monkey wrench/monkeywrenching, under the weather, jump bail, come clean, come again?, it ain't over till it's over, and what goes around comes around.[citation needed]
Morphology[edit]
American English has always shown a marked tendency to use nouns as verbs.[74] Examples of verbed nouns are interview, advocate, vacuum, lobby, pressure, rear-end, transition, feature, profile, spearhead, skyrocket, showcase, service (as a car), corner, torch, exit (as in "exit the lobby"), factor (in mathematics), gun ("shoot"), author (which disappeared in English around 1630 and was revived in the U.S. three centuries later) and, out of American material, proposition, graft (bribery), bad-mouth, vacation, major, backpack, backtrack, intern, ticket (traffic violations), hassle, blacktop, peer-review, dope and OD, and, of course verbed as used at the start of this sentence.
Compounds coined in the U.S. are for instance foothill, flatlands, badlands, landslide (in all senses), overview (the noun), backdrop, teenager, brainstorm, bandwagon, hitchhike, smalltime, deadbeat, frontman, lowbrow and highbrow, hell-bent, foolproof, nitpick, about-face (later verbed), upfront (in all senses), fixer-upper, no-show; many of these are phrases used as adverbs or (often) hyphenated attributive adjectives: non-profit, for-profit, free-for-all, ready-to-wear, catchall, low-down, down-and-out, down and dirty, in-your-face, nip and tuck; many compound nouns and adjectives are open: happy hour, fall guy, capital gain, road trip, wheat pit, head start, plea bargain; some of these are colorful (empty nester, loan shark, ambulance chaser, buzz saw, ghetto blaster, dust bunny), others are euphemistic (differently abled (physically challenged), human resources, affirmative action, correctional facility).
Many compound nouns have the form verb plus preposition: add-on, stopover, lineup, shakedown, tryout, spin-off, rundown ("summary"), shootout, holdup, hideout, comeback, cookout, kickback, makeover, takeover, rollback ("decrease"), rip-off, come-on, shoo-in, fix-up, tie-in, tie-up ("stoppage"), stand-in. These essentially are nouned phrasal verbs; some prepositional and phrasal verbs are in fact of American origin (spell out, figure out, hold up, brace up, size up, rope in, back up/off/down/out, step down, miss out, kick around, cash in, rain out, check in and check out (in all senses), fill in ("inform"), kick in or throw in ("contribute"), square off, sock in, sock away, factor in/out, come down with, give up on, lay off (from employment), run into and across ("meet"), stop by, pass up, put up (money), set up ("frame"), trade in, pick up on, pick up after, lose out).[citation needed][75]
Noun endings such as -ee (retiree), -ery (bakery), -ster (gangster) and -cian (beautician) are also particularly productive.[74] Some verbs ending in -ize are of U.S. origin; for example, fetishize, prioritize, burglarize, accessorize, itemize, editorialize, customize, notarize, weatherize, winterize, Mirandize; and so are some back-formations (locate, fine-tune, evolute, curate, donate, emote, upholster, peeve and enthuse). Among syntactical constructions that arose in the U.S. are as of (with dates and times), outside of, headed for, meet up with, back of, convince someone to, not about to and lack for.
Americanisms formed by alteration of some existing words include notably pesky, phony, rambunctious, pry (as in "pry open", from prize), putter (verb), buddy, sundae, skeeter, sashay and kitty-corner. Adjectives that arose in the U.S. are for example, lengthy, bossy, cute and cutesy, grounded (of a child), punk (in all senses), sticky (of the weather), through (as in "through train", or meaning "finished"), and many colloquial forms such as peppy or wacky. American blends include motel, guesstimate, infomercial and televangelist.
English words that survived in the United States and not in the United Kingdom[edit]
A number of words and meanings that originated in Middle English or Early Modern English and that have been in everyday use in the United States dropped out in most varieties of British English; some of these have cognates in Lowland Scots. Terms such as fall ("autumn"), faucet ("tap"), diaper ("nappy"), candy ("sweets"), skillet, eyeglasses and obligate are often regarded as Americanisms. Fall for example came to denote the season in 16th century England, a contraction of Middle English expressions like "fall of the leaf" and "fall of the year".[76]
During the 17th century, English immigration to the British colonies in North America was at its peak and the new settlers took the English language with them. While the term fall gradually became obsolete in Britain, it became the more common term in North America. Gotten (past participle of get) is often considered to be an Americanism, although there are some areas of Britain, such as Lancashire and North East England, that still continue to use it and sometimes also use putten as the past participle for put (which is not done by most speakers of American English).[77]
Other words and meanings, to various extents, were brought back to Britain, especially in the second half of the 20th century; these include hire ("to employ"), quit ("to stop", which spawned quitter in the U.S.), I guess (famously criticized by H. W. Fowler), baggage, hit (a place), and the adverbs overly and presently ("currently"). Some of these, for example monkey wrench and wastebasket, originated in 19th century Britain.
The mandative subjunctive (as in "the City Attorney suggested that the case not be closed") is livelier in American English than it is in British English. It appears in some areas as a spoken usage and is considered obligatory in contexts that are more formal. The adjectives mad meaning "angry", smart meaning "intelligent", and sick meaning "ill" are also more frequent in American (these meanings are also frequent in Hiberno-English) than British English.[78][79][80]
Regionally distinct terms within the United States[edit]
Linguist Bert Vaux created a survey, completed in 2003, polling English speakers across the United States about the specific words they would use in everyday speech for various concepts.[81] This 2003 study concluded that:
For a "long sandwich that contains cold cuts, lettuce, and so on", the most common term found in the survey, throughout the country (preferred by 77% of the participants), was the word sub (an abbreviation for submarine sandwich). The New York metropolitan area shows the greatest variety of terms for this idea in one single region, largely counting for the 5% of the survey who preferred the term hero, nearly 7% (which is even more prevalent in the Pittsburgh and Philadelphia metropolitan areas, including southern New Jersey as well as eastern Pennsylvania) who preferred hoagie, and just less than 3% (also notably prevalent throughout New England, except Maine) who prefer grinder.
The U.S. is largely divided about the "generic term for a sweetened carbonated beverage". Nearly 53% of the surveyed sample preferred soda, particularly in the Northeast, eastern Wisconsin, Greater St. Louis, the far West, and some of South Florida, with it also called tonic in some parts of southeastern New England. Over 25% preferred pop, particularly around the Midwest (including the Great Lakes region) and the Western regions along the Canada–US border. Over 12% preferred coke (which is also trademarked for a specific cola product), particularly scattered throughout the South. Urban, coastal California speakers use all three terms, though especially soda. Speakers of the West generally use soda or pop.[82]
The most common word or phrase "to address a group of two or more people" (in the second person) was you guys at almost 43%, particularly throughout the Northeast and Great Lakes region (along with simply you at nearly 13%). Y'all was preferred by 14%, particularly in the South, but reaching somewhat noticeably into the Northern regions as well. Yous(e) was largely confined to the New York and Philadelphia metropolitan areas, at just over 0.5%. The expression "yinz" is a distinctive feature of Western Pennsylvania speech.
The most common term for generic, rubber-soled shoes worn for athletic activities is sneakers as said by 46% of those surveyed throughout the country, but particularly in the Northeast. 41%, particularly outside of the Northeast, said tennis shoes. Several much rarer other terms were also documented in various regions of the country.
Nearly 68% of the participating speakers make no distinction between dinner and supper, or simply never use the term supper.
64% of the participants said they use "Where are you at?" to mean "How are you coming along?" This also incorporated the 34% who use "Where are you at?" in any context, for example, to even mean "Where are you physically located right now?"
Freshwater "miniature lobsters" were identified by 40% of polled speakers as crawfish, 32% as crayfish, and 19% as crawdads within no particular regional boundaries, except that crayfish was especially uncommon in the South. 5% reported having no term for this animal.
The most common nicknames for grandparents were grandpa/grampa and grandma/gramma.
Nearly all American English speakers called the lampyrid insect a firefly or lightning bug, with nearly 40% using the two terms interchangeably.
The use of the word anymore with a positive sense, simply as a synonym for nowadays (e.g. I do only figurative paintings anymore), was reported as sounding acceptable to 5% of participants. However, in example sentences with a clearly disheartened tone or dismissive attitude, the positive use of anymore sounded acceptable to as many as 29% of participants (e.g. Forget your baby wearing nice clothes anymore). This rare use of the word was observed much more around Pennsylvania and going westward into the Midland region.
The "wheeled contraption" for carrying groceries was identified by 77% of participants as a shopping cart and by nearly 14% as a grocery cart. 4% preferred the term buggy: a clearly Southern phenomenon.
Differences between British and American English[edit]
Main article: Comparison of American and British English
American English and British English (BrE) often differ at the levels of phonology, phonetics, vocabulary, and, to a much lesser extent, grammar and orthography. The first large American dictionary, An American Dictionary of the English Language, known as Webster's Dictionary, was written by Noah Webster in 1828, codifying several of these spellings.
Differences in grammar are relatively minor, and do not normally affect mutual intelligibility; these include: different use of some auxiliary verbs; formal (rather than notional) agreement with collective nouns; different preferences for the past forms of a few verbs (for example, AmE/BrE: learned/learnt, burned/burnt, snuck/sneaked, dove/dived) although the purportedly "British" forms can occasionally be seen in American English writing as well; different prepositions and adverbs in certain contexts (for example, AmE in school, BrE at school); and whether or not a definite article is used, in very few cases (AmE to the hospital, BrE to hospital; contrast, however, AmE actress Elizabeth Taylor, BrE the actress Elizabeth Taylor). Often, these differences are a matter of relative preferences rather than absolute rules; and most are not stable, since the two varieties are constantly influencing each other,[83] and American English is not a standardized set of dialects.
Differences in orthography are also minor. The main differences are that American English usually uses spellings such as flavor for British flavour, fiber for fibre, defense for defence, analyze for analyse, license for licence, catalog for catalogue and traveling for travelling. Noah Webster popularized such spellings in America, but he did not invent most of them. Rather, "he chose already existing options [...] on such grounds as simplicity, analogy or etymology".[84] Other differences are due to the francophile tastes of the 19th century Victorian era Britain (for example they preferred programme for program, manoeuvre for maneuver, cheque for check, etc.).[85] AmE almost always uses -ize in words like realize. BrE prefers -ise, but also uses -ize on occasion (see Oxford spelling).
There are a few differences in punctuation rules. British English is more tolerant of run-on sentences, called "comma splices" in American English, and American English requires that periods and commas be placed inside closing quotation marks even in cases in which British rules would place them outside. American English also favors the double quotation mark over single.[86]
AmE sometimes favors words that are morphologically more complex, whereas BrE uses clipped forms, such as AmE transportation and BrE transport or where the British form is a back-formation, such as AmE burglarize and BrE burgle (from burglar). However, while individuals usually use one or the other, both forms will be widely understood and mostly used alongside each other within the two systems.
British English also differs from American English in that "schedule" can be pronounced with either [sk] or [ʃ].[87]
See also[edit]
United States portal
Language portal
Dictionary of American Regional English
List of English words from indigenous languages of the Americas
IPA chart for English
Regional accents of English speakers
Canadian English
North American English
International English
Received Pronunciation
Transatlantic accent
American and British English spelling differences
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ Dialects are considered "rhotic" if they pronounce the r sound in all historical environments, without ever "dropping" this sound. The father–bother merger is the pronunciation of the unrounded /ɒ/ vowel variant (as in cot, lot, bother, etc.) the same as the /ɑː/ vowel (as in spa, haha, Ma), causing words like con and Kahn and like sob and Saab to sound identical, with the vowel usually realized in the back or middle of the mouth as [ɑ~ä]. Finally, most of the U.S. participates in a continuous nasal system of the "short a" vowel (in cat, trap, bath, etc.), causing /æ/ to be pronounced with the tongue raised and with a glide quality (typically sounding like [ɛə]) particularly when before a nasal consonant; thus, mad is [mæd], but man is more like [mɛən].
References[edit]
Jump up ^ English (United States) at Ethnologue (18th ed., 2015)
Jump up ^ "Unified English Braille (UEB)". Braille Authority of North America (BANA). 2 November 2016. Retrieved 2 January 2017.
Jump up ^ en-US is the language code for U.S. English, as defined by ISO standards (see ISO 639-1 and ISO 3166-1 alpha-2) and Internet standards (see IETF language tag).
Jump up ^ Plichta, Bartlomiej, and Dennis R. Preston (2005). "The /ay/s Have It: The Perception of /ay/ as a North-South Stereotype in the United States English." Acta Linguistica Hafniensia 37.1: 107-130.
Jump up ^ Zentella, A. C. (1982). Spanish and English in contact in the United States: The Puerto Rican experience. Word, 33(1-2), 41.
Jump up ^ Crystal, David (1997). English as a Global Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-53032-6.
Jump up ^ Crawford, James (1 February 2012). "Language Legislation in the U.S.A.". languagepolicy.net. Retrieved 29 May 2013.
Jump up ^ "U.S. English Efforts Lead West Virginia to Become 32nd State to Recognize English as Official Language". us-english.org. Retrieved 13 May 2016.
Jump up ^ "48 U.S. Code § 864 - Appeals, certiorari, removal of causes, etc.; use of English language | LII / Legal Information Institute". Law.cornell.edu. Retrieved 2015-06-01.
Jump up ^ Labov, William (2012). Dialect diversity in America: The politics of language change. University of Virginia Press. pp. 1-2.
Jump up ^ Kretzchmar, William A. (2004), Kortmann, Bernd; Schneider, Edgar W., eds., A Handbook of Varieties of English, Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter, p. 262, ISBN 9783110175325
Jump up ^ Labov, William (2010). The Politics of Language Change: Dialect Divergence in America. The University of Virginia Press. Pre-publication draft. p. 55.
^ Jump up to: a b "Do You Speak American: What Lies Ahead". PBS. Retrieved 2007-08-15.
Jump up ^ Labov, William. 2012. Dialect diversity in America: the politics of language change. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press.
^ Jump up to: a b Labov, William (2010). The Politics of Language Change: Dialect Divergence in America. The University of Virginia Press. Pre-publication draft. p. 53-4.
Jump up ^ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), p. 148
^ Jump up to: a b c Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006:141)
Jump up ^ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006:123–4)
Jump up ^ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006:135)
^ Jump up to: a b Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006:237)
Jump up ^ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006:271–2)
Jump up ^ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006:130)
Jump up ^ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006:133)
^ Jump up to: a b Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006:125)
Jump up ^ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006:127, 254)
Jump up ^ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006:124, 229)
Jump up ^ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006:124)
^ Jump up to: a b Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006:137, 141)
^ Jump up to: a b Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006:230)
Jump up ^ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006:231)
Jump up ^ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006:107)
Jump up ^ Cf. Trudgill, p.42.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f Kortmann (2004:263, 264)
Jump up ^ Labov et al. (2006:180)
Jump up ^ Kortmann (2004:315, 340)
^ Jump up to: a b Wells (1982b:476)
Jump up ^ Kortmann (2004:263, 264)
Jump up ^ Kortmann (2004:263, 264)
Jump up ^ Kortmann & Boberg (2004:154, 343, 361)
Jump up ^ Heggarty, Paul et al., eds. (2015). "Accents of English from Around the World". Retrieved 24 September 2016. See under "Std US + ‘up-speak’" CS1 maint: Uses editors parameter (link)
Jump up ^ North American English (Trudgill, p. 2) is a collective term used for the varieties of the English language that are spoken in both the United States and Canada.
Jump up ^ "What Is the Difference between Theater and Theatre?". Wisegeek.org. 2015-05-15. Retrieved 2015-06-01.
Jump up ^ "Early Mainland Residues in Southern Hiberno-English". 20. JSTOR 25484343. doi:10.2307/25484343. Retrieved 29 May 2013.
Jump up ^ A Handbook of Varieties of English, Bernd Kortmann & Edgar W. Schneider, Walter de Gruyter, 2004, p. 317.
Jump up ^ Labov, p. 48.
Jump up ^ Trudgill, pp. 46–47.
Jump up ^ Wells, John C. (1982). Accents of English. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 136–37, 203–6, 234, 245–47, 339–40, 400, 419, 443, 576. ISBN 0-521-22919-7. 0-521-22919-7 (vol. 1), ISBN 0-521-24224-X (vol. 2), ISBN 0-521-24225-8 (vol. 3)
Jump up ^ Labov et al. (2006), p. 171.
Jump up ^ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006:61)
Jump up ^ According to Merriam-Webster Collegiate Dictionary, Eleventh Edition.
Jump up ^ "Want: meaning and definitions". Dictionary.infoplease.com. Retrieved 29 May 2013.
Jump up ^ "want. The American Heritage® Dictionary of the English Language: Fourth Edition. 2000.". Bartleby.com. Archived from the original on 2008-01-09. Retrieved 29 May 2013.
Jump up ^ "Want – Definition and More from the Free Merriam-Webster Dictionary". M-w.com. Retrieved 29 May 2013.
Jump up ^ J. C. Wells. Accents of English. 3. Cambridge University Press. pp. 481–482.
Jump up ^ Labov, William; Ash, Sharon; Boberg, Charles (2006). The Atlas of North American English. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. p. 182. ISBN 3-11-016746-8.
Jump up ^ Trager, George L. (1940) One Phonemic Entity Becomes Two: The Case of 'Short A' in American Speech: 3rd ed. Vol. 15: Duke UP. 256. Print.
Jump up ^ Freuhwald, Josef T. (November 11, 2007). "The Spread of Raising: Opacity, lexicalization, and diffusion". University of Pennsylvania. Retrieved September 21, 2016.
Jump up ^ Grzegorz Dogil, Susanne Maria Reiterer, and Walter de Gruyter, eds. (2009). "general+american"+"velarized" Language Talent and Brain Activity: Trends in Applied Linguistics. Walter de Gruyter GmbH. p. 299. CS1 maint: Uses editors parameter (link)
Jump up ^ Wells (1982:490)
Jump up ^ Wells, John C. (April 8, 1982). Accents of English: Vowel 3: Beyond the British Isles. Cambridge University Press. p. 515.
Jump up ^ A Handbook of Varieties of English, Bernd Kortmann & Edgar W. Schneider, Walter de Gruyter, 2004, p. 319.
^ Jump up to: a b Principles of English etymology: The native element - Walter William Skeat. Books.google.com. Retrieved 2015-06-01.
Jump up ^ "You Already Know Some German Words!". Retrieved 9 January 2017.
Jump up ^ ""The history of Mexican folk foodways of South Texas: Street vendors, o" by Mario Montano". Repository.upenn.edu. 1992-01-01. Retrieved 2015-06-01.
Jump up ^ What's in a Word?: Etymological Gossip about Some Interesting English Words - Robert M. Gorrell. Books.google.com. Retrieved 2015-06-01.
Jump up ^ The Pocket Gophers of the United States - Vernon Bailey. Books.google.com. Retrieved 2015-06-01.
Jump up ^ The American Language: A Preliminary Inquiry Into the Development of English ... - H. L. Mencken. Books.google.com. Retrieved 2015-06-01.
Jump up ^ "Lame Duck". Word Detective.com. Retrieved 29 May 2013.
Jump up ^ A few of these are now chiefly found, or have been more productive, outside of the U.S.; for example, jump, "to drive past a traffic signal"; block meaning "building", and center, "central point in a town" or "main area for a particular activity" (cf. Oxford English Dictionary).
Jump up ^ "The Maven's Word of the Day: gesundheit". Random House. Retrieved 29 May 2013.
Jump up ^ Trudgill, Peter (2004). New-Dialect Formation: The Inevitability of Colonial Englishes.
Jump up ^ "Definition of day noun from the Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary". Oup.com. Retrieved 29 May 2013.
Jump up ^ "Definition of sure adjective from the Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary". Oup.com. Retrieved 29 May 2013.
^ Jump up to: a b Trudgill, p. 69.
Jump up ^ British author George Orwell (in English People, 1947, cited in OED s.v. lose) criticized an alleged "American tendency" to "burden every verb with a preposition that adds nothing to its meaning (win out, lose out, face up to, etc.)".
Jump up ^ Harper, Douglas. "fall". Online Etymology Dictionary.
Jump up ^ A Handbook of Varieties of English, Bernd Kortmann & Edgar W. Schneider, Walter de Gruyter, 2004, p. 115.
Jump up ^ "angry". Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary. Retrieved 29 May 2013.
Jump up ^ "intelligent". Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary. Retrieved 29 May 2013.
Jump up ^ "Definition of ill adjective from the Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary". Oald8.oxfordlearnersdictionaries.com. Retrieved 29 May 2013.
Jump up ^ Vaux, Bert and Scott Golder. 2003. The Harvard Dialect Survey. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Linguistics Department.
Jump up ^ Katz, Joshua (2013). "Beyond 'Soda, Pop, or Coke.' North Carolina State University.
Jump up ^ Algeo, John (2006). British or American English?. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-37993-8.
Jump up ^ Algeo, John. "The Effects of the Revolution on Language", in A Companion to the American Revolution. John Wiley & Sons, 2008. p.599
Jump up ^ Peters, Pam (2004). The Cambridge Guide to English Usage. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-62181-X, pp. 34 and 511.
Jump up ^ "Punctuating Around Quotation Marks" (blog). Style Guide of the American Psychological Association. 2011. Retrieved 2015-03-21.
Jump up ^ Jones, Daniel (1991). English Pronouncing Dictionary. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521425865.
Bibliography[edit]
Labov, William; Sharon Ash; Charles Boberg (2006). The Atlas of North American English. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. ISBN 3-11-016746-8.
Further reading[edit]
Bailey, Richard W. (2012). Speaking American: A History of English in the United States 20th-21st century usage in different cities
Bartlett, John R. (1848). Dictionary of Americanisms: A Glossary of Words and Phrases Usually Regarded As Peculiar to the United States. New York: Bartlett and Welford.
Garner, Bryan A. (2003). Garner's Modern American Usage. New York: Oxford University Press.
Mencken, H. L. (1977) [1921]. The American Language: An Inquiry into the Development of English in the United States (4th ed.). New York: Knopf.
History of American English
Bailey, Richard W. (2004). "American English: Its origins and history". In E. Finegan & J. R. Rickford (Eds.), Language in the USA: Themes for the twenty-first century (pp. 3–17). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Finegan, Edward. (2006). "English in North America". In R. Hogg & D. Denison (Eds.), A history of the English language (pp. 384–419). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
External links[edit]
Look up American English in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.
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values: அமெரிக்க ஆங்கிலம் – Tamil

values: ภาษาอังกฤษแบบอเมริกัน – Thai

values: Американська англійська – Ukrainian

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