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Nigerian general election, 2015
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Nigerian general elections, 2015
← 2011 28–29 March 2015 2019 →
68,833,476 registered voters[1]
25% in each of 2/3 States + Majority[2] votes needed to win
Opinion polls
Turnout
43.65%[3]
Nominee
Muhammadu Buhari Goodluck Jonathan
Party
APC PDP
Running mate
Yemi Osinbajo Namadi Sambo
Popular vote
15,424,921 12,853,162
Percentage
53.96% 44.96%
States won by Jonathan (in green) and Buhari (blue)
President before election
Goodluck Jonathan
PDP
Elected President
Muhammadu Buhari
APC
Nigeria
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General elections were held in Nigeria on 28 and 29 March 2015, the fifth quadrennial election to be held since the end of military rule in 1999.[4] Voters elected the President and members to the House of Representatives and the Senate. The incumbent president, Goodluck Jonathan sought his second and final term.
The elections were first scheduled to be held on 14 February 2015. However, the electoral commission postponed it by six weeks to 28 March, mainly due to the poor distribution of Permanent Voter Cards, and also to curb ongoing Boko Haram insurgency in certain north-eastern states.[5] The government closed its land and sea borders from midnight on 25 March until the end of the polling date.[6] The election was extended to 29 March due to delays and technical problems with the biometric card readers.[7]
It was the most expensive election ever to be held on the African continent.[8] Nigeria is the continent's most populous country, has its largest economy and is its leading oil producer. Opposition candidate Muhammadu Buhari won the presidential election by more than 2.5 million votes.[9] Incumbent President Goodluck Jonathan conceded defeat on 31 March, before the results from all 36 states had been announced.[10] The election marks the first time an incumbent president has lost re-election in Nigeria. The President-elect was sworn-in on 29 May 2015.
Contents
[hide]
1 Presidential election
1.1 Party primaries
1.1.1 PDP
1.1.2 APC
2 Presidential Debate
2.1 Candidates
3 Conduct
3.1 Postponement
3.2 Media support
3.3 Voting day
3.4 Extension
3.5 Violence
3.5.1 Peace initiatives
3.6 Observers
4 Opinion polls
5 Results
5.1 President
5.1.1 By state
5.2 House of Representatives
5.3 Senate
6 References
7 External links
Presidential election[edit]
Article 134 (2) of the Nigerian Constitution stipulates that a presidential candidate will be duly elected after attaining both the highest number of votes cast, and having received at least a quarter of the votes at each of at least two-thirds of the 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). If no candidate satisfies the requirement, a second election will be held between the two leading candidates within seven days from the pronouncement of the result.[11]
Party primaries[edit]
PDP[edit]
It had long been assumed that incumbent President Goodluck Jonathan would run for re-election, as despite declining approval ratings, he was still thought to be popular and had several high-profile supporters.[12] Jonathan officially confirmed his candidacy on 11 November at a rally in Abuja, announcing to cheering supporters:[13]
"After seeking the face of God, and in the quiet of my family, and after listening to the clarion call of Nigerians, I have accepted to present myself to serve a second term."
Jonathan ran unopposed in the People's Democratic Party (PDP) primaries on 10 December 2014, receiving the nomination of the party. However, this was against an unwritten rule that the PDP's presidential candidacy should alternate between Muslim northerners and Christian southerners, and opposition to Jonathan's candidacy had led to the defection of dozens of PDP MPs in the House of Representatives.[14]
APC[edit]
Prior to the elections,[when?] the All Progressives Congress was formed as an alliance of four opposition parties, the Action Congress of Nigeria, the Congress for Progressive Change, the All Nigeria Peoples Party, and the All Progressives Grand Alliance.[citation needed]
Its primaries, also held on 10 December, were won by retired Major General Muhammadu Buhari,[14] who defeated Kano State Governor Rabiu Kwankwaso, former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar, Imo State Governor Rochas Okorocha and newspaper editor Sam Nda Isaiah.[15] On 17 December, APC chose Professor Yemi Osinbajo as the running mate of General M. Buhari.[citation needed]
As of February 2015, "Though the APC's voter base is in the north, it enjoys support all over the country, unlike the opposition in 2011."[16]
Candidate
Votes
%
Muhammadu Buhari 3,430 57.2
Rabiu Kwankwaso 974 16.3
Atiku Abubakar 954 15.9
Rochas Okorocha 400 10.4
Sam Nda Isaiah 10 0.2
Total 5,992 100
Source: Nigerian Eye
Presidential Debate[edit]
A presidential and Vice presidential Debate was conducted by the Nigerian media with majority of the candidates attending. The debate was attended by the then incumbent president Goodluck Jonathan, and his vice Namadi Sambo, while as predicted, the Presidential candidate of the All Progressives Congress, Muhammadu Buhari boycotted the debate while his vice presidential nominee attended. The debate which lasted for approximately an hour was watched by over 20 million people in Nigeria, with radios and the Internet conveying through other means.
Candidates[edit]
Fourteen candidates contested the election.[17]
The main opposition Goodluck Jonathan faced was from Muhammadu Buhari of the APC. While inaugurating a 250-bed Orthopaedic Hospital in Wamakko, Buhari said: “We will stop corruption and make the ordinary people, the weak and the vulnerable our top priority.”[18]
General Muhammadu Buhari holding a broom at a campaign rally.
Nominee
Running mate
Party
Acronym
Allagoa Chinedu Arabamhen Mary Peoples Party of Nigeria PPN
Ambrose Albert Owuru[19] Haruna Shaba Hope Party HOPE
Adebayo Musa Ayeni[19] Anthony Ologbosere African Peoples Alliance APA
Chekwas Okorie[19] Bello Umar United Progressive Party UPP
Comfort Oluremi Sonaiya[19] Seidu Bobboi KOWA Party KOWA
Ganiyu Galadima[19] Ojengbede Farida Allied Congress Party of Nigeria ACPN
Godson Okoye[19] Haruna Adamu United Democratic Party UDP
Goodluck Jonathan[19] Namadi Sambo People's Democratic Party PDP
Mani Ahmad Obianuju Murphy-Uzohue African Democratic Congress ADC
Martin Onovo[19] Ibrahim Mohammed National Conscience Party NCP
Muhammadu Buhari[19] Yemi Osinbajo All Progressives Congress APC
Rufus Salawu[19] Akuchie Cliff Alliance for Democracy AD
Sam Eke[19] Hassana Hassan Citizens Popular Party CPP
Tunde Anifowose-Kelani[19] Ishaka Ofemile Accord Alliance AA
Conduct[edit]
After a botched governor's election in Anambra State, there were serious concerns that the election would not go smoothly. The country's election commission had promised a better election process, hoping that combating electoral fraud would prevent the violence that had plagued previous Nigerian elections.[12] Despite this, a pre-election poll by Gallup noted that only 13% of Nigerians had confidence in the honesty of elections.[20]
The Socialist Party of Nigeria filed for registration as a political party to contest the election, but the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) refused the registration. The SPN sued the INEC at the Federal High Court, claiming that INEC had failed to respond to their petition within 30 days as prescribed by law and that thus it would have to be registered automatically.[21]
The presidential election was a trending topic in Nigeria on Twitter, one social media platform reflecting public opinion; although PDP/GEJ may simply have had better support on social media, which is not representative of the population as a whole. According to Impact Social, based on data from 40,000 tweets, Facebook messages, blogs, and other internet outlets that mention PDP or GEJ, 70% of public opinion toward President Jonathan is positive, but messaging on the economy has taken up 6% of election conversation and was seen as a key PDP strength. Social media support for Buhari/APC was a bit "noisier" without a single issue leveraged by the campaign to gain traction: there was general frustration that the campaign lacked consistency, content and focus on the important issues at hand.[22]
In January 2015, the #bringbackourgirls campaign raised alarm over plans by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to exclude Chibok and some communities currently under the control of the Boko Haram from getting the permanent voter cards (PVCs) for the February elections.[23] Jonathan's already controversial handling of the situation was exacerbated by the Twitter campaign that was launched in mid 2014, #BringBackJonathan2015, which was widely considered to be insensitive to the victims and their families. Jonathan eventually called for banners containing the hashtag to be taken down and asked for the hashtag to not be used.[24]
Postponement[edit]
On 8 February 2015, the Independent National Electoral Commission announced that "presidential and national assembly elections will now hold on 28 March while the governorship and state assemblies election will take place on 11 April,[25]" mainly due to the poor distribution of Permanent Voter Cards, and also the security concerns related to the Boko Haram insurgency in certain north eastern states.
The postponement was called on the grounds of the INEC failing to deliver Permanent Voters' Cards to millions (around 34%) of voters – reportedly only around 45.1mn of 68.8mn registered voters had received PVC's. Additionally, on 5 February, the National Council of State (chaired by President Jonathan) told INEC that it had just launched a major, decisive offensive against Boko Haram for six weeks. Due to the assets and resources that would go into this offensive, the military would be unable to provide security and logistics support for elections. This is a disputable claim, since election security is the primary responsibility of not the military (which should only act as support) but the police and civil defence corps. There is speculation over whether or not the postponement was motivated by politics rather than security and has raised questions over the political neutrality of the military as well as the independence of INEC.[26]
[27] Sambo Dasuki, Nigerian national security advisor, told the commission "that operations against Boko Haram militants meant the military "will be unable to provide adequate security" for the 14 February vote."[28] "Seventeen out of the 28 registered political parties" supported postponing the elections; 12 opposed, "including the leading opposition party, All Progressives Congress".[29] By 30 January, "Boko Haram was in total occupation/complete control of 13 local governments (and other swathes of land) in Borno and 2 each in Yobe and Adamawa."[30] Critics of the postponement view it as a political move on behalf of GEJ/PDP rather than one made in the interest of national security. GEJ/PDP are losing traction due to gains by Boko Haram in January, economic strains from the slide in global oil price (Nigeria’s key export), and GEJ/PDP’s slow progress on fighting corruption and improving infrastructure. According to primaries in December 2014, Buhari/APC is viewed as more equipped to fight insecurity and corruption.
Critics have pointed out that even with the postponement, the Nigerian government is unlikely to re-establish control in all the affected areas by the date of the election. Distribution of the Permanent Voters' Card (PVC) has begun in camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs) from the three affected states. Estimates of the number of IDPs range from 868,235 to 1.5 million people, and is not yet clear how successful efforts will be to organise elections under these circumstances.[30] Key Government officials in Nigeria are publicly stating their opposition to the postponement. Senator Chris Ngige, for example, has accused the PDP of pressuring INEC to postpone the general elections.[31]
US Secretary of State meeting the two leading candidates.
In addition to growing criticism within Nigeria, on 8 February Vanguard reported that "the United States said it was 'deeply disappointed' by the delay." US Secretary of State John Kerry, who had urged that elections be held on time, "[warned] the Nigerian government against using 'security concerns as a pretext for impeding the democratic process.'"[32] Additionally, the British Foreign Secretary, Philip Hammond, has revealed that he, too, is disgruntled by the news: “The security situation should not be used as a reason to deny the Nigerian people from exercising their democratic rights. It is vital that the elections are kept on track and held as soon as possible.” [33] Deutsche Welle reported that "The postponement has been seen by critics as a ploy by President Goodluck Jonathan and the ruling People's Democratic Party (PDP) to buy time to sway support from the popular main opposition candidate and former military dictator, Muhammadu Buhari."[28]
By 7 February 2015, threats of post-election violence from both sides remained a concern, given that hundreds of people died in the rioting that followed the 2011 Nigerian presidential election,[28] and rhetoric was running high. It was reported that "the Council of Imams and Ulamas in Kaduna State ... told the Niger Delta militants threatening chaos if President Goodluck Jonathan loses the presidential election that they stand to lose if there is a war."[34] The GMB Volunteers, a group described as a "frontline voluntary organization made up of professionals, ethnic and religious groups," has criticised hate advertisements directed against APC candidate General Muhammadu Buhari.[35]
On 9 February, although "Nigerian civil society" was "in uproar" over the postponement, the north east remained calm, and voters there appeared willing to wait.[36]
Groups such as the Nigeria Stability and Reconciliation Programme (NSRP) have "advised political parties to stop making hate speeches against opponents."[37]
The Nigeria Women Platform for Peaceful Election (NWPPE) is collaborating with United Nations Women to hold training sessions for journalists on gender-based violence and gender sensitive reporting. A "women situation room", similar to a "civil society situation room" is planned for monitoring violence against women during the elections.[38]
Senator Abubakar Bukola Saraki, who has called the postponement "an obstruction of democracy", nonetheless released a statement saying "I charge Nigerians to be calm, non-violent and steadfast. We must be determined to make sure postponement does not demoralize or disenfranchise us. We must see this as a challenge for us to remain resolute in yearning for a new democratic government; one that will not see itself as above the people."[39]
On 31 January, a concert was held in Owerri, Imo State, as part of the RSVP concert series, urging young people to RSVP – Register, Select, Vote and Protect. "Register – pick your Permanent Voters' card-PVC, Select (select your candidates), and Vote – vote not Fight, and Protect – protect your mandate." A second RSVP concert was planned for Lagos on 8 February.[40]
The postponement was the topic of a Council on Foreign Relations online conference call with John Campbell on 28 February 2015.[41]
According to the Nigerian Constitution, the presidential election must be held by 28 April.[36] As Section 25 of the 2010 Electoral Act states, the date is to be no later than 30 days before the expiration of the previous office holder's term of office.[42]
Media support[edit]
Buhari was supported by The Economist "with a heavy heart" as "the least awful" option; the newspaper was scathing about the repression and economic policy of Buhari's previous regime, but praised his subsequent adherence to democratic process, anti-corruption stance, and the legitimacy he held in the Muslim North as a stronger platform with which to combat Boko Haram.[43]
Voting day[edit]
The website of the Independent National Electoral Commission was hacked on election day by a group calling itself the Nigerian Cyber Army.[44]
Extension[edit]
Voting was extended due to technical problems with electronic card readers.[45] The technology was introduced to prevent voter fraud, but was opposed by President Goodluck Jonathan who called it a "huge national embarrassment" when problems caused a delay. President Jonathan himself failed to be accredited by the card reader, which was shown live on national television.[46]
Violence[edit]
Boko Haram attempted to disrupt the election by attacking voting centres, killing 41 people.[47][48] An opposition politician, Umaru Ali, was gunned down in one attack.[49][50]
Peace initiatives[edit]
The Jos Forum Inter-communal Dialogue Process was established to serve as a sustainable and impartial dialogue mechanism to be used by the communities to handle disputes.[51] In 2015, the Jos Peace Dialogue Forum has already served as a platform for various political parties to discuss challenges and commit to peaceful elections in 2015.[52]
Observers[edit]
Election observer missions [EOM] were deployed from the African Union (AU), Commonwealth of Nations, Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the European Union (EU); and were led by Amos Sawyer,[53] Bakili Muluzi,[54] John Kufuor,[55] and Santiago Fisas respectively.[56]
UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon congratulated the citizens and the government for conducting a peaceful and orderly election.[57] The AUEOM concluded that the elections were conducted in a "peaceful atmosphere" and met the "continental and regional principles of democratic elections".[53] ECOWAS EOM said that it met the "criteria of being free and transparent" despite "pockets of incidents and logistical challenges."[55] The Commonwealth EOM described the conduct as "generally peaceful and transparent."[58]
Opinion polls[edit]
Poll source
Date
Sample size
Undecided
Buhari
APC
Jonathan
PDP
Notes
Sahara Reporters[59][60] 15 October 2014 15,435 N/A 79% 21% 24-hour online poll
Buildup Nigeria[59][61] 16 October 2014 26,595 2.29% 48.41% 49.3% The poll was conducted by Reno Omokri, who serves as President Jonathan's Special Assistant on New Media.[62]
Afrobarometer[63] 5–27 December 2014 2,400 11% 42% 42% Margin of error of +/-2%
Nigerian FM[64] 22 December 2014 54% 48%
WorldStage Newsonline[65] 27 March 2015 1,886 N/A 35.53% 64.48%
NigerianEye[66] 20 January 2015 7,043 N/A 72% 25% The remaining 3% voted for other candidates
Results[edit]
President[edit]
Buhari
53.96%
Jonathan
44.96%
Margin: 2,571,759
Candidate
Party
Votes
%
Muhammadu Buhari All Progressives Congress 15,424,921 53.96
Goodluck Jonathan People's Democratic Party 12,853,162 44.96
Adebayo Ayeni African Peoples Alliance 53,537 0.19
Ganiyu Galadima Allied Congress Party of Nigeria 40,311 0.14
Sam Eke Citizens Popular Party 36,300 0.13
Rufus Salau Alliance for Democracy 30,673 0.11
Mani Ahmad African Democratic Congress 29,665 0.10
Allagoa Chinedu Peoples Party of Nigeria 24,475 0.09
Martin Onovo National Conscience Party 24,455 0.09
Tunde Anifowose-Kelani Accord Alliance 22,125 0.08
Chekwas Okorie United Progressive Party 18,220 0.06
Comfort Sonaiya KOWA Party 13,076 0.05
Godson Okoye United Democratic Party 9,208 0.03
Ambrose Albert Owuru Hope Party 7,435 0.03
Invalid/blank votes 844,519 –
Total 29,432,083 100
Registered voters/turnout 67,422,005 43.65
Source: INEC
By state[edit]
State
Buhari
Jonathan
Ayeni
Galadima
Eke
Salau
Ahmad
Chinedu
Onovo
Kelani
Okotie
Sonaiya
Okoye
Owuru
Abia 13,394 368,303 2,766 2,194 1,046 448 569 424 745 315 330 173 213 125
Adamawa 374,701 251,664 1,549 1,166 819 595 1,012 1,163 1,212 495 334 752 289 267
Akwa Ibom 58,411 953,304 384 443 412 474 608 327 381 1,600 144 160 224 192
Anambra 17.926 660,762 2,303 1,259 1,279 475 534 537 887 547 1,121 311 286 357
Bauchi 931,598 86,085 964 232 391 173 189 128 207 131 37 128 29 46
Bayelsa 5,194 361,209 70 38 44 69 116 62 95 45 35 52 20 18
Benue 373,961 303,737 945 1,464 567 254 539 439 683 315 74 105 66 115
Borno 473,543 25,640 878 243 310 392 201 143 107 145 41 158 31 88
Cross River 28,368 414,863 532 514 381 709 749 864 930 279 1,487 312 289 237
Delta 48,910 1,211,405 478 916 813 735 888 393 670 1,473 261 311 354 166
Ebonyi 19,518 323,653 2,452 1,214 2,345 1,133 2,704 1,168 1,890 426 4,859 913 624 989
Edo 208,469 286,869 709 1,284 325 450 512 729 516 159 72 175 160 22
Ekiti 120,331 176,466 482 538 330 854 424 388 377 94 145 108 60 94
Enugu 14,157 553,003 715 479 237 269 478 407 761 441 290 203 1,623 110
Gombe 361,245 96,873 773 192 407 169 247 157 227 104 37 97 25 46
Imo 133,253 559,185 2,236 956 733 757 1,617 414 784 533 1,917 158 264 157
Jigawa 885,988 142,904 2,527 540 1,553 587 375 853 548 394 197 423 338 337
Kaduna 1,127,760 484,085 1,611 424 824 273 546 549 754 218 78 176 79 105
Kano 1,903,999 215,779 2,770 778 1,552 708 657 485 697 426 156 288 234 292
Katsina 1,345,441 98,937 1,671 402 976 283 498 254 330 183 72 215 117 47
Kebbi 567,883 100,972 2,685 361 1,794 450 472 547 519 214 238 448 207 213
Kogi 264,851 149,987 1,001 1,089 967 427 761 476 399 700 156 190 180 144
Kwara 302,146 132,602 1,165 817 910 520 438 325 394 248 102 214 81 118
Lagos 792,460 632,327 2,177 3,038 1,125 4,453 2,072 1,041 1,430 1,795 244 1,000 269 255
Nassarawa 236,838 273,460 310 95 131 74 105 164 222 40 33 48 23 4
Niger 657,678 149,222 2,006 441 1,264 403 614 449 550 307 118 305 116 198
Ogun 308,290 207,950 1,930 3,072 978 1,927 1,364 4,339 815 584 597 432 562 332
Ondo 299,889 251,368 1,139 2,406 1,012 1,237 1,227 734 846 386 221 223 184 184
Osun 383,603 249,929 1,306 1,731 1,029 1,667 937 599 767 377 159 255 124 132
Oyo 528,620 303,376 4,468 8,979 6,674 6,282 5,000 2,842 1,895 6,331 3,665 1,312 1,069 839
Plateau 429,140 549,615 618 391 237 279 406 554 693 178 29 138 54 56
Rivers 69,238 1,487,075 513 525 577 1,104 1,031 492 565 1,066 156 2,274 303 542
Sokoto 671,926 152,199 3,482 535 1,894 714 762 605 686 249 180 475 269 283
Taraba 261,326 310,800 1,306 811 1,033 586 320 680 876 962 439 153 224 161
Yobe 446,265 25,526 632 164 329 213 112 101 120 101 32 104 30 67
Zamfara 612,202 144,833 1,310 238 655 290 294 374 404 125 68 122 93 14
FCT 146,399 157,195 674 342 347 240 288 269 473 139 96 165 95 83
Total 15,424,921 12,853,162 53,537 40,311 36,300 30,673 29,665 24,475 24,455 22,125 18,220 13,076 9,208 7,435
Source: INEC
House of Representatives[edit]
Party
Votes
%
Seats
+/–
All Progressives Congress 225
People's Democratic Party 125
Other parties 10
Invalid/blank votes – – –
Total 360 –
Registered voters/turnout – –
Source: Reuters Nigeria Tribune
Senate[edit]
Party
Votes
%
Seats
+/–
All Progressives Congress 60 19
People's Democratic Party 49 15
Labour Party
Invalid/blank votes – – –
Total 109 –
Registered voters/turnout – –
Source: Naijaonpoint
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Jump up ^ "Jonathan failed card reader verification". 4 February 2015.
Jump up ^ "Nigerian Elections Hit by Technical Glitches and Violence". Wall Street Journal. 28 March 2015.
Jump up ^ "Voting extended as Nigeria election marred by violence". Aljazeera. 29 March 2015.
Jump up ^ "Gunmen kill 15 in Nigeria during tense election". Reuters. 28 March 2015.
Jump up ^ "Boko Haram kills 41, prevents hundreds voting in Nigeria". Associated Press. 28 March 2015.
Jump up ^ "Jos Bombings: Terrorism cannot break us apart: Plateau residents". View Point Nigeria. 4 July 2014. Retrieved 19 October 2015.
Jump up ^ "Plateau: Ethnic Communities, Stakeholders Pledge Violence-free Polls | Nigerian News from Leadership News". Nigerian News from Leadership News. Leadership. 1 February 2015. Retrieved 19 October 2015.
^ Jump up to: a b "Release of AUEOM Preliminary Statement on Nigeria Elections". African Union. 29 March 2015. Retrieved 30 March 2015.
Jump up ^ "Nigeria elections 2015: arrival statement by Commonwealth Observer Group". TheCommonwealth. 23 March 2015. Retrieved 30 March 2015.
^ Jump up to: a b "ECOWAS poll observation mission says Nigeria's March 28 elections free, transparent despite some hitches". ECOWAS. 30 March 2015. Retrieved 30 March 2015.
Jump up ^ "EU EOM Nigeria 2015". EU Election Observation Mission. Retrieved 30 March 2015.
Jump up ^ "Statement attributable to the Spokesman for the Secretary-General on the conduct of peaceful elections in Nigeria". New York: UN. 28 March 2015. Retrieved 30 March 2015.
Jump up ^ "Nigeria elections 2015: interim statement by Commonwealth Observer Group". Abuja: TheCommonwealth. 30 March 2015. Retrieved 31 March 2015.
^ Jump up to: a b Tukur, Sani (18 October 2014). "2015 Election: Buhari leads Jonathan in poll organized by presidential aide". Premium Times. Retrieved 28 January 2015.
Jump up ^ "Sahara Reporters: 2015 Nigerian Election Poll". epoll.me. Retrieved 28 January 2015.
Jump up ^ "BuildUp Nigeria Poll: 2015 Presidential Elections". buildupnigeria.com. 16 October 2014. Retrieved 28 January 2015.
Jump up ^ Tukur, Sani (19 October 2015). "Presidential Aide Abruptly Closes Online Poll As Jonathan Marginally Overtakes Buhari". Sahara Reporters. Retrieved 28 January 2015.
Jump up ^ "Nigeria heads for closest election on record, survey shows" (PDF) (Press release). Lagos: Afrobarometer. 27 January 2015. p. 37. Retrieved 28 January 2015.
Jump up ^ "NFR Poll: Buhari Opens wide margin lead against Jonathan, the Osibanjo Factor". Nigerian FM. Retrieved 28 January 2015.
Jump up ^ "WorldStage hosts opinion poll on Jonathan, Buhari". /worldstagegroup.com. 18 January 2015. Retrieved 28 January 2015.
Jump up ^ "NIGERIANEYE OPINION POLL: Who Will Win The February 14 Presidential Elections?". NigerianEya. 20 January 2015. Retrieved 28 January 2015.
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Book of Zephaniah
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This article is about the Book of Zephaniah. For the Hebrew prophet, see Zephaniah.
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The Book of Zephaniah /ˌzɛfəˈnaɪ.ə/ (Hebrew: צְפַנְיָה, Modern Tsfanya, Tiberian Ṣəp̄anyā) is the ninth of the Twelve Minor Prophets, preceded by the Book of Habakkuk and followed by the Book of Haggai. Zephaniah means "Yahweh has hidden/protected,"[1] or "Yahweh hides,"[2].
Contents
[hide]
1 Authorship and date
2 Purpose
3 Themes
4 Later influence
5 Notes
6 References
7 Further reading
8 External links
Authorship and date[edit]
The book's superscription attributes its authorship to "Zephaniah son of Cushi son of Gedaliah son of Amariah son of Hezekiah, in the days of King Josiah son of Amon of Judah" (1:1, NRSV). All that is known of Zephaniah comes from the text.[1]
The name "Cushi," Zephaniah's father, means "Cushite" or "Ethiopian," and the text of Zephaniah mentions the sin and restoration of Ethiopians.[3] While some have concluded from this that Zephaniah was a black Jew,[2] Ehud Ben Zvi maintains that, based on the context, "Cushi" must be understood as a personal name rather than an indicator of nationality.[4] Abraham ibn Ezra interpreted the name Hezekiah in the superscription as King Hezekiah of Judah, though that is not a claim advanced in the text of Zephaniah.[4]
As with many of the other prophets,[5] there is no external evidence to directly associate composition of the book with a prophet by the name of Zephaniah.[1] Some scholars, such as Kent Harold Richards and Jason DeRouchie, consider the words in Zephaniah to reflect a time early in the reign of King Josiah (640–609 BCE) before his reforms of 622 BCE took full effect,[6][2] in which case the prophet may have been born during the reign of Manasseh[6] (698/687–642 BCE).[7] Others agree that some portion of the book is postmonarchic,[8] that is, dating to later than 586 BCE when the Kingdom of Judah fell in the Siege of Jerusalem.[7] Some who consider the book to have largely been written by a historical Zephaniah have suggested that he may have been a disciple of Isaiah because of the two books' similar focus on rampant corruption and injustice in Judah.[6]
Purpose[edit]
If Zephaniah was largely composed during the monarchic period, then its composition was occasioned by Judah's refusal to obey its covenant obligations toward Yahweh despite having seen Israel's exile a generation or two previously[1]—an exile that the Judahite literary tradition attributed to Yahweh's anger against Israel's disobedience to his covenant.[9][10] In this historical context, Zephaniah urges Judah to obedience to Yahweh, saying that "perhaps" he will forgive them if they do.[11][1]
Themes[edit]
Zephaniah addressing people (French bible, 16th century).
The HarperCollins Study Bible supplies headings for the book as follows:[12]
Verse and chapter headings in the HCSB
Verse reference
Heading
1:1 (Superscription)
1:2–13 The Coming Judgment on Judah
1:14–18 The Great Day of the Lord
2:1–15 Judgment on Israel's Enemies
3:1–7 The Wickedness of Jerusalem
3:8–13 Punishment and Conversion of the Nations
3:14–20 Song of Joy
More consistently than any other prophetic book, Zephaniah focuses on "the day of the Lord,"[1] developing this tradition from its first appearance in Amos.[13][14][15] The day of the Lord tradition also appears in Isaiah, Ezekiel, Obadiah, and Joel.[16][17]
The book begins by describing Yahweh's judgement. The threefold repetition of "I will sweep away" in 1:2–3 emphasizes the totality of the destruction,[18] as the number three often signifies complete perfection in the Bible.[19] The order of creatures in 1:2 ("humans and animals ... the birds ... the fish") is the opposite of the creation order in Genesis 1:1–28, signifying an undoing of creation.[20] This is also signified by the way that "from the face of the earth" forms an inclusio around 1:2–3, hearkening back to how the phrase is used in the Genesis flood narrative in Genesis 6:7, 7:4, 8:8,[18] where it also connotes an undoing of creation.[21]
As is common in prophetic literature in the Bible, a "remnant" survives Yahweh's judgement in Zephaniah[22] by humbly seeking refuge in Yahweh.[23][24] The book concludes in an announcement of hope and joy,[25][26] as Yahweh "bursts forth in joyful divine celebration"[27] over his people.[28]
Later influence[edit]
Because of its hopeful tone of the gathering and restoration of exiles, Zephaniah 3:20 has been included in Jewish liturgy.[25]
Zephaniah served as a major inspiration for the medieval Catholic hymn "Dies Irae," whose title and opening words are from the Vulgate translation of Zephaniah 1:15–16.[29]
Notes[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f Grudem et al. 2008, p. 1729.
^ Jump up to: a b c Carson et al. 2015, p. 1839.
Jump up ^ Zeph 2:12, Zeph 3:9–10
^ Jump up to: a b Berlin et al. 2004, p. 1235.
Jump up ^ Berlin et al. 2004, pp. 781–784, 918, 1043.
^ Jump up to: a b c Attridge & Meeks 2006, p. 1259.
^ Jump up to: a b Berlin et al. 2004, p. 2111.
Jump up ^ Berlin et al. 2004, p. 1234.
Jump up ^ 1 Kings 17:5-18
Jump up ^ Berlin et al. 2004, pp. 758-759.
Jump up ^ Zeph 2:3
Jump up ^ Attridge & Meeks 2006, pp. 1260-64.
Jump up ^ Attridge & Meeks 2006, pp. 1259-60.
Jump up ^ Berlin et al. 2004, p. 1186.
Jump up ^ Amos 5:18–20
Jump up ^ Berlin et al. 2004, p. 1169.
Jump up ^ Isaiah 13:6, Ezekiel 30:2–3, Obadiah 15, Joel 1:15
^ Jump up to: a b Attridge & Meeks 2006, p. 1260.
Jump up ^ Berlin et al. 2004, p. 1505.
Jump up ^ Grudem et al. 2006, p. 1732.
Jump up ^ Berlin et al. 2004, p. 21.
Jump up ^ Berlin et al. 2004, p. 1241.
Jump up ^ Grudem et al. 2008, p. 1738.
Jump up ^ Zeph 3:12–13
^ Jump up to: a b Berlin et al. 2004, p. 1242.
Jump up ^ Zeph 3:14–20
Jump up ^ Grudem et al. 2008, p. 1739.
Jump up ^ Zeph 3:17
Jump up ^ Attridge & Meeks 2006, pp. 1259–60.
References[edit]
Attridge, Harold W.; Meeks, Wayne A., eds. (2006). The HarperCollins Study Bible (Revised ed.). New York: HarperCollins. ISBN 978-0061228407.
Berlin, Adele; Brettler, Marc Zvi; Fishbane, Michael, eds. (2004). The Jewish Study Bible. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0195297515.
Carson, D. A.; Hess, Richard S.; Alexander, T. D.; Moo, Douglas J.; Naselli, Andrew David, eds. (2015). NIV Zondervan Study Bible. Grand Rapids: Zondervan. ISBN 978-0310438335.
Grudem, Wayne; Dennis, Lane T.; Packer, J. I.; Collins, C. John; Schreiner, Thomas R.; Taylor, Justin, eds. (2008). ESV Study Bible. Wheaton: Crossway. ISBN 978-1433502415.
Further reading[edit]
Berlin, Adele. Zephaniah: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary. The Anchor Bible Volume 25A. Toronto: Doubleday, 1994.
Easton's Bible Dictionary, 1897.
Faulhaber, M. (1913). "Sophonias (Zephaniah)". In Herbermann, Charles. Catholic Encyclopedia. New York: Robert Appleton Company. Transcribed by Thomas M. Barrett. 2003.
Hirsch, Emil G. & Ira Maurice Price. "Zephaniah." JewishEncyclopedia.com. 2002.
LaSor, William Sanford et al. Old Testament Survey: the Message, Form, and Background of the Old Testament. Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 1996.
O. Palmer Robertson — The Books of Nahum, Habakkuk, and Zephaniah (New International Commentary on the Old Testament, 1990)
Sweeney, Marvin A. Zephaniah: A Commentary. Ed. Paul D. Hanson. Minneapolis, Fortress Press, 2003.
External links[edit]
Wikisource has original text related to this article:
Zephaniah
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Book of Zephaniah.
Zephaniah at JewishEncyclopedia.com
Translations of the book of Zephaniah
Jewish translations:
Tzefaniah – Zephaniah (Judaica Press) translation [with Rashi's commentary] at Chabad.org
Christian translations:
Online Bible at GospelHall.org (ESV, KJV, Darby, American Standard Version, Bible in Basic English)
Zephaniah at CrossWalk.com (various versions)
Zephaniah at The Great Books (New Revised Standard Version)
Zephaniah at Wikisource (Authorized King James Version)
Zephaniah public domain audiobook at LibriVox Various versions
Book of Zephaniah
Minor prophets
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Habakkuk Hebrew Bible Succeeded by
Haggai
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Breaking wave
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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A wave that becomes unstable as a consequence of excessive steepness
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Plunging breaker
Large wave breaking
In fluid dynamics, a breaking wave is a wave whose amplitude reaches a critical level at which some process can suddenly start to occur that causes large amounts of wave energy to be transformed into turbulent kinetic energy. At this point, simple physical models that describe wave dynamics often become invalid, particularly those that assume linear behaviour.
The most generally familiar sort of breaking wave is the breaking of water surface waves on a coastline. Wave breaking generally occurs where the amplitude reaches the point that the crest of the wave actually overturns—though the types of breaking water surface waves are discussed in more detail below. Certain other effects in fluid dynamics have also been termed "breaking waves," partly by analogy with water surface waves. In meteorology, atmospheric gravity waves are said to break when the wave produces regions where the potential temperature decreases with height, leading to energy dissipation through convective instability; likewise Rossby waves are said to break[1] when the potential vorticity gradient is overturned. Wave breaking also occurs in plasmas,[2] when the particle velocities exceed the wave's phase speed.
Contents
[hide]
1 Breaking water surface waves
1.1 Spilling breakers
1.2 Plunging breakers
1.3 Collapsing
1.4 Surging
2 Physics
3 See also
4 References
5 External links
Breaking water surface waves[edit]
Classification of breaking wave types
Play media
Breaking wave on a slope in a laboratory wave channel (movie)
Animation showing how the slope of the seafloor along the coast affects breaking waves
Breaking of water surface waves may occur anywhere that the amplitude is sufficient, including in mid-ocean. However, it is particularly common on beaches because wave heights are amplified in the region of shallower water (because the group velocity is lower there). See also waves and shallow water.
There are four basic types of breaking water waves. They are spilling, plunging, collapsing, and surging.[3]
Spilling breakers[edit]
When the ocean floor has a gradual slope, the wave will steepen until the crest becomes unstable, resulting in turbulent whitewater spilling down the face of the wave. This continues as the wave approaches the shore, and the wave's energy is slowly dissipated in the whitewater. Because of this, spilling waves break for a longer time than other waves, and create a relatively gentle wave. Onshore wind conditions make spillers more likely.
Plunging breakers[edit]
A plunging wave occurs when the ocean floor is steep or has sudden depth changes, such as from a reef or sandbar. The crest of the wave becomes much steeper than a spilling wave, becomes vertical, then curls over and drops onto the trough of the wave, releasing most of its energy at once in a relatively violent impact. A plunging wave breaks with more energy than a significantly larger spilling wave. The wave can trap and compress the air under the lip, which creates the "crashing" sound associated with waves. With large waves, this crash can be felt by beachgoers on land. Offshore wind conditions can make plungers more likely.
If a plunging wave is not parallel to the beach (or the ocean floor), the section of the wave which reaches shallow water will break first, and the breaking section (or curl) will move laterally across the face of the wave as the wave continues. This is the "tube" that is so highly sought after by surfers (also called a "barrel", a "pit", and "the greenroom", among other terms). The surfer tries to stay near or under the crashing lip, often trying to stay as "deep" in the tube as possible while still being able to shoot forward and exit the barrel before it closes. A plunging wave that is parallel to the beach can break along its whole length at once, rendering it unrideable and dangerous. Surfers refer to these waves as "closed out".
Collapsing[edit]
Collapsing waves are a cross between plunging and surging, in which the crest never fully breaks, yet the bottom face of the wave gets steeper and collapses, resulting in foam.
Surging[edit]
Surging breakers originate from long period, low steepness waves and/or steep beach profiles. The outcome is the rapid movement of the base of the wave up the swash slope and the disappearance of the wave crest. The front face and crest of the wave remain relatively smooth with little foam or bubbles, resulting in a very narrow surf zone, or no breaking waves at all. The short, sharp burst of wave energy means that the swash/backwash cycle completes before the arrival of the next wave, leading to a low value of Kemp's phase difference (< 0.5). Surging waves are typical of reflective beach states. On steeper beaches, the energy of the wave can be reflected by the bottom back into the ocean, causing standing waves.
Physics[edit]
Spilling breaker
Plunging breaker
Collapsing breaker
Surging breaker
Different breaking-wave types, drawn after photos from a lab experiment, can be associated with the value of the Iribarren number.
During breaking, a deformation (usually a bulge) forms at the wave crest, either leading side of which is known as the "toe." Parasitic capillary waves are formed, with short wavelengths. Those above the "toe" tend to have much longer wavelengths. This theory is anything but perfect, however, as it is linear. There have been a couple non-linear theories of motion (regarding waves). One put forth uses a perturbation method to expand the description all the way to the third order, and better solutions have been found since then. As for wave deformation, methods much like the boundary integral method and the Boussinesq model have been created.
It has been found that high-frequency detail present in a breaking wave plays a part in crest deformation and destabilization. The same theory expands on this, stating that the valleys of the capillary waves create a source for vorticity. It is said that surface tension (and viscosity) are significant for waves up to about 7 cm (3 in) in wavelength.[4]
These models are flawed, however, as they can't take into account what happens to the water after the wave breaks. Post-break eddy forms and the turbulence created via the breaking is mostly unresearched. Understandably, it might be difficult to glean predictable results from the ocean.
After the tip of the wave overturns and the jet collapses, it creates a very coherent and defined horizontal vortex. The plunging breakers create secondary eddies down the face of the wave. Small horizontal random eddies that form on the sides of the wave suggest that, perhaps, prior to breaking, the water's velocity is more or less two dimensional. This becomes three dimensional upon breaking.
The main vortex along the front of the wave diffuses rapidly into the interior of the wave after breaking, as the eddies on the surface become more viscous. Advection and molecular diffusion play a part in stretching the vortex and redistributing the vorticity, as well as the formation turbulence cascades. The energy of the large vortices are, by this method, transferred to much smaller isotropic vortices.
Experiments have been conducted to deduce the evolution of turbulence after break, both in deep water and on a beach..
See also[edit]
Underwater diving portal
Iribarren number
Wave turbulence
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "AGU - American Geophysical Union". AGU.
Jump up ^ https://crppwww.epfl.ch/~duval/P5_009.pdf
Jump up ^ Sarpkaya, Turgut; Isaacson, Michael (1981). Mechanics of wave forces on offshore structures. Van Nostrand Reinhold. p. 277. ISBN 978-0-442-25402-5.
Jump up ^ Lighthill, M. J. (1978). Waves in fluids. Cambridge University Press. pp. 223–225 & 232–235. ISBN 0-521-29233-6. OCLC 2966533.
External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Breaking water waves.
Oceans and margins, Earth Science Australia
Super Slow Motion Laboratory Wave Breaking: Side View. on YouTube
Super Slow Motion Laboratory Wave Breaking: Underwater View of Turbulence. on YouTube
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diving medicine
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Arthur J. Bachrach
Albert R. Behnke
Paul Bert
George F. Bond
Robert Boyle
Albert A. Bühlmann
John R Clarke
William Paul Fife
John Scott Haldane
Robert William Hamilton Jr.
Leonard Erskine Hill
Brian Andrew Hills
Felix Hoppe-Seyler
Christian J. Lambertsen
Simon Mitchell
Charles Momsen
John Rawlins R.N.
Charles Wesley Shilling
Edward D. Thalmann
Jules Triger
Diving medical
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Aerospace Medical Association
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Diving Diseases Research Centre (DDRC)
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European Diving Technology Committee (EDTC)
European Underwater and Baromedical Society (EUBS)
National Board of Diving and Hyperbaric Medical Technology
Naval Submarine Medical Research Laboratory
Royal Australian Navy School of Underwater Medicine
Rubicon Foundation
South Pacific Underwater Medicine Society (SPUMS)
Southern African Underwater and Hyperbaric Medical Association (SAUHMA)
Undersea and Hyperbaric Medical Society (UHMS)
United States Navy Experimental Diving Unit (NEDU)
Categories: Diving medicine
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