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Phoneme
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This article is about the speech unit. For the JavaME library, see phoneME.
Not to be confused with phenome.
It has been suggested that Cherology be merged into this article. (Discuss) Proposed since July 2018.
This article contains IPA phonetic symbols. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Unicode characters. For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, see Help:IPA.
A phoneme (/ˈfoʊniːm/) is one of the units of sound (or gesture in the case of sign languages, see chereme) that distinguish one word from another in a particular language. For example, in most dialects of English, the sound patterns /θʌm/ (thumb) and /dʌm/ (dumb) are two separate words distinguished by the substitution of one phoneme, /θ/, for another phoneme, /d/. (Two words like this that differ in meaning through a contrast of a single phoneme form what is called a minimal pair). In many other languages these would be interpreted as exactly the same set of phonemes (i.e. /θ/ and /d/ would be considered the same).
In linguistics, phonemes (usually established by the use of minimal pairs, such as kill vs kiss or pat vs bat) are written between slashes, e.g. /p/. To show pronunciation more precisely linguists use square brackets, for example [pʰ] (indicating an aspirated p).
Within linguistics there are differing views as to exactly what phonemes are and how a given language should be analyzed in phonemic (or phonematic) terms. However, a phoneme is generally regarded as an abstraction of a set (or equivalence class) of speech sounds (phones) which are perceived as equivalent to each other in a given language. For example, in English, the k sounds in the words kit and skill are not identical (as described below), but they are distributional variants of a single phoneme /k/. Different speech sounds that are realizations of the same phoneme are known as allophones. Allophonic variation may be conditioned, in which case a certain phoneme is realized as a certain allophone in particular phonological environments, or it may be free in which case it may vary randomly. In this way, phonemes are often considered to constitute an abstract underlying representation for segments of words, while speech sounds make up the corresponding phonetic realization, or surface form.
Contents
1 Notation
2 Assignment of speech sounds to phonemes
2.1 Minimal pairs
3 Other features with phonemic status
4 Distribution of allophones
5 Background and related ideas
6 Restrictions on occurrence
7 Biuniqueness
8 Neutralization and archiphonemes
9 Morphophonemes
10 Numbers of phonemes in different languages
11 The non-uniqueness of phonemic solutions
12 Correspondence between letters and phonemes
13 Phonemes in sign languages
14 See also
15 Notes
16 Bibliography
Notation[edit]
Phonemes are conventionally placed between slashes in transcription, whereas speech sounds (phones) are placed between square brackets. Thus /pʊʃ/ represents a sequence of three phonemes /p/, /ʊ/, /ʃ/ (the word push in standard English), while [pʰʊʃ] represents the phonetic sequence of sounds [pʰ] (aspirated p), [ʊ], [ʃ] (the usual pronunciation of push). This is not to be confused with the similar convention of the use of angle brackets to enclose the units of orthography, namely graphemes; for example, ⟨f⟩ represents the written letter (grapheme) f.
The symbols used for particular phonemes are often taken from the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA), the same set of symbols that are most commonly used for phones. (For computer typing purposes, systems such as X-SAMPA and Kirshenbaum exist to represent IPA symbols using only ASCII characters.) However, descriptions of particular languages may use different conventional symbols to represent the phonemes of those languages. For languages whose writing systems employ the phonemic principle, ordinary letters may be used to denote phonemes, although this approach is often hampered by the complexity of the relationship between orthography and pronunciation (see Correspondence between letters and phonemes below).
Assignment of speech sounds to phonemes[edit]
A simplified procedure for determining whether two sounds represent the same or different phonemes
A phoneme is a sound or a group of different sounds perceived to have the same function by speakers of the language or dialect in question. An example is the English phoneme /k/, which occurs in words such as cat, kit, scat, skit. Although most native speakers do not notice this, in most English dialects the "c/k" sounds in these words are not identical: in kit (help·info) [kʰɪt] the sound is aspirated, while in skill (help·info) [skɪl] it is unaspirated. The words therefore contain different speech sounds, or phones, transcribed [kʰ] for the aspirated form, [k] for the unaspirated one. These different sounds are nonetheless considered to belong to the same phoneme, because if a speaker used one instead of the other, the meaning of the word would not change: using the aspirated form [kʰ] in skill might sound odd, but the word would still be recognized. By contrast, some other sounds would cause a change in meaning if substituted: for example, substitution of the sound [t] would produce the different word still, and that sound must therefore be considered to represent a different phoneme (the phoneme /t/).
The above shows that in English [k] and [kʰ] are allophones of a single phoneme /k/. In some languages, however, [kʰ] and [k] are perceived by native speakers as different sounds, and substituting one for the other can change the meaning of a word; this means that in those languages, the two sounds represent different phonemes. For example, in Icelandic, [kʰ] is the first sound of kátur meaning "cheerful", while [k] is the first sound of gátur meaning "riddles". Icelandic therefore has two separate phonemes /kʰ/ and /k/.
Minimal pairs[edit]
A pair of words like kátur and gátur (above) that differ only in one phone is called a minimal pair for the two alternative phones in question (in this case, [kʰ] and [k]). The existence of minimal pairs is a common test to decide whether two phones represent different phonemes or are allophones of the same phoneme. To take another example, the minimal pair tip and dip illustrates that in English, [t] and [d] belong to separate phonemes, /t/ and /d/; since these two words have different meanings, English speakers must be conscious of the distinction between the two sounds. In other languages, though, including Korean, even though both sounds [t] and [d] occur, no such minimal pair exists. The lack of minimal pairs distinguishing [t] and [d] in Korean provides evidence that in this language they are allophones of a single phoneme /t/. The word /tata/ is pronounced [tada], for example. That is, when they hear this word, Korean speakers perceive the same sound in both the beginning and middle of the word, whereas an English speaker would perceive different sounds in these two locations. Signed languages, such as American Sign Language (ASL), also have minimal pairs, differing only in (exactly) one of the signs' parameters: handshape, movement, location, palm orientation, and non-manual signal or marker. A minimal pair may exist in the signed language if the basic sign stays the same but one of these parameters changes.[1]
However, the absence of minimal pairs for a given pair of phones does not always mean that they belong to the same phoneme: they may be too dissimilar phonetically for it to be likely that speakers perceive them as the same sound. For example, English has no minimal pair for the sounds [h] (as in hat) and [ŋ] (as in bang), and the fact that they can be shown to be in complementary distribution could be used to argue for their being allophones of the same phoneme. However, they are so dissimilar phonetically that they are considered separate phonemes.[2]
Phonologists have sometimes had recourse to "near minimal pairs" to show that speakers of the language perceive two sounds as significantly different even if no exact minimal pair exists in the lexicon. It is virtually impossible to find a minimal pair to distinguish English /ʃ/ from /ʒ/, yet it seems uncontroversial to claim that the two consonants are distinct phonemes. The two words 'pressure' /prɛʃər/ and 'pleasure' /plɛʒər/ can serve as a near minimal pair.[3]
Other features with phonemic status[edit]
While phonemes are normally conceived of as abstractions of discrete segmental speech sounds (vowels and consonants), there are other features of pronunciation – principally tone and stress – which in some languages can change the meaning of words in the way that phoneme contrasts do, and are consequently called phonemic features of those languages.
Phonemic stress is encountered in languages such as English. For example, the word invite stressed on the second syllable is a verb, but when stressed on the first syllable (without changing any of the individual sounds) it becomes a noun. The position of the stress in the word affects the meaning, and therefore a full phonemic specification (providing enough detail to enable the word to be pronounced unambiguously) would include indication of the position of the stress: /ɪnˈvaɪ̯t/ for the verb, /ˈɪnvaɪt/ for the noun. In other languages, such as French, word stress cannot have this function (its position is generally predictable) and is therefore not phonemic (and is not usually indicated in dictionaries).
Phonemic tones are found in languages such as Mandarin Chinese, in which a given syllable can have five different tonal pronunciations.
媽 麻 馬 罵 嗎
mā má mǎ mà ma
mother hemp horse scold question particle
Here, the character 媽 (pronounced mā, high level pitch) means "mother"; 麻 (má, rising pitch) means "hemp"; 馬 (mǎ, falling then rising) means "horse"; 罵 (mà, falling) means "scold", and 嗎 (ma, neutral tone) is an interrogative particle. The tone "phonemes" in such languages are sometimes called tonemes. Languages such as English do not have phonemic tone, although they use intonation for functions such as emphasis and attitude.
Distribution of allophones[edit]
When a phoneme has more than one allophone, the one actually heard at a given occurrence of that phoneme may be dependent on the phonetic environment (surrounding sounds) – allophones which normally cannot appear in the same environment are said to be in complementary distribution. In other cases the choice of allophone may be dependent on the individual speaker or other unpredictable factors – such allophones are said to be in free variation.
Background and related ideas[edit]
The term phonème (from Ancient Greek φώνημα phōnēma, "sound made, utterance, thing spoken, speech, language"[4]) was reportedly first used by A. Dufriche-Desgenettes in 1873, but it referred only to a speech sound. The term phoneme as an abstraction was developed by the Polish linguist Jan Niecisław Baudouin de Courtenay and his student Mikołaj Kruszewski during 1875–1895.[5] The term used by these two was fonema, the basic unit of what they called psychophonetics. Daniel Jones became the first linguist in the western world to use the term phoneme in its current sense, employing the word in his article "The phonetic structure of the Sechuana Language".[6] The concept of the phoneme was then elaborated in the works of Nikolai Trubetzkoy and others of the Prague School (during the years 1926–1935), and in those of structuralists like Ferdinand de Saussure, Edward Sapir, and Leonard Bloomfield. Some structuralists (though not Sapir) rejected the idea of a cognitive or psycholinguistic function for the phoneme.[7][8]
Later, it was used and redefined in generative linguistics, most famously by Noam Chomsky and Morris Halle,[9] and remains central to many accounts of the development of modern phonology. As a theoretical concept or model, though, it has been supplemented and even replaced by others.[10]
Some linguists (such as Roman Jakobson and Morris Halle) proposed that phonemes may be further decomposable into features, such features being the true minimal constituents of language.[11] Features overlap each other in time, as do suprasegmental phonemes in oral language and many phonemes in sign languages. Features could be characterized in different ways: Jakobson and colleagues defined them in acoustic terms,[12] Chomsky and Halle used a predominantly articulatory basis, though retaining some acoustic features, while Ladefoged's system[13] is a purely articulatory system apart from the use of the acoustic term 'sibilant'.
In the description of some languages, the term chroneme has been used to indicate contrastive length or duration of phonemes. In languages in which tones are phonemic, the tone phonemes may be called tonemes. Though not all scholars working on such languages use these terms, they are by no means obsolete.
By analogy with the phoneme, linguists have proposed other sorts of underlying objects, giving them names with the suffix -eme, such as morpheme and grapheme. These are sometimes called emic units. The latter term was first used by Kenneth Pike, who also generalized the concepts of emic and etic description (from phonemic and phonetic respectively) to applications outside linguistics.[14]
Restrictions on occurrence[edit]
Main article: Phonotactics
Languages do not generally allow words or syllables to be built of any arbitrary sequences of phonemes; there are phonotactic restrictions on which sequences of phonemes are possible and in which environments certain phonemes can occur. Phonemes that are significantly limited by such restrictions may be called restricted phonemes.
In English, examples of such restrictions include:
/ŋ/, as in sing, occurs only at the end of a syllable, never at the beginning (in many other languages, such as Māori, Swahili, Tagalog, and Thai, /ŋ/ can appear word-initially).
/h/ occurs only before vowels and at the beginning of a syllable, never at the end (a few languages, such as Arabic, or Romanian allow /h/ syllable-finally).
In non-rhotic dialects, /ɹ/ can only occur immediately before a vowel, never before a consonant.
/w/ and /j/ occur only before a vowel, never at the end of a syllable (except in interpretations where a word like boy is analyzed as /bɔj/).
Some phonotactic restrictions can alternatively be analyzed as cases of neutralization. See Neutralization and archiphonemes below, particularly the example of the occurrence of the three English nasals before stops.
Biuniqueness[edit]
Biuniqueness is a requirement of classic structuralist phonemics. It means that a given phone, wherever it occurs, must unambiguously be assigned to one and only one phoneme. In other words, the mapping between phones and phonemes is required to be many-to-one rather than many-to-many. The notion of biuniqueness was controversial among some pre-generative linguists and was prominently challenged by Morris Halle and Noam Chomsky in the late 1950s and early 1960s.
An example of the problems arising from the biuniqueness requirement is provided by the phenomenon of flapping in North American English. This may cause either /t/ or /d/ (in the appropriate environments) to be realized with the phone [ɾ] (an alveolar flap). For example, the same flap sound may be heard in the words hitting and bidding, although it is clearly intended to realize the phoneme /t/ in the first word and /d/ in the second. This appears to contradict biuniqueness.
For further discussion of such cases, see the next section.
Neutralization and archiphonemes[edit]
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Phonemes that are contrastive in certain environments may not be contrastive in all environments. In the environments where they do not contrast, the contrast is said to be neutralized. In these positions it may become less clear which phoneme a given phone represents. Some phonologists prefer not to specify a unique phoneme in such cases, since to do so would mean providing redundant or even arbitrary information – instead they use the technique of underspecification. An archiphoneme is an object sometimes used to represent an underspecified phoneme.
An example of neutralization is provided by the Russian vowels /a/ and /o/. These phonemes are contrasting in stressed syllables, but in unstressed syllables the contrast is lost, since both are reduced to the same sound, usually [ə] (for details, see vowel reduction in Russian). In order to assign such an instance of [ə] to one of the phonemes /a/ and /o/, it is necessary to consider morphological factors (such as which of the vowels occurs in other forms of the words, or which inflectional pattern is followed). In some cases even this may not provide an unambiguous answer. A description using the approach of underspecification would not attempt to assign [ə] to a specific phoneme in some or all of these cases, although it might be assigned to an archiphoneme, written something like |A|, which reflects the two neutralized phonemes in this position.
A somewhat different example is found in English, with the three nasal phonemes /m, n, ŋ/. In word-final position these all contrast, as shown by the minimal triplet sum /sʌm/, sun /sʌn/, sung /sʌŋ/. However, before a stop such as /p, t, k/ (provided there is no morpheme boundary between them), only one of the nasals is possible in any given position: /m/ before /p/, /n/ before /t/ or /d/, and /ŋ/ before /k/, as in limp, lint, link ( /lɪmp/, /lɪnt/, /lɪŋk/). The nasals are therefore not contrastive in these environments, and according to some theorists this makes it inappropriate to assign the nasal phones heard here to any one of the phonemes (even though, in this case, the phonetic evidence is unambiguous). Instead they may analyze these phones as belonging to a single archiphoneme, written something like |N|, and state the underlying representations of limp, lint, link to be |lɪNp|, |lɪNt|, |lɪNk|.
This latter type of analysis is often associated with Nikolai Trubetzkoy of the Prague school. Archiphonemes are often notated with a capital letter within pipes, as with the examples |A| and |N| given above. Other ways the second of these might be notated include |m-n-ŋ|, {m, n, ŋ}, or |n*|.
Another example from English, but this time involving complete phonetic convergence as in the Russian example, is the flapping of /t/ and /d/ in some American English (described above under Biuniqueness). Here the words betting and bedding might both be pronounced [ˈbɛɾɪŋ], and if a speaker applies such flapping consistently, it would be necessary to look for morphological evidence (the pronunciation of the related forms bet and bed, for example) in order to determine which phoneme the flap represents. As in the previous examples, some theorists would prefer not to make such a determination, and simply assign the flap in both cases to a single archiphoneme, written (for example) |D|.
For a special kind of neutralization proposed in generative phonology, see absolute neutralization.
Morphophonemes[edit]
Main article: Morphophonology
A morphophoneme is a theoretical unit at a deeper level of abstraction than traditional phonemes, and is taken to be a unit from which morphemes are built up. A morphophoneme within a morpheme can be expressed in different ways in different allomorphs of that morpheme (according to morphophonological rules). For example, the English plural morpheme -s appearing in words such as cats and dogs can be considered to consist of a single morphophoneme, which might be written (for example) //z// or |z|, and which is pronounced as [s] after most voiceless consonants (as in cats) and [z] in most other cases (as in dogs).
Numbers of phonemes in different languages[edit]
A given language will use only a small subset of the many possible sounds that the human speech organs can produce, and, because of allophony, the number of distinct phonemes will generally be smaller than the number of identifiably different sounds. Different languages vary considerably in the number of phonemes they have in their systems (although apparent variation may sometimes result from the different approaches taken by the linguists doing the analysis). The total phonemic inventory in languages varies from as few as 11 in Rotokas and Pirahã to as many as 141 in !Xũ.[15]
The number of phonemically distinct vowels can be as low as two, as in Ubykh and Arrernte. At the other extreme, the Bantu language Ngwe has 14 vowel qualities, 12 of which may occur long or short, making 26 oral vowels, plus 6 nasalized vowels, long and short, making a total of 38 vowels; while !Xóõ achieves 31 pure vowels, not counting its additional variation by vowel length, by varying the phonation. As regards consonant phonemes, Puinave and the Papuan language Tauade each have just seven, and Rotokas has only six. !Xóõ, on the other hand, has somewhere around 77, and Ubykh 81. The English language uses a rather large set of 13 to 21 vowel phonemes, including diphthongs, although its 22 to 26 consonants are close to average.
Some languages, such as French, have no phonemic tone or stress, while Cantonese and several of the Kam–Sui languages have nine tones, and one of the Kru languages, Wobe, has been claimed[by whom?] to have 14, though this is disputed.[citation needed]
The most common vowel system consists of the five vowels /i/, /e/, /a/, /o/, /u/. The most common consonants are /p/, /t/, /k/, /m/, /n/.[citation needed] Relatively few languages lack any of these consonants, although it does happen: for example, Arabic lacks /p/, standard Hawaiian lacks /t/, Mohawk and Tlingit lack /p/ and /m/, Hupa lacks both /p/ and a simple /k/, colloquial Samoan lacks /t/ and /n/, while Rotokas and Quileute lack /m/ and /n/.
The non-uniqueness of phonemic solutions[edit]
During the development of phoneme theory in the mid-20th century phonologists were concerned not only with the procedures and principles involved in producing a phonemic analysis of the sounds of a given language, but also with the reality or uniqueness of the phonemic solution. Some writers took the position expressed by Kenneth Pike: "There is only one accurate phonemic analysis for a given set of data",[16] while others believed that different analyses, equally valid, could be made for the same data. Yuen Ren Chao (1934), in his article "The non-uniqueness of phonemic solutions of phonetic systems"[17] stated "given the sounds of a language, there are usually more than one possible way of reducing them to a set of phonemes, and these different systems or solutions are not simply correct or incorrect, but may be regarded only as being good or bad for various purposes". The linguist F.W. Householder referred to this argument within linguistics as "God's Truth vs. hocus-pocus".[18] Different analyses of the English vowel system may be used to illustrate this. The article English Phonology states that "English has a particularly large number of vowel phonemes" and that "there are 20 vowel phonemes in Received Pronunciation, 14–16 in General American and 20–21 in Australian English"; the present article (Phoneme#Numbers of phonemes in different languages) says that "the English language uses a rather large set of 13 to 21 vowel phonemes". Although these figures are often quoted as a scientific fact, they actually reflect just one of many possible analyses, and later in the English Phonology article an alternative analysis is suggested in which some diphthongs and long vowels may be interpreted as comprising a short vowel linked to either /j/ or /w/. The transcription system for British English (RP) devised by the phonetician Geoff Lindsey and used in the CUBE pronunciation dictionary also treats diphthongs as composed of a vowel plus /j/ or /w/.[19] The fullest exposition of this approach is found in Trager and Smith (1951), where all long vowels and diphthongs ("complex nuclei") are made up of a short vowel combined with either /j/, /w/ or /h/ (plus /r/ for rhotic accents), each thus comprising two phonemes: they wrote "The conclusion is inescapable that the complex nuclei consist each of two phonemes, one of the short vowels followed by one of three glides".[20] The transcription for the vowel normally transcribed /aɪ/ would instead be /aj/, /aʊ/ would be /aw/ and /ɑː/ would be /ah/. The consequence of this approach is that English could theoretically have only seven vowel phonemes, which might be symbolized /i/, /e/, /a/, /o/, /u/, /ʌ/ and /ə/, or even six if schwa were treated as an allophone of /ʌ/ or of other short vowels, a figure that would put English much closer to the average number of vowel phonemes in other languages.[21]
In the same period there was disagreement about the correct basis for a phonemic analysis. The structuralist position was that the analysis should be made purely on the basis of the sound elements and their distribution, with no reference to extraneous factors such as grammar, morphology or the intuitions of the native speaker; this position is strongly associated with Leonard Bloomfield.[22] Zellig Harris claimed that it is possible to discover the phonemes of a language purely by examining the distribution of phonetic segments.[23] Referring to mentalistic definitions of the phoneme, Twaddell (1935) stated "Such a definition is invalid because (1) we have no right to guess about the linguistic workings of an inaccessible 'mind', and (2) we can secure no advantage from such guesses. The linguistic processes of the 'mind' as such are quite simply unobservable; and introspection about linguistic processes is notoriously a fire in a wooden stove."[24] This approach was opposed to that of Edward Sapir, who gave an important role to native speakers' intuitions about where a particular sound or groups of sounds fitted into a pattern. Using English [ŋ] as an example, Sapir argued that, despite the superficial appearance that this sound belongs to a group of nasal consonants, "no naive English-speaking person can be made to feel in his bones that it belongs to a single series with /m/ and /n/. ... It still feels like ŋg".[25] The theory of generative phonology which emerged in the 1960s explicitly rejected the Structuralist approach to phonology and favoured the mentalistic or cognitive view of Sapir.[26][27]
Correspondence between letters and phonemes[edit]
Main article: Phonemic orthography
Phonemes are considered to be the basis for alphabetic writing systems. In such systems the written symbols (graphemes) represent, in principle, the phonemes of the language being written. This is most obviously the case when the alphabet was invented with a particular language in mind; for example, the Latin alphabet was devised for Classical Latin, and therefore the Latin of that period enjoyed a near one-to-one correspondence between phonemes and graphemes in most cases, though the devisers of the alphabet chose not to represent the phonemic effect of vowel length. However, because changes in the spoken language are often not accompanied by changes in the established orthography (as well as other reasons, including dialect differences, the effects of morphophonology on orthography, and the use of foreign spellings for some loanwords), the correspondence between spelling and pronunciation in a given language may be highly distorted; this is the case with English, for example.
The correspondence between symbols and phonemes in alphabetic writing systems is not necessarily a one-to-one correspondence. A phoneme might be represented by a combination of two or more letters (digraph, trigraph, etc.), like <sh> in English or <sch> in German (both representing phonemes /ʃ/). Also a single letter may represent two phonemes, as in English <x> representing /gz/ or /ks/. There may also exist spelling/pronunciation rules (such as those for the pronunciation of <c> in Italian) that further complicate the correspondence of letters to phonemes, although they need not affect the ability to predict the pronunciation from the spelling and vice versa, provided the rules are known.
Phonemes in sign languages[edit]
In sign languages, the basic elements of signs were formerly called cheremes or cheiremes but they are now generally referred to as phonemes, as in spoken languages.
Sign language phonemes are bundles of articulation features. Stokoe was the first scholar to describe the phonemic system of ASL. He identified the bundles tab (elements of location, from Latin tabula), dez (the handshape, from designator), sig (the motion, from signation). Some researchers also discern ori (orientation), facial expression and/or mouthing. Just as with spoken languages, when features are combined, they create phonemes.
Stokoe's terminology and notation system are no longer used by researchers to describe the phonemes of sign languages; William Stokoe's research, while still considered seminal, has been found not to characterize American Sign Language or other sign languages sufficiently.[28] For instance, non-manual features are not included in Stokoe's classification. More sophisticated models of sign language phonology have since been proposed by Brentari,[29] Sandler,[30] and van der Kooij.[31]
As in spoken languages, sign languages have minimal pairs which differ in only one phoneme. For instance, the ASL signs for father and mother differ minimally with respect to location while handshape and movement are identical; location is thus contrastive.
See also[edit]
Alphabetic principle
Alternation (linguistics)
Complementary distribution
Diaphoneme
Diphone
Emic and etic
Free variation
Initial-stress-derived noun
International Phonetic Alphabet (list of phonemes)
Minimal pair
Morphophonology
Phone
Phonemic orthography
Phonology
Phonological change
Phonotactics
Sphoṭa
Toneme
Triphone
Viseme
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ Handspeak. "Minimal pairs in sign language phonology". www.handspeak.com. Archived from the original on 14 February 2017. Retrieved 13 February 2017.
Jump up ^ Wells 1982, p. 44.
Jump up ^ Wells 1982, p. 48.
Jump up ^ Liddell, H.G. & Scott, R. (1940). A Greek-English Lexicon. revised and augmented throughout by Sir Henry Stuart Jones. with the assistance of. Roderick McKenzie. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Jump up ^ Jones 1957.
Jump up ^ Jones, D. (1917), The phonetic structure of the Sechuana language, Transactions of the Philological Society 1917-20, pp. 99–106
Jump up ^ Twaddell 1935.
Jump up ^ Harris 1951.
Jump up ^ Chomsky & Halle 1968.
Jump up ^ Clark & Yallop 1995, chpt. 11.
Jump up ^ Jakobson & Halle 1968.
Jump up ^ Jakobson, Fant & Halle 1952.
Jump up ^ Ladefoged 2006, pp. 268–276.
Jump up ^ Pike 1967.
Jump up ^ Crystal 2010, p. 173.
Jump up ^ Pike, K.L. (1947) Phonemics, University of Michigan Press, p. 64
Jump up ^ Chao, Yuen Ren (1934). "The non-uniqueness of phonemic solutions of phonetic systems". Academia Sinica. IV.4: 363–97.
Jump up ^ Householder, F.W. (1952). "Review of Methods in structural linguistics by Zellig S. Harris". International Journal of American Linguistics. 18: 260–8. doi:10.1086/464181.
Jump up ^ Lindsey, Geoff. "The CUBE searchable dictionary". English Speech Services. Archived from the original on 31 December 2017. Retrieved 31 December 2017.
Jump up ^ Trager, G.; Smith, H. (1951). An Outline of English Structure. American Council of Learned Societies. p. 20. Retrieved 30 December 2017.
Jump up ^ Roach, Peter (2009). English Phonetics and Phonology (4th ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 99–100. ISBN 978-0-521-71740-3.
Jump up ^ Bloomfield, Leonard (1933). Language. Henry Holt.
Jump up ^ Harris, Zellig (1951). Methods in Structural Linguistics. Chicago University Press. p. 5.
Jump up ^ Twaddell, W.F. (1935). "On defining the phoneme". Language Monograph. 11.1: 5–62. JSTOR 522070.
Jump up ^ Sapir, Edward (1925). "Sound patterns in language". Language. 1.37. doi:10.2307/409004.
Jump up ^ Chomsky, Noam (1964). Current Issues in Linguistic Theory. Mouton.
Jump up ^ Chomsky, Noam; Halle, Morris (1968). The Sound Pattern of English. Harper and Row.
Jump up ^ Clayton, Valli; Lucas, Ceil (2000). Linguistics of American Sign Language : an introduction (3rd ed.). Washington, D.C.: Gallaudet University Press. ISBN 9781563680977. OCLC 57352333.
Jump up ^ Brentari, Diane (1998). A prosodic model of sign language phonology. MIT Press.
Jump up ^ Sandler, Wendy (1989). Phonological representation of the sign: linearity and nonlinearity in American Sign Language. Foris.
Jump up ^ Kooij, Els van der (2002). Phonological categories in Sign Language of the Netherlands. The role of phonetic implementation and iconicity. PhD dissertation, Leiden University.
Bibliography[edit]
Chomsky, N.; Halle, M. (1968), The Sound Pattern of English, Harper and Row, OCLC 317361
Clark, J.; Yallop, C. (1995), An Introduction to Phonetics and Phonology (2 ed.), Blackwell, ISBN 978-0-631-19452-1
Crystal, D. (1997), The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Language (2 ed.), Cambridge, ISBN 978-0-521-55967-6
Crystal, D. (2010), The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Language (3 ed.), Cambridge, ISBN 978-0-521-73650-3
Gimson, A.C. (2008), Cruttenden, A., ed., The Pronunciation of English (7 ed.), Hodder, ISBN 978-0-340-95877-3
Harris, Z. (1951), Methods in Structural Linguistics, Chicago University Press, OCLC 2232282
Jakobson, R.; Fant, G.; Halle, M. (1952), Preliminaries to Speech Analysis, MIT, OCLC 6492928
Jakobson, R.; Halle, M. (1968), Phonology in Relation to Phonetics, in Malmberg, B. (ed) Manual of Phonetics, North-Holland, OCLC 13223685
Jones, Daniel (1957), The History and Meaning of the Term 'Phoneme', Le Maître Phonétique, supplement (reprinted in E. Fudge (ed) Phonology, Penguin), OCLC 4550377
Ladefoged, P. (2006), A Course in Phonetics (5 ed.), Thomson, ISBN 978-1-4282-3126-9
Pike, K.L. (1967), Language in Relation to a Unified Theory of Human Behavior, Mouton, OCLC 308042
Swadesh, M. (1934), "The Phonemic Principle", Language, 10 (2): 117–129, doi:10.2307/409603
Twaddell, W.F. (1935), On Defining the Phoneme, Linguistic Society of America (reprinted in Joos, M. Readings in Linguistics, 1957), OCLC 1657452
Wells, J.C. (1982), Accents of English, Cambridge, ISBN 0-521-29719-2
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Foneem – Afrikaans
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Phonem – Alemannisch
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Fonema – Aragonese
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Fonema – Asturian
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Phonem – Bavarian
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Fonem – Bosnian
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Fonem – Breton
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Fonema – Catalan
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Ffonem – Welsh
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Fonem – Danish
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Phonem – German
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Fonem – Lower Sorbian
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Foneem – Estonian
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Fonema – Spanish
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Fonemo – Esperanto
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Fonema – Basque
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Fonema – Galician
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Fonem – Upper Sorbian
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Fonem – Croatian
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Fonemo – Ido
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Ponema – Iloko
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Fonem – Indonesian
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Phonema – Interlingua
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Fonema – Italian
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Fonimu – Swahili
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Vac – Kurdish
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Phonema – Latin
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Foneem – Limburgish
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Funema – Lombard
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Fonem – Malay
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Foneem – Dutch
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Fonem – Norwegian
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Fonem – Norwegian Nynorsk
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Fonem – Polish
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Fonema – Portuguese
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Fonem – Romanian
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Phoneme – Scots
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Phonem – Saterland Frisian
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Fonema – Albanian
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Fonem – Slovenian
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Fonem – Serbo-Croatian
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Foneemi – Finnish
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interlanguage-link-target

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Fonem – Swedish
sv
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Ponema – Tagalog
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text:
Bring It On: Fight to the Finish
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Bring It On: Fight to the Finish
DVD cover
Directed by
Bille Woodruff
Produced by
David Brookwell
Sean McNamara
David Buelow
Written by
Alyson Fouse
Elena Song
Starring
Christina Milian
Rachele Brooke Smith
Cody Longo
Vanessa Born
Gabrielle Dennis
Holland Roden
Music by
Andrew Gross
Cinematography
David Claessen
Edited by
Michael Jablow
Richard Halsey
Production
company
Brookwell McNamara Entertainment
Beacon Pictures
Distributed by
Universal Studios Home Entertainment
Release date
September 1, 2009 (2009-09-01)
Running time
102 minutes
Country
United States
Language
English
Bring It On: Fight to the Finish is a 2009 teen comedy film starring Christina Milian, Rachele Brooke Smith, Cody Longo, Vanessa Born, Gabrielle Dennis and Holland Roden.[1] Directed by Bille Woodruff and the fifth installment in the series of stand-alone films starting with the 2000 film Bring It On.[1] The film was released direct-to-video on DVD and Blu-ray on September 1, 2009.[2]
Contents
[hide]
1 Plot
2 Cast
3 Production
4 Soundtrack track listing
5 Marketing
6 References
7 External links
Plot[edit]
Lina Cruz is a tough, sharp-witted cheerleader from East L.A. who transfers to Malibu Vista High School after her widowed mother remarries a wealthy man. Lina not only finds herself a fish-out-of-water at her new high school, she also faces off against Avery, the snobbish and ultra-competitive All-Star cheerleading Captain who leads her own squad, 'The Jaguars' after the high school squad, 'The Sea Lions', did not vote for her to be Captain.
After Lina upsets Sky, her stepsister, she is forced to join The Sea Lions by her mother. She goes into the school stadium to check them out and finds Evan, a basketball player who is also her crush, practicing hoops. He is also Avery's younger brother. Lina impresses Evan, and The Sea Lions vote her Captain. When Lina is Captain, Gloria, her friend from East L.A, is called to help her out.
After a team member from the Sea Lions quits, Lina calls her other friend, Treyvonetta ("Trey") to come and help her out. At a basketball game, the Sea Lions go on and perform, but a fall takes place, so The Jaguars, led by Avery, are there and save them from their misery. Lina calls for back up and takes the Sea Lions to an impromptu flavour school to work on their movements. She later meets Evan waiting for her there, and Victor, Gloria's boyfriend, befriends him.
The next day, Lina comes up with the idea of The Sea Lions competing in the All Star Championship. After the team agrees to double up their practices, The Sea Lions are invited to a Rodeo Drive Divas (RDD) party. Following Sea Lion practice, Gloria and Trey are expelled when Avery goes to the principal and gets Lina in trouble for sneaking them in without approval. Lina refuses to go to the dance, but is confronted by Sky. Evan takes Lina as his date to the party, where Gloria and Trey turn up. Lina and Avery proceed to have a dance off. Lina wins the dance off, and Avery tells her that she does not belong in Malibu using multiple racial slurs. Lina, angered, runs off the dance floor and outside, where Evan follows her. There she breaks up with Evan, sends for Gloria to take her back to East L.A, and quits being Captain of The Sea Lions.
There, Lina is confronted by Gloria and Trey, so she stays at Malibu and becomes Captain of The Sea Lions again. The next day at school, half of the Sea Lions squad quits because of Lina's routines and practices. Avery and Kayla approach Lina, Christina, and Sky to tell them that they are dreaming if they think they have a chance at winning the Spirit Championship. Sky loses her temper and tells them to back off, otherwise a fight would start.
Lina then goes on a field trip to East L.A with the remaining Sea Lions, where Gloria has persuaded a gym to sponsor the Sea Lions and some of the members of The East L.A. Rough Riders as an All Star squad. By combining the Sea Lions and the Rough Riders, they become The Dream Team. The next day after practice, while Lina is at her locker talking with Sky and Christina, Evan kisses her and tells her exactly how he feels in front of a crowd in the hallway that is recording the entire scene. They get back together, and Lina and her team make it to the final round of the All Star Championship and end up defeating The Jaguars, after which Avery breaks down. Evan comforts her but motions a "call me" signal to Lina over Avery's shoulder. The film ends with Lina taking a picture with Trey, Gloria and Sky, claiming all of them as her cheer sisters.
Cast[edit]
Christina Milian as Catalina "Lina" Cruz
Rachele Brooke Smith as Avery Whitbourne
Cody Longo as Evan Whitbourne
Vanessa Born as Gloria
Gabrielle Dennis as Treyvonetta (Trey)
Holland Roden as Sky
Nikki SooHoo as Christina
Meagan Holder as Kayla
Laura Cerón as Isabel Cruz
David Starzyk as Henry
Brandon Gonzales as Victor
Giuliana Rancic as Herself
Prima J as Themselves
Production [edit]
The movie was filmed at locations around Malibu. The field shots were filmed at Occidental College, in western Los Angeles County. The spirit championships were filmed at Glendale Community College in Glendale, California and California State University Northridge in Northridge, California.
Soundtrack track listing[edit]
This was the only film in the series other than the first to actually have a soundtrack album released - via Arsenal Records on September 15, 2009.
I Gotta Get to You - Christina Milian (4:05)
Popular - The Veronicas (2:42)
Corazon (You're Not Alone) - Prima J (3:04)
Bounce - Fizz & Boog (3:59)
Get It Girl - World's First (3:59)
Whine Up (Johnny Vicious Spanish Mix) - Kat Deluna (3:18)
Whoa Oh! (Me vs. Everyone) - Forever the Sickest Kids (3:25)
Dale - L.A. Rouge (2:27)
Mueve La Caderas - Andrew Gross (1:03)
Viva La Celebration - Andrew Gross (1:45)
Marketing [edit]
American Cheerleader Magazine had an interview and photo shoot with cast members Christina Milian, Cody Longo, Vanessa Born, Rachele Brooke Smith and Gabrielle Dennis, which can be seen in the August 2009 issue. Christina Milian is also on the cover of American Cheerleader Magazine's August 2009 issue.[citation needed]
References[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b DVD Verdict
Jump up ^ Thehdroom.com
External links[edit]
Bring It On: Fight to the Finish on IMDb
[show]
v
t
e
Bring It On
Films
Bring It On (2000)
Again (2004)
All or Nothing (2006)
In It to Win It (2007)
Fight to the Finish (2009)
Musical
Bring It On the Musical
[show]
v
t
e
Films directed by Bille Woodruff
Honey (2003)
Beauty Shop (2005)
Bring It On: Fight to the Finish (2009)
Honey 2 (2011)
Rags (2012)
Addicted (2014)
Drumline: A New Beat (2014)
The Perfect Match (2016)
Honey 3: Dare to Dance (2016)
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Bring_It_On:_Fight_to_the_Finish&oldid=808656318"
Categories:
2009 films
English-language films
2009 direct-to-video films
American films
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Direct-to-video comedy films
Direct-to-video sequel films
Films shot in Los Angeles
Films set in Los Angeles
Teen comedy films
Bring It On (film series)
Films directed by Bille Woodruff
Beacon Pictures films
Universal Pictures direct-to-video films
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text:
2017 ACC Championship Game
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
2017 Dr Pepper ACC Championship Game
Conference Championship
Miami Hurricanes Clemson Tigers
(10–1) (11–1)
3 38
Head coach:
Mark Richt Head coach:
Dabo Swinney
AP Coaches CFP
7 7 7
AP Coaches CFP
1 1 1
1
2
3
4
Total
Miami 0 0 0 3 3
Clemson 14 7 17 0 38
Date
December 2, 2017
Season
2017
Stadium
Bank of America Stadium[1]
Location
Charlotte, NC
MVP
Kelly Bryant (Clemson)
Favorite
Clemson by 12 [2]
Referee
Jeff Flanagan
Attendance
74,372
United States TV coverage
Network
ABC/ESPN Radio
Announcers
Chris Fowler, Kirk Herbstreit, Maria Taylor, and Tom Rinaldi (ABC)
Bill Rosinski and David Norrie (ESPN Radio)
ACC Championship Game
< 2016 2018 >
2017 ACC football standings
v
t
e
Conf
Overall
Team
W
L
W
L
Atlantic Division
No. 1 Clemson xy$^ 7 – 1 12 – 2
NC State 6 – 2 9 – 4
Boston College 4 – 4 7 – 6
Louisville 4 – 4 8 – 5
Wake Forest 4 – 4 8 – 5
Florida State 3 – 5 7 – 6
Syracuse 2 – 6 4 – 8
Coastal Division
No. 11 Miami xy 7 – 1 10 – 3
No. 22 Virginia Tech 5 – 3 9 – 4
Georgia Tech 4 – 4 5 – 6
Duke 3 – 5 7 – 6
Pittsburgh 3 – 5 5 – 7
Virginia 3 – 5 6 – 7
North Carolina 1 – 7 3 – 9
Championship: Clemson 38, Miami 3
^ – College Football Playoff participant
$ – Conference champion
x – Division champion/co-champions
y – Championship game participant
As of January 2, 2018; Rankings from AP Poll
The 2017 ACC Championship Game was played on December 2, 2017. It was the 13th annual ACC Football Conference Championship Game to determine the 2017 champion of the Atlantic Coast Conference. The game was held at Bank of America Stadium in Charlotte, North Carolina. Clemson emerged victorious and became the 2017 ACC champions, beating Miami 38-3.
Contents
[hide]
1 History
1.1 Site selection
2 Teams
2.1 #7 Miami Hurricanes
2.2 #1 Clemson Tigers
3 Scoring summary
3.1 Statistics
4 See also
5 References
History[edit]
The 2017 Championship Game was the 13th in the Atlantic Coast Conference's 65-year history. Last season, the ACC Championship Game featured the Clemson Tigers, champions of the Atlantic Division, and the Virginia Tech Hokies, champions of the Coastal Division. Clemson won the game 42–35, and went on to win the 2016 College Football Playoff National Championship.
Site selection[edit]
The championship game had been hosted in Charlotte, North Carolina from 2010 to 2015, and had been slated to host through at least 2019.[3] However, in response to North Carolina's Public Facilities Privacy & Security Act (HB2), the ACC voted in September 2016 to move the 2016 championship out of North Carolina.[4] Camping World Stadium in Orlando, Florida was chosen as a replacement site for the 2016 game. ACC Commissioner John Swofford delayed the decision on where to hold the 2017 football Championship Game due to the ongoing controversy.[5][6] On April 19, 2017, the ACC announced that the football championship game and other neutral site conference events would return to Charlotte in 2017.[1]
Teams[edit]
#7 Miami Hurricanes[edit]
Main article: 2017 Miami Hurricanes football team
Miami secured its spot in the game by winning the Coastal Division. This is the first ACC divisional title and first appearance in the ACC Championship Game for the Hurricanes.[7]
#1 Clemson Tigers[edit]
Main article: 2017 Clemson Tigers football team
Clemson qualified for the game by winning the Atlantic Division with a 7–1 record. Their only loss was to Syracuse, while the Tigers defeated: Louisville, Boston College, Virginia Tech, Wake Forest, Georgia Tech, NC State, and Florida State. This is the Tiger's third straight appearance in the ACC Championship game.
Scoring summary[edit]
[hide]Scoring summary
Quarter
Time
Drive
Team
Scoring information
Score
Plays
Yards
TOP
Miami
Clemson
1 10:36 10 68 4:24 Clemson Travis Etienne 4-yard touchdown run, Alex Spence kick good 0 7
1 3:02 7 71 3:07 Clemson Kelly Bryant 11-yard touchdown run, Alex Spence kick good 0 14
2 12:49 9 41 3:46 Clemson Adam Choice 1-yard touchdown run, Alex Spence kick good 0 21
3 10:14 6 16 2:36 Clemson 46-yard field goal by Alex Spence 0 24
3 3:13 6 43 3:13 Clemson Tavien Feaster 11-yard touchdown run, Alex Spence kick good 0 31
3 1:01 2 13 0:55 Clemson Deon Cain 27-yard touchdown reception from Kelly Bryant, Alex Spence kick good 0 38
4 3:29 9 54 4:05 Miami 22-yard field goal by Michael Badgley 3 38
"TOP" = time of possession. For other American football terms, see Glossary of American football.
3
38
Source: [8]
Statistics[edit]
Statistics[8]
MIA
CU
First Downs 10 18
Total Yards 214 331
Rushing Yards 104 77
Passing yards 110 254
Passing: Comp–Att–Int 14-29–2 25-34-0
Time of possession 25:54 34:06
See also[edit]
List of ACC football champions
References[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b "ACC football championship back in Charlotte". WCNC.com. WCNC-TV. April 19, 2017. Retrieved April 20, 2017.
Jump up ^ "Miami-FL Hurricanes vs Clemson Tigers". Odds Shark. Retrieved November 28, 2017.
Jump up ^ "ACC, Charlotte look ahead to even better things". theacc.com. February 28, 2014. Retrieved February 28, 2014.
Jump up ^ "'Historically bad:' ACC pulls championships from NC". WRAL.com. September 14, 2016.
Jump up ^ McGuire, Kevin (January 8, 2017). "No decision on where 2017 ACC Championship Game will be played yet". NBCSports.com. NBC Universal. Retrieved April 15, 2017.
Jump up ^ Brenner, Aaron (January 8, 2017). "Swofford discusses ACC title events in NC, Wakeyleaks consequences". postandcourier.com. Post and Courier. Retrieved April 15, 2017.
Jump up ^ Cabrera Chirinos, Christy (November 12, 2017). "With Coastal Division clinched, Hurricanes have eyes set on new goal: the College Football Playoff". Sun Sentinel. Retrieved November 15, 2017.
^ Jump up to: a b "Miami vs Clemson (Dec 02,2017)". clemsontigers.com. Clemson University Athletic Department. Retrieved December 4, 2017.
[show]
v
t
e
ACC Championship Game
Years
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
2013
2014
2015
2016
2017
Venues
Jacksonville Municipal Stadium (2005–2007)
Raymond James Stadium (2008–2009)
Bank of America Stadium (2010–2015, 2017–future)
Camping World Stadium (2016)
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=2017_ACC_Championship_Game&oldid=818148450"
Categories:
2017 Atlantic Coast Conference football season
Clemson Tigers football
Miami Hurricanes football games
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text:
The Swiss Family Robinson
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to navigation Jump to search
This article is about the original novel. For later adaptations, see The Swiss Family Robinson (disambiguation).
The Swiss Family Robinson
frontispiece from the 1851 American edition by John Gilbert
Author
Johann David Wyss
Original title
Der Schweizerische Robinson
Illustrator
Johann Emmanuel Wyss
Country
Switzerland
Language
German
Genre
Adventure fiction
Publisher
Johann Rudolph Wyss (the author's son)
Publication date
1812
Media type
Print (Hardback and Paperback)
Pages
323
The Swiss Family Robinson (German: Der Schweizerische Robinson) is a novel by Johann David Wyss, first published in 1812, about a Swiss family shipwrecked in the East Indies en route to Port Jackson, Australia.
Contents
[hide]
1 History
2 Plot
3 Characters
4 Other adaptations
5 See also
6 Footnotes
7 References
8 External links
History[edit]
Written by Swiss pastor Johann David Wyss, edited by his son Johann Rudolf Wyss and illustrated by another son, Johann Emmanuel Wyss, the novel was intended to teach his four sons about family values, good husbandry, the uses of the natural world and self-reliance. Wyss' attitude toward education is in line with the teachings of Jean-Jacques Rousseau and many chapters involve Christian-oriented moral lessons such as frugality, husbandry, acceptance and cooperation.[1]
Wyss presents adventures as lessons in natural history and physical science. This resembles other educational books for young ones published about the same time. These include Charlotte Turner Smith's Rural Walks: in Dialogues intended for the use of Young Persons (1795), Rambles Farther: A continuation of Rural Walks (1796), A Natural History of Birds, intended chiefly for young persons (1807). But Wyss' novel is also modeled after Daniel Defoe's Robinson Crusoe, an adventure story about a shipwrecked sailor first published in 1719 and the source of the "Robinson" in the title "Swiss Family Robinson".[1]
The book presents a geographically impossible array of large mammals and plants that probably could never have existed together on a single island, for the children's education, nourishment, clothing and convenience.
Over the years there have been many versions of the story with episodes added, changed, or deleted. Perhaps the best-known English version is by William H. G. Kingston, first published in 1879.[1] It is based on Isabelle de Montolieu's 1813 French adaptation and 1824 continuation (from chapter 37) Le Robinson suisse, ou, Journal d'un père de famille, naufragé avec ses enfants in which were added further adventures of Fritz, Franz, Ernest, and Jack.[1] Other English editions that claim to include the whole of the Wyss-Montolieu narrative are by W. H. Davenport Adams (1869–1910) and Mrs H. B. Paull (1879). As Carpenter and Prichard write in The Oxford Companion to Children's Literature (Oxford, 1995), "with all the expansions and contractions over the past two centuries (this includes a long history of abridgments, condensations, Christianizing, and Disney products), Wyss's original narrative has long since been obscured."[1] The closest English translation to the original is William Godwin's 1816 translation, reprinted by Penguin Classics.[2]
Although movie and television adaptations typically name the family "Robinson", it is not a Swiss name. The German title translates as The Swiss Robinson which identifies the novel as part of the Robinsonade genre, rather than a story about a family named Robinson.
Plot[edit]
The Map of "New Switzerland"
This article needs an improved plot summary. (January 2012)
The novel opens with the family in the hold of a sailing ship, weathering a great storm. The ship's passengers evacuate without them, and William and Elizabeth and their four children (Fritz, Ernest, Jack and Francis) are left to survive alone. As the ship tosses about, the father – William – prays that God will spare them.
The ship survives the night and the family finds themselves within sight of a tropical desert island. The next morning, they decide to get to the island they can see beyond the reef. With much effort, they construct a vessel out of tubs. After they fill the tubs with food and ammunition and all other articles of value they can safely carry, they row toward the island. Two dogs from the ship named Turk and Juno swim beside them. The ship's cargo of livestock (including chickens, domestic ducks, domestic geese, and domestic pigeons), guns & powder, carpentry tools, books, a disassembled pinnace, and provisions have survived.
Upon reaching the island, the family set up a makeshift camp. The father knows that they must prepare for a long time on the island and his thoughts are as much on provisions for the future as for their immediate wants. William and his oldest son Fritz spend the next day exploring the island.
The family spends the next few days securing themselves against hunger. William and Fritz make several trips to the ship in their efforts to bring ashore everything useful from the vessel. The domesticated animals on the ship are towed back to the island. There is also a great store of firearms and ammunition, hammocks for sleeping, carpenter’s tools, lumber, cooking utensils, silverware, and dishes. Initially they construct a treehouse, but as time passes (and after Elizabeth is injured climbing the stairs down from it), they settle in a more permanent dwelling in part of a cave. Fritz rescues a young Englishwoman (Jenny Montrose) shipwrecked elsewhere on their island.
The book covers more than ten years. The father and older boys explore various environments and develop homes and gardens in various sites about the island. At the end, the father wonders if they will ever again see the rest of humanity. Eventually a British ship that is in search of Jenny Montrose anchors near the island and is discovered by the family. The captain is given the journal containing the story of their life on the island which is eventually published. Several members of the family choose to continue to live tranquilly on their island while several of them return to Europe with the British.
Characters[edit]
William – The father. He is the narrator of the story and leads the family. He knows an enormous amount of information on almost everything the family comes across, demonstrating bravery and self-reliance.
Elizabeth – The mother. She is intelligent and resourceful, arming herself even before leaving the ship with a "magic bag" filled with supplies, including sewing materials and seeds for food crops. She is also a remarkably versatile cook, taking on anything from porcupine soup to roast penguin.
Fritz – The oldest of the four boys, he is 15. Fritz is intelligent but impetuous. He is the strongest and accompanies his father on many quests.
Ernest – The second oldest of the boys, he is 13. Ernest is the most intelligent, but a less physically active boy, often described by his father as "indolent". Like Fritz however, he comes to be an excellent shot.
Jack – The third oldest of the boys, 11 years old. He is thoughtless, bold, vivacious, and the quickest of the group.
Franz (sometimes translated as Francis) – The youngest of the boys, he is 8 years old when the story opens. He usually stays home with his mother.
Turk – The family's English dog.
Juno – The family's Danish dog.
Emily Montrose (called Jenny in Montolieu's version) – An English girl found on Smoking Rock near the end of the novel. She is shy but is soon adopted into the family. Not a character in the original German, Emily was invented by Isabelle de Montolieu.
Nip (also called Knips or Nips in some editions) – An orphan monkey adopted by the family after their dogs Turk and Juno have killed his mother. The family use him to test for poisonous fruits.
Fangs – A jackal that was tamed by the family.
Other adaptations[edit]
The novels in one form or another have also been adapted numerous times, sometimes changing location and/or time period:
Book sequels
Willis the Pilot: a sequel to The Swiss family Robinson; or, Adventures of an emigrant family wrecked on an unknown coast of the Pacific Ocean (1858) has been attributed to Johann Wyss or to Johanna Spyri, author of Heidi.
Second Fatherland (Seconde Patrie, 1900), by Jules Verne takes up the story at the point where Wyss's tale left off. It has also been published in two volumes, Their Island Home and Castaways of the Flag.
Return to Robinson Island (2015), by T. J. Hoisington, based on the original 1812 Swiss Family Robinson novel.[3]
Film versions
Al-Ṭurfa al-Šahiyya fī aḫbār al-ʿAʾila al-Swīsiyya, Arabic translation (c. 1900)
Swiss Family Robinson (1940 film)
Swiss Cheese Family Robinson (Mighty Mouse short, 1947)
Swiss Family Robinson (1960 Walt Disney live-action film)
The Swiss Family Robinson (1976)
The Adventures of Swiss Family Robinson (1998)
Television series
English Family Robinson (1957)
Lost in Space (1965–1968) – A science fiction adaptation in which the Robinsons are a family of explorers whose spacecraft goes off course. Identical concept to, but not based upon, the Space Family Robinson comic book listed below.
Swiss Family Robinson (1974) — Canadian series starring Chris Wiggins
Swiss Family Robinson (1975) — American series starring Martin Milner
The Swiss Family Robinson: Flone of the Mysterious Island (1981) — An anime series.
The Adventures of Swiss Family Robinson (1998) — New Zealand series starring Richard Thomas
Made for TV movies
The Swiss Family Robinson (1958)
The Swiss Family Robinson (1973)
The Swiss Family Robinson (1973)
The Swiss Family Robinson (1975)
Beverly Hills Family Robinson (1998)
The New Swiss Family Robinson (1998) — Starring Jane Seymour, James Keach, and David Carradine
Stranded (2002)
Comic book series
Space Family Robinson (1962–1984) – science fiction adaptation
Stage adaptations
Swiss Family Robinson written by Jerry Montoya and performed at B Street Theatre in Sacramento, California in 2009.
Computer adventure game
Swiss Family Robinson created in 1984 by Tom Snyder Productions for the Apple II and Commodore 64, published under the Windham Classics label. The player takes the role of Fritz, the eldest brother.
Parody
The New Swiss Family Robinson by Owen Wister (1882).
See also[edit]
Novels portal
Robinson Crusoe
Castaway
The Coral Island
Lost in Space
Footnotes[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b c d e "A Note on Wyss's Swiss Family Robinson, Montolieu's Le Robinson suisse, and Kingston's 1879 text" by Ellan Moody.
Jump up ^ John Seelye, ed. The Swiss Family Robinson. Penguin Classics. 2007. ISBN 978-0-14-310499-5
Jump up ^ "TJ Hoisington Pens the First Swiss Family Robinson Sequel in Over 100 Years".
References[edit]
Weber, Marie-Hélène (1993). Robinson et robinsonnades: étude comparée de "Robinson Crusoe" de Defoe, "Le Robinson suisse" de J.R. Wyss, "L'Ile mystérieuse" de J. Verne, "Sa majesté des mouches" de W. Golding, "Vendredi ou les limbes du Pacifique" de M. Tournier, Ed. Universitaires du Sud.
Wyss, Johann. The Swiss Family Robinson, ed. John Seelye. Penguin Classics, 2007. The only unabridged complete text genuinely by Wyss (and his son) currently in print.
External links[edit]
Wikisource has original text related to this article:
The Swiss Family Robinson
Wikimedia Commons has media related to The Swiss Family Robinson.
The Swiss Family Robinson, available at Internet Archive (original edition scanned books with illustrations in color)
The Swiss Family Robinson, available at Google Books (original edition scanned books with illustrations)
The Swiss Family Robinson at Project Gutenberg (plain text and HTML). Version unknown, ca. 1850, missing two pages of text.
The Swiss Family Robinson at Project Gutenberg (plain text). Kingston's 1879 translation.
"A Note on Wyss's Swiss Family Robinson, Montolieu's Le Robinson suisse, and Kingston's 1879 text", by Ellen Moody. Information about the book and its many versions.
The Swiss Family Robinson public domain audiobook at LibriVox
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The Swiss Family Robinson by Johann David Wyss
Sequel novels
The Castaways of the Flag (1900)
Films
Perils of the Wild (1925)
Swiss Family Robinson (1940)
Swiss Family Robinson (1960)
Television
Lost in Space (1965)
Swiss Family Robinson (1974)
Swiss Family Robinson (1975)
The Swiss Family Robinson: Flone of the Mysterious Island (1981)
The Swiss Family Robinson (1975)
Beverly Hills Family Robinson (1997)
The New Swiss Family Robinson (1998)
Stranded (2002)
Other
Space Family Robinson
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