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Japanese economic miracle
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The foundations of the aviation industry survived the war.
Japanese-made TV sets during the economic boom
Steel plant of Nippon Steel Corporation in Chiba Prefecture – Japanese coal- and metal-related industry experienced an annual growth rate of 25% in the 1960s.
The low-cost Nissan Sunny became a symbol of the Japanese middle class in the 1960s.
The Japanese economic miracle was Japan's record period of economic growth between the post-World War II era to the end of the Cold War. During the economic boom, Japan rapidly became the world's second largest economy (after the United States). By the 1990s, Japan's demographics began stagnating and the workforce was no longer expanding as it did in previous decades, despite per-worker productivity remaining high.
Contents
1 Background
2 Governmental contributions
3 History
3.1 Brief introduction to the Japanese Economic Miracle
3.2 The Recovery Stage (1946-1954)
3.3 The High Increasing Stage (1954-1972)
3.3.1 Influence of Governmental Policies: Ikeda administration and keiretsu
3.3.2 Vast Consumption: From survival to recreation
3.3.2.1 Vast Export: "Golden Sixties" and shift to export trade
3.4 The Steady Increasing Stage (1973-1992)
4 Role of the Ministry of International Trade and Industry
5 Conclusion
6 See also
7 Footnotes
8 References
9 External links
Background[edit]
This economic miracle was the result of post-World War II Japan and West Germany benefiting from the Cold War.[dubious – discuss] It occurred chiefly due to the economic interventionism of the Japanese government and partly due to the aid and assistance of the U.S. Marshall Plan.[1] After World War II, the U.S. established a significant presence in Japan to slow the expansion of Soviet influence in the Pacific. The U.S. was also concerned with the growth of the economy of Japan because there was a risk after World War II that an unhappy and poor Japanese population would turn to communism and by doing so ensure that the Soviet Union would control the Pacific.
The distinguishing characteristics of the Japanese economy during the "economic miracle" years included: the cooperation of manufacturers, suppliers, distributors, and banks in closely knit groups called keiretsu; the powerful enterprise unions and shuntō; good relations with government bureaucrats, and the guarantee of lifetime employment (shūshin koyō) in big corporations and highly unionized blue-collar factories.
Governmental contributions[edit]
The Japanese financial recovery continued even after SCAP departed and the economic boom propelled by the Korean War abated. The Japanese economy survived from the deep recession caused by a loss of the U.S. payments for military procurement and continued to make gains. By the late 1960s, Japan had risen from the ashes of World War II to achieve an astoundingly rapid and complete economic recovery. According to Mikiso Hane, the period leading up to the late 1960s saw "the greatest years of prosperity Japan had seen since the Sun Goddess shut herself up behind a stone door to protest her brother Susano-o's misbehavior." The Japanese government contributed to the post-war Japanese economic miracle by stimulating private sector growth, first by instituting regulations and protectionism that effectively managed economic crises and later by concentrating on trade expansion.[2]
History[edit]
Brief introduction to the Japanese Economic Miracle[edit]
Japanese economic miracle refers to the significant increase in the Japanese economy during the time between the end of World War II and the end of the Cold War (1945-1991). The economical miracle can be divided into four stages: the recovery (1946-1954), the high increase (1955-1972), the steady increase (1972-1992), and the low increase (1992-2017).[3]
Though heavily destroyed by the nuclear bombardment in Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and other Allied air raids on Japan, Japan was able to recover from the trauma of WWII, and managed to become the second largest economic entity of the world (after the United States) by the 1960s[4] (Soviet Union excluded). However, after three decades, Japan had experienced the so-called "recession in growth", as the United States had been imposing economic protection policy in oppressing Japanese production and forcing the appreciation of the Japanese yen. In preventing further oppression, Japan greatly improved its technological advances and raised the value of the yen, since to devalue, the yen would have brought further risk and a possible depressing effect on trade.[5] The appreciation of the yen led to significant economic recession in the 1980s. To alleviate the influence of recession, Japan imposed a series of economical and financial policy to stimulate the domestic demand. Nevertheless, the bubble economy that took place in the late 1980s and early 1990s and the subsequent deflationary policy destroyed the Japanese economy. After the deflationary policy, the Japanese economy has been through a time of low increase period which has lasted until today. For more detailed information regarding this period, see Economic history of Japan and Lost Decade (Japan).
The Recovery Stage (1946-1954)[edit]
Japan was seriously harmed in WWII. For instance, during the wartime, "the Japanese cotton industry was brought to its knees by the end of the Second World War. Two-thirds of its prewar cotton spindles were scrapped by wartime administrators, and bombing and destruction of urban areas had caused a further loss of 20 percent of spinning and 14 percent of weaving capacity".[6] Nonetheless, the ability of recovery astonished the world, earning the title of "Japanese Economic Miracle". By and large, every country has experienced some degree of industrial growth in the postwar period, those countries that achieved a heavy drop in industrial output due to war damage such as Japan, West Germany and Italy, have achieved a most rapid recovery. In the case of Japan, industrial production had fallen in 1946 to 27.6% of the pre-war level, but regained this pre-war level in 1951 and reached 350% in 1960.[7]
The first reason for Japan to recover from war trauma swiftly was the successful economic reform by the government. The government body principally concerned with industrial policy in Japan is the Ministry of International Trade and Industry.[8] One of the major economic reforms was to adopt the "Inclined Production Mode" (けいしゃせいさんほうしき). The "Inclined Production Mode" refers to the inclined production that primarily focus on the production of raw material including steel, coal and cotton. Textile production occupied more than 23.9% of the total industrial production.[9] Moreover, to stimulate the production, Japanese government supported the new recruitment of labour, especially female labour. By enhancing the recruitment of female labour, Japan managed to recover from the destruction. The legislation on recruitment contains three components: the restriction placed on regional recruitment and relocation of workers, the banning of the direct recruitment of new school leavers, and the direct recruitment of non-school leavers under explicitly detailed regulations issued by the Ministry of Labor.[6]
The second reason that accounts for Japan's rapid recovery from WWII was the outbreak of Korean War, as Japan was favored by the Special Procurement.[10] The Korean War was fought on the Korean Peninsula, and the United States eventually participated in the war, providing an opportunity for the Japanese economy. The Korean Peninsula is distant from US territory, so the logistics soon became a significant problem. As one of the major supporters of the United States in Asia, Japan stood out, providing ample support to logistical operations, and also benefitting from the production of firearms. The order of mass firearms and other material by the United States greatly stimulated the Japanese economy, enabling Japan to recover from the wartime destruction and providing Japan the basis for the upcoming high increasing stage.
The High Increasing Stage (1954-1972)[edit]
After gaining support from the United States and achieving domestic economic reform, Japan was able to soar from the 1950s to the 1970s. Furthermore, Japan also completed its process toward industrialization, and became one of the first developed countries in East Asia. The Japanese Economic Yearbooks from 1967 to 1971 witnessed the significant increase. In 1967, the year book said: the Japanese economy in 1966 thus made an advance more rapidly than previously expected.[11] In 1968, the year book said that the Japanese economy continued to make a sound growth after it had a bottom in the autumn of 1965.[12] The words "increase", "growth" and "upswing" filled with summaries of the year books from 1967 to 1971. The reasons for Japan to complete industrialization are also complicated, and the major characteristic of this time is the influence of governmental policies of the Hayato Ikeda administration, vast consumption, and vast export.
Influence of Governmental Policies: Ikeda administration and keiretsu[edit]
In 1954, the economic system MITI had cultivated from 1949 to 1953 came into full effect. Prime Minister Hayato Ikeda, who Johnson calls "the single most important individual architect of the Japanese economic miracle," pursued a policy of heavy industrialization. This policy led to the emergence of 'over-loaning' (a practice that continues today) in which the Bank of Japan issues loans to city banks who in turn issue loans to industrial conglomerates. Since there was a shortage of capital in Japan at the time, industrial conglomerates borrowed beyond their capacity to repay, often beyond their net worth, causing city banks in turn to overborrow from the Bank of Japan. This gave the national Bank of Japan complete control over dependent local banks.
The system of over-loaning, combined with the government's relaxation of anti-monopoly laws (a remnant of SCAP control) also led to the reemergence of conglomerate groups called keiretsu that mirrored the wartime conglomerates, or zaibatsu. Led by the economic improvements of Sony businessmen Masaru Ibuka and Akio Morita, the keiretsu efficiently allocated resources and became competitive internationally.[13]
At the heart of the keiretsu conglomerates' success lay city banks, which lent generously, formalizing cross-share holdings in diverse industries. The keiretsu spurred both horizontal and vertical integration, locking out foreign companies from Japanese industries. Keiretsu had close relations with MITI and each other through the cross-placement of shares, providing protection from foreign take-overs. For example, 83% of Japan's Development Bank's finances went toward strategic industries: shipbuilding, electric power, coal and steel production.[14] Keiretsu proved crucial to protectionist measures that shielded Japan's sapling economy.
Keiretsu also fostered an attitude shift among Japanese managers that tolerated low profits in the short-run because keiretsu were less concerned with increasing stock dividends and profits and more concerned about interest payments. Approximately only two-thirds of the shares of a given company were traded, cushioning keiretsu against market fluctuations and allowing keiretsu managers to plan for the long-term and maximize market shares instead of focusing on short-term profits.
The Ikeda Administration also instituted the Foreign Exchange Allocation Policy, a system of import controls designed to prevent the flooding of Japan's markets by foreign goods. MITI used the foreign exchange allocation to stimulate the economy by promoting exports, managing investment and monitoring production capacity. In 1953, MITIs revised the Foreign Exchange Allocation Policy to promote domestic industries and increase the incentive for exports by revising the export-link system. A later revision based production capacity on foreign exchange allocation to prevent foreign dumping.
Vast Consumption: From survival to recreation[edit]
During the time of reconstruction and before the 1973 oil crisis, Japan managed to complete its industrialization process, gaining significant improvement in living standards and witnessing a significant increase in consumption. The average monthly consumption of urban family households doubled from 1955 to 1970.[15] Moreover, the proportions of consumption in Japan was also changing. The consumption in daily necessities, such as food and clothing and footwear, was decreasing. Contrastingly, the consumption in recreational, entertainment activities and goods increased, including furniture, transportation, communications, and reading.[15] The great increase in consumption stimulated the growth in GDP as it incentivized production.
Vast Export: "Golden Sixties" and shift to export trade[edit]
The period of rapid economic growth between 1955 and 1961 paved the way for the "Golden Sixties," the second decade that is generally associated with the Japanese economic miracle. In 1965, Japan's nominal GDP was estimated at just over $91 billion. Fifteen years later, in 1980, the nominal GDP had soared to a record $1.065 trillion.
Under the leadership of Prime Minister Ikeda, former minister of MITI, the Japanese government undertook an ambitious "income-doubling plan" (所得倍増). Ikeda lowered interest rates and taxes to private players to motivate spending. In addition, due to the financial flexibility afforded by the FILP, Ikeda's government rapidly expanded government investment in Japan's infrastructure: building highways, high-speed railways, subways, airports, port facilities, and dams. Ikeda's government also expanded government investment in the previously neglected communications sector of the Japanese economy. Each of these acts continued the Japanese trend towards a managed economy that epitomized the mixed economic model.
Besides Ikeda's adherence to government intervention and regulation of the economy, his government pushed trade liberalization. By April 1960, trade imports had been 41 percent liberalized (compared to 22 percent in 1956). Ikeda planned to liberalize trade to 80 percent within three years. His plans however met severe opposition from both industries who had thrived on over-loaning and the nationalist public who feared foreign enterprise takeovers. The Japanese press likened liberalization to "the second coming of the black ships," "the defenselessness of the Japanese islands in the face of attack from huge foreign capitalist powers," and "the readying of the Japanese economy for a bloodstained battle between national capital and foreign capital." Ikeda's income-doubling plan was largely a response to this growing opposition and widespread panic over liberalization, adopted to quell public protests. Ikeda's motivations were purely pragmatic and foreign policy based, however. He moved toward liberalization of trade only after securing a protected market through internal regulations that favored Japanese products and firms.
Ikeda also set up numerous allied foreign aid distribution agencies to demonstrate Japan's willingness to participate in the international order and to promote exports. The creation of these agencies not only acted as a small concession to international organizations, but also dissipated some public fears about liberalization of trade. Ikeda furthered Japan's global economic integration by joining the GATT in 1955, the IMF, and the OECD in 1964. By the time Ikeda left office, the GNP was growing at a phenomenal rate of 13.9 percent.
In 1962, Kaname Akamatsu published his famous article introducing the Flying Geese Paradigm. It postulated that Asian nations will catch up with the West as a part of a regional hierarchy where the production of commoditized goods would continuously move from the more advanced countries to the less advanced ones. The paradigm was named this way due to Akamatsu's envisioning this pattern as geese flying in unison with Japan being an obvious leader.
The Steady Increasing Stage (1973-1992)[edit]
In 1973, the first oil-price shock struck Japan (1973 oil crisis). The price of oil increased from 3 dollars per barrel to over 13 dollars per barrel. During this time, Japan's industrial production was decreased by 20%, as the supply capacity could not respond effectively to the rapid expansion of demand, and increased investments in equipment often invited unwanted results—tighter supply and higher prices of commodities.[16] Moreover, the Second Oil Shock in 1978 and 1979 exacerbated the situation as the oil price again increased from 13 dollars per barrel to 39.5 dollars per barrel. Despite being seriously impacted by the two oil crises, Japan was able to withstand the impact and managed to transfer from a product-concentrating to a technology-concentrating production form.
The transformation was in fact, a product of the oil crises and United States intervention. Since the oil price rose tenfold, the cost of production also soared. After the oil crises, to save costs, Japan had to produce products more environmentally-friendly, and with less oil consumption. The biggest factor that invited industrial changes after the oil crises was the increase in energy prices including crude oil.[17] As a result, Japan converted to a technology-concentrating program, ensuring the steady increase of its economy, and standing out beyond other capitalist countries that had been significantly wounded during the oil crises. Another factor was United States frictions with Japan, as Japan's rapid economic growth could potentially harm the economic interests of the United States. In 1985, the United States signed the "Plaza Accord" with Japan, West Germany, France and Britain. The "Plaza Accord" was an attempt to devalue the US dollar, yet harmed Japan the most. Japan attempted to expand international markets through the appreciation of the Japanese yen, yet they over-appreciated, creating a bubble economy. The Plaza Accord was successful in reducing the U.S. trade deficit with Western European nations but largely failed to fulfill its primary objective of alleviating the trade deficit with Japan.[18]
Role of the Ministry of International Trade and Industry[edit]
The Ministry of International Trade and Industry (MITI) was instrumental in Japan's post-war economic recovery. According to some scholars, no other governmental regulation or organization had more economic impact than MITI. "The particular speed, form, and consequences of Japanese economic growth," Chalmers Johnson writes, "are not intelligible without reference to the contributions of MITI" (Johnson, vii). Established in 1949, MITI's role began with the "Policy Concerning Industrial Rationalization" (1950) that coordinated efforts by industries to counteract the effects of SCAP's deflationary regulations. In this way, MITI formalized cooperation between the Japanese government and private industry. The extent of the policy was such that if MITI wished to "double steel production, the neo-zaibatsu already has the capital, the construction assets, the makers of production machinery, and most of the other necessary factors already available in-house". The Ministry coordinated various industries, including the emerging keiretsu, toward a specific end, usually toward the intersection of national production goals and private economic interests.
MITI also boosted the industrial security by untying the imports of technology from the imports of other goods. MITI's Foreign Capital Law granted the ministry power to negotiate the price and conditions of technology imports. This element of technological control allowed it to promote industries it deemed promising. The low cost of imported technology allowed for rapid industrial growth. Productivity was greatly improved through new equipment, management, and standardization.
MITI gained the ability to regulate all imports with the abolition of the Economic Stabilization Board and the Foreign Exchange Control Board in August 1952. Although the Economic Stabilization Board was already dominated by MITI, the Yoshida Governments transformed it into the Economic Deliberation Agency, a mere "think tank," in effect giving MITI full control over all Japanese imports. Power over the foreign exchange budget was also given directly to MITI.
MITI's establishment of the Japan Development Bank also provided the private sector with low-cost capital for long-term growth. The Japan Development Bank introduced access to the Fiscal Investment and Loan Plan, a massive pooling of individual and national savings. At the time FILP controlled four times the savings of the world's largest commercial bank. With this financial power, FILP was able to maintain an abnormally high number of Japanese construction firms (more than twice the number of construction firms of any other nation with a similar GDP).
Conclusion[edit]
Coincidentally, the conclusion of the economic miracle coincided with the conclusion of the Cold War. While the Japanese stock market hit its all-time peak at the end of 1989, making a recovery later in 1990, it dropped precipitously in 1991. The year of the conclusion of the Japanese asset price bubble coincided with the Gulf War and the dissolution of the Soviet Union.
See also[edit]
Economic history of Japan
Developmental state
Meiji Restoration
Japanese military modernization of 1868–1931
Flying geese paradigm
Cool Japan
Post-war economic boom
Four Asian Tigers
Taiwan Miracle
Miracle on the Han River
Wirtschaftswunder
Tiger Cub Economies
Footnotes[edit]
Jump up ^ Nakamura, Takafusa (1981). "3: Rapid Growth". The Postwar Japanese Economy: Its Development and Structure (book). trans. Jacqueline Kaninski. Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press. p. 56.
Jump up ^ Hane, Mikiso. Eastern Phoenix: Japan Since 1945. Boulder: Westview Press, 1996.
Jump up ^ Liu, Haoyuan. "日德战后经济奇迹（Japanese and Germany Postwar Economic Miracle）". Finance World.
Jump up ^ "Ranking of the World's Richest Countries by GDP (1967) - Classora Knowledge Base". en.classora.com. Retrieved 2017-12-08.
Jump up ^ Nanto, Dick Kazuyuki (1976). The United States' role in the postwar economic recovery of Japan. Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. p. 258.
^ Jump up to: a b Macnaughtan, Helen (2005). Women, work and the Japanese economic miracle : the case of the cotton textile industry, 1945-1975. New York: RoutledgeCurzon. p. 11. ISBN 0415328055.
Jump up ^ Ichiro, Nakayama (1964). Industrialization of Japan. Tokyo. p. 7.
Jump up ^ Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (1972). The industrial policy of Japan. Paris. p. 45.
Jump up ^ Seymour, Broadbridge (1966). Industrial dualism in Japan : a problem of economic growth and structural change. Chicago: Alpine Publication Corporation. p. 39.
Jump up ^ "朝鲜战争影响下的日本经济（Japanese Economy Under the Influence of Korean War）". 百度文库.
Jump up ^ The Oriental Economist (1967). Japan Economic Year Book. p. 23.
Jump up ^ The Oriental Economist (1968). Japanese Economic Year Book. p. 19.
Jump up ^ Thomas, vladimir (March 5, 2017). the world transformed 1945 to the present (second ed.). Michael H.hunt. p. 211.
Jump up ^ Johnson, Chalmers (1982). MITI and the Japanese Miracle: The Growth of Industrial Policy, 1925-1975. Stanford University Press. p. 211. ISBN 9780804712064.
^ Jump up to: a b Yamamura (1987). The Political Economy of Japan. Stanford: Stanford University Press. p. 102. ISBN 0804713804.
Jump up ^ Business Intercommunications Inc. (1973). White Papers on Japanese Economy, 1973. p. 16.
Jump up ^ Business Intercommunications Inc (1978). White Paper on Japanese Economy, 1978. p. 96.
Jump up ^ "Plaza Accord". Wikipedia. 2016-12-30.
References[edit]
This article cites its sources but does not provide page references. You can help to improve it by introducing citations that are more precise. (September 2010) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
Allen, G.C. Japan's Economic Recovery. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1958.
Allinson, Gary. Japan's Postwar History Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997.
Collisson, Nancy. Examination of the Influence of Japanese Culture and the Failures of Economic Reforms Proposed by Supreme Command Allied Powers (SCAP) Economic Missions from 1947 to 1949, on High Rates of Personal Savings in Japan by Nancy Collisson / EALC MA Thesis. University of Kansas Library (Call No.: ML410.T467 T58 1999), 1996.
Dower, John. Embracing Defeat: Japan in the Wake of World War II New York: W.W. Norton, 1999.
Forsberg, Aaron. America and the Japanese Miracle. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000.
Hane, Mikiso. Eastern Phoenix: Japan Since 1945. Boulder: Westview Press, 1996.
Huber, Thomas. Strategic Economy in Japan. Boulder: Westview Press, 1994.
Jansen, The Making of Modern Japan, Belknap, 2000 (ISBN 0-674-00334-9)
Johnson, Chalmers. MITI and the Japanese Miracle: The Growth of Industrial Policy, 1925–1975. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1982.
Okazaki, Tetsuji and Takafumi Korenaga. "The Foreign Exchange Allocation Policy in Postwar Japan." Changes in Exchange Rates in Rapidly Developing Countries. Ed. Takatoshi Ito and Anne Krueger. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999.
–––. "Foreign exchange allocation and productivity growth in postwar Japan: a case of the wool industry" Japan and the World Economy 11 (1999): 267–285
Pyle, Kenneth. The Making of Modern Japan. 2nd ed. Lexington: D.C. Heath and Company, 1996.
Rasche, Paul. "Japan Inc. in the Debt Trap" April 2000. 26 November 2005.
Tsuru Shigeto, Japan's Capitalism: Creative defeat and beyond, 1993.
Vestal, James. Planning for Change: Industrial Policy and Japanese Economic Development, 1945–1990 Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1993.
Van Wolferen, The Enigma of Japanese Power, Vintage, 1990 (ISBN 0-679-72802-3)
External links[edit]
Zaibatsu Dissolution, Reparations and Administrative Guidance
Japan Must Shake Off U.S.–Style Globalization by Yukio Hatoyama
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Áine (given name)
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Áine
Pronunciation
[ˈaːnʲə]
Gender
Female
Language(s)
Irish
For the goddess, see Áine.
Áine (Irish pronunciation: [ˈaːnʲə], roughly pronounced "on-yah" or "awn-yah" depending on location) is an Irish female given name. It means radiance and was the name of the Irish Celtic goddess of wealth and summer - Áine. Notable people with the name include:
Áine Brady (born 1954), Irish Fianna Fáil politician and teacher
Aine Lawlor (born 1965), Irish radio broadcaster
Áine Minogue (born 1977), Irish harpist
Áine Ní Chonaill (born 1952), Irish activist
Áine O'Gorman (born 1989), Irish footballer
Áine Phillips (21st century), Irish performance artist
Áine Ní Murchadha, Princess of Leinster, fl. 1169
Áine Ní Duinn Sleibhe, Queen of Airgíalla, died 1171
Áine Ní Donnchada, Queen of Breifne, died 1386
Áine Ní Eochagain, Queen of Fermanagh, died 1466
Name list
This page or section lists people that share the same given name. If an internal link led you here, you may wish to change that link to point directly to the intended article.
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Áine_(given_name)&oldid=835122394"
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Proverbs 31
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Depiction of Proverbs 31:20, "She stretcheth out her hand to the poor..."
Chapter 31 of the Book of Proverbs in the Hebrew Bible is presented as advice which Lemuel's mother gave to him, about how a virtuous king should reign, and also detailing the attributes of a virtuous wife or ideal woman. The second section of text of this chapter directs women to be industrious and to fear the Lord.
The 8th and 9th verses [8:9] are an appeal against inequality and injustice:[1]:
8 Speak up for those who cannot speak for themselves,
for the rights of all who are destitute.
9 Speak up and judge fairly; defend the rights of the poor and needy.
The 10th to 31st verses of the chapter are called Eshet Ḥayil (אשת חיל, woman of valor). It is a praise of the good wife, a definition of a perfect wife or "ideal woman" in Judaism. This "Woman of Valor" has been described as the personification of wisdom, or in some sense as a description of a particular class of Women in Israel, Persia, or in Hellenistic society.[2] It is one of the thirteen alphabetical acrostic poems in the Bible. Traditionally, the Eisheth Ḥayil was viewed as written by King Solomon and many prominent theologians continue to hold this belief. However there is a more recent branch of critical scholarship which suggests it was added to Proverbs later.
This chapter is recited on Friday night before Shabbat dinner in some Jewish homes. Some see this as a praise directed from the husband to his wife. It has also been suggested that the son in Proverbs 31 is Solomon, receiving advice from Bathsheba, herself the wife of King David.[3]
The word חיל (Ḥayil) appears in verses 10 and 29 of the passage, thought as the summary of the good woman's character. Traditionally it has been translated "virtuous" or "noble". Some scholars have suggested that it rather means "forceful", "mighty", or "valiant", because this word is almost exclusively used in the Tanakh with reference to warfare.[4]
The chapter has been emphasised within the biblical womanhood movement, and a number of books have been published on the "Proverbs 31 woman".[5][6][7][8][9] This emphasis has been subject to criticism in Christian articles.[10][11]
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Will Brinson (September 26, 2017). "Anthem singer Jordin Sparks has 'Proverbs 31:8-9' on hand for Cowboys vs. Cardinals". CBSSports.com. Retrieved 9 October 2017.
Jump up ^ Sandoval, Timothy J. The Discourse of Wealth and Poverty in the Book of Proverbs, ISBN 90-04-14492-7, p. 201
Jump up ^ "The Proverbs Principle" by Shari Beck; ISBN 978-0-595-47454-7
Jump up ^ God's Word to Women Lesson 78 by Katherine Bushnell
Jump up ^ Reid, E. R. (1993). The Proverbs 31 Woman. Destiny Image Publishers.
Jump up ^ Kennedy, Nancy (1995). Help! I'm Being Intimidated by the Proverbs 31 Woman!: My Battles with a Role Model Who's Larger Than Life. Multnomah.
Jump up ^ George, Elizabeth (2003). Discovering the Treasures of a Godly Woman: Proverbs 31. Harvest House.
Jump up ^ Partow, Donna (2008). Becoming the Woman God Wants Me to Be: A 90-Day Guide to Living the Proverbs 31 Life. Revell.
Jump up ^ Horn, Sarah (2011). My So-Called Life as a Proverbs 31 Wife: A One-Year Experiment...and Its Surprising Results. Harvest House.
Jump up ^ Lodge, Carey (3 January 2015). "How misapplying Proverbs 31 gives us a skewed picture of biblical womanhood". Christian Today. Retrieved 27 July 2015.
Jump up ^ Oquist, Lauren (28 August 2014). "Stop Obsessing About the Proverbs 31 Woman". Relevant. Retrieved 27 July 2015.
External links[edit]
Text of Proverbs 31
Text of Eshet Hayil (JPS 1917 - Public Domain) [1]
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Tennis court
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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This article is about the sports venue. For other uses, see Tennis court (disambiguation).
Indoor tennis courts at the University of Bath, England
A tennis court is the venue where the sport of tennis is played. It is a firm rectangular surface with a low net stretched across the center. The same surface can be used to play both doubles and singles matches. A variety of surfaces can be used to create a tennis court, each with its own characteristics which affect the playing style of the game.
Contents
[hide]
1 Dimensions
1.1 Smaller courts
2 Surfaces
2.1 Clay courts
2.2 Grass courts
2.3 Hard courts
2.4 Carpet courts
3 Indoor courts
4 Terminology
5 See also
6 References
7 External links
Dimensions[edit]
The dimensions of a tennis court.
The dimensions of a tennis court are defined and regulated by the International Tennis Federation (ITF) governing body and are written down in the annual 'Rules of Tennis' document.[1] The court is 78 feet (23.77 metres) long. Its width is 27 feet (8.23 metres) for singles matches and 36 feet (10.97 metres) for doubles matches.[2] The service line is 21 feet (6.40 metres) from the net.[2] Additional clear space around the court is needed in order for players to reach overrun balls for a total of 60 feet (18 metres) wide and 120 feet (37 metres) long. A net is stretched across the full width of the court, parallel with the baselines, dividing it into two equal ends. The net is 3 feet 6 inches (1.07 metres) high at the posts, and 3 feet (0.91 metres) high in the center.[3] The net posts are 3 feet (0.91 metres) outside the doubles court on each side or, for a singles net, 3 feet (0.91 metres) outside the singles court on each side.
Smaller courts[edit]
The ITF's Play and Stay campaign promotes playing on smaller courts with slower red, orange and green balls for younger children. This gives children more time and control so they can serve, rally, and score from the first lesson on courts that are sized to fit their bodies. The ITF has mandated that official competition for children under 10 years of age should be played on "Orange" courts 18 m (59 ft) long by 6.4 m (21 ft) wide. Competition for children under 8 years is played on "Red" courts that are 11 m (36 ft) long and 5.5 m (18 ft) wide. The net is always 0.8 m high in the center.[4]
Surfaces[edit]
Tennis is played on a variety of surfaces and each surface has its own characteristics which affect the playing style of the game. There are four main types of courts depending on the materials used for the court surface: clay courts, hard courts, grass courts and carpet courts. The International Tennis Federation (ITF) lists different surfaces and properties and classifies surfaces into one of five pace settings:[5]
Category 1 (slow)
Category 2 (medium-slow)
Category 3 (medium)
Category 4 (medium-fast)
Category 5 (fast)
Of the current four Grand Slam tournaments, the Australian and US Open use hard courts, French Open is played on clay, and Wimbledon, the only Grand Slam to have always been played on the same surface, is played on grass. The Australian Open switched to hard courts in 1988 and in its early years the French championship alternated between clay and sand/rubble courts. The US Open is the only major to have been played on three surfaces; it was played on grass from its inception until 1974, clay from 1975 until 1977 and hard courts since it moved from the West Side Tennis Club to the National Tennis Center in 1978.
ITF uses the following classification for tennis court surface types:[6]
Surface code Type Description
A Acrylic Textured, pigmented, resin-bound coating
B Artificial clay Synthetic surface with the appearance of clay
C Artificial grass Synthetic surface with the appearance of natural grass
D Asphalt Bitumen-bound aggregate
E Carpet Textile or polymeric material supplied in rolls or sheets of finished product
F Clay Unbound mineral aggregate
G Concrete Cement-bound aggregate
H Grass Natural grass grown from seed
J Other E.g. modular systems (tiles), wood, canvas
Clay courts[edit]
Main article: Clay court
The French Open is played on clay courts.
Clay courts are made of crushed shale, stone or brick.[7] The French Open is the only Grand Slam tournament to use clay courts.
Clay courts slow down the ball and produce a high bounce in comparison to grass or hard courts.[7] For this reason, the clay court takes away many of the advantages of big serves, which makes it hard for serve-based players to dominate on the surface. Clay courts are cheaper to construct than other types of tennis courts, but a clay surface costs more to maintain. Clay courts need to be rolled to preserve flatness. The clay's water content must be balanced; green clay courts generally require the courts to be sloped to allow water run-off.
Clay courts are more common in Europe and Latin America than in North America, and tend to heavily favour baseline players.
Historically for the Grand Slams clay courts have been used at the US Open from 1975 to 1977 and the French Open since 1891.
Grass courts[edit]
Main article: Grass court
Grass court maintenance at Wimbledon
Grass courts are the fastest type of courts in common use.[7] They consist of grass grown on very hard-packed soil, which adds additional variables: bounces depend on how healthy the grass is, how recently it has been mowed, and the wear and tear of recent play. Points are usually very quick where fast, low bounces keep rallies short, and the serve plays a more important role than on other surfaces. Grass courts tend to favour serve-and-volley tennis players.
Grass courts were once among the most common tennis surfaces, but are now rare due to high maintenance costs as they must be watered and mown often, and take a longer time to dry after rain than hard courts. The grass surface, however, is the most physically forgiving to the human body because of its softness.
Historically for the Grand Slams grass courts have been used at the Australian Open from 1905 to 1987, the US Open from 1881 to 1974, and Wimbledon since 1877.
Hard courts[edit]
Main article: Hardcourt
Rooftop tennis hardcourts in Downtown Singapore
Hard courts are made of uniform rigid material, often covered with an acrylic surface layer[7] to offer greater consistency of bounce than other outdoor surfaces.[8] Hard courts can vary in speed, though they are faster than clay but not as fast as grass courts. The quantity of sand added to the paint can greatly affect the rate at which the ball slows down.[9]
The US Open is played on DecoTurf while the Australian Open is played on Plexicushion, both acrylic-topped hard court surfaces.
Historically for the Grand Slams hard courts have been used at the Australian Open since 1988 and the US Open since 1978.
Carpet courts[edit]
Main article: Carpet court
Artificial turf tennis courts in Nicosia, Cyprus
"Carpet" in tennis means any removable court covering.[7] Indoor arenas store rolls of rubber-backed court surfacing and install it temporarily for tennis events, but they are not in use anymore for professional events. A short piled form of artificial turf infilled with sand is used for some outdoor courts, particularly in Asia. Carpet is generally a fast surface, faster than hardcourt, with low bounce.[7]
Notable tennis tournaments previously held on carpet courts were the WCT Finals, Paris Masters, U.S. Pro Indoor and Kremlin Cup. Since 2009, their use has been discontinued on the top tier of the ATP. ATP Challenger Tour tournaments such as the Trofeo Città di Brescia still use carpet courts. The WTA Tour has one remaining carpet court event, the International-level Tournoi de Québec.
Indoor courts[edit]
Some tennis courts are indoor, which allows to play regardless of weather conditions and is more comfortable for spectators. Because of the lack of wind, gameplay is considerably different versus outdoor courts.
Any court surface may be used indoors. Hard courts[8] are most common indoors, as they are made with the most versatile materials and surface finishes. Clay courts are installed indoors with underground watering systems, and used mostly for Davis Cup matches. The conclusion of the Wimbledon Championships, in 2012, was played on the lawn of Centre Court under the closed roof and artificial lights. The Halle Open has also seen a number of matches played on its grass court in the Gerry Weber Stadion with the roof closed. Carpet surfaces have been used both on the ATP World Tour and World Championship Tennis circuit, though no events currently use them. Historically, other surfaces have been used indoors such as hardwood at the defunct World Covered Court Championships and London Indoor Professional Championships. Currently, the ATP World Tour Finals event is the most important indoor tennis tournament.
Terminology[edit]
Main article: Glossary of tennis terms
Common tennis court terms:
Advantage service box or ad court: The receiver's left side service box, or the opponent's right for the server; significant as the receiving side for an advantage point.
Alley or Tramlines:[10] The lanes on each side of the singles court. These are only used when playing doubles.
Back court: The area between the baseline and the service line.
Baseline: The rearmost line of the court, furthest from and parallel to the net.
Center service line: The line dividing the two service boxes on each side.
Center mark: The 12-inch mark at the halfway point of the baseline used to distinguish the two halves (and service boxes) of a tennis court.
Deuce service box or deuce court: The receiver's right side service box, or the opponent's left for the server, significant as the receiving side for a deuce point.
Service box: The area on each side bounded by the singles sideline, the service line, and the net. There are left and right service boxes, separated by the center service line.
Service line: The line that is parallel to the net and is located between the baseline and the net. It marks the end of the service boxes.
Side T: The T shape formed by the service line and the singles sideline. There are four such side Ts, two on each side of the net.
T or Middle T: The T shape formed by the service line and the center service line.
See also[edit]
Tennis portal
List of tennis stadiums by capacity
No-line court
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "ITF Rules of Tennis". ITF.
^ Jump up to: a b "Rule 1 – The Court". International Tennis Federation. Retrieved 29 May 2015.
Jump up ^ Rules of tennis
Jump up ^ ITF Play and Stay
Jump up ^ "Court Pace Classification Programme". ITF. Retrieved 1 October 2012.
Jump up ^ "ITF Approved Tennis Balls, Classified Surfaces & Recognised Courts 2015" (PDF). International Tennis Federation (ITF). p. 62.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f "Surface Descriptions". itftennis.com. International Tennis Federation. Retrieved June 24, 2015.
^ Jump up to: a b "Hard Courts Make Tennis Champions". The New York Times. 3 November 1912.
Jump up ^ Tennis Universal
Jump up ^ "BBC Sports: Basic rules of tennis". Retrieved 24 June 2015.
External links[edit]
International Tennis Federation (ITF) – Tennis court construction guidelines
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Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Tennis_court&oldid=842253126"
Categories:
Tennis
Tennis court surfaces
Sports rules and regulations
Sports venues by type
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Tennis court (disambiguation)

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Wimbledon Championships

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US Open (Tennis)

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ATP World Tour

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ATP World Tour Finals

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http://www.tennisplayandstay.com

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values: ملعب كرة مضرب – Arabic

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Kort – Uzbek
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Kort – Turkish
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