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Encoding/decoding model of communication
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The Encoding/decoding model of communication was first developed by cultural studies scholar Stuart Hall in 1973. Titled 'Encoding and Decoding in the Television Discourse', Hall's essay offers a theoretical approach of how media messages are produced, disseminated, and interpreted.[1] As an important member of the Birmingham School of Cultural Studies, Hall had a major influence on media studies. His model claims that television and other media audiences are presented with messages that are decoded, or interpreted in different ways depending on an individual's cultural background, economic standing, and personal experiences. In contrast to other media theories that disempower audiences, Hall proposed that audience members can play an active role in decoding messages as they rely on their own social contexts, and might be capable of changing messages themselves through collective action. In simpler terms, encoding/decoding is the translation of a message that is easily understood. When you decode a message, you extract the meaning of that message in ways that make sense to you. Decoding has both verbal and non-verbal forms of communication: Decoding behavior without using words means observing body language and its associated emotions. For example, some body language signs for when someone is upset, angry, or stressed would be a use of excessive hand/arm movements, red in the face, crying, and even sometimes silence. Sometimes when someone is trying to get a message across to someone, the message can be interpreted differently from person to person. Decoding is all about the understanding of what someone already knows, based on the information given throughout the message being received. Whether there is a large audience or exchanging a message to one person, decoding is the process of obtaining, absorbing, understanding, and sometimes using the information that was given throughout a verbal or non-verbal message.
For example, since advertisements can have multiple layers of meaning, they can be decoded in various ways and can mean something different to different people.[2]
"The level of connotation of the visual sign, of its contextual reference and positioning in different discursive fields of meaning and association, is the point where already coded signs intersect with the deep semantic codes of a culture and take on additional more active ideological dimensions."
—  Stuart Hall, 1980, "Encoding/decoding."[3]
Contents
[hide]
1 Definition
2 Application of model
3 Dominant/hegemonic position
4 Negotiated position
5 Oppositional position
6 The encoding/decoding model critique
7 See also
8 References
Definition[edit]
The encoding of a message is the production of the message. It is a system of coded meanings, and in order to create that, the sender needs to understand how the world is comprehensible to the members of the audience.
In the process of encoding, the sender (i.e. encoder) uses verbal (e.g. words, signs, images, video) and non-verbal (e.g. body language, hand gestures, face expressions) symbols for which he or she believes the receiver (that is, the decoder) will understand. The symbols can be words and numbers, images, face expressions, signals and/or actions. It is very important how a message will be encoded; it partially depends on the purpose of the message.[4]
The decoding of a message is how an audience member is able to understand, and interpret the message. It is a process of interpretation and translation of coded information into a comprehensible form. The audience is trying to reconstruct the idea by giving meanings to symbols and by interpreting the message as a whole. Effective communication is accomplished only when the message is received and understood in the intended way. However, it is still possible for the message recipient to understand a message in a completely different way from what the encoder was trying to convey. This is when "distortions" or "misunderstanding" arise from "lack of equivalence" between the two sides in communicative exchange.[4]
In his essay,[1] Hall compares two models of communication. The first, the traditional model is criticized for its linearity – sender/message/receiver – and for its lack of structured conception of various moments as a complex structure of relations. The author proposes the idea that there is more to the process of communication and, thus, advances a four-stage model of communication that takes into account the production, circulation, use and reproduction of media messages. In contrast to the traditional linear approach of the sender and receiver, he perceives each of these steps as both autonomous and interdependent. Hall further explains that the meanings and messages in the discursive "production" are organized through the operation of codes within the rules of "language." "Each stage will affect the message (or "product") being conveyed as a result of its 'discursive form' (e.g. practices, instruments, relations)."[1] Therefore, once the discourse is accomplished, it must be translated into social practices in order to be completed and effective – "If no 'meaning' is taken, there can be no 'consumption'." Each of these steps helps defines the one that follows, while remaining clearly distinct.[1] Thus, even though each of these moments (stages) are equally important to the process as a whole, they do not completely ensure that the following moment will necessary happen. "Each can constitute its own break or interruption of the 'passage of forms' on whose continuity the flow of effective production (i.e. reproduction) depends."[1]
These four stages are:[1]
Production – This is where the encoding, the construction of a message begins. Production process has its own "discursive" aspect, as it is also framed by meanings and ideas; by drawing upon society's dominant ideologies, the creator of the message is feeding off of society's beliefs, and values. Numerous factors are involved in the production process. On one hand "knowledge-in-use concerning the routines of production, technical skills, professional ideologies, institutional knowledge, definitions and assumptions, assumptions about the audience"[1] form the "production structures of the television."[1] On the other hand, "topics, treatments, agendas, events, personnel, images of the audience, ‘definitions of the situation' from other sources and other discursive formations"[1] form the other part of wider socio-cultural and political structure.
Circulation – How individuals perceive things: visual vs. written. How things are circulated influences how audience members will receive the message and put it to use. According to Philip Elliott the audience is both the "source" and the "receiver" of the television message. For example, circulation and reception of a media message are incorporated in the production process through numerous "feedbacks." So circulation and perception, although not identical, are certainly related to and involved into the production process.
Use (distribution or consumption) – For a message to be successfully "realized", "the broadcasting structures must yield encoded messages in the form of a meaningful discourse."[1] This means that the message has to be adopted as a meaningful discourse and it has to be meaningfully decoded. However, the decoding/interpreting of a message requires active recipients.
Reproduction – This stage is directly after audience members have interpreted a message in their own way based on their experiences and beliefs. The decoded meanings are the ones with "an effect" (e.g. influence, instruct, entertain) with "very complex perceptual, cognitive, emotional, ideological or behavioral consequences."[1] What is done with the message after it has been interpreted is where this stage comes in. At this point, you will see whether individuals take action after they have been exposed to a specific message.
Encoding and decoding of broadcast structures
Since discursive form plays such an important role in a communicative process, Hall suggests that "encoding" and "decoding" are "determinate moments."[1] What he means by that is that an event, for example, cannot be transmitted in its "raw format." A person would have to be physically at the place of the event to see it in such format. Rather, he states that events can only be transported to the audience in the audio-visual forms of televisual discourse (that is, the message goes to processes of production and distribution). This is when the other determinant moment begins – decoding, or interpretation of the images and messages through a wider social, cultural, and political cognitive spectrum (that is, the processes of consumption and reproduction).
"The event must become a 'story' before it can become a communicative event."
- Stuart Hall, 1980, "Encoding/decoding"[1]
Application of model[edit]
This model has been adopted and applied by many media theorists since Hall developed it. Hall's work has been central to the development of cultural studies, and continues today because of the importance of decoding. Cultural Studies started challenging the mainstream media effects models in 1960. The main focus was how audience members make meanings and understand reality through their use of cultural symbols in both print and visual media.[5] It is important to look at cultural research because its focus on daily experiences, looking at race, gender, class and sexuality all help bring meaning to the world we live in today. Theorists such as Dick Hebdige, David Morley, and Janice Radway have been heavily influenced by Hall, and applied his theory to help develop their own:
Hebdige was a British cultural and critic scholar who studied under Hall at the Birmingham School of Cultural Studies. His model builds from Hall's idea of Subculture. He is most known for his influential book Subculture: The Meaning of Style where he argues that younger generations are challenging dominant ideologies by developing distinct styles and practices that manifest their separate identity, and subversions. His exploration of the punk subculture outlines the potential causes and influences of the punk movement, especially for the youth. His extensive study on subcultures and its resistance against mainstream society showed that the punk subculture used commodification to differentiate themselves from, or become accepted by, the mainstream.< Hebdige believed that punk was incorporated into the media in an attempt to categorize it within society, and he critically examines this issue by applying Hall's theory of encoding and decoding.
David Morley is a sociologist who studies the sociology of the television audience. Known for being a key researcher in conducting The Nationwide Project in the late 1970s, Morley took this popular news program that aired daily on BBC. It reported on national news from London and the major events of the day, and was broadcast throughout the UK. He applied Hall's reception theory to study the encoding/decoding model of this news program. This study focused on the ways this program addressed the audience member and the ideological themes it presented. Morley then took it a step further and conducted a qualitative research that included individuals with varying social backgrounds. This was where Hall's research came into play. He wanted to see how they would react to certain clips of the program based on Hall's three decoding methods: dominant/hegemonic, negotiated, or oppositional.
Janice Radway, an American literacy and cultural studies scholar, conducted a study on women in terms of romance reading. In her book Reading the Romance: Women, Patriarchy and Popular Literature Radway studied a group of midwestern women that were fans of romance novels. She argued that this cultural activity functioned as personal time for women that didn't typically have any personal time to themselves.[5] Although her work was not seen as scientific, and her study applied only to a small group of women, she was interested in interpreting how women could relate their everyday life to a fiction book.[5] As a result, her study demonstrated that these studies define culture in very broad terms, because in the end culture is made up of the symbols of expression that society uses to make sense of everyday life.[5] Radway's audience research worked off of Hall's theory of encoding/decoding. Studying how specific individuals receive and interpret messages based on their backgrounds was something that played a huge role in Radway's study on women. Some women related to the book and some identified as though they were characters in the book; but the meaning, dependent upon their backgrounds, identities and beliefs, circulates within society and is reinforced by Hall's theory of encoding/decoding.
Dominant/hegemonic position[edit]
Communication theorist Stuart Hall argues that there are three positions that people may take upon decoding a television message. He argues three different positions because "decodings do not follow inevitably from encodings.[6]" Thus, just because a message is encoded on television in a particular way, it does not mean it will be decoded in its intended format. This lays the foundation for Hall's hypothetical positions—he needs multiple positions because there are multiple interpretations that could occur. These positions are known as the dominant-hegemonic position, the negotiated position, and the oppositional position.
The first position that he discusses is the dominant-hegemonic code. This code or position is one where the consumer takes the actual meaning directly, and decodes it exactly the way it was encoded. For instance, political and military elites primarily generated the politics of Northern Ireland and the Chilean Coup. These elites created the "hegemonic interpretations"[7] Because these ideas were hegemonic interpretations, they became dominant. Hall demonstrates that if a viewer of a newscast on such topics decoded the message "in terms of the reference code in which it has been encoded" that the viewer would be "operating inside the dominant code"[8] Thus, the dominant code involves taking the connotative meaning of a message in the exact way a sender intended a message to be interpreted (decoded). Under this framework, the consumer is located within the dominant point of view, and is fully sharing the texts codes and accepts and reproduces the intended meaning. Here, there is barely any misunderstanding because both the sender and receiver have the same cultural biases.[9] This means that the intended message was created by the dominant class and that the recipient was also a part of the dominant point of view.
A modern-day example of the dominant-hegemonic code is described by communication scholar Garrett Castleberry in his upcoming article "Understanding Stuart Hall's 'Encoding/Decoding' Through AMC's Breaking Bad". Castleberry argues that there is a dominant-hegemonic "position held by the entertainment industry that illegal drug side-effects cause less damage than perceived". If this is the dominant code and television shows like Breaking Bad support such perceptions, then they are operating within the dominant code[10] Likewise, a viewer believing such perceptions will also be operating within the dominant-hegemonic code since they are encoding the message in the way it is intended.
Negotiated position[edit]
Another hypothetical position is the negotiated position. This position is a mixture of accepting and rejecting elements. Readers are acknowledging the dominant message, but are not willing to completely accept the message the way the encoder intended. The reader to a certain extent, shares the texts code and generally accepts the preferred meaning, but is simultaneously resisting and modifying it in a way which reflects their own experiences and interests.
Hall explains this when he states "decoding within the negotiated version contains a mixture of adaptive and oppositional elements: it acknowledges the legitimacy of the hegemonic definitions to make the grand significations (abstract), while, at a more restricted, situational (situated) level, it makes its own ground rules- it operates with exceptions to the rule".[1] Basically, this means that people understand the dominant position, they generally believe the position, but they are in a situation where they must make up their own separate rules to coexist with the dominant position. Hall provides an example involving an Industrial Relations Bill. In his example, he shows how a factory worker may recognize and agree with the dominant position that a wage freeze is beneficial. However, while the worker may recognize that the wage freeze is needed, they may not be willing to partake in a wage freeze since it will directly affect them rather than others [11] His example demonstrates that people may negotiate a code to work around their own beliefs and self-interests. This code is very much based on context.
Once more, Castleberry demonstrates the negotiated code at play in a modern-day television show. In "Breaking Bad," Walter, the main character had a divorce, and many viewers had negotiated "an acceptance of Walter's sins, while communicating negative discourse concerning Skylar [his wife]". This negative discourse, according to the actor who played Walter's wife was because her character, Skylar did not fit what was expected of a wife. This expectation could be seen as a dominant code. In addition, Walter's actions were against the dominant code. Because of these conflicting dominant codes, Castleberry implies that many viewers negotiated their own code where Walter's actions were accepted due to Skylar's role as an untraditional wife.[10]
Oppositional position[edit]
Lastly, there is the oppositional position or code. Hall summarizes that a viewer can understand the literal (denotative) and connotative meanings of a message while decoding a message in a globally contrary way. This means that a person recognizes that their meaning is not the dominant meaning, or what was intended, but alters the message in their mind to fit an "alternative framework of reference"[12] Thus, readers' or viewers social situation has placed them in a directly oppositional relationship to the dominant code, and although they understand the intended meaning they do not share the text's code and end up rejecting it. Again, this code is based very much on experiences. One's personal experiences will likely influence them to take on the oppositional position when they encode hegemonic positions. Highly political discourse emerges from these oppositional codes as "events which are normally signified and decoded in a negotiated way begin to be given an oppositional reading."[13]
The encoding/decoding model critique[edit]
Ross[14] suggests two ways to modify Hall's typology of the Encoding/Decoding Model by expanding the original version.[1] While presenting the modified typology, Ross stresses that his suggested version doesn't imply to replace the original model but rather to expand it and to let the model work in a new way. Further is the explanation of one of the alternative models suggested by Ross,[14] which is a more complex typology consisting of nine combinations of encoding and decoding positions (Figure 1 and Figure 2). The reasons why the original model needs to be revisited and the alternative model description to follow.
In line with previous scholarship criticizing Hall's model, Ross[14] and Morley[15] argue that the model has some unsolved problems. First, Morley mentions that in the decoding stage there is a need to distinguish comprehension of the text and its evaluation. Comprehension here refers to the reader's understanding of the text in the basic sense and the sender's intention, and to possible readers interpretations of the text (borrowed from Schroder[16]). Evaluation is how readers relate the text to the ideological position (also borrowed from Schroder[16]).
Second, Morley[15] discusses the problem of understanding the concept of ‘oppositional reading'. There might be confusion between referring ‘oppositional reading' to rejecting the preferred meaning (dominant ideology) and to disagreement with the text. For example, imagine that an oppositional TV channel produced a news story about some flaws in the ObamaCare. According to the original model, a reader can fully share the text's code and accept its meaning, or reject it and bring an alternative frame of it. In the first case nevertheless a reader fully agrees with the text, s/he would be in opposition to the dominant ideology (we understand dominant ideology here as promoting government initiatives), while in the second case by disagreeing with the news story a reader would actually favor dominant ideology. That leads to the final problem of the original model -- assuming that all the media encode texts within the dominant ideology and thus suggesting that media is homogeneous in nature.[14]
In order to address these problems, Ross[14] suggests two steps in modifying the original model. The first step is to distinguish between the graphical model and the typology, which is different decoding positions (dominant-hegemonic, negotiated, and oppositional). The second step is to divide the model into two versions, an ideology version (Figure 1) and a text-related version (Figure 2).
Figure 1. The modified encoding/decoding typology (ideology version)[14]
ENCODING POSITIONS
Dominant-hegemonic encoding
(Hall's assumed mode)
Negotiated Encoding
(partly critical text)
Oppositional encoding
(a radical text)
DECODING POSITIONS
(ideological)
Dominant-hegemonic
position
Dominant-hegemonic reading
of dominant-hegemonic text
Dominant-hegemonic reading
of negotiated text
= Neutralization
Dominant-hegemonic reading
of oppositional text
= Neutralization
Negotiated position Negotiated reading
of dominant-hegemonic text
Negotiated reading
of negotiated text
Negotiated reading
of oppositional text
Oppositional position Oppositional reading
of dominant-hegemonic text
Oppositional reading
of negotiated text
= Amplification of critique
Oppositional reading
of oppositional text
= Agreement with oppositional text
The main addition to both new typologies of Hall's model is adding two types of encoding meanings, which are a Negotiated position and an Oppositional position. As the original model makes all media institutions encode messages in the dominant-hegemonic manner,[1] Ross[14] takes a step further and ‘allow' media institutions to encode texts according to the oppositional or negotiated framework. Thus, media texts in both Hall's versions can be dominant-hegemonic (Hall's assumed mode), partly critical or radical.
Another addition to the original model is the appearance of a Neutralization category meaning that media texts encoded within an oppositional or negotiated framework are decoded according to the dominant ideology. Let's look at the upper right corner of the Ross ideology version (Figure 1) at the cell when a radical text intersects with a dominant-hegemonic decoding position. For example, neutralization will happen if a TV news report conveying a message about an oppositional political party in Russia may be interpreted by a conservative viewer as an evidence of the US sponsorship of anti-government organizations underlying Russian independency. Let's now look at the lower right corner of the same version at the cell when a radical text is decoded by viewers within an oppositional position. In this case ‘oppositional reading of oppositional text' needs explanation that it equals to the "agreement with oppositional text" as readers text evaluation might cause misunderstanding.
Figure 2. The modified encoding/decoding typology (text-relative version)[14]
ENCODING POSITIONS
Dominant-hegemonic encoding
(Hall's assumed mode)
Negotiated Encoding
(partly critical text)
Oppositional encoding
(a radical text)
DECODING POSITIONS
(text-relative)
Text-accepting
position
Text-acceptance
of dominant-hegemonic text
Text-acceptance
of negotiated text
Text-acceptance
of oppositional text
Text-negotiation
position
Negotiation of
dominant-hegemonic text
Negotiation of
negotiated text
Negotiation of
oppositional text
Text-oppositional
position
Text-oppositional
reading of dominant-hegemonic
text
Text-oppositional
reading of negotiated
text
Text-oppositional
reading of oppositional text
= Neutralization
In order to avoid misinterpretations and to make an alternative typology more reader-friendly, Ross suggests a text-relative version that stresses not the ideological tendency of the text, but rather if receivers are in agreement or opposition with any kind of text.[14] In this version Ross changed the term 'dominant-hegemonic' to ‘text-acceptance'; and the term 'oppositional' to ‘text-oppositional' in order to remind readers the difference between opposition to the dominant ideology and opposition to the text.
In the text-relative version a Neutralization category moved to the lower right cell while saving its meaning. Neutralization means applying dominant ideology to the radical text or rejecting oppositional texts.
To conclude, while Hall's Encoding/Decoding model of communication is highly evaluated and widely used in research, it has been criticised as it contains some unsolved problems. This section discussed some flaws in the original model summarized by Ross[14] and introduced one of the alternative ways to modify Hall's typology.
See also[edit]
Aberrant decoding
References[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p Hall, S. (1980). Encoding/decoding. Culture, media, language, 128-138. Retrieved from: http://www.hu.mtu.edu/~jdslack/readings/CSReadings/Hall_Encoding-n-Decoding.pdf
Jump up ^ Kelly, Aidan, Katrina Lawlor, and Stephanie O'Donohoe. "Chapter 8- Encoding Advertisements: The Creative Perspective." The Advertising and Consumer Culture Reader. By Joseph Turow and Matthew P. McAllister. New York: Routledge, 2009. 133–49.
Jump up ^ In Stuart Hall, Dorothy Hobson, Andrew Love, and Paul Willis (eds.), Culture, Media, Language, pp. 128–38. London: Hutchinson, 1980. In Stuart Hall; Meenakshi Gigi Durham; Douglas M. Kellner, eds. (2001). "Encoding/Decoding". Media And Cultural Studies: Keyworks: 171. External link in |journal= (help)
^ Jump up to: a b Bankovic, M. (2013). Business communication: script. Retrieved from: http://www.vts.edu.rs/images/nastava/PoslovneKomunikacije/POSLOVNE_KOMUNIKACIJE-skripta.pdf
^ Jump up to: a b c d Campbell, Richard. Media & Culture: An Introduction to Mass Communication. 3rd ed. Boston: Bedford/St. Martin's, 2003.
Jump up ^ Media and Cultural Studies (KeyWorks in Cultural Studies) Edited by Durham and Keller. Written by Stuart Hall. p. 171
Jump up ^ Media and Cultural Studies (KeyWorks in Cultural Studies. Edited by Durham and Keller. Written by Stuart Hall. p.171.
Jump up ^ .Media and Cultural Studies (KeyWorks in Cultural Studies. Edited by Durham and Keller. Written by Stuart Hall.
Jump up ^ "Audiences and Reception Theory." Julie Martin: Community Manager / Animatrice De Communaute. 2007.
^ Jump up to: a b .Understanding Stuart Hall's 'Encoding/Decoding' Through AMC's Breaking Bad Forthcoming Communication Basics for Millennials: Essays on Communication Theory and Culture. Roberts, K, & Hickly, J. (Eds.). New York: Peter Lang. p. 90. Retrieved from https://www.academia.edu/16236006/_Understanding_Stuart_Halls_Encoding_Decoding_Model_through_TVs_Breaking_Bad_In_Communication_Theory_and_Millennial_Popular_Culture_Essays_and_Applications._Roberts_K._and_Kickly_J._Eds._._New_York_Peter_Lang
Jump up ^ .Media and Cultural Studies (KeyWorks in Cultural Studies. Edited by Durham and Keller. Written by Stuart Hall. p. 172
Jump up ^ .Media and Cultural Studies (KeyWorks in Cultural Studies. Edited by Durham and Keller. Written by Stuart Hall p. 173
Jump up ^ Media and Cultural Studies (KeyWorks in Cultural Studies. Edited by Durham and Keller. Written by Stuart Hall p. 173
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h i j Ross, S. (2011, May 25th). The encoding/decoding model revisited: Annual Meeting of the International Communication Association. Boston, MA.
^ Jump up to: a b Morley, D. (2006). Unanswered questions in audience research. Communication Review 9(2), 101-121.
^ Jump up to: a b Schrøder, K. (2000). Making sense of audience discourses: Towards a multidimensional model of mass media reception. European Journal of Cultural Studies 3(2), 233-258.
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text:
List of territorial entities where Portuguese is an official language
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to navigation Jump to search
Global spread of Portuguese.
Native language
Official and administrative language
Cultural or secondary language
Portuguese-speaking minorities
Portuguese-based creole
The following is a list of sovereign states and territories where Portuguese is an official or de facto language.
Contents
[hide]
1 List of countries and territories
2 Spread of Portuguese
2.1 Europe
2.1.1 Portugal
2.1.2 Rest of Europe
2.2 Americas
2.2.1 Brazil
2.2.2 Rest of South America
2.2.3 North America
2.3 Africa
2.3.1 Angola
2.3.2 Mozambique
2.3.3 Guinea-Bissau
2.3.4 Cape Verde
2.3.5 São Tomé and Príncipe
2.3.6 Equatorial Guinea
2.3.7 Rest of Africa
2.4 Asia & Oceania
2.4.1 East Timor
2.4.2 Macau
2.4.3 Goa (India)
2.4.4 Rest of Asia
3 See also
4 Notes
5 References
List of countries and territories[edit]
Country
Population (July 2017 est.)[1]
More information
Status
Brazil 207,353,391 Portuguese in Brazil Spoken by vast majority as a native language
Angola 29,310,273 Portuguese in Angola Spoken by significant minority as a native language;
spoken by majority as a second language
Mozambique 26,573,706 Portuguese in Mozambique Spoken by significant minority as a native language
Portugal 10,839,514 Portuguese in Portugal1 Spoken by vast majority as a native language
Guinea-Bissau 1,792,338 Portuguese in Guinea-Bissau Spoken by significant minority as a native language
East Timor 1,291,358 Portuguese in East Timor Spoken by small minority as a native language
Equatorial Guinea3 778,358 Portuguese in Equatorial Guinea Spoken by significant minority as a native language
Macau2 601,969 Portuguese in Macau Spoken by small minority as a native language
Cape Verde 560,899 Portuguese in Cape Verde Spoken by majority as a second language
São Tomé and Príncipe 201,025 Portuguese in São Tomé and Príncipe Spoken by vast majority as a native language
Total c. 279 million Community of Portuguese Language Countries
Notes:
Some linguists argue that Galician, spoken in Galicia, is merely a dialect of Portuguese rather than an independent language; this would make northwestern Spain a part of the Portuguese-speaking world.
Macau is not a sovereign nation. It is one of the two Special Administrative Regions of the People's Republic of China (the other being Anglophone Hong Kong, a former British colony).
Equatorial Guinea adopted Portuguese as one of its official languages in 2007, being admitted to CPLP in 2014. The use of the Portuguese language in this country is limited. However, a Portuguese-based creole language, Annobonese Creole, is used, mainly on islands of Annobon and Bioko.
15% of Uruguay's population speaks Portuguese (in the northern areas closer to Brazil) as a native language but it is not an official language in any capacity. A similar blending of Portuguese, Spanish, and Guarani (Jopara) occurs along the border with Paraguay.
Spread of Portuguese[edit]
During a period of Portuguese discoveries and through a large colonial empire, the language was spread to areas in Africa, Asia and the Americas. Portuguese-based creole languages also developed during this era.
Today, Portuguese continues to thrive outside the Lusophone world through the presence of large expat communities of Brazilians, Portuguese, Cape Verdeans, and Angolans found throughout the world.
Europe[edit]
Portugal[edit]
Portuguese is spoken as a first language in Portugal by nearly all of the nation's 10.6 million people.[2] The ancestor of modern Portuguese, Galician-Portuguese,[clarification needed] began developing in the northwest of the Iberian Peninsula, in an area encompassing present-day northern-Portugal and Galicia, at around the 9th century. Modern Portuguese started developing in the early 16th century[clarification needed].
Rest of Europe[edit]
The Galician language, spoken natively in Galicia, Spain, is a dialect of Portuguese, according to many linguists, which makes nothwestern Spain a lusophone region. Portuguese-speaking immigrants from Portugal, Brazil, Portuguese-speaking Africa and Macau have also settled in Andorra (around 15 000 speakers), Belgium, France (around 500 000 speakers), Germany, Luxembourg, Spain, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom. In Luxembourg, 19% of the population speaks Portuguese as mother tongue, making it the largest minority language by percentage in a Western European country.[3]
Americas[edit]
Brazil[edit]
With a population of over 205 million, Brazil is by far the world's largest Portuguese-speaking nation and the only one in the Americas.[4] Portuguese was introduced during the Portuguese colonial period. Portuguese has also served as a lingua franca between the various ethnic groups in Brazil and the native Amerindian population[5] after the Jesuits were expelled from every Portuguese territory and the languages associated with them prohibited.
Portuguese is the first language of the overwhelming majority of Brazilians, at 99.5%.[6] It is followed by various German dialects, such as Riograndenser Hunsrückisch, at a distant 1.94% (co-official status).[7][8]
[9]
The form of Portuguese spoken in Brazil is a little different from that spoken in Europe, with differences in vocabulary and grammar that can be compared to the differences between American and British English,[10] but with the phonology and prosody more distinct to[clarification needed] each other (on a slightly larger scale than that of the Metropolitan and Québécois varieties of French);[citation needed] nevertheless, European and Brazilian Portuguese are completely mutually intelligible[clarification needed]. The vast majority of Brazilian characteristics are also found in some rural, remote Portuguese registers[clarification needed] (or the African and Asian ones, indicating an Old Portuguese feature lost in Europe), [11] while nearly all distinctive European characteristics can be found in any major dialect of Brazil (such as fluminense, specially its carioca sociolect, and florianopolitano), due to a stronger or more recent Portuguese and other European immigration.
Migration from Brazil also led to a great number of Portuguese speakers in the Southern Cone (especially Uruguay with portunhol da pampa), Paraguay (see brasiguayos), other regions of South America (especially Bolivia) except Venezuela, Japan (see Brazilians in Japan 400,000 and dekasegi, official numbers do not include second generation Portuguese speakers and naturalized citizens), South Korea, the Philippines (see Brazilians in the Philippines), and Israel (see Aliyah from Latin America in the 2000s).
Rest of South America[edit]
Although Brazil is the only Portuguese-speaking nation in South America, it has the largest population, area and economy on the continent. Thus, the South American trade bloc Mercosul uses Portuguese alongside Spanish as its working languages. A Spanish influenced Portuguese dialect is spoken in the northern Uruguayan border area with Brazil. Given the proximity and trading relations between Portuguese speaking Brazil, and its respective Spanish speaking nations, Portuguese is offered as a foreign (or obligatory) second language course at most schools in Uruguay, Argentina, Paraguay, Venezuela and Bolivia.
In Venezuela and Guyana, there are communities of Portuguese immigrants (mostly Madeirans) and their descendants who speak Portuguese as their native language.[12]
North America[edit]
Main articles: Portuguese Americans, Portuguese Canadians, Brazilian Americans, Brazilian Canadians, Cape Verdean Americans, and Cape Verdean Canadians
There are more than 1.5 million Portuguese Americans and about 300,000 Brazilian Americans living in the United States,[13][14] and Portuguese is spoken by over 730,000 people at home in the country.[15] There are over 500,000 people of Portuguese descent living in Canada; however, most of the community's population now speaks English or French as their primary language. Also a primary language along with English in the British Overseas Territory of Bermuda. [16]
Africa[edit]
See also: Portuguese-speaking African countries and Portuguese in Africa
Angola[edit]
Portuguese is the sole official language of Angola, and 85% of the population professes fluency in the language.[17] Additionally, 75% of Angolan households speak Portuguese as their primary language, and native Bantu languages have been influenced by Portuguese through loanwords.[17]
Mozambique[edit]
Portuguese is the sole official language of Mozambique and serves as a lingua franca between the various ethnic groups in the country. Slightly over 30% of the population are native speakers of Portuguese, while 65% professes fluency.[18] Most of Mozambican media is available solely in Portuguese, and the country receives several Portuguese and Brazilian television stations.
Guinea-Bissau[edit]
Despite being the sole official language, only 50% of the population professes fluency in Portuguese.[19] However, a Portuguese-based creole called Guinea-Bissau Creole (Kriol) is spoken by nearly the whole population.
Cape Verde[edit]
Similar to Guinea-Bissau, although Portuguese is the only official language, a Portuguese-based creole known as Cape Verdean Creole is spoken by the majority of the population. Most Cape Verdeans are fluent in Portuguese as well. Education and media are available largely in standard European Portuguese only.
São Tomé and Príncipe[edit]
In São Tomé and Príncipe, Portuguese is by far the most spoken language, with around 95% of the population speaking it at home or professing fluency.[a] A Portuguese-based creole called Forro is also spoken.
Equatorial Guinea[edit]
Equatorial Guinea was a Spanish colony between 1778 and 1968 and was originally a group of Portuguese colonies between 1474 and 1778. A Portuguese creole is spoken by locals on the island of Annobón.
In 2007, President Teodoro Obiang Nguema announced a decision to make Portuguese the third official language of the country after Spanish and French. This was in an effort by the government to improve its communications, trade, and bilateral relations with Portuguese-speaking countries.[20] Despite government promotions, Portuguese remains rarely spoken in Equatorial Guinea, but increased political and trade relations with Portuguese-speaking nations i.e., Brazil, Angola, Portugal, will soon increase the numbers of Portuguese speakers in this country. News, sports, and entertainment media in Portuguese will undoubtedly also facilitate increased comprehension.[21] The majority of the population (~90%)[citation needed] still speaks Spanish as its primary language, and Spanish is still the administrative language and that of education, while French is the second official language.[22]
Rest of Africa[edit]
Large Portuguese-speaking communities are found in Namibia, South Africa and Zambia due to immigration from the Lusophone African countries. Portuguese is also being taught in the schools of these countries.
Asia & Oceania[edit]
See also: Portuguese language in Asia
East Timor[edit]
See also: East Timorese Portuguese
Portuguese is co-official with Tetum in East Timor and was introduced during the colonial period. A little under 39% of the population professes fluency in Portuguese. and number is steadily growing. It is believed that Portuguese will be the primary language of East Timor in as few as 5 to 10 years. The local Tetum language has been heavily influenced by Portuguese through loanwords, and code-switching between the two languages is common.[23]
Macau[edit]
See also: Macanese Portuguese
A sign in Macau translated in both official languages, Portuguese and Chinese
Portuguese and Chinese, seen on this street sign, are official languages in Macau
Due to the one country, two systems policy of China regarding its special administrative regions, Macau is able to retain Portuguese as an official language alongside Cantonese. Portuguese was first introduced to Macau when Portuguese traders established a permanent settlement there in 1537. Despite being a Portuguese colony for over four centuries, the Portuguese language was never widely spoken in Macau and remained limited to administration and higher education and was spoken primarily by the Portuguese colonists, Macanese people of mixed ancestry, and elites and middle-class people of pure Chinese blood. As a consequence, when Macau was handed back to China in 1999, Portuguese did not have a strong presence like English had in Hong Kong and continued its decline which began when Portuguese rule was still occurring. It was only after Portuguese rule ended when the Portuguese language in Macau began to see an increase in speakers due to China's increased trading relations with Lusophone countries. There has been an increase in the teaching of Portuguese owing to the growing trade links between China and lusophone nations such as Portugal, Brazil, Angola, Mozambique, and East Timor, with 5,000 students learning the language.[24] Today, about 3% of Macau's population speaks Portuguese as a first language and 7% of the population professes fluency.[25] A Portuguese creole called Macanese (Patuá) was spoken by Macanese of mixed ancestry but is near extinction today.
Goa (India)[edit]
Portuguese is present in the enclave of Goa, which was a Portuguese colony until 1961. Although it was the sole official language during Portuguese colonial rule, it is mostly spoken by the elderly and educated populations today and is not an official language. Rather, Goa's official state language is Konkani, which has however picked up some Portuguese vocabulary as a legacy of Portuguese influence. Attempts to make Konkani be written in the Portuguese alphabet and possibilities of reintroducing Portuguese as a co-official language of Goa have been made in recent years; presently Portuguese is officially teaching there.[26]
Portuguese rule in Daman and Diu has also left a smaller Portuguese influence on the territory. A Portuguese-based creole called Língua da Casa is spoken in the territory. As a result of the renewed interest in the Portuguese language and culture, the Portuguese language is making an impressive comeback. Portuguese is still taught in some schools in Goa.
Portuguese were also in the area of Vasai (present), previously Bassein or Bacaim since 1560 until 1739. Though the Portuguese were defeated by Marathas, there are some words which are used by the locals which are words in the Portuguese language. Today there is a large Catholic population, and many churches built during those days are still being used for worship.
Rest of Asia[edit]
Portuguese is spoken in Japan among returned immigrants (500,000) or migrant workers from Brazil known as dekasegi.[27] Portuguese loanwords are also present in the Japanese language due to trading relations between Japan and the Portuguese Empire in the 16th century. Portuguese is now part of the curriculum in many Japanese schools, and many radio and television stations are broadcast exclusively in the Portuguese language.
In Malacca, Malaysia, a Portuguese creole known as Papiá Kristang or Cristão is still spoken by some of the Eurasian population.
See also[edit]
Portuguese-speaking African countries (PALOP)
Community of Portuguese Language Countries (CPLP)
List of international organisations which have Portuguese as an official language
Luso American
Portuguese dialects
Portuguese creole
Portuguese language
Latin America
Latin Europe
Romance-speaking Africa
Glossary of Japanese words of Portuguese origin
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ 99.8% declared speaking Portuguese in the 1991 census
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "The World Factbook -- Field Listing - Population - CIA". Central Intelligence Agency. Retrieved 2015-03-07.
Jump up ^ "Special Eurobarometer 243 "Europeans and their Languages"" (PDF). European Commission. 2006. p. 6. Retrieved 11 May 2011.
Jump up ^ Special Eurobarometer 386 Europeans and their Languages
Jump up ^ "Geography of Brazil". Central Intelligence Agency. 2008. Retrieved 2008-06-03.
Jump up ^ Darcy Ribeiro. O Povo Brasileiro, Vol. 07, 1997 (1997).
Jump up ^ "Portuguese language in Brazil". Countrystudies.us. Retrieved 2012-07-23.
Jump up ^ "Hunsrückish". Ethnologue. Retrieved 20 July 2015.
Jump up ^ "Standard German". Ethnologue. Retrieved 20 July 2015.
Jump up ^ "Olivet Second Most Spoken Languages Around the World". olivet.edu. Retrieved 29 March 2016.
Jump up ^ Logan Gaspar (2006-08-07). Portuguese For Dummies. Wiley. p. 9. ISBN 978-0-470-04973-0.
Jump up ^ Anthony Julius Naro and Maria Marta Pereira Scherre. Origens do Português Brasileiro. [permanent dead link]
Jump up ^ "Portuguese emigration from Madeira to British Guiana". Guyana.org. 2000-05-07. Retrieved 2015-08-12.
Jump up ^ [1] Archived October 28, 2011, at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ "United States - Selected Population Profile in the United States (Brazilian (360-364))". 2008 American Community Survey 1-Year Estimates. United States Census Bureau. Retrieved 2010-03-16.
Jump up ^ Population: Ancestry, Language Spoken At Home, U.S. Census Bureau, archived from the original on 2007-12-25, retrieved 2011-12-27
Jump up ^ "Ethnic Origin, Single and Multiple Ethnic Origin Responses and Sex for the Population of Canada, Provinces, Territories, Census Metropolitan Areas and Census Agglomerations, 2006 Census - 20% Sample Data". 12.statcan.gc.ca. Retrieved 2010-11-10.
^ Jump up to: a b "A língua portuguesa". Linguaportuguesa.ufrn.br. Retrieved 2015-08-12.
Jump up ^ "A língua portuguesa". Linguaportuguesa.ufrn.br. Retrieved 2015-08-12.
Jump up ^ "A língua portuguesa". Linguaportuguesa.ufrn.br. Retrieved 2015-08-12.
Jump up ^ "Equatorial Guinea Adds Portuguese as the Country's Third Official Language". PRNewsWire. 2011-10-14. Retrieved 2010-11-15.
Jump up ^ Público (Lisbon), 2012-07-20
Jump up ^ "VILLAGES AND CULTURES - Official Web Page of the Government of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea". Guineaecuatorialpress.com. Retrieved 2015-08-12.
Jump up ^ "Timor Leste, Tetum, Portuguese, Bahasa Indonesia or English?". Thejakartapost.com. April 20, 2012.
Jump up ^ China Sees Advantages in Macao's Portuguese Past, New York Times, October 21, 2004
Jump up ^ Leach, Michael (2007), "talking Portuguese; China and East Timor", Arena Magazine, archived from the original on 2011-11-05, retrieved 2011-05-18
Jump up ^ "Konkani:The Tussule over the script". Navhind Times. Retrieved 18 October 2008.
Jump up ^ [2] Archived January 24, 2011, at the Wayback Machine.
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Live by the sword, die by the sword
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"Live by the sword, die by the sword" is a proverb in the form of a parallel phrase, which can be traced back to the Gospel of Matthew.
Contents
[hide]
1 Biblical
2 Interpretations
3 References in popular culture
4 See also
5 References
Biblical[edit]
The saying appears in the Latin Bible in the Gospel of Matthew, chapter 26, verse 52.[1] an unnamed follower of Jesus draws his sword and cuts off the ear of a servant of the high priest. Jesus then says to him: Converte gladium tuum in locum suum. Omnes enim, qui acceperint gladium, gladio peribunt. ("Return your sword to its place, for all who will take up the sword, will die by the sword.") The phrase in the Greek original version of the Gospel is πάντες γὰρ οἱ λαβόντες μάχαιραν ἐν μαχαίρῃ ἀπολοῦνται.[2].. 26 51 And behold one of them that were with Jesus, stretching forth his hand, drew out his sword: and striking the servant of the high priest, cut off his ear. et ecce unus ex his qui erant cum Iesu extendens manum exemit gladium suum et percutiens servum principis sacerdotum amputavit auriculam eius 26 52 Then Jesus saith to him: Put up again thy sword into its place: for all that take the sword shall perish with the sword.
Note that the Latin version refers to the weapon as a gladius, while the Greek version refers to it as a makhaira.
Interpretations[edit]
A common modern interpretation[3] means "those who live by violence will die by violence", suggesting nonviolence or pacifism as an alternative.
The Biblical quotation has been interpreted as an instruction for Christian pacifism.[4]
References in popular culture[edit]
"Live by the bomb die by the bomb" at the White House Peace Vigil, started by Thomas in 1981.
The saying is paraphrased in the slogan "live by the bomb, die by the bomb" used in The White House Peace Vigil protest.
The Saxon song To Live By the Sword appears on the album Lionheart (2004).
Lyrics by rapper Lil Wayne in the song God Bless Amerika appears on the album I Am Not a Human Being II (2013)[5]
"Here we live by the sword and die by the sword, Heard police was lookin' for me, I’mma hide by a broad"
On 4 February 2013, Ron Paul referenced the proverb in a tweet about Chris Kyle's murder.
See also[edit]
Golden Rule
Violence begets violence
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "Latin Vulgate Bible with Douay-Rheims and King James Version Side-by-Side+Complete Sayings of Jesus Christ". Latinvulgate.com. Retrieved 2017-01-15.
Jump up ^ WikiSource:Κατά_Ματθαίον
Jump up ^ "Those who live by the sword die by the sword - Idiom Definition". UsingEnglish.com. Retrieved 2017-01-15.
Jump up ^ John David Geib (2007). Gail M. Presbey, ed. Philosophical Perspectives on the 'War on Terrorism'. p. 401. War and Peace in Christian Tradition: Why I am an engaged Christian pacifist
Jump up ^ LilWayneVEVO (2013-07-16), Lil Wayne - God Bless Amerika, retrieved 2017-02-13
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Table reservation
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A table reservation is an arrangement made in advance to have a table available at a restaurant. While most restaurants in the vast majority of the world do not require a reservation, and some have no policy or simply any channel for making one, so-called higher-end restaurants mainly in overcrowded cities often require a reservation, and some may have tables booked for weeks in advance. At particularly exclusive venues, it may be impossible to make a reservation on the same day as the planned visit.[1]
The modern reservation system evolved from the prior practice of arranging catering at a restaurant.[2] Today, at such venues, observes Joy Smith, author of Kitchen Afloat: Galley Management and Meal Preparation (2002): "It's always smart to inquire about a restaurant's reservation policy. Some will only reserve for large parties of six or more".[1]
In recent times, many restaurants have replaced the traditional pencil and notebook with an online reservation system.[3] Some websites exist which provide this service for multiple venues, such as Bookatable, Chope, EZTABLE, Killer Rezzy (which also offers “rogue” reservations, which members can sell),[4] OpenTable,[5] Resy,[4][5][6] Yelp Reservations (formerly known as SeatMe), Shout,(which allows users to either make a reservation or put the one they have up for sale[7])[4][5][6] Zomato, ResDiary and Zurvu.[4]
Reservations for later dining times may prove problematic, as a restaurant may have a backlog which will require the reservation-holders to wait beyond their stated arrival time. In addition, diners with a late reservation face a higher chance that the restaurant will run out of necessary ingredients for a particularly popular dish.[1]
Most restaurants do not charge a customer who fails to honor their reservations,[8] and courts have tended not to impose substantial penalties on restaurants that fail to honor reservations.[9] Nonetheless, it is generally considered polite to call and cancel a reservation once it is known one will not use it.[1]
Contents
[hide]
1 Importance
1.1 Benefits to restaurants
1.2 Benefits to clients
1.3 Benefits of an online reservation system
2 See also
3 References
Importance[edit]
Nowadays it has become common for fine dining restaurants to offer table reservations to their clients. In fact, this service has become an integral part of a restaurant’s operation, because of its multiple benefits. Even though there are still types of restaurants that prefer the modality of first-come, first served, the majority of fine dining and casual restaurants organize their operation through table reservations. As it has become part of restaurants’ service to offer reservations, clients are tending more and more towards making use of this offer, and for some people, it has become mandatory to make a table reservation before going out to a restaurant since there are also benefits for the client in this type of service.
Benefits to restaurants[edit]
A restaurant will weigh the advantages and the disadvantages of offering the service of table reservations to its customers, and even though there is a cost involved in this service, the benefits it offers will outweigh all the disadvantages one may consider.
Offering table reservations may be a good tool to increase demand for certain restaurants. As clients know that there is a limited capacity of seats, they will always prefer to make a table reservation instead of arriving at the restaurant and facing a long waiting line. This tool helps the restaurant to keep a high demand of its customers on busy nights, and even better, to increase traffic on slow nights, when customers make reservations because they don’t know how crowded the restaurant will be.[8]
Table reservations are also a handy tool in competitive markets since it makes it possible for restaurants to “steal” some market share from its competition. This occurs when clients are not able to get a reservation at their “first choice” restaurant and they decide to go to their “second choice” restaurant, where they are able to get a reservation.[8]
This service represents an important benefit for restaurants, because by guaranteeing customers a seat, they will be able to start operating at an earlier time, and serve food until a later time than average, and thus, serve more parties each day, and consequently, have a higher daily income.[8]
The modality of table reservations helps restaurants to estimate demand in a more accurate way, and therefore, to improve sourcing and staffing, and to manage costs more efficiently. By managing workflow in a better way, through reservations, the restaurant will be able to deliver a better quality of service.[8]
Benefits to clients[edit]
A client will always benefit from being able to make a table reservation at the restaurant to which he wishes to go. Nowadays, the majority of people prefer to go out knowing that they have a reservation, instead of incurring the risk of not getting a table at the desired place.
A clear benefit of making a table reservation for a client is the security that they will experience when going out to a restaurant.; i.e., making a reservation will guarantee the client that he will receive his table at the time and place he has planned.[8]
It is an advantage for the customer to know in advance that he will not have to go through the trouble of waiting until a table is available, or being put on a waiting list, or in the worst case, needing to find another place to eat, because the one chosen won’t be able to serve him.
Another important benefit of making a reservation in the desired restaurant is the better quality of service one will receive. As the restaurant knows at what time and with how many people the customer will arrive, a comfortable table with enough seats and space will be reserved, and the restaurant’s staff will be prepared to serve the arriving group.[8]
Benefits of an online reservation system[edit]
Traditionally, restaurants have managed their reservation systems with a reservation book, which means they received the reservations via telephone calls and wrote them down in a book. Nowadays, as a consequence of the massive use of the Internet and its benefits, experts have seen the opportunity and great added value of creating online reservation systems, and already many restaurants have replaced the traditional format with these new systems.
An important advantage of online reservation systems is the flexibility they offer when making a reservation. When reservations are managed in the traditional way, patrons will only be able to call a restaurant to make a reservation during operational hours. On the contrary, when reservations are managed through an online reservation system, customers will be able to make their reservation at any time and from any place they choose. In general, patrons will have a better experience when making an online reservation, because it will be a quick process, the service will be available 24/7, and the system will provide all the necessary information in order to make the desired reservation with tranquility.[10]
Restaurants will experience a great number of benefits when using an online reservation system. Some of these benefits translate into a decline in incoming phone calls, a better control of the capacity of the restaurant and the number of reservations one will be able to accept, and a number of handy statistics and reports that will help to analyze the business in interesting ways.[10]
These benefits arise from a wide range of management tools provided by online reservation systems, like operational reports, floor management software, customer reservation histories, and customer databases that include customer data and preferences, and grow with each new table booking. Restaurants will also be able to track cancellations, and manage walk-in and waitlists in a better way, eliminate overbookings, and create target email and postal mailings with the information from the customer database. Some online reservation systems include integrated email marketing tools.[10]
See also[edit]
Food portal
List of restaurant terminology
References[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b c d Smith, Joy (2002). Kitchen Afloat: Galley Management and Meal Preparation. p. 218.
Jump up ^ Madrigal, Alexsis C. (23 July 2014). "Where Restaurant Reservations Come From". The Atlantic. Atlantic Media. Retrieved 24 July 2014.
Jump up ^ Brown, Douglas Robert (2003). The Restaurant Manager's Handbook. pp. 1–7.
^ Jump up to: a b c d Schuster, Dana (January 17, 2015). "5 apps to help you score a coveted restaurant reservation". New York Post.
^ Jump up to: a b c O'Loughlin, Marina (June 17, 2014). "Why the new restaurant booking apps leave me with serious reservations: New services such as Resy and Shout charge customers for prime dining slots before they have even picked up a menu". The Guardiantitle. London.
^ Jump up to: a b Harris, Jenn (December 2, 2014). "Resy reservation app launches in L.A., puts a price on coveted tables". The Los Angeles Times.
Jump up ^ Harris, Jenn (May 12, 2014). "Shout smartphone app can put coveted dinner reservations up for sale". Los Angeles Times.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g Balasubramanian, Vidhya (based on the research of Alexei Alexandrov and Martin Lariviere) (December 1, 2007). "Are Reservations Recommended?". Kellogg Insight.
Jump up ^ Barth, Stephen C. & Hayes, David K. (2006). Hospitality Law: Managing Legal Issues in the Hospitality Industry. p. 36.
^ Jump up to: a b c Jairam, P.N. (2003). Restaurant Reservation Decision (PDF). .
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Table_reservation&oldid=827790275"
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