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Light-dependent reactions
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Light-dependent reactions of photosynthesis at the thylakoid membrane
In photosynthesis, the light-dependent reactions take place on the thylakoid membranes. The inside of the thylakoid membrane is called the lumen, and outside the thylakoid membrane is the stroma, where the light-independent reactions take place. The thylakoid membrane contains some integral membrane protein complexes that catalyze the light reactions. There are four major protein complexes in the thylakoid membrane: Photosystem II (PSII), Cytochrome b6f complex, Photosystem I (PSI), and ATP synthase. These four complexes work together to ultimately create the products ATP and NADPH.
The four photosystems absorb light energy through pigments—primarily the chlorophylls, which are responsible for the green color of leaves. The light-dependent reactions begin in photosystem II. When a chlorophyll a molecule within the reaction center of PSII absorbs a photon, an electron in this molecule attains a higher energy level. Because this state of an electron is very unstable, the electron is transferred from one to another molecule creating a chain of redox reactions, called an electron transport chain (ETC). The electron flow goes from PSII to cytochrome b6f to PSI. In PSI, the electron gets the energy from another photon. The final electron acceptor is NADP. In oxygenic photosynthesis, the first electron donor is water, creating oxygen as a waste product. In anoxygenic photosynthesis various electron donors are used.
Cytochrome b6f and ATP synthase work together to create ATP. This process is called photophosphorylation, which occurs in two different ways. In non-cyclic photophosphorylation, cytochrome b6f uses the energy of electrons from PSII to pump protons from the stroma to the lumen. The proton gradient across the thylakoid membrane creates a proton-motive force, used by ATP synthase to form ATP. In cyclic photophosphorylation, cytochrome b6f uses the energy of electrons from not only PSII but also PSI to create more ATP and to stop the production of NADPH. Cyclic phosphorylation is important to create ATP and maintain NADPH in the right proportion for the light-independent reactions.
The net-reaction of all light-dependent reactions in oxygenic photosynthesis is:
2H
2O + 2NADP+
+ 3ADP + 3Pi → O
2 + 2NADPH + 3ATP
The two photosystems are protein complexes that absorb photons and are able to use this energy to create an electron transport chain. Photosystem I and II are very similar in structure and function. They use special proteins, called light-harvesting complexes, to absorb the photons with very high effectiveness. If a special pigment molecule in a photosynthetic reaction center absorbs a photon, an electron in this pigment attains the excited state and then is transferred to another molecule in the reaction center. This reaction, called photoinduced charge separation, is the start of the electron flow and is unique because it transforms light energy into chemical forms.
Contents
[hide]
1 The reaction center
2 Photosynthetic electron transport chains in chloroplasts
2.1 Photosystem II
2.1.1 The water-splitting complex
2.1.2 The reaction center
2.1.3 Link of water-splitting complex and chlorophyll excitation
2.1.4 Summary
2.2 Cytochrome b6
2.3 Photosystem I
3 Photosynthetic electron transport chains in bacteria
3.1 Cyanobacteria
3.2 Purple bacteria
3.3 Green sulfur bacteria
4 History
5 See also
6 References
The reaction center[edit]
Main article: Photosynthetic reaction center
The reaction center is in the thylakoid membrane. It transfers light energy to a dimer of chlorophyll pigment molecules near the periplasmic (or thylakoid lumen) side of the membrane. This dimer is called a special pair because of its fundamental role in photosynthesis. This special pair is slightly different in PSI and PSII reaction center. In PSII, it absorbs photons with a wavelength of 680 nm, and it is therefore called P680. In PSI, it absorbs photons at 700 nm, and it is called P700. In bacteria, the special pair is called P760, P840, P870, or P960. Where "P" means pigment, and the number following it is the wavelength of light absorbed.
If an electron of the special pair in the reaction center becomes excited, it cannot transfer this energy to another pigment using resonance energy transfer. In normal circumstances, the electron should return to the ground state, but, because the reaction center is arranged so that a suitable electron acceptor is nearby, the excited electron can move from the initial molecule to the acceptor. This process results in the formation of a positive charge on the special pair (due to the loss of an electron) and a negative charge on the acceptor and is, hence, referred to as photoinduced charge separation. In other words, electrons in pigment molecules can exist at specific energy levels. Under normal circumstances, they exist at the lowest possible energy level they can. However, if there is enough energy to move them into the next energy level, they can absorb that energy and occupy that higher energy level. The light they absorb contains the necessary amount of energy needed to push them into the next level. Any light that does not have enough or has too much energy cannot be absorbed and is reflected. The electron in the higher energy level, however, does not want to be there; the electron is unstable and must return to its normal lower energy level. To do this, it must release the energy that has put it into the higher energy state to begin with. This can happen various ways. The extra energy can be converted into molecular motion and lost as heat. Some of the extra energy can be lost as heat energy, while the rest is lost as light. (This re-emission of light energy is called fluorescence.) The energy, but not the e- itself, can be passed onto another molecule. (This is called resonance.) The energy and the e- can be transferred to another molecule. Plant pigments usually utilize the last two of these reactions to convert the sun's energy into their own.
This initial charge separation occurs in less than 10 picoseconds (10−11 seconds). In their high-energy states, the special pigment and the acceptor could undergo charge recombination; that is, the electron on the acceptor could move back to neutralize the positive charge on the special pair. Its return to the special pair would waste a valuable high-energy electron and simply convert the absorbed light energy into heat. In the case of PSII, this backflow of electrons can produce reactive oxygen species leading to photoinhibition.[1][2] Three factors in the structure of the reaction center work together to suppress charge recombination nearly completely.
Another electron acceptor is less than 10 Å away from the first acceptor, and so the electron is rapidly transferred farther away from the special pair.
An electron donor is less than 10 Å away from the special pair, and so the positive charge is neutralized by the transfer of another electron
The electron transfer back from the electron acceptor to the positively charged special pair is especially slow. The rate of an of electron transfer reaction increases with its thermodynamic favorability up to a point and then decreases. The back transfer is so favourable that it takes place in the inverted region where electron-transfer rates become slower.[1]
Thus, electron transfer proceeds efficiently from the first electron acceptor to the next, creating an electron transport chain that ends if it has reached NADPH.
Photosynthetic electron transport chains in chloroplasts[edit]
The photosynthesis process in chloroplasts begins when an electron of P680 of PSII attains a higher-energy level. This energy is used to reduce a chain of electron acceptors that have subsequently lowered redox-potentials. This chain of electron acceptors is known as an electron transport chain. When this chain reaches PS I, an electron is again excited, creating a high redox-potential. The electron transport chain of photosynthesis is often put in a diagram called the z-scheme, because the redox diagram from P680 to P700 resembles the letter z.[3]
The final product of PSII is plastoquinol, a mobile electron carrier in the membrane. Plastoquinol transfers the electron from PSII to the proton pump, cytochrome b6f. The ultimate electron donor of PSII is water. Cytochrome b6f proceeds the electron chain to PSI through plastocyanin molecules. PSI is able to continue the electron transfer in two different ways. It can transfer the electrons either to plastoquinol again, creating a cyclic electron flow, or to an enzyme called FNR (Ferredoxin—NADP(+) reductase), creating a non-cyclic electron flow. PSI releases FNR into the stroma, where it reduces NADP+
to NADPH.
Activities of the electron transport chain, especially from cytochrome b6f, lead to pumping of protons from the stroma to the lumen. The resulting transmembrane proton gradient is used to make ATP via ATP synthase.
The overall process of the photosynthetic electron transport chain in chloroplasts is:
H
2O → PS II → plastoquinone → cytb
6 → plastocyanin → PS I → NADPH
Photosystem II[edit]
Main article: Photosystem II
PS II is extremely complex, a highly organized transmembrane structure that contains a water-splitting complex, chlorophylls and carotenoid pigments, a reaction center (P680), pheophytin (a pigment similar to chlorophyll), and two quinones. It uses the energy of sunlight to transfer electrons from water to a mobile electron carrier in the membrane called plastoquinone:
H
2O → P680 → P680* → plastoquinone
Plastoquinone, in turn, transfers electrons to cytb
6, which feeds them into PS I.
The water-splitting complex[edit]
The step H
2O → P680 is performed by a poorly understood structure embedded within PS II called the water-splitting complex or the oxygen-evolving complex. It catalyzes a reaction that splits water into electrons, protons and oxygen:
2H
2O → 4H+ + 4e− + O
2
The actual steps of the above reaction are running in the following way (Dolai's diagram of S-states): (I) 2H2O(monoxide) (II) OH. H2O (hydroxide) (III) H2O2(peroxide) (IV)HO2(super oxide)(V) O2(di-oxygen).[4]
The electrons are transferred to special chlorophyll molecules (embedded in PS II) that are promoted to a higher-energy state by the energy of photons.
The reaction center[edit]
The excitation P680 → P680*of the reaction center pigment P680 occurs here. These special chlorophyll molecules embedded in PS II absorb the energy of photons, with maximal absorption at 680 nm. Electrons within these molecules are promoted to a higher-energy state. This is one of two core processes in photosynthesis, and it occurs with astonishing efficiency (greater than 90%) because, in addition to direct excitation by light at 680 nm, the energy of light first harvested by antenna proteins at other wavelengths in the light-harvesting system is also transferred to these special chlorophyll molecules.
This is followed by the step P680*→ pheophytin, and then on to plastoquinone, which occurs within the reaction center of PS II. High-energy electrons are transferred to plastoquinone before it subsequently picks up two protons to become plastoquinol. Plastoquinol is then released into the membrane as a mobile electron carrier.
This is the second core process in photosynthesis. The initial stages occur within picoseconds, with an efficiency of 100%. The seemingly impossible efficiency is due to the precise positioning of molecules within the reaction center. This is a solid-state process, not a chemical reaction. It occurs within an essentially crystalline environment created by the macromolecular structure of PS II. The usual rules of chemistry (which involve random collisions and random energy distributions) do not apply in solid-state environments.
Link of water-splitting complex and chlorophyll excitation[edit]
When the chlorophyll passes the electron to pheophytin, it obtains an electron from P680*. In turn, P680* can oxidize the Z (or YZ) molecule. Once oxidized, the Z molecule can derive electrons from the oxygen-evolving complex (OEC).[5] Dolai's S-state diagrams show the reactions of water splitting in the oxygen-evolving complex.
Summary[edit]
PS II is a transmembrane structure found in all chloroplasts. It splits water into electrons, protons and molecular oxygen. The electrons are transferred to plastoquinone, which carries them to a proton pump. Molecular oxygen is released into the atmosphere.
The emergence of such an incredibly complex structure, a macromolecule that converts the energy of sunlight into potentially useful work with efficiencies that are impossible in ordinary experience, seems almost magical at first glance. Thus, it is of considerable interest that, in essence, the same structure is found in purple bacteria.
Cytochrome b
6[edit]
PS II and PS I are connected by a transmembrane proton pump, cytochrome b
6 complex (plastoquinol—plastocyanin reductase; EC 1.10.99.1). Electrons from PS II are carried by plastoquinol to cytb
6, where they are removed in a stepwise fashion (reforming plastoquinone) and transferred to a water-soluble electron carrier called plastocyanin. This redox process is coupled to the pumping of four protons across the membrane. The resulting proton gradient (together with the proton gradient produced by the water-splitting complex in PS II) is used to make ATP via ATP synthase.
The similarity in structure and function between cytochrome b
6 (in chloroplasts) and cytochrome bc
1 (Complex III in mitochondria) is striking. Both are transmembrane structures that remove electrons from a mobile, lipid-soluble electron carrier (plastoquinone in chloroplasts; ubiquinone in mitochondria) and transfer them to a mobile, water-soluble electron carrier (plastocyanin in chloroplasts; cytochrome c in mitochondria). Both are proton pumps that produce a transmembrane proton gradient.
Photosystem I[edit]
The cyclic light-dependent reactions occur only when the sole photosystem being used is photosystem I. Photosystem I excites electrons which then cycle from the transport protein, ferredoxin (Fd), to the cytochrome complex, b6f, to another transport protein, plastocyanin (Pc), and back to photosystem I. A proton gradient is created across the thylakoid membrane (6) as protons (3) are transported from the chloroplast stroma (4) to the thylakoid lumen (5). Through chemiosmosis, ATP (9) is produced where ATP synthase (1) binds an inorganic phosphate group (8) to an ADP molecule (7).
Main article: Photosystem I
PS I accepts electrons from plastocyanin and transfers them either to NADPH (noncyclic electron transport) or back to cytochrome b
6 (cyclic electron transport):
                        plastocyanin → P700 → P700* → FNR → NADPH ↑ ↓ b
6 ← plastoquinone

PS I, like PS II, is a complex, highly organized transmembrane structure that contains antenna chlorophylls, a reaction center (P700), phylloquinine, and a number of iron-sulfur proteins that serve as intermediate redox carriers.
The light-harvesting system of PS I uses multiple copies of the same transmembrane proteins used by PS II. The energy of absorbed light (in the form of delocalized, high-energy electrons) is funneled into the reaction center, where it excites special chlorophyll molecules (P700, maximum light absorption at 700 nm) to a higher energy level. The process occurs with astonishingly high efficiency.
Electrons are removed from excited chlorophyll molecules and transferred through a series of intermediate carriers to ferredoxin, a water-soluble electron carrier. As in PS II, this is a solid-state process that operates with 100% efficiency.
There are two different pathways of electron transport in PS I. In noncyclic electron transport, ferredoxin carries the electron to the enzyme ferredoxin NADP+
reductase (FNR) that reduces NADP+
to NADPH. In cyclic electron transport, electrons from ferredoxin are transferred (via plastoquinone) to a proton pump, cytochrome b
6. They are then returned (via plastocyanin) to P700.
NADPH and ATP are used to synthesize organic molecules from CO
2. The ratio of NADPH to ATP production can be adjusted by adjusting the balance between cyclic and noncyclic electron transport.
It is noteworthy that PS I closely resembles photosynthetic structures found in green sulfur bacteria, just as PS II resembles structures found in purple bacteria.
Photosynthetic electron transport chains in bacteria[edit]
PS II, PS I, and cytochromeb
6 are found in chloroplasts. All plants and all photosynthetic algae contain chloroplasts, which produce NADPH and ATP by the mechanisms described above. In essence, the same transmembrane structures are also found in cyanobacteria.
Unlike plants and algae, cyanobacteria are prokaryotes. They do not contain chloroplasts. Rather, they bear a striking resemblance to chloroplasts themselves. This suggests that organisms resembling cyanobacteria were the evolutionary precursors of chloroplasts. One imagines primitive eukaryotic cells taking up cyanobacteria as intracellular symbionts in a process known as endosymbiosis.
Cyanobacteria[edit]
Cyanobacteria contain structures similar to PS II and PS I in chloroplasts. Their light-harvesting system is different from that found in plants (they use phycobilins, rather than chlorophylls, as antenna pigments), but their electron transport chain
         H
2O → PS II → plastoquinone → b
6 → cytochrome c
6 → PS I → ferredoxin → NADPH ↑ ↓ b
6 ← plastoquinone

is, in essence, the same as the electron transport chain in chloroplasts. The mobile water-soluble electron carrier is cytochrome c
6 in cyanobacteria, plastocyanin in plants.
Cyanobacteria can also synthesize ATP by oxidative phosphorylation, in the manner of other bacteria. The electron transport chain is
           NADH dehydrogenase → plastoquinone → b
6 → cytochrome c
6 → cytochrome aa
3 → O
2

where the mobile electron carriers are plastoquinone and cytochrome c
6, while the proton pumps are NADH dehydrogenase, b
6 and cytochrome aa
3.
Cyanobacteria are the only bacteria that produce oxygen during photosynthesis. Earth's primordial atmosphere was anoxic. Organisms like cyanobacteria produced our present-day oxygen-containing atmosphere.
The other two major groups of photosynthetic bacteria, purple bacteria and green sulfur bacteria, contain only a single photosystem and do not produce oxygen.
Purple bacteria[edit]
Purple bacteria contain a single photosystem that is structurally related to PS II in cyanobacteria and chloroplasts:
P870 → P870* → ubiquinone → bc
1 → cytochrome c
2 → P870
This is a cyclic process in which electrons are removed from an excited chlorophyll molecule (bacteriochlorophyll; P870), passed through an electron transport chain to a proton pump (cytochrome bc
1 complex, similar but not identical to cytochrome bc
1 in chloroplasts), and then returned to the chlorophyll molecule. The result is a proton gradient, which is used to make ATP via ATP synthase. As in cyanobacteria and chloroplasts, this is a solid-state process that depends on the precise orientation of various functional groups within a complex transmembrane macromolecular structure.
To make NADPH, purple bacteria use an external electron donor (hydrogen, hydrogen sulfide, sulfur, sulfite, or organic molecules such as succinate and lactate) to feed electrons into a reverse electron transport chain.
Green sulfur bacteria[edit]
Green sulfur bacteria contain a photosystem that is analogous to PS I in chloroplasts:
                           P840 → P840* → ferredoxin → NADH ↑ ↓ cyt c553 ← bc
1 ← menaquinone

There are two pathways of electron transfer. In cyclic electron transfer, electrons are removed from an excited chlorophyll molecule, passed through an electron transport chain to a proton pump, and then returned to the chlorophyll. The mobile electron carriers are, as usual, a lipid-soluble quinone and a water-soluble cytochrome. The resulting proton gradient is used to make ATP.
In noncyclic electron transfer, electrons are removed from an excited chlorophyll molecule and used to reduce NAD+ to NADH. The electrons removed from P840 must be replaced. This is accomplished by removing electrons from H
2S, which is oxidized to sulfur (hence the name "green sulfur bacteria").
Purple bacteria and green sulfur bacteria occupy relatively minor ecological niches in the present day biosphere. They are of interest because of their importance in precambrian ecologies, and because their methods of photosynthesis were the likely evolutionary precursors of those in modern plants.
History[edit]
The first ideas about light being used in photosynthesis were proposed by Colin Flannery in 1779[6] who recognized it was sunlight falling on plants that was required, although Joseph Priestley had noted the production of oxygen without the association with light in 1772.[7] Cornelius Van Niel proposed in 1931 that photosynthesis is a case of general mechanism where a photon of light is used to photo decompose a hydrogen donor and the hydrogen being used to reduce CO
2.[8] Then in 1939, Robin Hill showed that isolated chloroplasts would make oxygen, but not fix CO
2 showing the light and dark reactions occurred in different places. Although they are referred to as light and dark reactions, both of them take place only in the presence of light.[9] This led later to the discovery of photosystems I and II.
See also[edit]
Light-independent reaction
Photosynthetic reaction centre
Photosystem II
Compensation point
References[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b Vass, Imre; Cser, Krisztian (April 2009). "Janus-faced charge recombinations in photosystem II photoinhibition". Trends in Plant Science. 14 (4): 200–205. doi:10.1016/j.tplants.2009.01.009. ISSN 1360-1385. PMID 19303349. Retrieved 2012-10-30.
Jump up ^ Keren, Nir; Berg, Alexander; van Kan, Paul J. M.; Levanon, Haim; Ohad, Itzhak (1997-02-18). "Mechanism of photosystem II photoinactivation and D1 protein degradation at low light: The role of back electron flow". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. 94 (4): 1579–1584. doi:10.1073/pnas.94.4.1579. ISSN 0027-8424. PMC 19834  . PMID 11038602. Retrieved 2012-10-30.
Jump up ^ Rajni Govindjee. "The Z-Scheme Diagram of Photosynthesis". Retrieved March 2, 2006.
Jump up ^ Dolai, U. (2017). "Chemical Scheme of Water -Splitting Process during Photosynthesis by the way of Experimental Analysis ". IOSR Journal of Pharmacy and Biological Sciences. 12(6):65-67. doi: 10.9790/3008-1206026567. ISSN 2319-7676.
Jump up ^ "Photosynthesis". McGraw Hill Encyclopedia of Science and Technology. 2007. p. 472.
Jump up ^ Ingenhousz, J (1779). Experiments Upon Vegetables. London: Elmsly and Payne.
Jump up ^ Priestley, J (1772). "Observations on Different Kinds of Air". 62. London: Phil. Trans. Roy. Soc.: 147–264. doi:10.1098/rstl.1772.0021.
Jump up ^ van Niel, C. B. (1931). "On the morphology and physiology of the purple and green sulfur bacteria". Arch. Microbiol. 3: 1–114. doi:10.1007/BF00454965.
Jump up ^ Hill, R. (May 1939). "Oxygen Produced by Isolated Chloroplasts". Proceedings of the Royal Society of London. Series B, Biological Sciences. 127 (847): 192–210. doi:10.1098/rspb.1939.0017.
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Road speed limits in the Republic of Ireland
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Road speed limits in Ireland apply on all public roads in the state. These are signposted and legislated for in kilometres per hour. Speed limits are demarcated by regulatory road signs. These consist of white circular signs with a red outline. Speed limits are marked in black with "km/h" below the speed limit. Smaller "repeater" speed limit signs are used along stretches of road where there is no change in speed limit, in order to remind motorists currently on the road and to inform traffic merging from junctions that a certain speed limit applies.
Contents
[hide]
1 History
2 Signs
3 Ordinary speed limits
4 Special speed limits
5 Cautionary speed limits
6 Road works speed limits
7 See also
8 References
8.1 Citations
8.2 Sources
History[edit]
The first speed limits in Ireland were introduced prior to independence, by regulations made in 1876 under the Dublin Traffic Act 1875, which prescribed speed limits of 6 mph (9.7 km/h) for certain vehicles. The Light Locomotives on Highways (Ireland) Order 1896 then set a maximum national speed limit of 12 mph (19 km/h) with a speed limit of 6 mph (9.7 km/h) for traffic in villages, towns and the Dublin Metropolitan Police District. Vehicles weighing more than 2 tons (unladen) were restricted to 5 mph (8.0 km/h) in these areas. This situation was updated in 1933 with Road Traffic Act 1933 [1] prescribing an ordinary speed limit of 25 mph (40 km/h) for light motor vehicles or heavy motor vehicles fitted with pneumatic tyres. Lower speed limits were applied for heavy motor vehicles without some pneumatic tyres, or used for pulling another vehicle. Road signage was established by the Traffic Signs Regulations, 1956.[2]
However, the main piece of legislation responsible for the introduction of speed limits in Ireland was Part IV of the Road Traffic Act, 1961.[3] This repealed the 1933 Act and allowed the Minister for the Environment to prescribe a general speed limit through regulations made under this Act. It also allowed local authorities to specify special speed limits through regulations made under this Act. The first regulations made were the Road Traffic (Speed Limits) Regulations, 1963 [4] which set down a speed limit of 50 mph (80 km/h) for all roads except those subject to a built up area speed limit of 30 mph (48 km/h) or special speed limit of 40 mph (64 km/h). Throughout the mid to late 1960s local authorities studied roads in their areas and had regulations drafted specifically for their county which prescribed speed limits of 30 mph (48 km/h) and 40 mph (64 km/h) along specifically named roads in their administrative area.
On 1 April 1969 the Minister for the Environment through the Road Traffic (General Speed Limit) Regulations, 1969 [5] finally prescribed a general national speed limit of 60 mph (97 km/h) on all roads except those subject to special and built up area speed limits of 40 mph (64 km/h) and 30 mph (48 km/h). This replaced the 50 mph (80 km/h) speed limit in all but a few cases where regulations had been drafted specifically to impose a 50 mph (80 km/h) limit. While the built up area and special speed limits were clearly indicated to motorists by the number 30, 40 or 50 in black numbers on a white circular background with a red outline, there was no such signage for the general 60 mph (97 km/h) speed limit. This was indicated to motorists by a "general speed limit" applies sign which consisted of a circular white sign with a black diagonal line bisecting it. The general limit was reduced to 55 mph (89 km/h) in 1979[6] as an energy conservation measure during the 1979 energy crisis.[7] Some drivers remained unaware of this change.[8] A review of speed limits from 1990-92 restored the 60 mph limit.[9][10]
It was not until 1992 that a 70 mph (113 km/h) speed limit was authorised on the State's motorways. This occurred through the Road Traffic (Speed Limits) (County of Kildare) (Amendment) Regulations, 1992 [11] and the similar Road Traffic (Speed Limits) (County Borough of Dublin and County of Dublin) (Amendment) Regulations, 1992.[12] This authorised traffic on the M1, M7, M11 and M50 to travel at 70 mph (113 km/h) where signposted. This was extended to motorways in general by the Road Traffic Act, 1994.[13] A minimum speed limit of 30 mph (48 km/h) had previously been set in 1974 through the Local Government (Roads and Motorways) Act, 1974.[14]
On 20 January 2005, Ireland adopted metric speed limits.[15] Around 35,000 existing signs were replaced and a further 23,000 new signs erected bearing the speed limit in kilometres per hour. To avoid confusion with the old signs, each speed limit sign now has "km/h" beneath the numerals.
During the period 2000-2010, the state underwent a massive road building programme which included the construction of a national motorway network. Many sections of this "motorway network" such as the N6 from Kinnegad to Kilbeggan were originally built to high quality dual carriageway standard. The Roads Act, 2007 enacted in July 2007 made a provision for the redesignation of dual carriageways to motorway. This meant the hard shoulder of the high quality dual carriageways chosen to be redesignated, had to be changed from a broken yellow line to a continuous yellow line. Green signage also had to be changed to blue. In some instances the cost of this retrofit ran to millions of euro as it involved the replacement of existing gantry and large panel signage as well as the application of hundreds of kilometres of thermoplastic road paint. In September 2008, the Cahir to Cashel stretch of the M8 had its gantry signage changed and hard shoulder re-painted. Parts of the M6 also underwent the same process.
In February 2012 Leo Varadkar, the Minister for Transport, Tourism and Sport, tasked a working group with reviewing speed-limit policy and implementation.[16] Its report, published in 2013, identified two key issues: inconsistency of limits between similar roads, and inappropriateness of limits on some roads.[17] It found the default limits were unsafely high on many minor roads where they applied. It recommended the introduction of a "rural speed limit" sign, to emphasise that the statutory maximum speed was not necessarily a safe speed, which would comprise an "end of speed limit" circular sign over a "Slow" rectangular plate.[18] This was introduced in 2016 as a combination of Sign RUS 041A and Plate P 080 (bilingually reading SLOW and Go Mall); it can only be used on local secondary and tertiary roads (not on national, regional, or local primary roads).[19]
Signs[edit]
RUS 041A
Ordinary speed limits[edit]
Different default speed limits apply to particular categories of roads. Default speed limits are termed as "ordinary speed limits" by the Road Traffic Act 2004. There are also speed restrictions for certain classes of vehicles. As of 2007, the ordinary speed limits are as follows:
120 km/h (75 mph) for motorways
100 km/h (62 mph) for National Routes (Primary and Secondary) that are not motorway status.
80 km/h (50 mph) for local and regional roads.
50 km/h (31 mph) in built up areas.
Special speed limits[edit]
120 km/h (75 mph) (for Dual Carriageways forming part of a national road only)
60 km/h (37 mph)
40 km/h (25 mph)
30 km/h (19 mph)
There are particular powers available to local county councils under the Road Traffic Act 2004 [20] to apply "special speed limits" to particular stretches of road. Special speed limits of 30, 50, 60, 80, 100 and 120 km/h (19, 31, 37, 50, 62 and 75 mph) can be imposed, but only 30 and 60 km/h (19 and 37 mph) are exclusively "special" as opposed to the others which are "ordinary". The 120 km/h (75 mph) limit is ordinary for motorways but can be special for dual carriageways forming part of a national primary road. Special speed limits are usually lower than normal, for schools, etc. One instance of higher speed limits being applied is that of the new N2 route from the M50 motorway in Fingal (Dublin) to north of Ashbourne, County Meath where a special speed limit of 120 km/h (75 mph) was imposed from 15 June 2006, therefore becoming the first non-motorway road in Ireland to obtain this speed limit. According to the project engineers, the National Roads Authority decided due to the lack of available space at the M50 junction to accommodate a parallel joining non-motorway route that they would designate the new road as high quality dual carriageway and block off the existing road from the M50. The 2004 Act has therefore allowed Local Authorities to get around such issues as the implications of motorway restrictions on learner drivers as under this act such drivers are now permitted to travel at speeds up to 120 km/h (75 mph) on such roads as this section of the N2. The N1 dual carriageway north of Dundalk has also recently been granted a special speed limit of 120 km/h (75 mph), in line with its preceding M1 motorway. As of 2 March 2007, Cork County Council and Limerick city and county councils have published amendments to local bye-laws to adjust several High Quality Carriageways' speed limits to 120 km/h (75 mph).[21] S.I. No. 331 of 2012 allowed a new speed limit of 40km/h to be applied by a city or county council.[22]
Cautionary speed limits[edit]
The Minister for Transport issued a direction to road authorities under section 95(16) of the Road Traffic Act 1961 in February 2007 with respect to a range of non-regulatory traffic signs. Chapter 8 of the Traffic Signs Manual was superseded by an updated version which allowed for the erection of signage stating a cautionary speed limit in the vicinity of Road Works. These speed limits are purposely different from legal speed limits and always display a speed limit that ends in 5, for example 35 km/h (22 mph), 45 km/h (28 mph), etc. They are not legally binding on drivers but it is likely that in the event of a road traffic accident that the issue of if they were being complied with, would be taken into account.
Road works speed limits[edit]
The Manager of a City or County Council can reduce the speed limit on a road undergoing road works for a stated period of time by executive order under powers available to him/her under the Road Traffic Act 2004. The reduced speed limits are typically 30, 50 or 90 km/h (19, 31 or 56 mph). These are different from Cautionary Speed Limits as they are binding on drivers and it is an offence to exceed a road works speed limit.
See also[edit]
Road signs in the Republic of Ireland
References[edit]
Citations[edit]
Jump up ^ Road Traffic Act 1933 - Irish Statute Book
Jump up ^ Traffic Signs Regulations, 1956 - Irish Statute Book
Jump up ^ Road Traffic Act, 1961 - Irish Statute Book
Jump up ^ Road Traffic (Speed Limits) Regulations, 1963
Jump up ^ Road Traffic (General Speed Limit) Regulations, 1969
Jump up ^ "S.I. No. 176/1979: ROAD TRAFFIC (GENERAL SPEED LIMIT) REGULATIONS, 1979.". pp. §5. Retrieved 2007-05-07.
Jump up ^ O'Malley, Desmond (1979-05-15). "Dáil Éireann - Volume 314: Private Notice Question. - Oil Supplies". p. 560. Retrieved 2007-05-19. This country is particularly affected by the present oil shortage ... The Government have, therefore, decided ... that the maximum speed limit on any road shall be 55 mph
Jump up ^ O'Donnell, Liz (1993-07-01). "Dáil Éireann - Volume 433: Road Traffic Bill, 1993: Second Stage (Resumed).". p. 921. Retrieved 2007-05-07. Their 1992 survey showed up interesting attitudinal facts. 54 per cent of drivers correctly stated that the general speed limit was 55 miles per hour; 30 per cent believed the limit was higher than 55 miles per hour and 12 per cent believed it was less. This is an area of confusion as many people do not know the speed limit.
Jump up ^ Brennan, Séamus (2002-10-24). "Dáil Éireann - Volume 556: Written Answers. - Road Safety.". p. 442. Retrieved 2007-05-07. A comprehensive review of speed limits was carried out in Ireland between 1990 and 1992. This left urban speed limits unchanged at 30 mph and 40 mph, but increased the speed limit for heavy goods vehicles from 40 mph to 50 mph and the general speed limit from 55 mph to 60 mph.
Jump up ^ "S.I. No. 194/1992: ROAD TRAFFIC (GENERAL AND ORDINARY SPEED LIMITS) REGULATIONS, 1992.". pp. §.5. Retrieved 2007-05-07.
Jump up ^ Road Traffic (Speed Limits) (County of Kildare) (Amendment) Regulations, 1992 - Irish Statute Book
Jump up ^ Road Traffic (Speed Limits) (County Borough of Dublin and County of Dublin) (Amendment) Regulations, 1992 - Irish Statute Book
Jump up ^ "ROAD TRAFFIC ACT, 1994 SECTION 31". Retrieved 2007-05-07.
Jump up ^ Local Government (Roads and Motorways) Act, 1974
Jump up ^ "International Experience". UK Metric Association. Archived from the original on 30 May 2008. Retrieved 6 August 2015.
Jump up ^ 2013 Speed Limits Review, p.i
Jump up ^ 2013 Speed Limits Review, p.iii
Jump up ^ 2013 Speed Limits Review, p.iv
Jump up ^ "Rural Speed Limit Sign Advice Note (TSAN-2016-01)" (PDF). trafficsigns.ie. Department of Transport, Tourism and Sport. January 2016. Retrieved 28 September 2017.
Jump up ^ (PDF) Road Traffic Act 2004 - Oireachtas Éireann
Jump up ^ Home - Cork County Council
Jump up ^ [1]
Sources[edit]
"2013 Speed Limits Review" (PDF). Department of Transport, Tourism and Sport. November 2013. Retrieved 28 September 2017.
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Siege of Fort William Henry
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Not to be confused with Siege of Fort Henry (1777) or Siege of Fort Henry (1782).
Siege of Fort William Henry
Part of the French and Indian War

Plan of Fort William Henry and Camp at Lake George
Date
3–9 August 1757
Location
present-day Lake George, New York
Coordinates: 43°25′13″N 73°42′40″W / 43.42028°N 73.71111°W / 43.42028; -73.71111
Result
French victory
Belligerents
France
Colony of Canada Great Britain
Commanders and leaders
Louis-Joseph de Montcalm George Monro
Strength
6,200 regulars and militia
1,800 Indians[1] 2,500 regulars and provincial troops[2]
Casualties and losses
light[3]
Siege: 130 killed or wounded[4]
2,308 captured[5]
Aftermath: 69–184 killed in captivity or missing[5]
[hide]
v
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Seven Years' War in North America: The French and Indian War, St. Lawrence and Mohawk theater
Lake George
Fort Bull
Fort Oswego
1st Snowshoes
Sabbath Day Point
Fort William Henry
German Flatts
2nd Snowshoes
Fort Carillon
Fort Frontenac
La Belle-Famille
Fort Niagara
Fort Ticonderoga
Beauport
Quebec
St. Francis
Sainte-Foy
Neuville
Thousand Islands
The Siege of Fort William Henry was conducted in August 1757 by French General Louis-Joseph de Montcalm against the British-held Fort William Henry. The fort, located at the southern end of Lake George, on the frontier between the British Province of New York and the French Province of Canada, was garrisoned by a poorly supported force of British regulars and provincial militia led by Lieutenant Colonel George Monro. After several days of bombardment, Monro surrendered to Montcalm, whose force included nearly 2,000 Indians from a large number of tribes. The terms of surrender included the withdrawal of the garrison to Fort Edward, with specific terms that the French military protect the British from the Indians as they withdrew from the area.
In one of the most notorious incidents of the French and Indian War, Montcalm's Indian allies violated the agreed terms of surrender and attacked the British column, which had been deprived of ammunition, as it left the fort. They killed and scalped many soldiers, took as captives women, children, servants, and slaves, and slaughtered sick and wounded prisoners. Early accounts of the events called it a massacre and implied that as many as 1,500 people were killed, although it is unlikely more than 200 people (less than 10% of the British fighting strength) were actually killed in the massacre.[5]
The exact role of Montcalm and other French leaders in encouraging or defending against the actions of their allies, and the total number of casualties incurred as a result of their actions, is a subject of historical debate. The memory of the killings influenced the actions of British military leaders, especially those of British General Jeffery Amherst, for the remainder of the war.
Contents
[hide]
1 Background
1.1 British planning
1.2 French planning
1.3 British preparations
1.4 French preparations
2 Prelude
3 Siege
4 Massacre
5 Aftermath
5.1 Return of captives
5.2 Consequences
6 Legacy
7 Participating Indian nations
8 Notes
9 References
10 Further reading
11 External links
Background[edit]
The French and Indian War started in 1754 over territorial disputes between the North American colonies of France and Great Britain in areas that are now western Pennsylvania and upstate New York. The first few years of the war had not gone particularly well for the British. A major expedition by General Edward Braddock in 1755 ended in disaster, and British military leaders were unable to mount any campaigns the following year. In a major setback, a French and Indian army led by General Louis-Joseph de Montcalm captured the garrison and destroyed fortifications in the Battle of Fort Oswego in August 1756.[6] In July 1756 the Earl of Loudoun arrived to take command of the British forces in North America, replacing William Shirley, who had temporarily assumed command after Braddock's death.[7]
British planning[edit]
Loudoun's plan for the 1757 campaign was submitted to the government in London in September 1756, and was focused on a single expedition aimed at the heart of New France, the city of Quebec. It called for a purely defensive postures along the frontier with New France, including the contested corridor of the Hudson River and Lake Champlain between Albany, New York and Montreal.[8] Following the Battle of Lake George in 1755, the French had begun construction of Fort Carillon (now known as Fort Ticonderoga) near the southern end of Lake Champlain, while the British had built Fort William Henry at the southern end of Lake George, and Fort Edward on the Hudson River, about 16 miles (26 km) south of Fort William Henry.[9] The area between William Henry and Carillon was a wilderness dominated by Lake George that historian Ian Steele described as "a military waterway that left opposing cannons only a few days apart."[10]
Lord Loudoun, portrait by Allan Ramsay
Loudoun's plan depended on the expedition's timely arrival at Quebec, so that French troops would not have the opportunity to move against targets on the frontier, and would instead be needed to defend the heartland of the province of Canada along the Saint Lawrence River.[11] However, political turmoil in London over the progress of the Seven Years' War both in North America and in Europe resulted in a change of power, with William Pitt the Elder rising to take control over military matters. Loudoun consequently did not receive any feedback from London on his proposed campaign until March 1757.[8] Before this feedback arrived he developed plans for the expedition to Quebec, and worked with the provincial governors of the Thirteen Colonies to develop plans for a coordinated defence of the frontier, including the allotment of militia quotas to each province.[12]
When William Pitt's instructions finally reached Loudoun in March 1757, they called for the expedition to first target Louisbourg on the Atlantic coast of Île Royale, now known as Cape Breton Island.[13] Although this did not materially affect the planning of the expedition, it was to have significant consequences on the frontier. The French forces on the Saint Lawrence would be too far from Louisbourg to support it, and would consequently be free to act elsewhere. Loudoun assigned his best troops to the Louisbourg expedition, and placed Brigadier General Daniel Webb in command of the New York frontier. He was given about 2,000 regulars, primarily from the 35th and 60th (Royal American) Regiments. The provinces were to supply Webb with about 5,000 militia.[14]
French planning[edit]
Portrait of Montcalm, copy by Théophile Hamel from unknown original
Following the success of his 1756 assault on Fort Oswego, Montcalm had been seeking an opportunity to deal with the British position at Fort William Henry, since it provided the British with a launching point for attacks against Fort Carillon (now known as Fort Ticonderoga).[15] He was initially hesitant to commit his limited resources against Fort William Henry without knowing more about the disposition of British forces.[16] Intelligence provided by spies in London arrived in the spring, indicating that the British target was probably Louisbourg. This suggested that troop levels on the British side of the frontier might be low enough to make an attack on Fort William Henry feasible.[17] This idea was further supported after the French questioned deserters and captives taken during periodic scouting and raiding expeditions that both sides conducted, including one resulting in the January Battle on Snowshoes.[18]
As early as December 1756, New France's governor, the Marquis de Vaudreuil, began the process of recruiting Indians for the following summer's campaign. Fueled by stories circulated by Indian participants in the capture of Oswego, this drive was highly successful, drawing nearly 1,000 warriors from the Pays d'en Haut (the more remote regions of New France) to Montreal by June 1757.[19][20] Another 800 Indians were recruited from tribes that lived closer to the Saint Lawrence.[20]
British preparations[edit]
A map showing the theater of war in New York and Pennsylvania. Fort William Henry is just above "York" on the right side of the map.
Fort William Henry, built in the fall of 1755, was a roughly square fortification with bastions on the corners, in a design that was intended to repel Indian attacks but was not necessarily sufficient to withstand attack from an enemy that had artillery. Its walls were 30 feet (9.1 m) thick, with log facings surrounding an earthen filling. Inside the fort were wooden barracks two stories high, built around the parade ground. Its magazine was in the northeast bastion, and its hospital was located in the southeast bastion. The fort was surrounded on three sides by a dry moat, with the fourth side sloping down to the lake. The only access to the fort was by a bridge across the moat.[21] The fort was capable of housing only four to five hundred men; additional troops were quartered in an entrenched camp 750 yards (690 m) southeast of the fort, near the site of the 1755 Battle of Lake George.[22]
During the winter of 1756–57, Fort William Henry was garrisoned by several hundred men from the 44th Foot under Major Will Eyre. In March 1757 the French sent an army of 1,500 to attack the fort under the command of the governor's brother, Pierre de Rigaud. Composed primarily of colonial troupes de la marine, militia, and Indians, and without heavy weapons, they besieged the fort for four days, destroying outbuildings and a large number of watercraft before retreating.[23] Eyre and his men were replaced by Lieutenant Colonel George Monro and the 35th Foot in the spring. Monro established his headquarters in the entrenched camp, where most of his men were located.[24]
French preparations[edit]
The Indians that assembled at Montreal were sent south to Fort Carillon, where they joined the French regiments of Béarn and Royal Roussillon under François-Charles de Bourlamaque, and those of La Sarre, Guyenne, Languedoc, and la Reine under François de Gaston, Chevalier de Lévis. Combined with the troupes de la marine, militia companies, and the arriving Indians, the force accumulated at Carillon amounted to 8,000 men.[1]
A hand-drawn map depicting the siege area, by James Gabriel Montresor
While at Carillon, the French leadership had difficulty controlling the behaviour of its Indian allies. Although they did stop one group from forcing a British prisoner to run the gantlet, a group of Ottawas were not stopped when it was observed that they were ritually cannibalizing another prisoner. French authorities were also frustrated in their ability to limit the Indians' taking of more than their allotted share of rations. Montcalm's aide, Louis Antoine de Bougainville, observed that attempts to curb this activity would have resulted in the loss of some of these forces.[25] In another prelude of things to come, a large number of prisoners were taken on 23 July in the Battle of Sabbath Day Point, some of whom were also ritually cannibalized before Montcalm managed to convince the Indians instead to send the captives to Montreal to be sold as slaves.[26]
Prelude[edit]
Webb, who commanded the area from his base at Fort Edward, received intelligence in April that the French were accumulating resources and troops at Carillon. News of continued French activity arrived with a captive taken in mid-July. Following an attack by Joseph Marin de la Malgue on a work crew near Fort Edward on 23 July, Webb travelled to Fort William Henry with a party of Connecticut rangers led by Major Israel Putnam, and sent a detachment of them onto the lake for reconnaissance.[27] They returned with word that Indians were encamped on islands in the lake about 18 miles (29 km) from the fort. Swearing Putnam and his rangers to secrecy, Webb returned to Fort Edward, and on 2 August sent Lieutenant Colonel John Young with 200 regulars and 800 Massachusetts militia to reinforce the garrison at William Henry.[24] This raised the size of the garrison to about 2,500, although several hundred of these were ill, some with smallpox.[2]
Siege[edit]
While Montcalm's Indian allies had already begun to move south, his advance force of French troops departed from Carillon on 30 July under Lévis' command, travelling overland along Lake George's western shore because the expedition did not have enough boats to carry the entire force.[24] Montcalm and the remaining forces sailed the next day, and met with Lévis for the night at Ganaouske Bay. The next night, Lévis camped just 3 miles (4.8 km) from Fort William Henry, with Montcalm not far behind. Early on the morning of 3 August, Lévis and the Canadians blocked the road between Edward and William Henry, skirmishing with the recently arrived Massachusetts militia. Montcalm summoned Monro to surrender at 11:00 am. Monro refused, and sent messengers south to Fort Edward, indicating the dire nature of the situation and requesting reinforcements. Webb, feeling threatened by Lévis, refused to send any of his estimated 1,600 men north, since they were all that stood between the French and Albany.[28] He wrote to Monro on 4 August that he should negotiate the best terms possible; this communication was intercepted and delivered to Montcalm.[29]
Montcalm, in the meantime, ordered Bourlamaque to begin siege operations. The French opened trenches to the northwest of the fort with the objective of bringing their artillery to bear against the fort's northwest bastion. On 5 August, French guns began firing on the fort from 2,000 yards (1,800 m), a spectacle the large Indian contingent relished. The next day a second battery opened fire from 900 feet (270 m) further along the same trench, creating a crossfire. The effect of the garrison's return fire was limited to driving French guards from the trenches, and some of the fort's guns either were dismounted or burst owing to the stress of use.[30] On 7 August, Montcalm sent Bougainville to the fort under a truce flag to deliver the intercepted dispatch. By then the fort's walls had been breached, many of its guns were useless, and the garrison had taken many casualties.[31] After another day of bombardment by the French, during which their trenches approached another 250 yards (230 m), Monro raised the white flag to open negotiations.[32]
Massacre[edit]
The terms of surrender were that the British and their camp followers would be allowed to withdraw, under French escort, to Fort Edward, with the full honours of war, on condition that they refrain from fighting for 18 months. They were allowed to keep their muskets and a single symbolic cannon, but no ammunition. In addition, British authorities were to release French prisoners within three months.[32]
Engraving of Louis-Joseph de Montcalm trying to stop Native Americans from attacking British soldiers and civilians as they leave the fort.
Montcalm, before agreeing to these terms, tried to make sure that his Indian allies understood them, and that the chiefs would undertake to restrain their men. This process was complicated by the diversity within the Indian camp, which included some warriors who spoke languages not understood by any European present. The British garrison was then evacuated from the fort to the entrenched camp, and Monro was quartered in the French camp. The Indians then entered the fort and plundered it, butchering some of the wounded and sick that the British had left behind.[32] The French guards posted around the entrenched camp were only somewhat successful at keeping the Indians out of that area, and it took much effort to prevent plunder and scalping there. Montcalm and Monro initially planned to march the prisoners south the following morning, but after seeing the Indian bloodlust, decided to attempt the march that night. When the Indians became aware that the British were getting ready to move, a large number of them massed around the camp, causing the leaders to call off the march until morning.[32]
The next morning, even before the British column began to form up for the march to Fort Edward, the Indians renewed attacks on the largely defenceless British. At 5 am, Indians entered huts in the fort housing wounded British who were supposed to be under the care of French doctors, and killed and scalped them.[33] Monro complained that the terms of capitulation had been violated, but his contingent was forced to surrender some of its baggage in order to be able even to begin the march. As they marched off, they were harassed by the swarming Indians, who snatched at them, grabbing for weapons and clothing, and pulling away with force those that resisted their actions, including many of the women, children, servants and slaves.[33] As the last of the men left the encampment, a war whoop sounded, and a contingent of Abenaki warriors seized several men at the rear of the column.[33]
Although Montcalm and other French officers attempted to stop further attacks, others did not, and some explicitly refused to provide further protection to the British. At this point, the column dissolved, as some tried to escape the Indian onslaught, while others actively tried to defend themselves. Massachusetts Colonel Joseph Frye reported that he was stripped of much of his clothing and repeatedly threatened. He fled into the woods, and did not reach Fort Edward until 12 August.[34]
At last with great difficulty the troops got from the Retrenchment, but they were no sooner out than the savages fell upon our rear, killing and scalping, which occasioned an order for a halt, done in great confusion at last, but, as soon as those in the front knew what was doing in the rear they again pressed forward, and thus the confusion continued & encreased till we came to the advanced guard of the French, the savages still carrying away Officers, privates, women and children, some of which later they kill'd & scalpt in the road. This horrid scene of blood and slaughter obliged our officers to apply to the French Guard for protection, which they refus'd told them they must take to the woods and shift for themselves.
—  Joseph Frye[35]
Estimates of the numbers killed, wounded, and taken captive during this time vary widely. Ian Steele has compiled estimates ranging from 200 to 1,500.[36] His detailed reconstruction of the siege and its aftermath indicates that the final tally of British missing and dead ranges from 69 to 184, at most 7.5% of the 2,308 who surrendered.[5]
Aftermath[edit]
The reconstructed fort today
On the afternoon after the massacre, most of the Indians left, heading back to their homes. Montcalm was able to secure the release of 500 captives they had taken, but they still took with them another 200.[37] The French remained at the site for several days, destroying what remained of the British works before leaving on 18 August and returning to Fort Carillon.[38] For unknown reasons, Montcalm decided not to follow up his victory with an attack on Fort Edward. Many reasons have been proposed justifying his decision, including the departure of many (but not all) of the Indians, a shortage of provisions, the lack of draft animals to assist in the portage to the Hudson, and the need for the Canadian militia to return home in time to participate in the harvest.[36]
Word of the French movements had reached the influential British Indian agent William Johnson on 1 August. Unlike Webb, he acted with haste, and arrived at Fort Edward on 6 August with 1,500 militia and 150 Indians. In a move that infuriated Johnson, Webb refused to allow him to advance toward Fort William Henry, apparently believing a French deserter's report that the French army was 11,000 men strong, and that any attempt at relief was futile given the available forces.[39]
Return of captives[edit]
On 14 August, Montcalm wrote letters to Loudoun and Webb, apologising for the behaviour of the Indians, but also attempting to justify it.[38] Many captives that were taken to Montreal by the Indians were also eventually repatriated through prisoner exchanges negotiated by Governor Vaudreuil. On 27 September a small British fleet left Quebec, carrying paroled or exchanged prisoners taken in a variety of actions including those at Fort William Henry and Oswego. When the fleet arrived at Halifax, about 300 people captured at Fort William Henry were returned to the colonies. The fleet continued to Europe, where a few more former captives were released; some of these also eventually returned to the colonies.[40]
Consequences[edit]
General Webb was recalled because of his actions; William Johnson wrote that Webb was "the only Englishman [I] ever knew who was a coward."[41] Lord Loudoun was also recalled, although this occurred primarily because of the failure of the Louisbourg expedition. Colonel Monro died in November 1757, of apoplexy that some historians have suggested was caused by anger over Webb's failure to support him.[41]
Lord Loudoun, upset over the event, delayed implementing the release of French prisoners promised as part of the terms of surrender. General James Abercrombie, who succeeded Loudoun as commander-in-chief, was asked by paroled members of the 35th Foot to void the agreement so that they would be free to serve in 1758; this he did, and they went on to serve under Jeffery Amherst in his successful British expedition against Louisbourg in 1758. Amherst, who also presided over the surrender of Montreal in 1760, refused the surrendering garrisons at Louisbourg and Montreal the normal honours of war, due in part to the French failure to uphold the terms of capitulation in this action.[42]
Legacy[edit]
Reenactment of the events on the 250th anniversary
The British (and later Americans) never rebuilt anything on the site of Fort William Henry, which lay in ruins for about 200 years. In the 1950s, excavation at the site eventually led to the reconstruction of Fort William Henry as a tourist destination for the town of Lake George.[43]
Many colonial accounts of the time focused on the plundering perpetrated by the Indians, and the fact that those who resisted them were killed, using words like "massacre" even though casualty numbers were uncertain. The later releases of captives did not receive the same level of press coverage.[44] The events of the battle and subsequent killings were depicted in the 1826 novel The Last of the Mohicans by James Fenimore Cooper and in film adaptations of the book. Cooper's description of the events contains numerous inaccuracies, but his work, and the sometimes lurid descriptions of the event by early historians like Benson Lossing and Francis Parkman, led to the belief that many more people died than actually did. Lossing wrote that "fifteen hundred [people] were butchered or carried into hopeless captivity", when many more were captured than killed, and even many of those captured were eventually freed.[45]
Daguerreotype of Francis Parkman
Historians disagree on where to assign responsibility for the Indian actions. Francis Jennings contends that Montcalm anticipated what was going to happen, deliberately ignored it when it did happen, and stepped in only after the atrocities were well under way. In his opinion, the account by Bougainville, who left for Montreal on the night of 9 August and was not present at the massacre, was written as a whitewash to protect Montcalm.[46][47] Parkman is more vigorous in his defence of Montcalm, claiming that he and other French officers did what they could to prevent atrocities, but were powerless to stop the onslaught.[48]
Ian Steele notes that two primary accounts dominate much of the historical record. The first is the record compiled by Montcalm, including the terms of surrender and his letters to Webb and Loudoun, which received wide publication in the colonies (both French and British) and in Europe. The second was the 1778 publication of a book by Jonathan Carver, an explorer who served in the Massachusetts militia and was present at the siege. According to Steele, Carver originated, without any supporting analysis or justification, the idea that as many as 1,500 people had been "killed or made prisoner" in his widely popular work.[49] Yale College president Timothy Dwight, in a history published posthumously in 1822, apparently coined the phrase "massacre at Fort William Henry", based on Carver's work; his book and Carver's were likely influences on Cooper, and tended to fault Montcalm for the Indian transgressions.[50] Steele himself adopts a more nuanced view of the underlying cause of the massacre. Montcalm and the French leaders repeatedly promised the Indians opportunities for the glory and trophies of war, including plunder, scalping, and the taking of captives.[51] In the aftermath of the Battle of Sabbath Day Point, captives taken were ransomed, meaning the Indians had no visible trophies. The terms of surrender at Fort William Henry effectively denied the Indians appreciable opportunities for plunder: the war provisions were claimed by the French army, and personal effects of the British were to stay with them, leaving nothing for the Indians. According to Steele, this decision bred resentment, as it appeared that the French were conspiring with their enemies (the British) against their friends (the Indians), leaving them without any promised war trophies.[52]
Participating Indian nations[edit]
According to historian William Nester, a large number of tribal nations were present during the siege. Some were represented by only a few individual warriors. Some individuals were thought to have traveled 1,500 miles (2,400 km) to join the French, coming from as far away as the Mississippi River and Hudson Bay.[20] Nester proposed that some of the atrocities, which included the murder and scalping of sick individuals and the digging up of bodies for plunder and scalping, resulted in many Indians becoming infected with smallpox, which they then carried into their communities. The devastation wrought by the disease in the following years had a notable effect on Indian participation in the French campaigns of the following years.[53] The tribes that Nester lists are:
Abenaki
Algonquin
Fox
Huron
Iowa
"Canadian" Iroquois
Menominee
Miami
Mi'kmaq
Mississauga
Nipissing
Ojibwe
Onondaga
Ottawa
Potawatomi
Sac
Tetes-de-Boules
Winnebago
Notes[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b Parkman, pp. 489–492
^ Jump up to: a b Steele, p. 69
Jump up ^ Sources do not generally count French casualties. Even detailed secondary-source accounts of the siege, like Dodge and Steele, do not attempt to count them. One of Steele's only specific mentions of incidents involving French or allied Indian casualties mentions 15 Indians killed. (Steele, p. 104)
Jump up ^ Pargellis, p. 250
^ Jump up to: a b c d Steele, p. 144
Jump up ^ Steele, pp. 28–56
Jump up ^ Parkman, p. 397
^ Jump up to: a b Pargellis, p. 211
Jump up ^ Steele, pp. 59–61
Jump up ^ Steele, p. 57
Jump up ^ Pargellis, p. 243
Jump up ^ Pargellis, pp. 212–215
Jump up ^ Pargellis, p. 232
Jump up ^ Pargellis, p. 235
Jump up ^ Steele, p. 78
Jump up ^ Parkman, p. 482
Jump up ^ Nester, p. 52
Jump up ^ Parkman, p. 488
Jump up ^ Steele, p. 79
^ Jump up to: a b c Nester, p. 54
Jump up ^ Starbuck, p. 6
Jump up ^ Starbuck, p. 7
Jump up ^ Nester, pp. 43–44
^ Jump up to: a b c Nester, p. 55
Jump up ^ Parkman, pp. 493–497
Jump up ^ Parkman, p. 498
Jump up ^ Nester, p. 53
Jump up ^ Nester, p. 57
Jump up ^ Parkman, p. 517
Jump up ^ Steele, pp. 100–102
Jump up ^ Nester, p. 58
^ Jump up to: a b c d Nester, p. 59
^ Jump up to: a b c Nester, p. 60
Jump up ^ Dodge, p. 92
Jump up ^ Dodge, pp. 91–92
^ Jump up to: a b Nester, p. 62
Jump up ^ Nester, pp. 61,64
^ Jump up to: a b Nester, p. 64
Jump up ^ Nester, pp. 57–58
Jump up ^ Steele, pp. 135–138
^ Jump up to: a b Starbuck, p. 14
Jump up ^ Steele, p. 145
Jump up ^ Starbuck, p. 18
Jump up ^ Steele, p. 151
Jump up ^ Starbuck, p. 15
Jump up ^ Parkman, p. 523
Jump up ^ Jennings, pp. 316–318
Jump up ^ Parkman, pp. 521–525
Jump up ^ Steele, p. 159
Jump up ^ Steele, pp. 167–168
Jump up ^ Steele, p. 184
Jump up ^ Steele, p. 185
Jump up ^ Nester, p. 61
References[edit]
Dodge, Edward J (1998). Relief is Greatly Wanted: the Battle of Fort William Henry. Bowie, MD: Heritage Books. ISBN 978-0-7884-0932-5. OCLC 39400729.
Jennings, Francis (1990). Empire of Fortune: Crowns, Colonies, and Tribes in the Seven Years War in America. New York: W. W. Norton. ISBN 978-0-393-30640-8. OCLC 30969531.
Nester, William R (2000). The First Global War: Britain, France, and the Fate of North America, 1756–1775. Westport, CT: Praeger. ISBN 978-0-275-96771-0. OCLC 41468552.
Pargellis, Stanley McRory (1933). Lord Loudoun in North America. New Haven: Yale University Press. OCLC 460019682.
Parkman, Francis (1922) [1884]. Montcalm and Wolfe, Volume 1. Boston: Little, Brown. OCLC 30767445.
Starbuck, David (2002). Massacre at Fort William Henry. Hanover, NH: University Press of New England. ISBN 978-1-58465-166-6. OCLC 47746316.
Steele, Ian K (1990). Betrayals: Fort William Henry & the 'Massacre'. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-505893-2. OCLC 20098712.
Further reading[edit]
Bellico, Russel P (1995). Chronicles of Lake George: Journeys in War and Peace. Fleischmann's, NY: Purple Mountain Press. ISBN 0-935796-62-2.
Carver, Jonathan (2004). Parker, John, ed. Journals of Jonathan Carver. St. Paul, MN: Minnesota Historical Society Press. ISBN 978-0-87351-492-7. OCLC 213846192.
Cooper, James Fenimore (2005) [1921]. The Last of the Mohicans: a Narrative of 1757. New York: Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-451-52982-4. OCLC 21280984.
Dwight, Timothy (2010) [1823]. Travels in New-England and New-York, Volume 3. New Haven, CT: self-published. ISBN 978-1-145-36146-1. OCLC 2602185.
External links[edit]
An account of two attacks on Fort William Henry
History of the 35th Foot in the French and Indian War
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values: Обсада на форт Уилям Хенри – Bulgarian

values: 윌리엄 헨리 요새 전투 – Korean

values: ウィリアム・ヘンリー砦の戦い – Japanese

values: Slaget ved Fort William Henry – Norwegian

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