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One Big Union (concept)
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IWW sticker, 1910s
The One Big Union was an idea in the late 19th and early 20th centuries amongst trade unionists to unite the interests of workers and offer solutions to all labour problems.
Unions initially organised as craft or trade unions. Workers were organised by their skill: carpenters, plumbers, bricklayers, each into their respective unions. Capitalists could often divide craft and trade unionists along these lines in demarcation disputes. As capitalist enterprises and state bureaucracies became more centralised and larger, some workers felt that their institutions needed to become similarly large. A simultaneous disenchantment with the perceived weakness of craft unions caused many unions to organise along industrial lines.
As envisioned by the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) – which for many years prior to 1919 had been associated with the concept[1] – One Big Union was not just the idea that all workers should be organised into one big union. In the 1911 pamphlet "One Big Union", IWW supporters Father Thomas J. Hagerty and William Trautmann enumerated two goals: One Big Union needed to "combine the wage-workers in such a way that it can most successfully fight the battles and protect the interests of the workers of today in their struggles for fewer hours of toil, more wages and better conditions," and it also "must offer a final solution of the labor problem—an emancipation from strikes, injunctions, bull-pens, and scabbing of one against the other."[2]
One Big Union was the notional organisational concept, while the IWW's revolutionary industrial unionism was the organizing method by which that concept could be realised. "Organizing the One Big Union of all workers the world over" was meant to achieve "working class control."[3] But the One Big Union organisations were resisted by government and industry, and subverted by existing trade unions. By 1925, only the slogan of One Big Union remained.
Contents
[hide]
1 One Big Union in practice
2 History
2.1 North America's One Big Union movement
2.1.1 Founding organisations
2.1.2 The One Big Union concept grows
2.2 Australia's One Big Union
2.3 Canada's One Big Union
2.4 One Big Union and mainstream unions
2.5 Criticism of One Big Union organisations
3 See also
4 Notes
One Big Union in practice[edit]
The Industrial Workers of the World adopted and promoted the concept of the One Big Union after the publication of the "One Big Union" pamphlet in 1911; the IWW continues to use the phrase.[4] Members of the IWW historically, and currently, signed and sign letters (and other communications) with the closing, "Yours for the O.B.U."[5] Many commentators regard One Big Union as synonymous with the Industrial Workers of the World.[5] One of the popular IWW publications was called One Big Union Monthly.[6]
The IWW promoted the One Big Union concept in various ways, including as an invitation to racial equality. One IWW leaflet proclaimed:
To Colored Workingmen and Women: If you are a wage worker you are welcome in the I.W.W. halls, no matter what your color. By this you may see that the I.W.W. is not a white man's union, not a black man's union, not a red or yellow man's union, but a working man's union. All of the working class in one big union.[7]
The IWW used the same sort of arguments to welcome women into the workforce.[8] The appeal subsequently proclaimed the intent to organise "all wage workers . . . into One Big Union, regardless of creed, color, or nationality . . . An injury to one is an injury to all."[9] The One Big Union idea had the immediate goals of better pay, shorter hours, and better surroundings.[10] The IWW propagandised, "Organize in one big union and fight for a chance to live as human beings should live. All together now and victory will be ours."[11]
History[edit]
North America's One Big Union movement[edit]
Founding organisations[edit]
In North America, the most significant early impetus for the One Big Union concept came from the Western Federation of Miners (WFM) which was headquartered in Denver, Colorado. The WFM and its allies first launched the Western Labor Union (WLU).
The Western Labor Union was initially intended to displace the conservative American Federation of Labor (AFL) in the West. The WLU's rebranding in 1902 as the American Labor Union (ALU)[12] was a direct response to actions by (AFL) President Samuel Gompers.
The WFM and the ALU then cooperated to found the IWW.
The IWW was conceived as a global union with the goal of organizing the entire world. The concept of One Big Union, growing out of the IWW's revolutionary program, evolved over a period of time:
[In] moving toward revolutionary industrial unionism, Denver's labor radicals were not building from scratch; rather, they drew upon and elaborated ideas and strategies generated by the previous twenty years of Denver's labor history... [Although] the labor wars of 1903-4 may have triggered the formation of the IWW, the ideological synthesis it would uphold had been worked out in the American Labor Union's leadership by the summer of 1903...[13]
The WFM had been founded as a conservative trade union after a bitter and violent strike in Coeur d'Alene in 1892. The WFM conducted a successful strike in Cripple Creek in 1894, notable for the exceedingly rare intervention of the state on the side of the striking miners. But the strike which some historians believe shaped the philosophy and tactics of the WFM, and which ultimately resulted in the WFM embracing revolutionary industrial unionism and the eventual promulgation of the One Big Union concept, occurred against mine owners in Leadville. Out of that struggle came the November 1897 proclamation of the State Trades and Labor Council of Montana, a document which broke with the past – declaring that "the old form of organization is unable to cope with the recent aggressions of plutocracy" – and called for a new type of labour organisation.[14]
The WFM wasn't that organisation. It had poured resources into the Leadville strike, and yet was defeated.[15] Additional resources which had been promised by the AFL were not provided.[16] The solution was organising western labourers and western unions into a new umbrella-like federation[17] (i.e., the WLU, the ALU, and eventually, the IWW.) These conclusions represented "an absolute rejection" of the AFL, of its conservative philosophy and its complacent demeanor.[18]
But the WFM did undergo substantial changes. In contrast to the AFL, the WFM,
...opened itself to all potential members and also to ideas and values in conflict with Capitalism. It accepted any member of a bona fide union without initiation fee upon presentation of a valid union card. It demanded neither a closed shop nor an exclusive employment contract. It sought jobs for all, not merely the organised and highly skilled few.[19]
Members of the WFM "...saw no advantage to huddling within their traditional crafts; they sought to mobilise all workers across a given industry to confront employers—and governments—with their aggregate clout. With little stake in the status quo, they invested their faith in sweeping political programs to remedy the grim conditions in which they worked and lived."[20]
In 1905, WFM leaders initiated a meeting of thirty prominent socialists and labour radicals in Chicago. This group analysed industrial and social relations from the revolutionary viewpoint and drafted a manifesto. Enumerating labor's grievances, it criticised craft unions for creating a skilled aristocracy, and suggested "one big industrial union" embracing all industries and "founded on the class struggle." Printed in great quantities, this invitation to the first convention of the IWW was sent around the country.[21]
The One Big Union concept grows[edit]
The IWW organised in the United States, Canada, Australia, and other countries, employed creative tactics, and advocated the general strike as a favorite method for workers to gain control of industries. But One Big Union spread far beyond the IWW. The revolutionary character of the OBU can be appreciated from a statement by the Brotherhood of Metal Workers' Industrial Union, a 1909 offshoot of the International Association of Machinists. In 1919, this organisation published the following,
The workers, not only of America, but of all countries, are determined to get the full value of the price they paid and will yet pay. There can be no peace until the workers not only control, but also own, the means of life, liberty, and happiness. To accomplish this, it necessitates the ownership of all industries by a government of workers, for the workers, which can and will be accomplished by the One Big Union.[22]
Also in 1919, the International Federation of Workers in the Hotel, Restaurant, Lunchroom, Club and Catering Industry (IFWHRLC) called upon its members to terminate any AFL memberships and was judged by investigators, on the basis of an explanation of industrial unionism in the Hotel Worker, one of its publications, to be a "revolutionary organization based upon the One Big Union principle, having for its objective the establishment of a new social order and the seizure of industry."[23] The Hotel Worker stated, in part:
Under industrial unionism, all the Workers in one industry form One Big Union of that industry. Instead of being split up into a lot of separate units, with divided and often conflicting interests, they strengthen and unite their forces in one mighty and irresistible combination.[24]
The Journeymen Bakers' and Confectioners' International Union of America (JBCIUA) came under suspicion for hosting a delegation of the IWW, and for forming a committee to explore a merger with the IFWHRLC.[25] Investigators concluded that such events confirmed "the organization of One Big Union along I. W. W. lines to control all the workers in the food industry in this state, as well as in the greater part of the country."[25] Cognizant of repression of the period that came to be called the Red Scare, the JBCIUA passed a resolution which stated, in part,
...that our best friends and advisors [sic] are being martyrized [sic] by the capitalistic system, in the present period of worst reaction, and have been thrown into jail for long terms.[26]
In 1919 in the United States the newly formed Communist Labor Party (CLP) sought to attach itself to the One Big Union movement, and to industrial unionism. The CLP urged all its members to join industrial unions.[27] The IWW concluded that the Russian revolution and local communist activities had a divisive effect on the general anti-capitalist movement, but this effect was not immediately apparent.[28]
Australia's One Big Union[edit]
The One Big Union movement was organised in Australia.[29] The concept was initially considered in 1908, when the idea of adopting the Preamble of the Industrial Workers of the World was voted upon by the New South Wales Trade Union Congress,[30] and the first concrete step toward one big union was adopted in 1912.[31] In 1917, the Labour Minister for the New South Wales Government said in a speech,
"...an important conference of Trade Unionists was held in Sydney to further the idea of one big union... to get the Unionists formed into a one big union organisation which, at any time, by the proclamation of a general strike, could stop all production and transport, and force from any government in office whatever concessions were demanded... The men at the head of this movement are in favor of direct action as against political action... With consummate skill the men who initiated this idea have got possession of the whole Labour movement."[32]
An organisation called the One Big Union Propaganda League (OBUPL) was formed in Brisbane on September 10, 1918, growing out of former IWW strongholds in the north.[33] With help from IWW members, the OBUPL gained considerable support from the rank and file of craft unions, emphasizing job control and bottom-up organizing.[34]
Australian trade union officials, succeeded in changing the character of the OBU from that envisioned by the IWW, and also by the Workers' International Industrial Union (WIIU), a group that had split off from the IWW, and was active in Australia. The One Big Union movement ceased to challenge capitalism in Australia, but rather sought to function within capitalism; it evolved from an industrial to a craft basis; it developed into a top-down bureaucracy. By 1924 the Australian OBU ceased to be viable.[35]
Canada's One Big Union[edit]
Main article: One Big Union (Canada)
In 1919 in Canada, unionists who were discontent with policies of the Trades and Labour Congress of the Dominion formed a union called "One Big Union" (OBU).[1] The Canadian OBU movement had been inspired by the IWW,[36] and like the IWW, it favored the general strike.[37] The concept of One Big Union in western Canada did not gain widespread acceptance until the Western Labor News reported that the idea had been adopted by the Australian Workers International Industrial Union in South Melbourne, Australia.[38] That Australian workers' organisation went beyond industrial unionism to advocate the abolition of private ownership of the means of production.[39] Because of recent history in Western Canada, an increasing acceptance of industrial unionism accompanied a growing appreciation of the general strike, and the need for an OBU to call it.[40] A mood of militancy had been growing in Western Canada for some time.[41]
The OBU spread rapidly in Canada. Lodges, trades councils, and provincial federations withdrew from their international organisations, and joined the OBU, culminating in a membership of nearly fifty thousand the first year.[37] The OBU also generated considerable support for dual affiliation. This incarnation of the OBU movement was also attacked by mainstream labor, in the person of John L. Lewis,[36] and other AFL officials.
The One Big Union organisation in Canada differed structurally from the IWW. While the IWW organised on industrial lines, the OBU of Canada focused more on organizing workers geographically.[42] The absence of an existing industrial union structure within the Canadian OBU resulted in the defection of 20,000 members of the Lumber Workers Industrial Union (LWIU). According to the 1922 publication Industrial Unionism in America, "Their withdrawal was a staggering blow from which the O. B. U. [never] recovered."[43]
When the IWW in the United States was suppressed during the Red Scare and the Palmer Raids, there was pressure to similarly attack Canada's One Big Union movement:
The movement was got well under way with a basis of I.W.W. and Socialist support; Calgary was a center of the movement as it had been in the Alberta mining unrest of these years. So obvious was the current of thought that the Calgary Herald of Sept. 6th struck a warning note: "There is an element in Western Canada that is somewhat akin to the I.W.W. if not actually affiliated with and controlled by it. Let the I.W.W. of Canada or their imitators, beware lest the strong hand of the law does not stretch out and grasp them as it has their friends on the other side of the 49th parallel. There is a feeling throughout the country that it would be better for all concerned if a few of them were behind the bars."[44]
The Canadian government imprisoned the most prominent members of the Canadian OBU.[45]
One Big Union and mainstream unions[edit]
The goal of the IWW – as interpreted by government investigators in 1920 – was "to break up the system of craft or trade unions, and to organize workers into One Big Union having subdivisions along the lines of industry, rather than those of trade."[46] That interpretation appears to have been accepted by American Federation of Labor Gompers who in 1922 expressed his belief that the One Big Union idea was designed primarily to put the American Federation of Labor out of business.[47] Gompers undermined any labor actions that he perceived might be related to the One Big Union movement; for example, the Winnipeg General Strike[48] and the Seattle General Strike.[49] A 1919 editorial proclaimed:
The union bureaucrats are particularly against industrial unionism, since industrial unionism ends craft divisions and craft disputes, which constitute the power of the union bureaucracy. In Canada, the One Big Union — Industrial Unionism — has captured the imagination of the organised workers. The One Big Union directed the great general strike in Canada; but, says an observer, "The International Brotherhoods have come out against the strikers, shrewdly foreseeing in the One Big Union the destruction of their organization." This is a damning indictment of the old unionism.[50]
In June, 1919, the American Federation of Labor (AFL), in session in Atlantic City, New Jersey, passed resolutions in general opposition to the general strike. The official report of these proceedings described the convention as the "largest and in all probability the most important Convention ever held" by the organisation, in part for having engineered the 'overwhelming defeat of the so-called Radical element' via crushing a 'One Big Union' proposition and a proposal for a nationwide general strike, both by a vote of more than 20 to 1."[51] The AFL amended its constitution to disallow any central labor union (i.e., regional labor councils) from "taking a strike vote without prior authorization of the national officers of the union concerned."[51] The change was intended to "check the spread of general strike sentiment and prevent recurrences of what happened at Seattle and is now going on at Winnepeg."[51] The penalty for any unauthorised strike vote was revocation of that body's charter.[51]
In 1919 the Lusk Committee, charged with exposing and stamping out radicalism of all types, issued a report that found the AFL to be "free from the taint of revolutionary radicalism." It found one AFL affiliate, the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union (ILGWU), to have "marked radical tendencies . . . it is founded upon the principles of class struggle . . . it adopts the One Big Union idea and seeks to bring about the overthrow of society."[52]
One Big Union Canada also came under considerable pressure from the Canadian Trades and Labour Congress and the AFL.[45] The United Mine Workers (UMW), in particular, came to an agreement with employers to freeze out the Canadian One Big Union.[53]
In June, 1919, the UMW revoked the charter of District 18, which included Alberta and British Columbia, for joining the OBU. The UMW International persuaded a number of locals to return to the parent organisation. The UMW then came to an agreement with employers which would effectively lock out the OBU. With One Big Union seen as the greater threat, employers agreed to require UMW membership on the part of all employees in and around the mines. The companies implemented the dues checkoff to seal the new agreement.[53]
OBU members refused to work under circumstances where they were assessed dues for an organisation to which they no longer belonged, and a number of mines organised by the OBU were therefore closed down. The OBU sought relief from the courts, but the courts sided with the United Mine Workers and the employers. The employers and the UMW then together secured injunctions against any OBU members to prevent any interference with UMW miners. The O.B.U. Bulletin for October 23, 1920, reported that the UMW had thirteen such injunctions issued, and had set aside a million dollars to fight the OBU.[53] The Canadian OBU concluded that "Officials of the U.M.W. of A. are the same bunch of crooks who have so often betrayed the miners of the U.S. in their struggles and strikes at the instance of their government and the owners."[54] The OBU felt particularly angry that the UMW invoked the aid of both the employers and a "ruthless capitalist government" in order to crush a rival union organisation.[55]
Criticism of One Big Union organisations[edit]
The One Big Union organisations adopted some principles of One Big Union as initially promoted by the IWW. The OBU idea became popular in Australia at a time when some syndicalist-leaning labor leaders had started moving toward communism.[56]
Although the One Big Union organisations frequently formed with the help of IWW members or members of IWW offshoot-organisations such as the WIIU, the OBU organisations frequently incurred criticism from the original industrial union organisations.[57] The IWW advocated organizing bottom-up, the OBU in Australia operated increasingly top-down. The IWW advocated job control, the Australian OBU did not.[57] Shop committees and rank and file participation which had been so important to IWW members were de-emphasised.[35] The OBU in Australia was described as "the plum extracted from the IWW cake to keep down discontent among the dupes".[56]
The Industrial Union News of the WIIU criticised the structure of the Canadian One Big Union organisation, declaring "the O.B.U. seeks to masquerade under the guise of industrial unionism while organised on a territorial plane, without sound foundations and building from the top down".[58] The Industrial Union News also criticised the Canadian OBU for not providing for elections of officials by the entire membership.[59] The OBU was described as "not red but pale pink", and in league with the "reactionary Socialist Party of Canada".[60]
The IWW publication Solidarity of July 10, 1920, stated that labor fakirs had seized control of the OBU, and had organised new branches of the OBU in the United States in opposition to the IWW.[60]
Marian Dutton Savage, who published a book on Industrial Unionism in 1922, saw problems with the organisational structure of the Canadian OBU:
In neglecting to give adequate recognition to the ties binding workers of the same industry together and in seeking to rely instead on the general feeling of solidarity in the working class, the O. B. U., like the Knights of Labor, has failed to understand the psychology of those it has sought to win and hold. If it is difficult to make skilled and unskilled workers in the same industry realise their community of interest, it is doubly difficult to make those in different industries feel a strong bond of union. The I. W. W. has faced this fact and, unlike the O. B. U., seeks to unite all who work in an industry in one international union having a large measure of control over its own affairs. Although it preaches the brotherhood of all workers as ardently as does the O. B. U., it recognises that each industry has its own particular problems which can best be solved by workers in that industry, and considers that loyalty to one industry need in no way impair loyalty to the I. W. W. or to the working class as a whole. If the O. B. U. had adopted the same course it would not have lost the strongest group which had affiliated with it.[61]
See also[edit]
Anarcho-syndicalism
Business unionism
General union
Industrial Workers of the World
Labor federation competition in the United States
World Federation of Trade Unions
Organized labour portal
Notes[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b Marion Dutton Savage, Industrial Unionism in America, 1922, page 176.
Jump up ^ Thomas J. Hagerty and W. E. Trautmann, One Big Union, An Outline of a Possible Industrial Organization of the Working Class, with Chart, 1st edition, Charles H. Kerr & Company, 1911. See also William E. Trautmann, "One Big Union," 1st edition (1913?) http://www.marxists.org/history/usa/unions/iww/1911/trautmannobu.htm; retitled as "One Great Union," 5th revised edition (1915) http://debs.indstate.edu/t7778o5_1915.pdf.
Jump up ^ Letter from the IWW's Marine Transport Workers union Port of New York organizing committee to Irish workers, as recorded in Revolutionary Radicalism, New York (State) Legislature, Joint Legislative Committee to Investigate Seditious Activities, Clayton Riley, page 898.
Jump up ^ http://www.iww.org/culture/official/obu/index.shtml retrieved March 21, 2009.
^ Jump up to: a b Philip Sheldon Foner, History of the Labor Movement in the United States, 1980, 4th edition, page 133.
Jump up ^ Philip Sheldon Foner, History of the Labor Movement in the United States, 1980, 4th edition, page 166.
Jump up ^ Philip Sheldon Foner, History of the Labor Movement in the United States, 1980, 4th edition, page 125.
Jump up ^ Philip Sheldon Foner, History of the Labor Movement in the United States, 1980, 4th edition, pages 127-28.
Jump up ^ Philip Sheldon Foner, History of the labor movement in the United States, 1980, 4th edition, page 243.
Jump up ^ Philip Sheldon Foner, History of the Labor Movement in the United States, 1980, 4th edition, page 278.
Jump up ^ Philip Sheldon Foner, History of the Labor Movement in the United States, 1980, 4th edition, page 356.
Jump up ^ All That Glitters, pp. 63.
Jump up ^ David Brundage, The Making of Western Labor Radicalism: Denver's Organized Workers, 1878–1905, 1994, page 138. The American Labor Union was founded as the Western Labor Union.
Jump up ^ William Philpott, The Lessons of Leadville, Colorado Historical Society, 1995, pages 71,82.
Jump up ^ William Philpott, The Lessons of Leadville, Colorado Historical Society, 1995, pages 66,68.
Jump up ^ William Philpott, The Lessons of Leadville, Colorado Historical Society, 1995, pages 81,92.
Jump up ^ William Philpott, The Lessons of Leadville, Colorado Historical Society, 1995, pages 82-83.
Jump up ^ William Philpott, The Lessons of Leadville, Colorado Historical Society, 1995, page 83.
Jump up ^ Melvyn Dubofsky, 'Big Bill' Haywood, 1987, page 17.
Jump up ^ Anthony Lukas, Big Trouble, 1997, page 210.
Jump up ^ Joyce Kornbluh, One Big Union: The Philosophy of Industrial Unionism, The Lucy Parsons Project, http://flag.blackened.net/lpp/iww/kornbluh_one_big_union.html retrieved March 19, 2009.
Jump up ^ Revolutionary Radicalism, New York (State) Legislature, Joint Legislative Committee to Investigate Seditious Activities, Clayton Riley, page 935.
Jump up ^ Revolutionary Radicalism, New York (State) Legislature, Joint Legislative Committee to Investigate Seditious Activities, Clayton Riley, pages 921-930.
Jump up ^ Hotel Worker, October 5, 1919, Page 3, as recorded in Revolutionary Radicalism, New York (State) Legislature, Joint Legislative Committee to Investigate Seditious Activities, Clayton Riley, pages 920-21.
^ Jump up to: a b Revolutionary Radicalism, New York (State) Legislature, Joint Legislative Committee to Investigate Seditious Activities, Clayton Riley, pages 931-932.
Jump up ^ Revolutionary Radicalism, New York (State) Legislature, Joint Legislative Committee to Investigate Seditious Activities, Clayton Riley, page 933.
Jump up ^ Revolutionary Radicalism, New York (State) Legislature, Joint Legislative Committee to Investigate Seditious Activities, Clayton Riley, pages 802-804,814-15.
Jump up ^ Fred W. Thompson, Patrick Murfin, The IWW: Its First Seventy Years, 1905–1975, 1976, pages 127-128.
Jump up ^ John Castell Hopkins, The Canadian Annual Review of Public Affairs, 1919, page 305.
Jump up ^ James Thomas Sutcliffe, A History of Trade Unionism in Australia, Macmillan & co. ltd., 1921, page 156.
Jump up ^ James Thomas Sutcliffe, A History of Trade Unionism in Australia, Macmillan & co. ltd., 1921, page 167.
Jump up ^ James Thomas Sutcliffe, A History of Trade Unionism in Australia, Macmillan & co. ltd., 1921, page 176.
Jump up ^ Verity Burgmann, Revolutionary industrial unionism, 1995, page 255.
Jump up ^ Verity Burgmann, Revolutionary industrial unionism, 1995, page 256.
^ Jump up to: a b Verity Burgmann, Revolutionary industrial unionism, 1995, page 261.
^ Jump up to: a b Paul Buhle, Taking Care of Business, Samuel Gompers, George Meany, Lane Kirkland, and the Tragedy of American Labor, 1999, page 105.
^ Jump up to: a b Philip S. Foner, History of the Labor Movement in the United States, 1987, page 81.
Jump up ^ David Jay Bercuson, Confrontation at Winnipeg, McGill-Queen's Press - MQUP, 1990, pages 97-98.
Jump up ^ David Jay Bercuson, Confrontation at Winnipeg, McGill-Queen's Press - MQUP, 1990, page 98.
Jump up ^ David Jay Bercuson, Confrontation at Winnipeg, McGill-Queen's Press - MQUP, 1990, pages 98-99.
Jump up ^ David Jay Bercuson, Confrontation at Winnipeg, McGill-Queen's Press - MQUP, 1990, page 100.
Jump up ^ Marion Dutton Savage, Industrial Unionism in America, 1922, page 188.
Jump up ^ Marion Dutton Savage, Industrial Unionism in America, 1922, pages 189-190.
Jump up ^ John Castell Hopkins, The Canadian Annual Review of Public Affairs, 1919, pages 304-05.
^ Jump up to: a b Marion Dutton Savage, Industrial Unionism in America, 1922, page 196.
Jump up ^ Revolutionary Radicalism, New York (State) Legislature, Joint Legislative Committee to Investigate Seditious Activities, Clayton Riley, page 872.
Jump up ^ The New York Times, April 30, 1922, page 102.
Jump up ^ Philip S. Foner, History of the Labor Movement in the United States, 1987, pages 82-87.
Jump up ^ Editorial, Revolutionary Age, July 19, 1919, as reported in Revolutionary Radicalism, New York (State) Legislature, Joint Legislative Committee to Investigate Seditious Activities, Clayton Riley, pages 697-98. Revolutionary Age was the official organ of the Left Wing Section of the Socialist Party, page 702.
Jump up ^ Editorial, Revolutionary Age, July 19, 1919, as reported in Revolutionary Radicalism, New York (State) Legislature, Joint Legislative Committee to Investigate Seditious Activities, Clayton Riley, pages 697-98.
^ Jump up to: a b c d Sheet Metal Workers' Journal, Amalgamated Sheet Metal Workers' International Alliance, Volumes 24-25, Chicago, Illinois, 1919, pages 265-267
Jump up ^ Philip S. Foner, History of the Labor Movement in the United States, 1987, pages 33-34.
^ Jump up to: a b c Marion Dutton Savage, Industrial Unionism in America, 1922, page 197.
Jump up ^ Marion Dutton Savage, Industrial Unionism in America, 1922, page 197-98.
Jump up ^ Marion Dutton Savage, Industrial Unionism in America, 1922, page 198.
^ Jump up to: a b Burgmann, Verity (1995). Revolutionary Industrial Unionism: The Industrial Workers of the World in Australia. CUP Archive. p. 260. ISBN 9780521471237.
^ Jump up to: a b Verity Burgmann, Revolutionary industrial unionism, 1995, page 259.
Jump up ^ Marion Dutton Savage, Industrial Unionism in America, 1922, page 190.
Jump up ^ Marion Dutton Savage, Industrial Unionism in America, 1922, pages 192-193.
^ Jump up to: a b Marion Dutton Savage, Industrial Unionism in America, 1922, pages 195.
Jump up ^ Marion Dutton Savage, Industrial Unionism in America, 1922, page 200.
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Castor oil
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
For the fictional character, see Castor Oyl.
Castor beans.
A bottle of castor oil.
Castor oil is a vegetable oil obtained by pressing the seeds of the castor oil plant (Ricinus communis).[1] The common name "castor oil", from which the plant gets its name, probably comes from its use as a replacement for castoreum, a perfume base made from the dried perineal glands of the beaver (castor in Latin).[2]
Castor oil is a colorless to very pale yellow liquid with a distinct taste and odor once first ingested. Its boiling point is 313 °C (595 °F) and its density is 961 kg/m3.[3] It is a triglyceride in which approximately 90 percent of fatty acid chains are ricinoleates. Oleate and linoleates are the other significant components.
Castor oil and its derivatives are used in the manufacturing of soaps, lubricants, hydraulic and brake fluids, paints, dyes, coatings, inks, cold resistant plastics, waxes and polishes, nylon, pharmaceuticals and perfumes.[4]
Contents
[hide]
1 Composition
2 Uses
2.1 Food and preservative
2.2 Medicine
2.2.1 Alternative medicinal use
2.3 Skin and hair care
2.4 Coatings
2.5 Precursor to industrial chemicals
2.5.1 Lubrication
2.5.1.1 Early aviation and aeromodelling
2.5.1.2 Turkey red oil
2.5.2 Biodiesel
2.6 Punishment
3 Safety
4 See also
5 References
6 Further reading
7 External links
Composition[edit]
Structure of the major component of castor oil: triester of glycerol and ricinoleic acid.
Castor oil is well known as a source of ricinoleic acid, a monounsaturated, 18-carbon fatty acid. Among fatty acids, ricinoleic acid is unusual in that it has a hydroxyl functional group on the 12th carbon. This functional group causes ricinoleic acid (and castor oil) to be more polar than most fats. The chemical reactivity of the alcohol group also allows chemical derivatization that is not possible with most other seed oils. Because of its ricinoleic acid content, castor oil is a valuable chemical in feedstocks, commanding a higher price than other seed oils. As an example, in July 2007, Indian castor oil sold for about US$0.90 per kilogram (US$0.41 per pound)[5] whereas U.S. soybean, sunflower and canola oils sold for about US$0.30 per kilogram (US$0.14 per pound).[6]
Average composition of castor seed oil / fatty acid chains
Acid name Average Percentage Range
Ricinoleic acid 85 – 95%
Oleic acid 2 – 6%
Linoleic acid 1 – 5%
α-Linolenic acid 0.5 – 1%
Stearic acid 0.5 – 1%
Palmitic acid 0.5 – 1%
Dihydroxystearic acid 0.3 – 0.5%
Others 0.2 – 0.5%
Uses[edit]
Annually 270,000–360,000 tonnes (600–800 million pounds) of castor oil are produced for a variety of uses.[4]
Food and preservative[edit]
In the food industry, castor oil (food grade) is used in food additives, flavorings, candy (e.g., polyglycerol polyricinoleate or PGPR in chocolate),[7] as a mold inhibitor, and in packaging. Polyoxyethylated castor oil (e.g., Kolliphor EL)[8] is also used in the food industries.[9]
In India, Pakistan and Nepal food grains are preserved by the application of castor oil. It stops rice, wheat, and pulses from rotting. For example, the legume pigeon pea is commonly available coated in oil for extended storage.
Medicine[edit]
The United States Food and Drug Administration (FDA) has categorized castor oil as "generally recognized as safe and effective" (GRASE) for over-the-counter use as a laxative with its major site of action the small intestine where it is digested into ricinoleic acid.[10] Despite castor oil being widely used to induce labor in pregnant women, to date there is not enough research to show whether it is effective to ripen the cervix or induce labor.[11] Therapeutically, modern drugs are rarely given in a pure chemical state, so most active ingredients are combined with excipients or additives. Castor oil, or a castor oil derivative such as Kolliphor EL (polyethoxylated castor oil, a nonionic surfactant), is added to many modern drugs, including:
Miconazole, an antifungal agent;[12][13]
Paclitaxel, a mitotic inhibitor used in cancer chemotherapy;[14]
Sandimmune (cyclosporine injection, USP), an immunosuppressant drug widely used in connection with organ transplant to reduce the activity of the patient's immune system;[15]
Nelfinavir mesylate, an HIV protease inhibitor;[16]
Tacrolimus, an immunosuppressive drug (contains HCO-60, polyoxyl 60 hydrogenated castor oil);[citation needed]
Xenaderm ointment, a topical treatment for skin ulcers, is a combination of Balsam of Peru, castor oil, and trypsin;[17][18]
Aci-Jel (composed of ricinoleic acid from castor oil, with acetic acid and oxyquinoline) is used to maintain the acidity of the vagina.[19]
Optive Plus (carboxymethylcellulose, castor oil) and Refresh Ultra (glycerine, castor oil), are artificial tears to treat dry eye.[20]
Castor oil is also one of the components of Vishnevsky liniment.[21]
Alternative medicinal use[edit]
Advertisement of Castor oil as a medicine by Scott & Bowne company, 19th century
In naturopathy castor oil has been promoted as a treatment for a variety of human health conditions,[22] including cysts.[23] The claim has been made that applying it to the skin can help cure cancer. However, according to the American Cancer Society, "available scientific evidence does not support claims that castor oil on the skin cures cancer or any other disease."[24]
Skin and hair care[edit]
Castor oil has been used in cosmetic products including in creams and as a moisturizer. It also has been used to enhance hair conditioning in other products and for supposed anti-dandruff properties.[25]
Coatings[edit]
Castor oil is used as bio-based polyol in the polyurethane industry. The average functionality (number of hydroxyl groups per triglyceride molecule) of castor oil is 2.7, so it is widely used as rigid polyol and coating.[1]
Castor oil is not a drying oil, meaning that it has a low reactivity toward air compared to other oils such as linseed oil and tung oil. Dehydration of castor oil gives linoleic acids, which do have drying properties.[1]
Precursor to industrial chemicals[edit]
Castor oil can be broken down into other chemical compounds that have numerous applications.[26][27][28] Transesterification followed by steam cracking gives undecylenic acid, a precursor to specialized polymer nylon 11, and heptanal, a component in fragrances.[29] Breakdown of castor oil in strong base gives 2-octanol, both a fragrance component and a specialized solvent, and the dicarboxylic acid sebacic acid. Hydrogenation of castor oil saturates the alkenes, giving a waxy lubricant.[1]
The production of lithium grease consumes a significant amount of castor oil. Hydrogenation and saponification of castor oil yields 12-hydroxystearic acid which is then reacted with lithium hydroxide or lithium carbonate to give high performance lubricant grease.[30]
Since it has a relatively high dielectric constant (4.7), highly refined and dried castor oil is sometimes used as a dielectric fluid within high performance high voltage capacitors.
Lubrication[edit]
Vegetable oils like castor oil are typically unattractive alternatives to petroleum-derived lubricants because of their poor oxidative stability.[31][32] Castor oil has better low-temperature viscosity properties and high-temperature lubrication than most vegetable oils, making it useful as a lubricant in jet, diesel, and racing engines.[33] The viscosity of castor oil at 10 °C is 2,420 centipoise.[34] However, castor oil tends to form gums in a short time, and therefore its usefulness is limited to engines that are regularly rebuilt, such as racing engines. The lubricants company Castrol took its name from castor oil.
Castor oil has been suggested as a lubricant for bicycle pumps because it does not degrade natural rubber seals.[35]
Early aviation and aeromodelling[edit]
World War I aviation rotary engines used castor oil as a primary lubricant, mixed in with the fuel.
Castor oil was the preferred lubricant for rotary engines, such as the Gnome engine after that engine's widespread adoption for aviation in Europe in 1909. It was used almost universally in rotary engined Allied aircraft in World War I. Germany had to make do with inferior ersatz oil (a German term for alternative, substitute, replacement) for its rotary engines, which resulted in poor reliability.[36][37][38]
The methanol-fueled two-cycle glow plug engines used for aeromodelling, since their adoption by model airplane hobbyists in the 1940s, have used varying percentages of castor oil as a lubricant. It is highly resistant to degradation when the engine has its fuel-air mixture leaned for maximum engine speed. Gummy residues can still be a problem for aeromodelling powerplants lubricated with castor oil, however, usually requiring eventual replacement of ball bearings when the residue accumulates within the engine's bearing races. One British manufacturer of sleeve valved four-cycle model engines has stated the "varnish" created by using castor oil in small percentages can improve the pneumatic seal of the sleeve valve, improving such an engine's performance over time.
Turkey red oil[edit]
Turkey red oil, also called sulphonated (or sulfated) castor oil, is made by adding sulfuric acid to vegetable oils, most notably castor oil.[39] It was the first synthetic detergent after ordinary soap. It is used in formulating lubricants, softeners, and dyeing assistants.[40]
Biodiesel[edit]
Castor oil, like currently less expensive vegetable oils, can be used as feedstock in the production of biodiesel. The resulting fuel is superior for cold winters, because of its exceptionally low cloud and pour points.[41]
Initiatives to grow more castor for energy production, in preference to other oil crops, are motivated by social considerations. Tropical subsistence farmers would gain a cash crop.[42]
Punishment[edit]
Parents often punished children with a dose of castor oil.[43][44] Physicians recommended against the practice because they did not want medicines associated with punishment.[45]
A heavy dose of castor oil could be used as a humiliating punishment for adults, especially political dissenters. Colonial officials used it in the British Raj (India) to deal with recalcitrant servants.[46]
The most famous use as punishment came in Fascist Italy under Benito Mussolini. It was a favorite tool used by the Blackshirts to humiliate their opponents.[47][48][49] Political dissidents were force-fed large quantities of castor oil by Fascist squads. This technique was said to have been originated by Gabriele D'Annunzio or Italo Balbo [50]. Victims of this treatment did sometimes die, as the dehydrating effects of the oil-induced diarrhea often complicated the recovery from the nightstick beating they also received along with the castor oil; however, even those victims who survived had to bear the humiliation of the laxative effects resulting from excessive consumption of the oil.[51]
It is said that Mussolini's power was backed by "the bludgeon and castor oil". In lesser quantities, castor oil was also used as an instrument of intimidation, for example, to discourage civilians or soldiers who would call in sick either in the factory or in the military. It took decades after Mussolini's death before the myth of castor oil as a panacea for a wide range of diseases and medical conditions was totally demystified, as it was also widely administered to pregnant women, and elderly or mentally ill patients in hospitals in the false belief it had no negative side effects.
Today, the Italian terms manganello and olio di ricino, even used separately, still carry strong political connotations (especially the latter). These words are still used to satirize patronizing politicians, or the authors of disliked legislation. They should be used with caution in common conversation. The terms Usare l'olio di ricino, ("to use castor oil") and usare il manganello ("to use the bludgeon") mean "to coerce or abuse", and can be misunderstood in the absence of proper context.
As a means of punishment or torture, force-feeding castor oil still lives on in animated cartoons such as Tom and Jerry and in the Our Gang film comedy, "Shrimps for a Day" (1934).
Safety[edit]
The castor seed contains ricin, a toxic protein. Heating during the oil extraction process denatures and deactivates the protein. However, harvesting castor beans may not be without risk.[52] Allergenic compounds found on the plant surface can cause permanent nerve damage, making the harvest of castor beans a human health risk. India, Brazil, and China are the major crop producers, and the workers suffer harmful side effects from working with these plants.[53] These health issues, in addition to concerns about the toxic byproduct (ricin) from castor oil production, have encouraged the quest for alternative sources for hydroxy fatty acids.[54][55] Alternatively, some researchers are trying to genetically modify the castor plant to prevent the synthesis of ricin.[56]
While castor oil is sometimes used to induce labor in full-term pregnancies (scientific evidence of its effectiveness is lacking),[57] consuming castor oil to treat constipation is not considered safe in pregnancies that are not at full term yet, since it may cause contractions of the womb.[58]
See also[edit]
Castor wax
List of unproven and disproven cancer treatments
References[edit]
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Jump up ^ "Aci-Jel (Vaginal Jelly) drug description". RxList. Retrieved 2007-10-26.
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Jump up ^ "Vishnevsky liniment and ichthammol: on the perspectives of application in military medicine and other fields". The BMJ. 12 June 1999. doi:10.1136/bmj.318.7198.1600. Retrieved 5 July 2016.
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Jump up ^ Older, Jules (2000). Backroad and Offroad Biking. Mechanicsburg, PA: Stackpole Books. p. 37. ISBN 0811731502.
Jump up ^ Guilmartin, John F., Jr. (1994). "Technology and Strategy: What Are the Limits?". Two Historians in Technology and War. United States Army War College, Strategic Studies Institute. p. 10. ISBN 1428915222.
Jump up ^ Fisher, Suzanne Hayes (1999). "Aircraft, production during the war". In Tucker, Spencer C.; Wood, Laura Matysek; Murphy, Justin D. The European Powers in the First World War: An Encyclopedia. Taylor & Francis. p. 10. ISBN 081533351X.
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Jump up ^ For an American example see David J. Rothman (1980). Conscience and Convenience: The Asylum and Its Alternatives in Progressive America. Transaction Publishers. p. 279. Retrieved 2015-10-29.
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Jump up ^ "Bearded like a medieval condottiere, bluff yet suave, fearless and supple, [Italo Balbo] was not the type to pass unnoticed anywhere. His admirers here chose to forget the Blackshirt club-wielder and reputed inventor of the castor-oil treatment for Fascist foes", "Marshal Balbo," The New York Times, July 1, 1940, p. 18.
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Jump up ^ Dierig, David A. (1995). "Lesquerella". New Crop FactSHEET. Center for New Crops & Plant Products, at Purdue University. Retrieved 2007-08-01.
Jump up ^ Sources of Hydroxy Fatty Acids https://naldc.nal.usda.gov/naldc/download.xhtml?id=IND93048066&content=PDF
Jump up ^ Wood, M (2001). "High-tech castor plants may open door to domestic production". Agricultural Research Magazine. 49 (1). Retrieved 2007-08-02.
Jump up ^ Boel, ME; Lee, SJ; Rijken, MJ; Paw, MK; Pimanpanarak, M; Tan, SO; Singhasivanon, P; Nosten, F; McGready, R (October 2009). "Castor oil for induction of labour: not harmful, not helpful". Australian and New Zealand Journal of Obstetrics and Gynaecology. 49 (5): 499–503. PMID 19780733. doi:10.1111/j.1479-828x.2009.01055.x.
Jump up ^ "Drugs and Supplements: Laxative (Oral Route)". Mayo Clinic. Retrieved 15 May 2015.
Further reading[edit]
Naughton, Frank., "Castor Oil", Kirk-Othmer Encyclopedia of Chemical Technology, New York: John Wiley, ISBN 9780471238966, doi:10.1002/0471238961.0301192014012107.a01.pub2 – overview of chemical properties and manufacturing of castor oil
External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Castor oil.
International Chemical Safety Card 1452
Castor biofuel farming starts in Ethiopia
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