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Radiometric dating
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Radiometric dating or radioactive dating is a technique used to date materials such as rocks or carbon, in which trace radioactive impurities were selectively incorporated when they were formed. The method compares the abundance of a naturally occurring radioactive isotope within the material to the abundance of its decay products, which form at a known constant rate of decay.[1] The use of radiometric dating was first published in 1907 by Bertram Boltwood[2] and is now the principal source of information about the absolute age of rocks and other geological features, including the age of fossilized life forms or the age of the Earth itself, and can also be used to date a wide range of natural and man-made materials.
Together with stratigraphic principles, radiometric dating methods are used in geochronology to establish the geologic time scale.[3] Among the best-known techniques are radiocarbon dating, potassium–argon dating and uranium–lead dating. By allowing the establishment of geological timescales, it provides a significant source of information about the ages of fossils and the deduced rates of evolutionary change. Radiometric dating is also used to date archaeological materials, including ancient artifacts.
Different methods of radiometric dating vary in the timescale over which they are accurate and the materials to which they can be applied.
Contents
[hide]
1 Fundamentals of radiometric dating
1.1 Radioactive decay
1.2 Accuracy of radiometric dating
1.3 Closure temperature
1.4 The age equation
2 Modern dating methods
2.1 Uranium–lead dating method
2.2 Samarium–neodymium dating method
2.3 Potassium–argon dating method
2.4 Rubidium–strontium dating method
2.5 Uranium–thorium dating method
2.6 Radiocarbon dating method
2.7 Fission track dating method
2.8 Chlorine-36 dating method
2.9 Luminescence dating methods
2.10 Other methods
3 Dating with short-lived extinct radionuclides
3.1 The 129I – 129Xe chronometer
3.2 The 26Al – 26Mg chronometer
4 See also
5 References
6 Further reading
Fundamentals of radiometric dating[edit]
Radioactive decay[edit]
Example of a radioactive decay chain from lead-212 (212Pb) to lead-208 (208Pb) . Each parent nuclide spontaneously decays into a daughter nuclide (the decay product) via an α decay or a β− decay. The final decay product, lead-208 (208Pb), is stable and can no longer undergo spontaneous radioactive decay.
All ordinary matter is made up of combinations of chemical elements, each with its own atomic number, indicating the number of protons in the atomic nucleus. Additionally, elements may exist in different isotopes, with each isotope of an element differing in the number of neutrons in the nucleus. A particular isotope of a particular element is called a nuclide. Some nuclides are inherently unstable. That is, at some point in time, an atom of such a nuclide will undergo radioactive decay and spontaneously transform into a different nuclide. This transformation may be accomplished in a number of different ways, including alpha decay (emission of alpha particles) and beta decay (electron emission, positron emission, or electron capture). Another possibility is spontaneous fission into two or more nuclides.
While the moment in time at which a particular nucleus decays is unpredictable, a collection of atoms of a radioactive nuclide decays exponentially at a rate described by a parameter known as the half-life, usually given in units of years when discussing dating techniques. After one half-life has elapsed, one half of the atoms of the nuclide in question will have decayed into a "daughter" nuclide or decay product. In many cases, the daughter nuclide itself is radioactive, resulting in a decay chain, eventually ending with the formation of a stable (nonradioactive) daughter nuclide; each step in such a chain is characterized by a distinct half-life. In these cases, usually the half-life of interest in radiometric dating is the longest one in the chain, which is the rate-limiting factor in the ultimate transformation of the radioactive nuclide into its stable daughter. Isotopic systems that have been exploited for radiometric dating have half-lives ranging from only about 10 years (e.g., tritium) to over 100 billion years (e.g., samarium-147).[4]
For most radioactive nuclides, the half-life depends solely on nuclear properties and is essentially a constant. It is not affected by external factors such as temperature, pressure, chemical environment, or presence of a magnetic or electric field.[5][6][7] The only exceptions are nuclides that decay by the process of electron capture, such as beryllium-7, strontium-85, and zirconium-89, whose decay rate may be affected by local electron density. For all other nuclides, the proportion of the original nuclide to its decay products changes in a predictable way as the original nuclide decays over time. This predictability allows the relative abundances of related nuclides to be used as a clock to measure the time from the incorporation of the original nuclides into a material to the present.
Accuracy of radiometric dating[edit]
Thermal ionization mass spectrometer used in radiometric dating.
The basic equation of radiometric dating requires that neither the parent nuclide nor the daughter product can enter or leave the material after its formation. The possible confounding effects of contamination of parent and daughter isotopes have to be considered, as do the effects of any loss or gain of such isotopes since the sample was created. It is therefore essential to have as much information as possible about the material being dated and to check for possible signs of alteration.[8] Precision is enhanced if measurements are taken on multiple samples from different locations of the rock body. Alternatively, if several different minerals can be dated from the same sample and are assumed to be formed by the same event and were in equilibrium with the reservoir when they formed, they should form an isochron. This can reduce the problem of contamination. In uranium–lead dating, the concordia diagram is used which also decreases the problem of nuclide loss. Finally, correlation between different isotopic dating methods may be required to confirm the age of a sample. For example, the age of the Amitsoq gneisses from western Greenland was determined to be 3.6 ± 0.05 million years ago (MA) using uranium–lead dating and 3.56 ± 0.10 Ma using lead–lead dating, results that are consistent with each other.[9]:142–143
Accurate radiometric dating generally requires that the parent has a long enough half-life that it will be present in significant amounts at the time of measurement (except as described below under "Dating with short-lived extinct radionuclides"), the half-life of the parent is accurately known, and enough of the daughter product is produced to be accurately measured and distinguished from the initial amount of the daughter present in the material. The procedures used to isolate and analyze the parent and daughter nuclides must be precise and accurate. This normally involves isotope-ratio mass spectrometry.[10]
The precision of a dating method depends in part on the half-life of the radioactive isotope involved. For instance, carbon-14 has a half-life of 5,730 years. After an organism has been dead for 60,000 years, so little carbon-14 is left that accurate dating can not be established. On the other hand, the concentration of carbon-14 falls off so steeply that the age of relatively young remains can be determined precisely to within a few decades.[11]
Closure temperature[edit]
Main article: Closure temperature
If a material that selectively rejects the daughter nuclide is heated, any daughter nuclides that have been accumulated over time will be lost through diffusion, setting the isotopic "clock" to zero. The temperature at which this happens is known as the closure temperature or blocking temperature and is specific to a particular material and isotopic system. These temperatures are experimentally determined in the lab by artificially resetting sample minerals using a high-temperature furnace. As the mineral cools, the crystal structure begins to form and diffusion of isotopes is less easy. At a certain temperature, the crystal structure has formed sufficiently to prevent diffusion of isotopes. This temperature is what is known as closure temperature and represents the temperature below which the mineral is a closed system to isotopes. Thus an igneous or metamorphic rock or melt, which is slowly cooling, does not begin to exhibit measurable radioactive decay until it cools below the closure temperature. The age that can be calculated by radiometric dating is thus the time at which the rock or mineral cooled to closure temperature.[12][13] Dating of different minerals and/or isotope systems (with differing closure temperatures) within the same rock can therefore enable the tracking of the thermal history of the rock in question with time, and thus the history of metamorphic events may become known in detail. This field is known as thermochronology or thermochronometry.
The age equation[edit]
Sm/Nd isochron plotted of samples [14] from the Great Dyke, Zimbabwe. The age is calculated from the slope of the isochron (line) and the original composition from the intercept of the isochron with the y-axis.
The mathematical expression that relates radioactive decay to geologic time is[12][15]
D = D0 + N(t) (eλt − 1)
where
t is age of the sample,
D is number of atoms of the daughter isotope in the sample,
D0 is number of atoms of the daughter isotope in the original composition,
N is number of atoms of the parent isotope in the sample at time t (the present), given by N(t) = Noe-λt, and
λ is the decay constant of the parent isotope, equal to the inverse of the radioactive half-life of the parent isotope[16] times the natural logarithm of 2.
The equation is most conveniently expressed in terms of the measured quantity N(t) rather than the constant initial value No.
The above equation makes use of information on the composition of parent and daughter isotopes at the time the material being tested cooled below its closure temperature. This is well-established for most isotopic systems.[13][17] However, construction of an isochron does not require information on the original compositions, using merely the present ratios of the parent and daughter isotopes to a standard isotope. Plotting an isochron is used to solve the age equation graphically and calculate the age of the sample and the original composition.
Modern dating methods[edit]
Radiometric dating has been carried out since 1905 when it was invented by Ernest Rutherford as a method by which one might determine the age of the Earth. In the century since then the techniques have been greatly improved and expanded.[16] Dating can now be performed on samples as small as a nanogram using a mass spectrometer. The mass spectrometer was invented in the 1940s and began to be used in radiometric dating in the 1950s. It operates by generating a beam of ionized atoms from the sample under test. The ions then travel through a magnetic field, which diverts them into different sampling sensors, known as "Faraday cups", depending on their mass and level of ionization. On impact in the cups, the ions set up a very weak current that can be measured to determine the rate of impacts and the relative concentrations of different atoms in the beams.
Uranium–lead dating method[edit]
Main article: Uranium–lead dating
A concordia diagram as used in uranium–lead dating, with data from the Pfunze Belt, Zimbabwe.[18] All the samples show loss of lead isotopes, but the intercept of the errorchron (straight line through the sample points) and the concordia (curve) shows the correct age of the rock.[13]
Uranium–lead radiometric dating involves using uranium-235 or uranium-238 to date a substance's absolute age. This scheme has been refined to the point that the error margin in dates of rocks can be as low as less than two million years in two-and-a-half billion years.[14][19] An error margin of 2–5% has been achieved on younger Mesozoic rocks.[20]
Uranium–lead dating is often performed on the mineral zircon (ZrSiO4), though it can be used on other materials, such as baddeleyite, as well as monazite (see: monazite geochronology).[21] Zircon and baddeleyite incorporate uranium atoms into their crystalline structure as substitutes for zirconium, but strongly reject lead. Zircon has a very high closure temperature, is resistant to mechanical weathering and is very chemically inert. Zircon also forms multiple crystal layers during metamorphic events, which each may record an isotopic age of the event. In situ micro-beam analysis can be achieved via laser ICP-MS or SIMS techniques.[22]
One of its great advantages is that any sample provides two clocks, one based on uranium-235's decay to lead-207 with a half-life of about 700 million years, and one based on uranium-238's decay to lead-206 with a half-life of about 4.5 billion years, providing a built-in crosscheck that allows accurate determination of the age of the sample even if some of the lead has been lost. This can be seen in the concordia diagram, where the samples plot along an errorchron (straight line) which intersects the concordia curve at the age of the sample.
Samarium–neodymium dating method[edit]
Main article: Samarium–neodymium dating
This involves the alpha decay of 147Sm to 143Nd with a half-life of 1.06 x 1011 years. Accuracy levels of within twenty million years in ages of two-and-a-half billion years are achievable.[23]
Potassium–argon dating method[edit]
Main article: Potassium–argon dating
This involves electron capture or positron decay of potassium-40 to argon-40. Potassium-40 has a half-life of 1.3 billion years, and so this method is applicable to the oldest rocks. Radioactive potassium-40 is common in micas, feldspars, and hornblendes, though the closure temperature is fairly low in these materials, about 350 °C (mica) to 500 °C (hornblende).
Rubidium–strontium dating method[edit]
Main article: Rubidium–strontium dating
This is based on the beta decay of rubidium-87 to strontium-87, with a half-life of 50 billion years. This scheme is used to date old igneous and metamorphic rocks, and has also been used to date lunar samples. Closure temperatures are so high that they are not a concern. Rubidium-strontium dating is not as precise as the uranium-lead method, with errors of 30 to 50 million years for a 3-billion-year-old sample.
Uranium–thorium dating method[edit]
Main article: Uranium–thorium dating
A relatively short-range dating technique is based on the decay of uranium-234 into thorium-230, a substance with a half-life of about 80,000 years. It is accompanied by a sister process, in which uranium-235 decays into protactinium-231, which has a half-life of 32,760 years.
While uranium is water-soluble, thorium and protactinium are not, and so they are selectively precipitated into ocean-floor sediments, from which their ratios are measured. The scheme has a range of several hundred thousand years. A related method is ionium–thorium dating, which measures the ratio of ionium (thorium-230) to thorium-232 in ocean sediment.
Radiocarbon dating method[edit]
Main article: Radiocarbon dating
Ale's Stones at Kåseberga, around ten kilometres south east of Ystad, Sweden were dated at 56 CE using the carbon-14 method on organic material found at the site.[24]
Radiocarbon dating is also simply called Carbon-14 dating. Carbon-14 is a radioactive isotope of carbon, with a half-life of 5,730 years,[25][26] (which is very short compared with the above isotopes) and decays into nitrogen.[27] In other radiometric dating methods, the heavy parent isotopes were produced by nucleosynthesis in supernovas, meaning that any parent isotope with a short half-life should be extinct by now. Carbon-14, though, is continuously created through collisions of neutrons generated by cosmic rays with nitrogen in the upper atmosphere and thus remains at a near-constant level on Earth. The carbon-14 ends up as a trace component in atmospheric carbon dioxide (CO2).
A carbon-based life form acquires carbon during its lifetime. Plants acquire it through photosynthesis, and animals acquire it from consumption of plants and other animals. When an organism dies, it ceases to take in new carbon-14, and the existing isotope decays with a characteristic half-life (5730 years). The proportion of carbon-14 left when the remains of the organism are examined provides an indication of the time elapsed since its death. This makes carbon-14 an ideal dating method to date the age of bones or the remains of an organism. The carbon-14 dating limit lies around 58,000 to 62,000 years.[28]
The rate of creation of carbon-14 appears to be roughly constant, as cross-checks of carbon-14 dating with other dating methods show it gives consistent results. However, local eruptions of volcanoes or other events that give off large amounts of carbon dioxide can reduce local concentrations of carbon-14 and give inaccurate dates. The releases of carbon dioxide into the biosphere as a consequence of industrialization have also depressed the proportion of carbon-14 by a few percent; conversely, the amount of carbon-14 was increased by above-ground nuclear bomb tests that were conducted into the early 1960s. Also, an increase in the solar wind or the Earth's magnetic field above the current value would depress the amount of carbon-14 created in the atmosphere.
Fission track dating method[edit]
Main article: fission track dating
Apatite crystals are widely used in fission track dating.
This involves inspection of a polished slice of a material to determine the density of "track" markings left in it by the spontaneous fission of uranium-238 impurities. The uranium content of the sample has to be known, but that can be determined by placing a plastic film over the polished slice of the material, and bombarding it with slow neutrons. This causes induced fission of 235U, as opposed to the spontaneous fission of 238U. The fission tracks produced by this process are recorded in the plastic film. The uranium content of the material can then be calculated from the number of tracks and the neutron flux.
This scheme has application over a wide range of geologic dates. For dates up to a few million years micas, tektites (glass fragments from volcanic eruptions), and meteorites are best used. Older materials can be dated using zircon, apatite, titanite, epidote and garnet which have a variable amount of uranium content.[29] Because the fission tracks are healed by temperatures over about 200 °C the technique has limitations as well as benefits. The technique has potential applications for detailing the thermal history of a deposit.
Chlorine-36 dating method[edit]
Large amounts of otherwise rare 36Cl (half-life ~300ky) were produced by irradiation of seawater during atmospheric detonations of nuclear weapons between 1952 and 1958. The residence time of 36Cl in the atmosphere is about 1 week. Thus, as an event marker of 1950s water in soil and ground water, 36Cl is also useful for dating waters less than 50 years before the present. 36Cl has seen use in other areas of the geological sciences, including dating ice and sediments.
Luminescence dating methods[edit]
Main article: Luminescence dating
Luminescence dating methods are not radiometric dating methods in that they do not rely on abundances of isotopes to calculate age. Instead, they are a consequence of background radiation on certain minerals. Over time, ionizing radiation is absorbed by mineral grains in sediments and archaeological materials such as quartz and potassium feldspar. The radiation causes charge to remain within the grains in structurally unstable "electron traps". Exposure to sunlight or heat releases these charges, effectively "bleaching" the sample and resetting the clock to zero. The trapped charge accumulates over time at a rate determined by the amount of background radiation at the location where the sample was buried. Stimulating these mineral grains using either light (optically stimulated luminescence or infrared stimulated luminescence dating) or heat (thermoluminescence dating) causes a luminescence signal to be emitted as the stored unstable electron energy is released, the intensity of which varies depending on the amount of radiation absorbed during burial and specific properties of the mineral.
These methods can be used to date the age of a sediment layer, as layers deposited on top would prevent the grains from being "bleached" and reset by sunlight. Pottery shards can be dated to the last time they experienced significant heat, generally when they were fired in a kiln.
Other methods[edit]
Other methods include:
argon–argon (Ar–Ar)
iodine–xenon (I–Xe)
lanthanum–barium (La–Ba)
lead–lead (Pb–Pb)
lutetium–hafnium (Lu–Hf)
potassium–calcium (K–Ca)
rhenium–osmium (Re–Os)
uranium–lead–helium (U–Pb–He)
uranium–uranium (U–U)
krypton–krypton (Kr–Kr)
Dating with short-lived extinct radionuclides[edit]
Absolute radiometric dating requires a measurable fraction of parent nucleus to remain in the sample rock. For rocks dating back to the beginning of the solar system, this requires extremely long-lived parent isotopes, making measurement of such rocks' exact ages imprecise. To be able to distinguish the relative ages of rocks from such old material, and to get a better time resolution than that available from long-lived isotopes, short-lived isotopes that are no longer present in the rock can be used.[30]
At the beginning of the solar system, there were several relatively short-lived radionuclides like 26Al, 60Fe, 53Mn, and 129I present within the solar nebula. These radionuclides—possibly produced by the explosion of a supernova—are extinct today, but their decay products can be detected in very old material, such as that which constitutes meteorites. By measuring the decay products of extinct radionuclides with a mass spectrometer and using isochronplots, it is possible to determine relative ages of different events in the early history of the solar system. Dating methods based on extinct radionuclides can also be calibrated with the U-Pb method to give absolute ages. Thus both the approximate age and a high time resolution can be obtained. Generally a shorter half-life leads to a higher time resolution at the expense of timescale.
The 129I – 129Xe chronometer[edit]
See also: Iodine-129 § Meteorite age dating
129I beta-decays to 129Xe with a half-life of 16 million years. The iodine-xenon chronometer[31] is an isochron technique. Samples are exposed to neutrons in a nuclear reactor. This converts the only stable isotope of iodine (127I) into 128Xe via neutron capture followed by beta decay (of 128I). After irradiation, samples are heated in a series of steps and the xenon isotopic signature of the gas evolved in each step is analysed. When a consistent 129Xe/128Xe ratio is observed across several consecutive temperature steps, it can be interpreted as corresponding to a time at which the sample stopped losing xenon.
Samples of a meteorite called Shallowater are usually included in the irradiation to monitor the conversion efficiency from 127I to 128Xe. The difference between the measured 129Xe/128Xe ratios of the sample and Shallowater then corresponds to the different ratios of 129I/127I when they each stopped losing xenon. This in turn corresponds to a difference in age of closure in the early solar system.
The 26Al – 26Mg chronometer[edit]
Another example of short-lived extinct radionuclide dating is the 26Al – 26Mg chronometer, which can be used to estimate the relative ages of chondrules. 26Al decays to 26Mg with a half-life of 720 000 years. The dating is simply a question of finding the deviation from the natural abundance of 26Mg (the product of 26Al decay) in comparison with the ratio of the stable isotopes 27Al/24Mg.
The excess of 26Mg (often designated 26Mg* ) is found by comparing the 26Mg/27Mg ratio to that of other Solar System materials.[32]
The 26Al – 26Mg chronometer gives an estimate of the time period for formation of primitive meteorites of only a few million years (1.4 million years for Chondrule formation).[33]
See also[edit]
Isochron dating
Isotope geochemistry
Isotopic signature
Paleopedological record
Radioactivity
Radiohalo
Sensitive High Resolution Ion Microprobe (SHRIMP)
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Further reading[edit]
Gunten, Hans R. von (1995). "Radioactivity: A Tool to Explore the Past". Radiochimica Acta. 70-71 (s1). doi:10.1524/ract.1995.7071.special-issue.305. ISSN 2193-3405.
Magill, Joseph; Galy, Jean (2005). "Archaeology and Dating". Radioactivity Radionuclides Radiation. Springer Berlin Heidelberg. pp. 105–115. doi:10.1007/3-540-26881-2_6. ISBN 978-3-540-26881-9.
Isotope Geology. ISBN 978-0521862288.
Geochemistry: Pathways and Processes (2 ed.). ISBN 0-231-12440-6.
Cosmochemistry. ISBN 978-0-521-87862-3.
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text:
Battle of San Juan Hill
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
For other uses, see Battle of San Juan (disambiguation).
Battle of San Juan Hill
Part of the Spanish–American War

Detail from Charge of the 24th and 25th Colored Infantry at San Juan Hill, July 1, 1898.
Date
1 July 1898
Location
Near Santiago, Cuba
20°01′15″N 75°47′58″W / 20.02083°N 75.79944°W / 20.02083; -75.79944Coordinates: 20°01′15″N 75°47′58″W / 20.02083°N 75.79944°W / 20.02083; -75.79944
Result
Cuban-American victory[1]
Belligerents
United States Kingdom of Spain
Commanders and leaders
William R. Shafter
Joseph Wheeler[2] Arsenio Linares y Pombo
Strength
8,412[3] 521[4]
Casualties and losses
144 killed[3]
1,024 wounded[3]
72 missing[3] 114 killed [4]
366 wounded[4]
2 captured[4]
[show]
v
t
e
Spanish–American War and Cuban War of Independence: Santiago Campaign, 1898
1st Cardenas
2nd Cardenas
3rd Cárdenas
1st Cienfuegos
USS Merrimac
Guantánamo Bay
Fort Toro
2nd Cienfuegos
Las Guasimas
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Aguadores
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San Juan Hill
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Aguacate
1st Santiago
2nd Santiago
3rd Manzanillo
Nipe Bay
Manimani
4th Manzanillo
The Battle of San Juan Hill (1 July 1898), also known as the battle for the San Juan Heights, was a decisive battle of the Spanish–American War. The San Juan heights was a north-south running elevation about 2 kilometres (2,200 yd) east of Santiago de Cuba, Cuba. The names San Juan Hill and Kettle Hill were given to the location by the Americans. This fight for the heights was the bloodiest and most famous battle of the war. It was also the location of the greatest victory for the Rough Riders, as claimed by the press and its new commander, Theodore Roosevelt, who was to eventually become first vice president and then president, and who was posthumously awarded the Medal of Honor in 2001 for his actions in Cuba.[5]
Contents
[hide]
1 Background
2 Order of battle
2.1 U.S.
3 Battle
3.1 "Hell's Pocket"
3.2 San Juan Heights
3.2.1 San Juan Hill
3.2.2 Kettle Hill
3.3 Spanish counterattack
4 Aftermath
5 References
6 Bibliography
7 External links
Background[edit]
Spanish General Arsenio Linares ordered 760 Spanish Army regular troops to hold the San Juan heights against an American offensive on 1 July 1898. For unclear reasons, Linares failed to reinforce this position, choosing to hold nearly 10,000 Spanish reserves in the city of Santiago de Cuba.
Spanish hilltop entrenchments, while typically well-concealed, were not all correctly positioned for plunging fire, which made return fire at the advancing Americans more difficult. Most of the Spanish fortifications and trench lines were laid out along the geographic crest of the heights instead of the military crest. This meant that the fire from the Spanish troops would have difficulty hitting the advancing enemy when the attacking Americans reached the defilade at the foot of the heights. Once they began scaling the hill, however, the attackers would be in full view of the defenders, who could engage the Americans with both rifle and artillery fire.[6]
Most Spanish troops were recently arrived conscripts, but their officers were skilled in fighting Cuban insurgents. The Spanish were well equipped with supporting artillery, and all Spanish soldiers were armed with 7 mm Mauser M1893 rifles, a modern repeating bolt-action weapon with a high rate of fire that used high-velocity cartridges and smokeless powder. Spanish artillery units were armed mainly with modern rapid-fire breech-loading cannon, again using smokeless powder.[7]
The American regular forces and troopers were armed with bolt-action Krag rifles chambered in the smokeless .30 Army caliber.[8] However, U.S. 3.2-inch artillery pieces were of an outmoded design, with a slow rate of fire due to bag powder charges and lack of a recoil mechanism.[7] They also used less powerful black powder charges, which limited the effective range of support fire for U.S. troops. The Americans also had a four-gun Gatling Gun Detachment commanded by Lt. John Henry Parker. Parker's men were equipped with four Colt Model 1895 Gatlings in .30 Army caliber. Although these guns were hand-cranked, they were nevertheless capable of 700 rpm or more in continuous fire, and were equipped with swivel mounts to allow greater field of fire coverage.[9]
General William Rufus Shafter commanded Fifth Army Corps, of about 15,000 troops in three divisions. Jacob F. Kent commanded the corps' 1st Division (brigade and division numbers in this era were only unique within their parent formation), while Henry W. Lawton commanded the 2nd Division. Joseph Wheeler commanded the dismounted Cavalry Division but was suffering from fever and had to turn over command to General Samuel S. Sumner.[10] Shafter's plans to attack Santiago de Cuba called for Lawton's division to move north and reduce the Spanish stronghold at El Caney, a task which was to take about two hours. Then they were to join with the rest of the troops for the attack on the San Juan Heights. The remaining two divisions would move directly against the San Juan heights, with Sumner in the center and Kent to the south. Shafter, too ill to personally direct the operations, set up his headquarters at El Pozo 2 mi (3.2 km) from the heights and communicated via mounted staff officers.
Order of battle[edit]
See also: San Juan Hill order of battle
U.S.[edit]
U. S. Army photo taken near the base of Kettle Hill about 4 July 1898. The soldier is pointing at the top of Kettle Hill. In the background are the block houses on San Juan Hill and the American encampment.
Fifth Army Corps – Major General William Rufus Shafter, Corps Executive Officer – Major General Joseph Wheeler (Cavalry Division)
1st Division – Brigadier General Jacob Ford Kent
1st Brigade – Brigadier General Hamilton S. Hawkins; consisted of the 6th and 16th Infantry Regiments, along with the 71st (New York Volunteer) Infantry Regiment
2nd Brigade – Colonel E. P. Pearson; consisting of the 2nd, 10th, and 21st U.S. Infantry Regiments
3rd Brigade – Colonel Charles A. Wikoff; consisting of the 9th, 13th and 24th (Colored) U.S. Infantry regiments
Cavalry Division (Dismounted) – Major General Joseph Wheeler; Division Executive Officer Samuel S. Sumner (1st Brigade) was in command of the division when the battle began as General Wheeler was ill. Wheeler returned to the front once the battle was underway.[11]
1st Brigade – Brigadier General Samuel S. Sumner, Brigade Executive Officer Colonel Henry K. Carroll (6th Cav); consisted of the 3rd U.S. Cavalry, 6th U.S. Cavalry and 9th U.S. Cavalry
2nd Brigade – Brigadier General Leonard Wood;[12] consisted of the 1st U.S. Cavalry, 10th U.S. Cavalry and 1st Volunteer Cavalry
The American assault line consisted of the following regiments: From the far left, attacking what later became known as San Juan Hill, was the 6th Infantry, the 9th Infantry, the 13th Infantry, the 16th Infantry, the 24th (Colored) Infantry, the 10th (Colored) Cavalry (the 10th was the only unit that assaulted both high points on the San Juan heights), with the 3rd Cavalry, 1st Volunteer Cavalry on the far right, attacking what later became known as Kettle Hill.
Battle[edit]
At the Bloody Ford of the San Juan by Frederic Remington, 1898
"Hell's Pocket"[edit]
A company from the Signal Corps ascended in a hot air balloon to reconnoiter the hills. The balloon made a good target for the Spaniards. Hawkins' brigade had already passed by the newfound route[clarification needed] and Kent ordered forward the brigade under Colonel Charles A. Wikoff. Wikoff began heading down the trail at noon, and 30 minutes later he emerged from the woods and was struck by a Mauser bullet. He died as his staff officers carried him to the rear. Lt. Col. William S. Worth, next in rank, assumed command, but within five minutes fell wounded. Lt. Col. Emerson Liscom assumed command and within another five minutes received a disabling wound. Lt. Col. Ezra P. Ewers, fourth in command of the brigade, assumed command. Kent and Sumner lined up for the attack and waited for Lawton's division to arrive from El Caney. Lawton did not arrive as scheduled, and no orders came from either Shafter or Wheeler. The troops waited at the base of the hill, plagued by constant Spanish Mauser gunfire in areas dubbed "Hell's Pocket" or "Bloody Ford".
San Juan Heights[edit]
San Juan Hill[edit]
In the meantime, Gen. Hamilton Hawkins' 1st Infantry Brigade was preparing to assault San Juan Hill, the higher of the two hilltops forming San Juan heights. The southernmost point was most recognizable for the Spanish blockhouse, a defensive fort that dominated the crest. The Cavalry Brigade then moved into position. In open view of the Spanish positions on the heights, the Americans suffered casualties from rifle and artillery fire while awaiting orders from General Shafter to take the hill. As the volume of fire increased, officers began to agitate for action.[6]
US Army photo showing trench and block house on San Juan Hill about 4 July 1898. Soldiers are from the 10th U.S. Cavalry Regiment.
The 2nd and 10th Infantry regiments of the 2nd Brigade were ordered by the brigade commander, Col. E. P. Pearson, to advance towards the Spanish lines. Positioned on the far left of the American line, the two regiments moved forward in good order, advanced towards a small knoll on the Spanish right flank, and drove groups of Spanish skirmishers back towards their trenches. A former brigade staff officer, First Lieutenant Jules Garesche Ord (son of General E. O. C. Ord),[6] officially of the 6th Infantry Regiment but temporarily assigned to D Company of the 10th due to sick and heat-disabled officers in the Fifth Corps, made a special request to General Hawkins. "General, if you will order a charge, I will lead it." Hawkins responded, "I will not ask for volunteers, I will not give permission and I will not refuse it," he said. "God bless you and good luck!"[6] Lt. Ord then asked the leaders to the right of the 10th Cavalry (members of the 3rd and 1st Volunteers) to "support the regulars" when they charged the heights. When Ord returned to his assigned unit, he advised his commander, Captain John Bigelow, Jr. of D Troop, of his conversation with the general. Bigelow gave the honor to sound the advance to Lt. Ord. With a sword in one hand and a pistol in the other, Ord stood up and ordered the advance of his unit. The Buffalo Soldiers (members of the 10th Cavalry Regiment) moved out of the trenches and up the hill. Units to the right began moving forward in a ripple effect to support the regulars. To the left of the 10th, a cheer went out from members of the 24th all-black Infantry Regiment, and they too moved toward the top of the heights. They were accompanied by elements of the 6th Infantry Regiment, including E Company, led by Capt. L. W. V. Kennon, as well as units from the 9th and 13th Infantry Regiments.[6][13] The 16th Infantry followed some distance behind the lead formations, while the 71st (New York Volunteer) infantry regiment, having failed to initially advance with the other regiments, remained at the rear.[14] As the units began their advance up the hill, they became separated, with the battalions of some regiments placed between those of other regiments.
The Scream of Shrapnel at San Juan Hill, by Frederic Remington, 1898
The Fifth Corps' newly formed Gatling Gun Detachment participated in the U.S. Army's first use of machine gun fire for mobile fire support in offensive combat.[15] Because U.S. black-powder artillery pieces lacked the range to reach the Spanish positions, Lt. John Parker's Gatling battery of four .30 caliber 10-barrelled guns was originally conceived as providing covering fire for the artillery trains. The Gatling Gun Detachment was ordered to move forward in support of the U.S. assault, and Lt. Parker received orders from his colonel to detach one gun to General Shafter's aide, Lt. John D. Miley, then to take the remaining three guns forward "to the best point you can find".[16] Parker set up his three Gatlings approximately 600 yd (550 m) from the San Juan Hill blockhouse and its surrounding trenches, occupied by Spanish regulars; 800 yd (730 m) away was another ridge-line, also with Spanish entrenchments. Being exposed, the Detachment soon came under attack and quickly lost five men to wounds and others to severe heat stroke. Ordinarily, four to six men were required to operate each Gatling gun. Nevertheless, the crews continued to fire at the Spanish. Lt. Parker's three rapid-fire[17] Gatlings provided covering fire for U.S. forces assaulting both hills.[18][19] Equipped with swivel mountings that enabled the gunners to rake Spanish positions, the three guns poured a continuous and demoralizing hail of bullets into the Spanish defensive lines. Witnessing the assault on San Juan Hill, more than one observer from the U.S. side noticed some of the Spanish defenders fleeing their trenches to escape the intense fire.[20][21] The Gatlings continued to fire until Lt. Parker observed Lt. Ferguson of the 13th Infantry waving a white handkerchief as a signal for the battery to cease firing to avoid causing friendly casualties.[22][23] The American assault then broke into a charge about 150 yd (140 m) from the crest of the hill.[16][24]
Major William Auman was the first commanding officer to reach the top of the hill. Lt. Ord was among the first to reach the crest of San Juan heights. As the Spanish fled, Lt. Ord directed supporting fire into the remaining Spanish until he was mortally wounded by a shot to the throat. General Hawkins was wounded shortly after.[6] At 13:50, Private Arthur Agnew of the 13th Infantry pulled down the Spanish flag atop the San Juan blockhouse.[25] General Wood sent requests for General Kent to send up infantry to strengthen his vulnerable position. When General Wheeler reached the trenches, he ordered breastworks constructed. The Americans' position on San Juan was exposed to artillery fire from within Santiago, and General Shafter feared the American position on Kettle Hill was vulnerable to counter-attack by Spanish forces. A Spanish counter-attack was launched late in the afternoon, but was easily beaten back with the aid of supporting Gatling fire from San Juan Hill. Though General Wheeler assured Shafter that the position could be held, Shafter nevertheless ordered a withdrawal. Before the men on Kettle Hill could withdraw, General Wheeler called aside Generals Kent and Sumner and reassured them that the line could be held. During the night, the Americans worked at strengthening the lines while awaiting reinforcements.[6]
Kettle Hill[edit]
Charge of the Rough Riders at San Juan Hill by Frederic Remington. In reality, they assaulted San Juan Heights and the portion later called Kettle Hill by the Americans.
The 1st U.S. Volunteer Cavalry (Rough Riders), along with the 3rd Cavalry Regiment, began a near simultaneous assault supporting the regulars of the 10th Cavalry (Buffalo Soldiers) up Kettle Hill, supported by the fire of three Gatling guns commanded by Lt. John H. Parker. Trooper Jesse D. Langdon of the 1st Volunteer Infantry, who accompanied Col. Theodore Roosevelt and the Rough Riders in their assault on Kettle Hill, reported:
We were exposed to the Spanish fire, but there was very little because just before we started, why, the Gatling guns opened up at the bottom of the hill, and everybody yelled, “The Gatlings! The Gatlings!” and away we went. The Gatlings just enfiladed the top of those trenches. We’d never have been able to take Kettle Hill if it hadn’t been for Parker’s Gatling guns.[18]
During the battle, Parker's Gatling guns expended approximately 18,000 rounds in eight and a half minutes (over 700 rounds per minute of continuous fire) into the Spanish defensive lines atop the heights, killing many of the defenders and forcing others to flee the trench lines, while disrupting the aim of any still alive who continued to resist.[26] Col. Egbert, commander of the 6th Infantry assaulting San Juan Hill, stated that his regiment was brought to a halt near the top of the hill to await the cease-fire order, as the Gatling fire striking the crest and trench line was so intense.[23] Col. Theodore Roosevelt later gave much of the credit for the successful capture of the Spanish positions atop the heights to Parker's inventive use of his Gatling Gun Detachment: "I think Parker deserved rather more credit than any other one man in the entire campaign ... he had the rare good judgment and foresight to see the possibilities of the machine-guns. He then, by his own exertions, got it to the front and proved that it could do invaluable work on the field of battle, as much in attack as in defense."[27] Roosevelt observed that the hammering sound of the guns raised the spirits of his men: "While thus firing, there suddenly smote on our ears a peculiar drumming sound. One or two of the men cried out, 'The Spanish machine guns!' but, after listening a moment, I leaped to my feet and called, 'It's the Gatlings, men! Our Gatlings!' Immediately the troopers began to cheer lustily, for the sound was most inspiring."[28][29]
Under continuous fire, the advance slowed as troops dropped from heat exhaustion. Officers from the rest of Wood's brigade, along with Carroll's, bunched up under fire. When the regulars of the all-black Buffalo Soldiers punched toward the top of the hill, the units became intermingled. One of the 10th's officers who took part in the attack, 1st Lieutenant John J. "Black Jack" Pershing, would later reach the highest rank ever held in the United States Army by a living officer—General of the Armies of the United States. Pershing later recalled that:
...the entire command moved forward as coolly as though the buzzing of bullets was the humming of bees. White regiments, black regiments, regulars and Rough Riders [i.e. volunteers], representing the young manhood of the North and the South, fought shoulder to shoulder, unmindful of race or color, unmindful of whether commanded by ex-Confederate or not, and mindful of only their common duty as Americans.[30]
When the American formations (10th, 3rd, and 1st Volunteers) reached the summit of Kettle Hill, they briefly fought hand to hand within the Spanish defensive works, at which point the Spanish retreated. Most reports name the first American soldier to reach the crest of Kettle Hill as Sgt. George Berry of the 10th Cavalry, who took both the 10th and 3rd Cavalry battle flags to the summit. This is supported in the writings of Pershing, who fought with the 10th on Kettle Hill and who was present when Col. Roosevelt reached the top.[6] Politics and racial discrimination led to many myths about the African-American involvement in the fighting in Cuba.[31][32]
Second Lieutenant Thomas H. Rynning is credited with being the first Rough Rider to reach the top of the hill, where he rallied his men with the Rough Riders' flag.[33]
General Linares's troops on San Juan heights fired on the newly-won American position on the crest of Kettle Hill. The Americans returned fire on the entrenched Spanish troops.[6] Seeing the "spontaneous advance" of the 1st Infantry Brigade, led by the 10th Cavalry, General Wheeler (having returned to the front) gave the order for General Kent to advance with his whole division and ordered the 3rd Brigade into the attack. Kent sent forward the 3rd Infantry Brigade, now effectively commanded by Lt. Col. Ezra P. Ewers,[34] to join the advance, which had successfully reached the heights.[6]"Previous to the return of the troops the newspapers in the Territory claimed the distinction for Arizona that [George] Truman of B Troop was the first American soldier on the Heights of San Juan. On return of the troops this statement was verified by Middleton, Owens and Sargent Norton of B Troop who were along with, and close to, Truman at the time the ascent was made."[35]
Spanish counterattack[edit]
Original title: "Colonel Roosevelt and his Rough Riders at the top of the hill which they captured, Battle of San Juan Hill. US Army victors on Kettle Hill about 3 July 1898 after the battle of San Juan Hill(s)." Left to right are 3rd US Cavalry, 1st Volunteer Cavalry (with Roosevelt at center), and 10th US Cavalry.
A second similar picture is often seen, in which all but the 1st Volunteer Cavalry and Roosevelt are cropped out.
Witnessing the assault on San Juan Hill, Col. Roosevelt decided to cross the steep ravine from Kettle Hill to San Juan Hill to support the ongoing fighting. Calling for his men to follow, he ran forward, only to find just five of the Rough Riders following him (most had not heard his command). Roosevelt returned, gathered a larger group of men. Under advice he led them down the less steep western slope of Kettle Hill, past a small lagoon, and was ready to start up the northern extension of San Juan Hill. By then the fighting was over at the top of the heights. General Summer intercepted Roosevelt and angrily ordered him to return to Kettle Hill immediately to prepare for the expected counterattack. When he returned, his men were exhausted and his horse was spent from the heat. When the expected counterattack came, these men were ineffective.[36]
After the Spanish positions atop San Juan Hill had been taken, two of Lt. Parker's Gatling guns were dragged by mules up the slope to the captured position on San Juan ridge, where both were hurriedly emplaced among a line of skirmishers.[37] As the Americans were setting up the guns, the Spanish commenced a general counterattack on the heights.[38] Though the attack on San Juan was quickly broken up, the men on Kettle Hill faced a more serious attack from some 120 Spanish regulars.[citation needed] Ignoring an order from Col. Leonard Wood to reposition one or two of his Gatling guns to the top of Kettle Hill to support the 1st Volunteer and 3rd Cavalry, Parker instead ordered the closest Gatling, manned by Sgt. Green, to fire obliquely against 600 enemy soldiers attacking Kettle Hill.[24][38] From a range of 600 yd (550 m), Sgt. Green's Gatling responded, killing all but 40 of the attackers.[16][39][40]
After the counterattack was driven off, Lt. Parker moved to Kettle Hill to view the American positions, where he was soon joined by Sgt. Weigle's Gatling and crew from San Juan, detached to the service of Lt. Miley.[41] Miley (who was primarily tasked with inspecting troop positions for General Shafter) had restrained Weigle's crew from opening fire during the entirety of the fighting.[41] Parker then ordered Sgt. Weigle and his crew to emplace their gun on Kettle Hill.[41] This Gatling was used to eliminate Spanish sniper fire against the American defensive positions on Kettle Hill.[41]
Returning to the two Gatlings on San Juan Hill, Lt. Parker had the guns relocated near the road to avoid counter-battery fire.[16][41] Despite this precaution, the guns were bombarded by a heavy Spanish 6.3 in (160 mm) gun.[16][41] Parker located the enemy gun and trained the two Gatlings using a powerful set of field glasses. The two Gatlings then opened fire, silencing the Spanish 6.3 in (160 mm) gun at a range of roughly 2,000 yd (1,800 m).[16][41] 4 July, Parker ordered his three operational guns moved into the battle line around the city of Santiago. The wheels of the Gatling carriages were removed, and the Gatlings, along with two 7 mm Colt–Browning machine guns (a gift from Col. Roosevelt) were placed in breastworks where they could command various sectors of fire. The fourth Gatling was repaired and placed in reserve. However, it was soon moved to Fort Canosa, where it was used during the siege of Santiago to fire 6,000–7,000 rounds into the city to help force a surrender.[42]
Aftermath[edit]
This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (July 2012) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
Buffalo Soldiers who participated in the Spanish–American War at San Juan Hill.
The Americans suffered almost five times as many losses as the Spanish.[clarification needed] The Spaniards fought to the knife, losing a third of their force in casualties, but yielding very few prisoners. In view of the large number of U.S. casualties incurred from small-arms fire, the Army decided to update and modernize its small arms arsenal. The .45-70 and M1892 (Krag) Springfield rifles were quickly retired from service in favor of new Mauser-pattern .30-03 (later .30-06 Springfield) M1903 Springfield rifles, while the remaining .30 Army Gatling guns were replaced in 1909 by the M1909 Benét–Mercié machine gun.[citation needed]
Lawton's division, which was supposed to have joined the fight early on 1 July 1898, did not arrive until noon the following day, on 2 July 1898, having encountered unexpectedly heavy resistance in the battle of El Caney. The Americans, aided by Cuban insurgents, immediately began the investment of Santiago, which surrendered just over two weeks later, on 17 July 1898.[citation needed]
Although Roosevelt and the Rough Riders achieved considerable fame with the victory, other soldiers fared less well. Ord never received recognition in the popular press of the day for his actions. The Army turned down[why?] requests for a medal for his heroism from his commanding officer and his commanding general.[clarification needed][citation needed]
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Konstam, Angus. San Juan Hill 1898: America's Emergence as a World Power: 1998, p. 77
Jump up ^ Wheeler was the senior most frontline commander during the battle Santiago Campaign, 1898 by Joseph Wheeler
^ Jump up to: a b c d Clodfelter 2017, p. 255.
^ Jump up to: a b c d Sus, A (dir), (1983) Historia de las Fuerzas Armadas. Vol. I Zaragoza: Palafox
Jump up ^ Brands, H. W. ed. The Selected Letters of Theodore Roosevelt. (2001), Chapter 13
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h i j Kinevan, Marcos E., Brigadier General, USAF, retired (1998). Frontier Cavalryman, Lieutenant John Bigelow with the Buffalo Soldiers in Texas. Texas Western Press, The University of Texas at El Paso. ISBN 0-87404-243-7.
^ Jump up to: a b Roosevelt, Theodore, The Rough Riders, Scribner's Magazine, Vol. 25, January–June 1899, New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, p. 423
Jump up ^ While the Rough Rider's troopers carried the Krag, each Rough Rider officer was equipped with a .30 Army caliber M1895 Winchester lever-action rifle, courtesy of Col. Roosevelt.
Jump up ^ Parker, John H. (Lt.), The Gatlings At Santiago, Middlesex, UK: Echo Library (reprinted 2006)
Jump up ^ Once the fighting had begun General Wheeler rode to the front becoming the senior ranking officer on the front lines as General Shafter was far to the rear at his headquarters. There he directed parts of Kent's division and his own Cavalry Division during the attack.
Jump up ^ Longacre, Edward G. A Soldier to the Last: Maj. Gen. Joseph Wheeler in Blue and Gray: 2006 p.227
Jump up ^ Nofi, Albert The Spanish-American dragon, 1898, 1997 p.149
Jump up ^ Larned, J.N., History for Ready Reference: Report of General Kent, Vol. 6 (1901), Springfield, MA: C. A. Nichols, pp. 604–605: In his official report, General Kent stated that the 6th, 9th, 13th, 16th, and 24th regiments of infantry participated in the assault on San Juan Hill, and were due equal credit for its capture. The 25th Infantry Regiment (Colored) participated in the Battle of El Caney, and was not present for the attack on San Juan Hill.
Jump up ^ "General Kent's Report: His Official Account of the Three Days' Fighting Around Santiago de Cuba", The New York Times, 22 July 1898: "Armed with obsolescent M1873 Trapdoor single-shot rifles, and with many of its soldiers ill with malaria, the 71st failed to advance with the lead formations, and played no role in the actual assault."
Jump up ^ Lt. Parker's use of the Gatling machine gun as offensive fire support was preceded by the U.S. Marines' use of the M1895 Colt–Browning machine gun a month before in their assault on Spanish positions surrounding Guantanamo Bay Harbor.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f Armstrong, David A., Bullets and Bureaucrats: The Machine Gun and the United States Army 1861–1916, Greenwood Publishing (1982), ISBN 0-313-23029-3, ISBN 978-0-313-23029-5, p. 101
Jump up ^ The Model 1895 10-barrelled Gatling Gun was capable of an initial rate of fire of some 800–900 rpm.
^ Jump up to: a b Jones, V. C., "Before the Colors Fade: Last of the Rough Riders", American Heritage Magazine, August 1969, Vol. 20, Issue 5, p. 26
Jump up ^ Parker, John H. (Lt.), History of the Gatling Gun Detachment, Kansas City, MO: Hudson-Kimberly Publishing Co. (1898), pp. 85–89
Jump up ^ Armstrong, David A., Bullets and Bureaucrats: The Machine Gun and the United States Army 1861–1916, Greenwood Publishing (1982), ISBN 0-313-23029-3, ISBN 978-0-313-23029-5, p. 104: Capt. Lyman Kennon of the 6th Infantry and Capt. James B. Goe of the 13th Infantry reported that they personally observed Spanish troops running away to escape the Gatling fire.
Jump up ^ Parker, John H. (Lt.), The Gatlings at Santiago, Middlesex, U.K.: Echo Library (reprinted 2006): The three Gatling guns expended a total of 18,000 .30 Army rounds against Spanish troop positions in support of the assault by U.S. forces.
Jump up ^ Parker, John H. (Lt.), History of the Gatling Gun Detachment, Kansas City, MO: Hudson-Kimberly Publishing Co. (1898), p. 138
^ Jump up to: a b Parker, John H. (Lt.), History of the Gatling Gun Detachment, Kansas City, MO: Hudson-Kimberly Publishing Co. (1898), pp. 137–138
^ Jump up to: a b Tucker, Spencer C., The Encyclopedia of the Spanish–American and Philippine–American Wars, Santa Barbara CA: ABC-CLIO Press (2009), p. 238
Jump up ^ "General Kent's Report: His Official Account of the Three Days' Fighting Around Santiago de Cuba", The New York Times, 22 July 1898
Jump up ^ Armstrong 1982, p. 104: "Well before the American infantry had reached the top of the heights, Capt. Lyman Kennon of the 6th Infantry and Capt. James B. Goe of the 13th Infantry reported that they personally observed Spanish troops running away to escape the Gatling fire."
Jump up ^ Roosevelt, Theodore, The Rough Riders, p. 568
Jump up ^ Parker 2006, p. ??[page needed]
Jump up ^ Roosevelt, Theodore (May 1899). "The Rough Riders". Scribner's Magazine. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons. 25: 568.
Jump up ^ Cashin, Herschel V., Under Fire with the 10th U.S. Cavalry, Chicago: American Publishing House (1902) pp. 207–208
Jump up ^ Anthony L. Powell (1998). "Black Participation in the Spanish–American War". The Spanish–American War Centennial web site. Retrieved 11 September 2009.
Jump up ^ Evan Thomas (2008). "A 'Splendid' War's Shameful Side. The finale of the Spanish–American war, rooted in misunderstanding and racism, still reverberates". Newsweek. Retrieved 11 September 2009.
Jump up ^ "Arizona Ranger Rynning". Genealogytrails.com. Retrieved 15 June 2012.
Jump up ^ Ewers was the ranking surviving officer of the 3rd Brigade, after Colonel Wikoff, Lt. Col. Worth, and Lt. Col. Liscum had all been killed in action while the Brigade formed for the assault in full view of the Spanish lines atop San Juan Heights.
Jump up ^ Connors, Jo, 1913, Who's Who in Arizona, Volume 1, p. 748.
Jump up ^ Parker, John H. (Lt.), The Gatlings At Santiago, Middlesex, U.K.: Echo Library (reprinted 2006), pp. 59–61
Jump up ^ Parker, John H. (Lt.), The Gatlings At Santiago, Middlesex, U.K.: Echo Library (reprinted 2006), pp. 58–59: The third gun had broken its pintle pin, and could not be limbered.
^ Jump up to: a b Parker, John H. (Lt.), The Gatlings At Santiago, Middlesex, U.K.: Echo Library (reprinted 2006), p. 59
Jump up ^ Parker, John H. (Lt.), The Gatlings At Santiago, Middlesex, U.K.: Echo Library (reprinted 2006), p. 59: Parker's account is very clear that he never obeyed Col. Wood's order to redeploy his guns to Kettle Hill ("The order to move the guns was disregarded."), instead ordering Sgt. Green's Gatling to fire immediately from its existing position atop San Juan at the Spanish assaulting Kettle Hill.
Jump up ^ Roosevelt, The Rough Riders, p. 568
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g Parker, John H. (Lt.), The Gatlings At Santiago, Middlesex, U.K.: Echo Library (reprinted 2006), pp. 60–61
Jump up ^ Parker, John H. (Lt.), The Gatlings At Santiago, Middlesex, U.K.: Echo Library (reprinted 2006), p. 68
Bibliography[edit]
Clodfelter, M. (2017). Warfare and Armed Conflicts: A Statistical Encyclopedia of Casualty and Other Figures, 1492–2015 (4th ed.). McFarland. ISBN 978-0786474707.
Roosevelt, Theodore. The Rough Riders.
Nofi, Albert A., The Spanish American War, 1898, 1997.
Carrasco García, Antonio, En Guerra con Los Estados Unidos: Cuba, 1898, Madrid: 1998.
"Buffalo Soldiers at San Juan Hill | from a talk in 1998 during the Conference of Army Historians in Bethesda, Maryland". History.army.mil.
External links[edit]
Spanish – American War Centennial website
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