text:
Crossroads (1986 film)
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For other uses, see Crossroads (disambiguation).
Crossroads
Theatrical release poster
Directed by
Walter Hill
Produced by
Mark Carliner
Written by
John Fusco
Starring
Ralph Macchio
Joe Seneca
Jami Gertz
Music by
Ry Cooder
Cinematography
John Bailey
Edited by
Freeman A. Davies
Distributed by
Columbia Pictures
Release date
March 14, 1986 (1986-03-14)
Running time
96 minutes
Country
United States
Language
English
Box office
$5,839,000 (US)
Crossroads is a 1986 American coming-of-age musical drama film inspired by the legend of blues musician Robert Johnson. Starring Ralph Macchio, Joe Seneca and Jami Gertz, the film was written by John Fusco and directed by Walter Hill and features an original score featuring Ry Cooder and Steve Vai on the soundtrack's guitar, and harmonica by Sonny Terry. Vai also appears in the film as the devil's guitar player in the climactic guitar duel.
Fusco was a traveling blues musician prior to attending New York University's Tisch School of the Arts, where he wrote Crossroads as an assignment in a master class led by the screenwriting giants Waldo Salt and Ring Lardner, Jr. The student screenplay won first place in the national FOCUS Awards (Films of College and University Students) and was sold to Columbia Pictures while Fusco was still a student.
Contents
[hide]
1 Plot
2 Cast
3 Production
4 Awards and nominations
4.1 Awards
5 Soundtrack
6 Critical response
7 References
8 External links
Plot[edit]
Eugene Martone has a fascination for blues music while he studies classical guitar at the Juilliard School for Performing Arts in New York City. Researching blues and guitar music brings famed Robert Johnson's mythically creative acclaim to his attention; especially intriguing are the legends surrounding exactly how Johnson became so talented – most notably the one claiming he "sold his soul to the Devil at the crossroads", as well as a famed "missing song" that was lost, supposedly evermore, to the world.
In his quest to find this song, he discovers old newspaper archive clippings, revealing that Johnson's longtime friend, musician Willie Brown, is alive and incarcerated in a nearby minimum security hospital for murder. Eugene goes to see him. After Willie denies several times that he is that Willie Brown, he finally admits his identity after hearing Eugene play some blues (though Willie notes that Eugene "plays with no soul"). Willie then says he knows the missing Robert Johnson tune in question but refuses to give it to Eugene unless the boy breaks him out of the facility and gets him to Mississippi, where he has unfinished business to settle. Eugene agrees and they head south, but the boy soon realizes that Willie is constantly running minor scams such as claiming that he has more money than he actually has in order to cover their bus tickets. With no money, they end up “hoboing” from Memphis to rural Mississippi.
During their quest, Eugene and Willie experience the blues legacy of Robert Johnson first-hand, taking part in an impromptu jam session at a roadhouse (or "juke joint" as Willie puts it), where Eugene gets the nickname of "Lightning" from Willie because of his musical skill. Eugene is deeply impressed and his feelings of the authenticity of Willie being an old bluesman takes firm hold in his mind. However, when he jokingly suggests to Willie that he himself ought to "sell his soul to the Devil at the crossroads", Willie strikes him, angrily telling Eugene he should never joke like that.
A romantic interest surfaces in the guise of a hitchhiker, Frances, who follows them. She and Eugene end up sharing a tender moment in a hayloft and they are arrested. She eventually abandons the two men leaving Eugene heartbroken, but with a true feeling for the blues, as he plays on an old Fender Telecaster guitar and a Pignose amplifier. Willie confesses to Eugene at this point that there is no missing Johnson song for Eugene to learn, but Willie tells the boy that he has proven himself far beyond what learning any blues song could ever teach him.
They ultimately reach their location in Mississippi: a rural crossroads in the middle of nowhere, where Willie reveals the ultimate secret: his ability on the harmonica came about because of a deal with the devil made at this very location. The Devil shows up and says that the contract for Willie's soul is still valid, even if Willie is ultimately unsatisfied with how his life turned out.
Eugene, somewhat skeptical of the whole exchange and situation, steps into the conversation to help Willie. The Devil offers a challenge: If Eugene can come to a special concert and win a head-cutting guitar duel against his ringer guitarist, then Willie gets his soul back. If Eugene loses, then Eugene's soul is now forfeit as well. Despite Willie's protests, Eugene agrees to the deal. Willie and Eugene are transported to a music hall, where metal-blues guitar master Jack Butler, who also sold his soul for musical ability, is wowing the crowd with his prowess. Willie gives Eugene a mojo bag.
Eugene and Butler begin their guitar duel, and Eugene is eventually able to win the battle by falling back on his classical training and performing music that his opponent cannot match. Willie's soul is freed, and he and Eugene are transported back to Mississippi, where they start walking again, talking of cities they plan to visit.
Cast[edit]
Ralph Macchio as Eugene Martone
Joe Seneca as Willie Brown
Jami Gertz as Frances
Joe Morton as Scratch's assistant
Robert Judd as Scratch
Steve Vai as Jack Butler
Dennis Lipscomb as Lloyd
Harry Carey, Jr. as bartender
John Hancock as Sheriff Tilford
Allan Arbus as Dr. Santis
Gretchen Palmer as beautiful girl, dancer
Al Fann as pawnbroker
Wally Taylor as O.Z.
Tim Russ as Robert Johnson
Tex Donaldson as John McGraw
Guy Killum as Willie at 17
Akosua Busia as woman at boardinghouse
Edward Walsh as Harley Tethune
Allan Graf as Alvin
Production[edit]
The script was an original by John Fusco, who had long been interested in blues music. He worked as a blues singer and musician but had been warned by a doctor to rest his voice. In 1981 his girlfriend, who was working at a rest home, told him that an old black man with a harmonica had been admitted. Fusco went to visit him and on the way dreamt up a story about what would happen if the player was a legendary blues player. This gave him the idea for the story.[1]
Fusco wrote the script as his Master's Thesis at New York University. It was only his second screenplay. Producer Mark Farliner acted as Fusco's independent adviser on it and later helped get it made.[2] Fusco was paid $250,000.[3]
Jami Gertz was cast as the female lead. "She had the warmth I was looking for," Hill said, "and she was feisty, but I wondered, is she strong enough? She has to put Macchio through the experience of falling in love, and then she has to leave him, to strengthen his character for the movie's final showdown. I decided to go with her, and I was amazed by how strong she seemed on the screen."[4]
Hill was aware of some surface similarities to The Karate Kid: "You boil it down, and it sounds like a young kid and a wise old guy and their showdown with evil," said Hill. "But if you really look at 'Crossroads,' it's a completely different movie...I knew my most difficult task would be creating real, believable scenes between Macchio and Seneca. They had to be real characters; with an ongoing reality level, to work at all. You have to set the stage, or when your movie shifts gears to fantasy, you lose your audience."[4]
Shooting took place on location in Mississippi as well as Hollywood. Blues legend Frank Frost makes a cameo.
"I think the blues still speaks to kids today," said Ry Cooder, who performed the music with Steve Vai. "It's so old that it's new."[5]
The filmmakers shot sad and happy endings and both were tested with audiences; the happy ending was chosen.[6] (The unhappy ending had Joe Seneca's character dying.[7])
Awards and nominations[edit]
Awards[edit]
Year
Event
Award
Category
Nomination
Result
Ref.
1986 Flanders International Film Festival Ghent Georges Delerue Prize Best Original Music Ry Cooder Won [8][9]
Soundtrack[edit]
Ry Cooder said he spent a year working on the soundtrack.[10]
Main article: Crossroads (1986 soundtrack)
Critical response[edit]
Farliner said "This is as tricky a picture to market as anything. I was the first one who tried to sell the story. I know how tricky it is... It could be a classic crossover movie. But you could blow that opportunity real quick with a bad campaign." He thought Columbia had an excellent marketing team and liked that the studio spent $6 million on launching it.[11]
According to Ry Cooder, the film "went down the tubes".[10]
As of 2012, the film had a 79% certified "fresh" rating on Rotten Tomatoes.[12]
Roger Ebert in his review stated that the movie "borrows so freely and is a reminder of so many other movies that it's a little startling, at the end, to realize how effective the movie is and how original it manages to feel despite all the plunderings." He praised the film's acting and music, giving the movie 3.5 stars out of 4.[13]
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Van Gelder, Lawrence (14 March 1986). "Happy Ending for a Former Blues Singer". New York Times. p. C8.
Jump up ^ Mathews, Jack (21 June 1985). "Film Clips: Getting Through 'Oz' with Help of His Friends Film Clips: A Little Help". Los Angeles Times. p. F1.
Jump up ^ Horn, John (31 Aug 1985). "Focue Plots Happy Beginnings: Focus 1985". Los Angeles Times. p. sd_e1.
^ Jump up to: a b Ebert, Roger (16 Mar 1986). "Director Walter Hill Turns Movies into Myths". Chicago Sun-Times. p. 7.
Jump up ^ Goldstein, Patrick (28 July 1985). "Pop Eye: Ry Cooder Takes Blues to the 'Crossroads' Pop Eye". Los Angeles Times. p. t65.
Jump up ^ Pond, Steve (6 February 1986). "Too Much Springsteen". Washington Post. p. C7.
Jump up ^ Goldstein, Patrick (21 March 1986). "Joe Seneca Arrives at His Moment of Truth". Los Angeles Times. p. I1.
Jump up ^ imdb.com/ Awards & Nominations
Jump up ^ Winner & Jury 1985-2012 Flandres International Film Festival Ghent Archived August 3, 2009, at the Wayback Machine.
^ Jump up to: a b Milward, John (20 December 1987). "Lettin' it slide: Guitarist Ry Cooder won't follow rock trends". Chicago Tribune. Chicago. p. C28.
Jump up ^ FILM CLIPS: ARGENTINE 'STORY' WITH NO LANGUAGE BARRIERS Mathews, Jack. Los Angeles Times (1923-Current File) [Los Angeles, Calif] 14 Mar 1986: I1.
Jump up ^ "Crossroads". Rotten Tomatoes. Retrieved 2012-02-10.
Jump up ^ Ebert, Roger (14 March 1986). "Crossroads :: Reviews". SunTimes.com. Retrieved 2012-02-10.
External links[edit]
Wikiquote has quotations related to: Crossroads (1986 film)
Crossroads on IMDb
Crossroads at AllMovie
Crossroads at Rotten Tomatoes
Crossroads – Arlen Roth's page about the shooting of the film
[show]
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Films directed by Walter Hill
Hard Times (1975)
The Driver (1978)
The Warriors (1979)
The Long Riders (1980)
Southern Comfort (1981)
48 Hrs. (1982)
Streets of Fire (1984)
Brewster's Millions (1985)
Crossroads (1986)
Extreme Prejudice (1987)
Red Heat (1988)
Johnny Handsome (1989)
Another 48 Hrs. (1990)
Trespass (1992)
Geronimo: An American Legend (1993)
Wild Bill (1995)
Last Man Standing (1996)
Supernova (2000)
Undisputed (2002)
Broken Trail (2006)
Bullet to the Head (2012)
The Assignment (2016)
[show]
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Robert Johnson
Albums
King of the Delta Blues Singers
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The Complete Recordings
Original
78 rpm records
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"Terraplane Blues" / "Kind Hearted Woman Blues"
"32-20 Blues" / "Last Fair Deal Gone Down"
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"Come On in My Kitchen" / "They're Red Hot"
"Sweet Home Chicago" / "Walkin' Blues"
"Hellhound on My Trail" / "From Four Until Late"
"Milkcow's Calf Blues"
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Crossroads (1986 film)
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People's Party (United States)
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
This article is about the American political party, also known as the Populists, which existed from 1891 to 1919. For other American and worldwide parties using the term "populists", see Populist Party. For 1850s groups in Ohio and Indiana affiliated with the Anti-Nebraska movement and Know-Nothing party, see Fusion Party. For the American party with the same name which was active in the 1970s, see People's Party (United States, 1971). For the party existing in the Utah Territory from 1870–1891, see People's Party (Utah).
People's Party
Leader
James B. Weaver
William Jennings Bryan
Thomas E. Watson
Founded
1891 (1891)
Dissolved
1908 (1908)
Preceded by
Farmers' Alliance
Greenback Party
Union Labor Party
Merged into
Farmer-Labor Party
Democratic Party
Progressive Party
Ideology
Agrarianism
Bimetallism
Populism
Political position
Left-wing
Politics of United States
Political parties
Elections
The People's Party, also known as the Populist Party or the Populists, was an agrarian-populist political party in the United States. For a few years, from 1892 to 1896, it played a major role as a left-wing force in American politics. It was merged into the Democratic Party in 1896; a small independent remnant survived until 1908. It drew support from angry farmers in the West and South. It was highly critical of banks and railroads, and allied itself with the labor movement.[1][2][3]
Established in 1891, as a result of the Populist movement, the People's Party reached its peak in the 1892 presidential election, when its ticket, composed of James B. Weaver and James G. Field, won 8.5% of the popular vote and carried five states (Colorado, Idaho, Kansas, Nevada and North Dakota), and the 1894 House of Representatives elections, when it took over 10% of the vote. Built on a coalition of poor, white cotton farmers in the South (especially North Carolina, Alabama and Texas) and hard-pressed wheat farmers in the Plains states (especially Kansas and Nebraska), the Populists represented a radical combination of agrarianism and urbanism with hostility to banks, landowners, Eastern elites, railroads, and the gold standard.[4]
Though Henry George refused to campaign for the Populist Party, many of his supporters did, which created a contest for power between Georgists and socialists in states such as Illinois, where Clarence Darrow lobbied for the Georgist 'single-taxers'. Another major Georgist figure in the People's Party was Congressman "Sockless Jerry" Simpson from Kansas. The Texas Farmers' Alliance and the Texas People's Party both adopted Georgist planks in their platforms.[5] In more urban states such as New York, the Georgist wing reportedly "practically dominated" the People's Party.[6] Other state branches of the People's Party adopted less radical land tax planks in their platforms.[7]
The party sometimes allied with labor unions in the North and Republicans in the South. In the 1896 presidential elections the Populists endorsed the Democratic presidential nominee, William Jennings Bryan, adding their own vice presidential nominee. By joining with the Democrats, the People's Party lost its independent identity and rapidly withered away.
Later, after the dissolution of the party, the term populist acquired a generic meaning and throughout most of the 20th century and into the 21st, the term means, "a believer in the rights, wisdom, or virtues of the common people."[8][9]
Contents
[hide]
1 Formation
2 Presidential election of 1896
3 Populist-GOP fusion in North Carolina
4 Collapse
5 Debate by historians over populism
6 Electoral history
6.1 Presidential elections
6.2 Congressional elections
7 Elected officials
7.1 Governors
7.2 United States Congress
8 See also
9 References
10 Further reading
11 External links
11.1 Contemporary accounts
11.2 Party publications and materials
11.3 Secondary sources
Formation[edit]
People's Party candidate nominating convention held at Columbus, Nebraska, July 15, 1890
A People's Party grew out of a large mood of agrarian unrest in response to low agricultural prices in the South and the trans-Mississippi West, as well as thought that the "Eastern Elites" were taking advantage of the farmers by charging higher rates on loans and trains.[10] The Farmers' Alliance, formed in Lampasas, Texas, in 1876, promoted collective economic action by farmers and achieved widespread popularity in the South and Great Plains. The Farmers' Alliance ultimately did not achieve its wider economic goals of collective economic action against brokers, railroads, and merchants, and many in the movement advocated for changes in national policy. By the late 1880s, the Alliance had developed a political agenda that called for regulation and reform in national politics, most notably an opposition to the gold standard to counter the high deflation in agricultural prices in relation to other goods such as farm implements.
In 1886, an entirely different "People's Party" elected 6 assemblymen to the Wisconsin State Assembly and 1 senator to the Wisconsin State Senate. However this was a labor party, and by the 1888 elections it was using the Union Labor Party label.
In December 1888 the National Agricultural Wheel and the Southern Farmer’s Alliance met at Meridian, Mississippi, where the national farmers convention was held that year. In that meeting they decided to consolidate the two parties pending ratification. This consolidation gave the organization a new name, the Farmers and Laborers’ Union of America, and by 1889 the merger had been ratified, although there were conflicts between “conservative” Alliance men and “political” Wheelers in Texas and Arkansas, which delayed the unification in these states until 1890 and 1891 respectively. The merger eventually united white Southern Alliance and Wheel members, but it would not include African American members of agricultural organizations.[11]
During their move towards consolidation in 1889, the leaders of both Southern Farmers’ Alliance and the Agricultural Wheel organizations contacted Terence V. Powderly, leader of the Knights of Labor. “This contact between leaders of the farmers’ movement and Powderly helped pave the way for a series of reform conferences held between December 1889 and July 1892 that resulted in the formation of the national People’s (or Populist) Party.”[12]
1892 People's Party campaign poster promoting James Weaver for President of the United States
The drive to create a new political party out of the movement arose from the belief that the two major parties, Democrats and Republicans, were controlled by bankers, landowners and elites hostile to the needs of the small farmer. The movement reached its peak in 1892 when the party held a convention chaired by Frances Willard (leader of the WCTU and a friend of Powderly's)[13] in Omaha, Nebraska and nominated candidates for the national election.
The party's platform, commonly known as the Omaha Platform, called for the abolition of national banks, a graduated income tax, direct election of Senators, civil service reform, a working day of eight hours and Government control of all railroads, telegraphs, and telephones. In the 1892 Presidential election, James B. Weaver received 1,027,329 votes. Weaver carried four states (Colorado, Kansas, Idaho, and Nevada) and received electoral votes from Oregon and North Dakota as well.
The party flourished most among farmers in the Southwest and Great Plains, as well as making significant gains in the South, where they faced an uphill battle given the firmly entrenched monopoly of the Democratic Party. Success was often obtained through electoral fusion, with the Democrats outside the South, but with alliances with the Republicans in Southern states like Alabama, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Texas.[14] For example, in the elections of 1894, a coalition of Populists and Republicans led by Populist Marion Butler swept state and local offices in North Carolina, and the coalition would go on to elect Republican Daniel Lindsay Russell as Governor in 1896.[15]
Quite separate from the Populists were the Silverites in the western mining states, who demanded Free silver to solve the Panic of 1893. By allowing the coining of silver coins, they hoped to make the value of the money more than what it represented, which would lead to inflation of the currency, and thus, reduce the debt of the farmers to the Eastern Elites. This idea led former Greenback Party members to join the Populist Party.
The Populists followed the Prohibition Party in actively including women in their affairs. Some southern Populists, including Thomas E. Watson of Georgia, openly talked of the need for poor blacks and poor whites to set aside their racial differences in the name of shared economic self-interest. Regardless of these rhetoric appeals, however, racism did not evade the People's Party. Prominent Populist Party leaders such as Marion Butler, a United States Senator from North Carolina, at least partially demonstrated a dedication to the cause of white supremacy, and there appears to have been some support for this viewpoint among the rank-and-file of the party's membership.[16] After 1900 Watson himself became an outspoken white supremacist and became the party's presidential nominee in 1904 and 1908, winning 117,000 and 29,000 votes.
Presidential election of 1896[edit]
In 1896, the 36-year-old William Jennings Bryan was the chosen candidate resulting from the fusion of the Democrats and the People's Party.
By 1896, the Democratic Party took up many of the People's Party's causes at the national level, and the party began to fade from national prominence. In that year's presidential election, the Democrats nominated William Jennings Bryan, who focused on the free silver issue as a solution to the economic depression and the maldistribution of power. One of the great orators of the day, Bryan generated enormous excitement among Democrats with his "Cross of Gold" speech, and appeared in the middle of 1896 to have a good chance of winning the election, if the Populists voted for him.
The Populists had the choice of endorsing Bryan or running their own candidate. After great infighting at their St. Louis convention they decided to endorse Bryan but with their own vice presidential nominee, Thomas E. Watson of Georgia. Watson was cautiously open to cooperation, but after the election would recant any hope he had in the possibility of cooperation as a viable tool.[17] Bryan's strength was based on the traditional Democratic vote (minus the middle class and German Catholics); he swept the old Populist strongholds in the west and South, and added the silverite states in the west, but did poorly in the industrial heartland. He lost to Republican William McKinley by a margin of 600,000 votes and lost again in a rematch in 1900 by a larger margin. Historians believe this was because of the tactics Bryan used, which had not been used before; he had aggressively "run" for president, while traditional candidates would use "front porch campaigns." [18]
Populist-GOP fusion in North Carolina[edit]
In 1894-96 the Populist wave of agrarian unrest swept through the cotton and tobacco regions of the South. The most dramatic impact came in North Carolina, where the poor white farmers who comprised the Populist party formed a working coalition with the Republican Party, then largely controlled by blacks in the low country, and poor whites in the mountain districts. They took control of the state legislature in both 1894 and 1896, and the governorship in 1896. Restrictive rules on voting were repealed. In 1895 the Legislature rewarded its black allies with patronage, naming 300 black magistrates in eastern districts, as well as deputy sheriffs and city policemen. They also received some federal patronage from the coalition congressman, and state patronage from the governor.[19]
Collapse[edit]
The Populist movement never recovered from the failure of 1896, and national fusion with the Democrats proved disastrous to the party in the South. National alliance with the Democrats sapped the ability of the Populists to fight the Democrats locally in the South. Early on, this was less of an issue in the Western states where Republicans were strong, as the Democratic-Populist alliance was a more natural fit there, but eventually ended the party.
In North Carolina, the state Democratic-party orchestrated propaganda campaign in newspapers across the state, and created a brutal and violent white supremacy election campaign to defeat the North Carolina Populists and GOP, the Fusionist revolt in North Carolina collapsed in 1898, and white Democrats returned to power. The gravity of the crisis was underscored by a major race riot in Wilmington, in 1898, two days after the election. Knowing they had just retaken control of the state legislature, the Democrats were confident they could not be overcome. They attacked and overcame the Fusionists; mobs roamed the black neighborhoods, shooting, killing, burning buildings, and making a special target of the black newspaper.[20] There were no further insurgencies in any Southern states involving a successful black coalition at the state level. By 1900, the gains of the populist-Republican coalition were reversed, and the Democrats ushered in disfranchisement[21]: practically all blacks lost their vote. The Populist/Republican alliance which had governed North Carolina, the only state in which it had any success, fell apart.
Tennessee’s Populist Party was demoralized by a diminishing membership, and puzzled and split by the dilemma of whether to fight the state-level enemy (the Democrats) or the national foe (the Republicans and Wall Street). By 1900 the People’s Party of Tennessee was a shadow of what it once was.[22] A similar pattern was repeated elsewhere throughout the South, where the Populist Party had previously sought alliances with the Republican Party against the dominant state Democrats, including in Watson's Georgia.
In 1900, while many Populist voters supported Bryan again, the weakened party nominated a separate ticket of Wharton Barker and Ignatius L. Donnelly, and disbanded afterwards. Populist activists either retired from politics, joined a major party, or followed Eugene Debs into his new Socialist Party. In 1904, the party was re-organized, and Thomas E. Watson was their nominee for president in 1904 and in 1908, after which the party disbanded again.
In A Preface to Politics, published in 1913, Walter Lippmann wrote, "As I write, a convention of the Populist Party has just taken place. Eight delegates attended the meeting, which was held in a parlor."[23] This may record the last gasp of the party organization.
Debate by historians over populism[edit]
Since the 1890s historians have vigorously debated the nature of Populism; most scholars have been liberals[citation needed] who admired the Populists for their attacks on banks and railroads. Some historians see a close link between the Populists of the 1890s and the progressives of 1900-1912, but most of the leading progressives (except Bryan himself) fiercely opposed Populism. For example, Theodore Roosevelt, George W. Norris, Robert La Follette Sr., William Allen White and Woodrow Wilson all strongly opposed Populism. It is debated whether any Populist ideas made their way into the Democratic party during the New Deal era. The New Deal farm programs were designed by experts (like Henry Wallace) who had nothing to do with Populism.[24]
People's Party campaign poster from 1904 touting the candidacy of Thomas E. Watson
Some historians see the populists as forward-looking liberal reformers. Others view them as reactionaries trying to recapture an idyllic and utopian past. For some they were radicals out to restructure American life, and for others they were economically hard-pressed agrarians seeking government relief. Much recent scholarship emphasizes Populism's debt to early American republicanism.[25] Clanton (1991) stresses that Populism was "the last significant expression of an old radical tradition that derived from Enlightenment sources that had been filtered through a political tradition that bore the distinct imprint of Jeffersonian, Jacksonian, and Lincolnian democracy." This tradition emphasized human rights over the cash nexus of the Gilded Age's dominant ideology.[26]
Frederick Jackson Turner and a succession of western historians depicted the Populist as responding to the closure of the frontier. Turner explained:
The Farmers' Alliance and the Populist demand for government ownership of the railroad is a phase of the same effort of the pioneer farmer, on his latest frontier. The proposals have taken increasing proportions in each region of Western Advance. Taken as a whole, Populism is a manifestation of the old pioneer ideals of the native American, with the added element of increasing readiness to utilize the national government to effect its ends.[27]
The most influential Turner student of Populism was John D. Hicks, who emphasized economic pragmatism over ideals, presenting Populism as interest group politics, with have-nots demanding their fair share of America's wealth which was being leeched off by nonproductive speculators. Hicks emphasized the drought that ruined so many Kansas farmers, but also pointed to financial manipulations, deflation in prices caused by the gold standard, high interest rates, mortgage foreclosures, and high railroad rates. Corruption accounted for such outrages and Populists presented popular control of government as the solution, a point that later students of republicanism emphasized.[28]
In the 1930s C. Vann Woodward stressed the southern base, seeing the possibility of a black-and-white coalition of poor against the overbearing rich. Georgia politician Tom Watson served as Woodward's hero.[29] In the 1950s, however, scholars such as Richard Hofstadter portrayed the Populist movement as an irrational response of backward-looking farmers to the challenges of modernity. He discounted third party links to Progressivism and argued that Populists were provincial, conspiracy-minded, and had a tendency toward scapegoatism that manifested itself as nativism, anti-Semitism, anti-intellectualism, and Anglophobia. The antithesis of anti-modern Populism was modernizing Progressivism according to Hofstadter's model, with such leading progressives as Theodore Roosevelt, Robert La Follette Sr., George Norris and Woodrow Wilson pointed as having been vehement enemies of Populism, though William Jennings Bryan did cooperate with them and accepted the Populist nomination in 1896.[30]
Michael Kazin's The Populist Persuasion (1995) argued that Populism reflected a rhetorical style that manifested itself in spokesmen like Father Charles Coughlin in the 1930s and Governor George Wallace in the 1960s.
Goodwyn (1976)[31] and Postel (2007) reject the notion that the Populists were traditionalistic and anti-modern. Quite the reverse, they argue, the Populists aggressively sought self-consciously progressive goals. Goodwyn criticizes Hofstadter’s reliance on secondary sources to characterize the Populists, working instead with the material generated by the Populists themselves. Goodwyn determined that the farmers’ cooperatives gave rise to a Populist culture, and their efforts to free farmers from lien merchants revealed to them the political structure of the economy, which propelled them into politics. The Populists sought diffusion of scientific and technical knowledge, formed highly centralized organizations, launched large-scale incorporated businesses, and pressed for an array of state-centered reforms. Hundreds of thousands of women committed to Populism seeking a more modern life, education, and employment in schools and offices. A large section of the labor movement looked to Populism for answers, forging a political coalition with farmers that gave impetus to the regulatory state. Progress, however, was also menacing and inhumane, Postel notes. White Populists embraced social-Darwinist notions of racial improvement, Chinese exclusion and separate-but-equal.[32]
Populists saw the Panic of 1893 as confirmation that evil global conspiracies and big city villains were to blame. Historian Hasia Diner says:
Some Populists believed that Jews made up a class of international financiers whose policies had ruined small family farms, they asserted, owned the banks and promoted the gold standard, the chief sources of their impoverishment. Agrarian radicalism posited the city as antithetical to American values, asserting that Jews were the essence of urban corruption.[33]
Electoral history[edit]
Presidential elections[edit]
Election
Candidate
Running mate
Votes
Vote %
Electoral votes
+/-
Outcome of election
1892
James B. Weaver James G. Field 1,026,595 8.51
22 / 444
New Lost
1896
—a[›] Thomas E. Watson 222,583 1.59
27 / 447
5 Lost
1900
Wharton Barker Ignatius L. Donnelly 50,989 0.36
0 / 447
27 Lost
1904
Thomas E. Watson Thomas Tibbles 114,070 0.84
0 / 476
0 Lost
1908
Thomas E. Watson Samuel Williams 28,862 0.19
0 / 483
0 Lost
^ a: Endorsed Democratic William Jennings Bryan as President.
Congressional elections[edit]
United States
House of Representatives
Election year
No. of
overall seats won
+/–
House Speaker
1890
8 / 332
New Charles Frederick Crisp
1892
11 / 356
3
1894
9 / 357
2 Thomas Brackett Reed
1896
22 / 357
13
1898
6 / 357
16 David B. Henderson
1900
5 / 357
1
United States
Senate
Election year
Seats
before
Seats
after
+/–
Senate President
1890/1891
0 / 85
1 / 85
New Levi P. Morton
1892/1893
2 / 88
3 / 88
1
1894/1895
3 / 88
4 / 88
1 Adlai Stevenson I
1896/1897
4 / 90
5 / 90
1
1898/1899
5 / 90
4 / 90
1 Garret Hobart
1900/1901
5 / 90
4 / 90
1 Vacantb[›]
1902/1903
2 / 90
0 / 90
2 Theodore Roosevelt
^ b: Office left vacant when Garret Hobart died on November 21, 1899.
Elected officials[edit]
Governors[edit]
Colorado: Davis Hanson Waite, 1893–1895
Idaho: Frank Steunenberg, 1897–1901 (fusion of Democrats and Populists)
Kansas: Lorenzo D. Lewelling, 1893–1895
Kansas: John W. Leedy, 1897–1899
Nebraska: Silas A. Holcomb, 1895–1899 (fusion of Democrats and Populists)
Nebraska: William A. Poynter, 1899–1901 (fusion of Democrats and Populists)
North Carolina: Daniel Lindsay Russell, 1897–1901 (coalition of Republicans and Populists)
Oregon: Sylvester Pennoyer, 1887–1895 (fusion of Democrats and Populists)
South Dakota: Andrew E. Lee, 1897–1901
Tennessee: John P. Buchanan, 1891–1893
Washington: John Rogers, 1897–1901 (fusion of Democrats and Populists)
United States Congress[edit]
Approximately forty-five members of the party served in the U.S. Congress between 1891 and 1902. These included six United States Senators:
William A. Peffer and William A. Harris from Kansas
Marion Butler of North Carolina
James H. Kyle from South Dakota
Henry Heitfeld of Idaho
William V. Allen from Nebraska
The following were Populist members of the U.S. House of Representatives:
52nd United States Congress
Thomas E. Watson, Georgia's 10th congressional district
Benjamin Hutchinson Clover, Kansas's 3rd congressional district
John Grant Otis, Kansas's 4th congressional district
John Davis, Kansas's 5th congressional district
William Baker, Kansas's 6th congressional district
Jerry Simpson, Kansas's 7th congressional district
Kittel Halvorson, Minnesota's 6th congressional district
William A. McKeighan, Nebraska's 2nd congressional district
Omer Madison Kem, Nebraska's 3rd congressional district
53rd United States Congress
Haldor Boen, Minnesota's 7th congressional district
Marion Cannon, California's 6th congressional district
Lafayette Pence, Colorado's 1st congressional district
John Calhoun Bell, Colorado's 2nd congressional district
Thomas Jefferson Hudson, Kansas's 3rd congressional district
John Davis, Kansas' 5th congressional district
William Baker, Kansas' 6th congressional district
Jerry Simpson, Kansas' 7th congressional district
William A. Harris, Kansas Member-at-large
William A. McKeighan, Nebraska's 5th congressional district
Omer Madison Kem, Nebraska's 6th congressional district
Alonzo C. Shuford, North Carolina's 7th congressional district
54th United States Congress
Albert Taylor Goodwyn, Alabama's 5th congressional district
Milford W. Howard, Alabama's 7th congressional district
William Baker, Kansas' 6th congressional district
Omer Madison Kem, Nebraska's 6th congressional district
Harry Skinner, North Carolina's 1st congressional district
William F. Strowd, North Carolina's 4th congressional district
Charles H. Martin (1848–1931), North Carolina's 6th congressional district
Alonzo C. Shuford, North Carolina's 7th congressional district
55th United States Congress
Albert Taylor Goodwyn, Alabama's 5th congressional district
Charles A. Barlow, California's 6th congressional district
Curtis H. Castle, California's 7th congressional district
James Gunn, Idaho's 1st congressional district
Mason Summers Peters, Kansas's 2nd congressional district
Edwin Reed Ridgely, Kansas's 3rd congressional district
William Davis Vincent, Kansas's 5th congressional district
Nelson B. McCormick, Kansas's 6th congressional district
Jerry Simpson, Kansas's 7th congressional district
Jeremiah Dunham Botkin, Kansas Member-at-large
Samuel Maxwell, Nebraska's 3rd congressional district
William Ledyard Stark, Nebraska's 4th congressional district
Roderick Dhu Sutherland, Nebraska's 5th congressional district
William Laury Greene, Nebraska's 6th congressional district
Harry Skinner, North Carolina's 1st congressional district
John E. Fowler, North Carolina's 3rd congressional district
William F. Strowd, North Carolina's 4th congressional district
Charles H. Martin, North Carolina's 5th congressional district
Alonzo C. Shuford, North Carolina's 7th congressional district
John Edward Kelley, South Dakota's 1st congressional district
Freeman T. Knowles, South Dakota's 2nd congressional district
56th United States Congress
William Ledyard Stark, Nebraska's 4th congressional district
Roderick Dhu Sutherland, Nebraska's 5th congressional district
William Laury Greene, Nebraska's 6th congressional district
John W. Atwater, North Carolina's 4th congressional district
57th United States Congress
Thomas L. Glenn, Idaho's 1st congressional district
Caldwell Edwards, Montana's 1st congressional district
William Ledyard Stark, Nebraska's 4th congressional district
William Neville, Nebraska's 6th congressional district
See also[edit]
Greenback Party
Left-wing populism
List of political parties in the United States
Political interpretations of The Wonderful Wizard of Oz
Bryant W. Bailey, Louisiana Populist
William Jennings Bryan, leading Populist politician
Annie Le Porte Diggs (1853-1916), Populist advocate
Leonard M. Landsborough, California Populist
Bring the Jubilee, novel by Ward Moore set in a parallel universe where the Confederacy won the Southern War of Independence and the right-wing Whigs and the left-wing Populists replace the Democratic and Republican parties as the two main political parties in the rump United States, with William Jennings Bryan mentioned as a former three-term president
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Peter Knight (1 January 2003). Conspiracy Theories in American History: An Encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO. p. 82.
Jump up ^ Norman Pollack (1 January 1976). The Populist Response to Industrial America: Midwestern Populist Thought. Harvard University Press. pp. 11–12.
Jump up ^ Palmer, Bruce (1980). "Man Over Money": the Southern Populist Critique of American Capitalism. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 0-8078-1427-X.
Jump up ^ Schwantes, Carlos A. (1976). Left-wing Unionism in the Pacific Northwest: A Comparative History of Organized Labor and Socialist Politics in Washington and British Columbia. University of Michigan - Labor Unions. p. 180. Retrieved 7 February 2018.
Jump up ^ Postel, Charles (2007). The populist vision. Oxford New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0195384717.
Jump up ^ Post, Louis Freeland (1904). The Public, Issues 314-365. The Public. p. 471. Retrieved 7 February 2018.
Jump up ^ Miller, Joseph Dana (1904). The Single Tax Review, Volume 4. The Single Tax Review. p. 42. Retrieved 7 February 2018.
Jump up ^ Webster's ninth new collegiate dictionary, Springfield, MA: Merriam-Webster, Inc., 1983
Jump up ^ "Oxford English Dictionary". Oxford English Dictionary Online. 1989. Retrieved 16 March 2018.
Jump up ^ Foner, Eric (2005). Give Me Liberty! An American History, Volume Two Second Edition. W. W. Norton & Company, New York, London.
Jump up ^ Hild, Matthew (2007). Greenbackers, Knights of Labor, and Populists, Farmer-Labor Insurgency in the Late-Nineteenth-Century South. The University of Georgia Press, Athens & London.
Jump up ^ Hild, Matthew (2007). Greenbackers, Knights of Labor, and Populists, Farmer-Labor Insurgency in the Late-Nineteenth-Century South.The University of Georgia Press, Athens & London, p. 123.
Jump up ^ Gusfield, Joseph (1963). Symbolic Crusade: Status Politics and the American Temperance Movement The University of Illinois Press, Urbana, Chicago & London, p. 78, 93.
Jump up ^ http://history.missouristate.edu/wrmiller/Populism/Texts/bibliography.htm
Jump up ^ William S. Powell, "Marion Butler", Dictionary of North Carolina Biography (1979)
Jump up ^ James L. Hunt, Marion Butler and American Populism (2003), pp. 3-7
Jump up ^ James L. Hunt, Marion Butler and American Populism (2003), pp. 4-6.
Jump up ^ R. Hal Williams, Realigning America: McKinley, Bryan, and the Remarkable Election of 1896 (2010)
Jump up ^ Helen G. Edmonds, The Negro and Fusion Politics in North Carolina, 1894-1901 (1951). pp 97-136
Jump up ^ Andrea Meryl Kirshenbaum, "'The Vampire That Hovers Over North Carolina': Gender, White Supremacy, and the Wilmington Race Riot of 1898," Southern Cultures 4#3 (1998) pp. 6-30 online
Jump up ^ Eric Anderson, Race and Politics in North Carolina, 1872-1901 (1981)
Jump up ^ Connie L. Lester, Up from the Mudsills of Hell: The Farmers' Alliance, Populism, and Progressive Agriculture in Tennessee, 1870-1915 (2007)
Jump up ^ Walter Lippmann, A Preface to Politics, New York and London: Mitchell Kennerley, 1913, p. 275.
Jump up ^ For a summary or how historians approach the topic see Worth Robert Miller, "A Centennial Historiography of American Populism." Kansas History 1993 16(1): 54-69.
Jump up ^ See Worth Robert Miller, "The Republican Tradition," in Miller, Oklahoma Populism: A History of the People's Party in the Oklahoma Territory (1987) online edition
Jump up ^ Gene Clanton, Populism: The Humane Preference in America, 1890-1900 (1991) p, xv
Jump up ^ Frederick Jackson Turner, The Frontier in American History, (1920) p. 148; online edition
Jump up ^ Martin Ridge, "Populism Revolt: John D. Hicks and The Populist Revolt," Reviews in American History 13 (March 1985): 142-54.
Jump up ^ C. Vann Woodward, Tom Watson: Agrarian Rebel (1938); Woodward, "Tom Watson and the Negro in Agrarian Politics," The Journal of Southern History, Vol. 4, No. 1 (Feb., 1938), pp. 14-33 in JSTOR
Jump up ^ Richard Hofstadter, The Age of Reform: From Bryan to F.D.R. (1955)
Jump up ^ Goodwyn, Lawrence (1976). Democratic promise: the populist moment in America. Oxford University Press. |access-date= requires |url= (help)
Jump up ^ Charles Postel, The Populist Vision (2007)
Jump up ^ Hasia R. Diner (2004). The Jews of the United States, 1654 to 2000. U. of California Press. p. 170.
Further reading[edit]
Beeby, James M. Revolt of the Tar Heels: The North Carolina Populist Movement, 1890–1901 (2008)
Clanton, Gene. Populism: The Humane Preference in America, 1890-1900 (1991).
Formisano, Ronald P. For the People: American Populist Movements from the Revolution to the 1850s (2009), populist movements flourished long before People's Party began
Goodwyn, Lawrence. The Populist Moment: A Short History of the Agrarian Revolt in America. (1978).
Hackney, Sheldon, ed. Populism: The Critical Issues (1971).
Hicks, John D. "The Sub-Treasury: A Forgotten Plan for the Relief of Agriculture". Mississippi Valley Historical Review, Vol. 15, No. 3 (Dec., 1928), pp. 355–373. in JSTOR.
Hicks, John D. The Populist Revolt: A History of the Farmers' Alliance and the People's Party Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1931.
Kazin, Michael. The Populist Persuasion: An American History. New (1995).
Knoles, George Harmon. "Populism and Socialism, with Special Reference to the Election of 1892," Pacific Historical Review, vol. 12, no. 3 (Sept. 1943), pp. 295–304. In JSTOR
Lester, Connie. Up from the Mudsills of Hell: The Farmers' Alliance, Populism, And Progressive Agriculture in Tennessee, 1870-1915. University of Georgia Press, 2006.
McMath, Robert C., Jr. American Populism: A Social History, 1877-1898. (1993).
Miller, Worth Robert. "A Centennial Historiography of American Populism." Kansas History 1993 16(1): 54-69. online edition
Miller, Worth Robert. "Farmers and Third-Party Politics in Late Nineteenth Century America," in Charles W. Calhoun, ed. The Gilded Age: Essays on the Origins of Modern America (1995) online edition
Nugent, Walter T. K. The Tolerant Populists: Kansas Populism and Nativism. Chicago: University of Chicago Press 1962.
Peterson, James. "The Trade Unions and the Populist Party," Science & Society, vol. 8, no. 2 (Spring 1944), pp. 143–160. In JSTOR.
Postel, Charles. The Populist Vision (2007).
Rogers, William Warren The One-Gallused Rebellion: Agrarianism in Alabama, 1865-1896. Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press, 1970.
Stock, Catherine McNicol. Rural Radicals: Righteous Rage in the American Grain. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press. 1996.
Woodward, C. Vann. Tom Watson: Agrarian Rebel (1938) online edition
Woodward, C. Vann. "Tom Watson and the Negro in Agrarian Politics," The Journal of Southern History, Vol. 4, No. 1 (Feb., 1938), pp. 14–33 in JSTOR
External links[edit]
40 original Populist cartoons, primary sources
Peffer, William A. "The Mission of the Populist Party," The North American Review (Dec 1993) v. 157 #445 pp 665–679; full text online. important policy statement by leading Populist senator
People's Party Hand-Book of Facts. Campaign of 1898 96 p., official party pamphlet for North Carolina election of 1898
Populist, republican and Democratic cartoons, 189s election, primary sources
Populist Party timeline and texts; edited by Professor Edwards, secondary and primary sources
Contemporary accounts[edit]
Gompers, Samuel (July 1892). "Organized Labor in the Campaign". The North American Review. University of Northern Iowa. 155 (428): 91–97. Retrieved 2006-10-09.
Dolph, Senator Joseph N. (January 1893). "Does the Republican Party Need Reorganization?,". The North American Review. University of Northern Iowa. 156 (434): 54–61. Retrieved 2006-10-09.
Peffer, Senator William A. (December 1893). "The Mission of the Populist Party". The North American Review. University of Northern Iowa. 157 (445): 665–679. Retrieved 2006-10-09.
Lewelling, L. D. (January 1895). "Problems Before the Western Farmer". The North American Review. University of Northern Iowa. 160 (458): 16–21. Retrieved 2006-10-09.
Stahl, John M. (September 1896). "Are the Farmers Populists?". The North American Review. University of Northern Iowa. 163 (478): 266–276. Retrieved 2006-10-09.
Trent, W. P. (January 1897). "Dominant Forces in Southern Life". The Atlantic Monthly. University of Northern Iowa. 79 (471): 42–53. Retrieved 2006-10-09.
Turner, Frederick J. (April 1897). "Dominant Forces in Western Life". The Atlantic Monthly. University of Northern Iowa. 79 (474): 433–443. Retrieved 2006-10-09.
Peffer, Senator William A. (January 1898). "The Passing of the People's Party". The North American review. University of Northern Iowa. 166 (494): 12–24. Retrieved 2006-10-09.
Party publications and materials[edit]
The People's Advocate (1892-1900), digitized copies of the Populist Party's newspaper in Washington State, from The Labor Press Project.
Populist Cartoon Index. Archived at Missouri State University. Retrieved August 24, 2006.
Buttons, tokens and ribbons of the Populist Party. Reprinted from Issue 19, Buttons and Ballots, Fall 1998. Retrieved August 26, 2006.
People's Party Hand-Book of Facts. Campaign of 1898: Electronic Edition. Populist Party (N.C.). State Executive Committee. Reformated and reprinted by the University Library, The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
Populist materials online courtesy University Library, The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
Secondary sources[edit]
The Populist Movement in the United States by Anna Rochester, 1943.
Farmers, the Populist Party, and Mississippi (1870-1900). By Kenneth G. McCarty. Published by Mississippi History Now a project of the Mississippi Historical Society. Retrieved August 24, 2006.
The Populist Party in Nebraska. Published by the Nebraskastudies.org, a project of the Nebraska Department of Education.
Fusion Politics. The Populist Party in North Carolina. A project of the John Locke Foundation. Retrieved August 24, 2006.
The Decline of the Cotton Farmer. Anecdotal account of rise and fall of Farmers Alliance and Populist Party in Texas.
"Populist Party". New International Encyclopedia. 1905.
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values: Parti populiste (États-Unis, 1891-1908) – French

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