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History of Texas (1865–99)
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French Texas 1684–1689
Spanish Texas 1690–1821
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Republic of Texas 1836–1845
Statehood 1845–1860
Civil War Era 1861–1865
Reconstruction 1865–1899
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Following the defeat of the Confederate States in the American Civil War, Texas was mandated to rejoin the United States of America. Union Army soldiers officially occupied the state starting on June 19, 1865; the date is now commemorated as the holiday Juneteenth, recognizing the official emancipation of slaves in the state. For the next nine years, Texas was governed by a series of provisional governors as the state went through Reconstruction. Texas fully rejoined the United States in 1870, with a new state constitution approved in 1876.
Much of the politics of the remainder of the century centered on land use. Guided by the federal Morill Act, Texas sold public lands to gain funds to invest in higher education. In 1876, the Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas opened, and seven years later the University of Texas at Austin began conducting classes. New land use policies drafted during the administration of Governor John Ireland enabled individuals to accumulate land, leading to the formation of large cattle ranches. Many ranchers ran barbed wire around public lands, to protect their access to water and free grazing. This caused several range wars. Governor Lawrence Sullivan Ross guided the Texan legislature to reform the land use policies.
The state continued to deal with the issues of racism, with hundreds of acts of violence against blacks as whites tried to establish white supremacy. Ross had to personally intervene to resolve the Jaybird-Woodpecker War.
Contents
[hide]
1 Reconstruction
2 Establishment of publicly funded higher education
3 Land use issues
4 Racial issues
5 Hogg governorship
6 References
7 Bibliography
Reconstruction[edit]
During the American Civil War, Texas had joined the Confederate States. The Confederacy was defeated, and U.S. Army soldiers arrived in Texas on June 19, 1865 to take possession of the state, restore order, and enforce the emancipation of slaves. The date is now commemorated as the holiday Juneteenth. On June 25, troops raised the American flag in Austin, the state capital.[1]
U.S. President Andrew Johnson appointed Union General Andrew J. Hamilton, a prominent politician before the war, as the provisional governor on June 17. He granted amnesty to ex-Confederates if they promised to support the Union in the future, appointing some to office. Angry returning veterans seized state property and Texas went through a period of extensive violence and disorder. Most outrages took place in northern Texas and were committed by outlaws who had their headquarters in the Indian Territory and plundered and murdered without distinction of party.
On March 30, 1870, the United States Congress readmitted Texas into the Union, although Texas did not meet all the formal requirements for readmission. Like other Southern states, by the late 1870s white Democrats regained control, often with a mix of intimidation and terrorism by paramilitary groups operating for the Democratic Party. They passed a new constitution in 1876 that segregated schools and established a poll tax to support them, but it was not originally required for voting.[2] In 1901 the Democratic-dominated legislature imposed a poll tax as a requirement for voting, and succeeded in disfranchising most blacks. The number of voters decreased from 100,000 in the 1890s to 5,000 by 1906.[3]
Establishment of publicly funded higher education[edit]
Further information: History of Texas A&M University and History of the University of Texas at Austin
On February 11, 1858, the Seventh Texas Legislature approved O.B. 102, an act to establish the University of Texas, which set aside $100,000 in United States bonds toward construction of the state's first publicly funded university[4] (the $100,000 was an allocation from the $10 million the state received pursuant to the Compromise of 1850 and Texas' relinquishing claims to lands outside its present boundaries). In addition, the legislature designated land previously reserved for the encouragement of railroad construction toward the university's endowment. The state's involvement in the Civil War precluded further efforts to establish publicly funded higher education in Texas.
In 1866, there were discussions in the legislature concerning the establishment of two separate universities in Texas, one styled "The University of Texas" (as set forth in 1858), the other styled "East Texas University."[5] On November 12, 1866 the legislature considered a bill to amend the Act of 1858 that established the University of Texas, to provide for a second public university. No action was ever taken to establish a second public university and the Seventeenth Legislature, with the agreement of the State Teachers' Association of Texas, would later clarify that the intent of the legislature was to establish but one public university.[6] On April 17, 1871, 13 years after the establishment the University of Texas, the legislature took advantage of the Morrill Act and obtained funding for a land grant college styled the "Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas," and known as "Texas A.M.C." (and later as "Texas A&M University).[7] Section 5 of the 1871 act establishing the Agricultural and Mechanical College specifically stated the control, management and supervision of the agricultural college was to be subject to the Act of 1858 that established the University of Texas.
Article 7, Section 10 of the Texas Constitution of 1876 directed the legislature to "establish, organize and provide for the maintenance, support and direction of a university of the first class, to be located by a vote of the people of this State, and styled "The University of Texas."[8] Article 7, Section 10 also specifically mandated the establishment of an Agricultural and Mechanical Department within the university. While Section 7, Article 13 of the Constitution mandated the Agricultural and Mechanical College would be a branch of the university, the fact that the college was constitutionally mandated as a distinct department lead to the college being governed by a Board of Directors that was independent of the university Board of Regents in almost all aspects. The Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas opened its doors in 1876 as the state's first public institution of higher education to begin operation.
On March 30, 1881 the legislature set forth the structure and organization of the state university and called for an election to establish its location.[9] By popular election on September 6, 1881, Austin (with 30,913 votes) was chosen as the site of the main university. Galveston, having come in second in the election (20,741 votes) was designated the location of the medical department (Houston was third with 12,586 votes).[10] The University of Texas officially opened its doors on September 15, 1883.
Land use issues[edit]
In the 1880s, Governor John Ireland reformulated the policy for selling public lands. While "this policy at first increased the state's revenues...[it] eventually led to large accumulations of land in the form of cattle ranches."[11] The ranchers soon began running barbed wire around their own land and the public lands that they used, without permission, for grazing. This practice often cut farmers and other ranchers off from water. During a large drought in 1882, people began cutting the barbed wire, leading to violence between the ranchers and farmers. Ireland called a special session of the legislature in 1884 to pass a law allowing the Texas Rangers to intervene in these disputes. The Rangers were able to quell some, but not all, of the violence.[11]
Lawrence Sullivan Ross presided over the dedication of the Texas State Capitol building.
Former Confederate general Lawrence Sullivan Ross became the 19th Texas governor in 1886.[12] His campaign had focused on land use reform, as most of the frontier issues now resulted from disagreements over the use of public land, especially between farmers and ranchers concerned with water rights and grazing issues. At Ross's urging the legislature passed laws to restore the power of the Land Office Commissioner, provide punishments for those using state lands illegally, and to catalog existing public lands.[13] In May 1888, Ross presided over the dedication of the new Texas State Capitol building.[14]
In March 1890, the U.S. Attorney General launched a suit in the Supreme Court against Texas to determine ownership of a disputed 1,500,000-acre (6,100 km2) plot of land in Greer County.[15] Determined to meet personally with the Attorney General, Ross and his wife traveled to Washington, D.C., where they visited President Benjamin Harrison at the White House. Following that visit, they traveled to New York, where they met with former president Grover Cleveland. While in New York, Ross was extremely popular with journalists. He was interviewed by several large northeastern newspapers, which recounted in detail many of his exploits along the frontier. According to his biographer Judith Brenner, the trip and the resulting exposure for Ross, "excited much interest in Texas among easterners, an interest that would eventually bear fruit in increased investment, tourism, and immigration".[16]
Racial issues[edit]
The Freedmen's Bureau was set up to help manage the transition for freedmen and oversee their labor contracts under the free labor system. During Reconstruction, incidents of white violence against blacks increased as whites struggled to reassert white supremacy. By the late 1870s, the Democratic-dominated legislature passed laws to impose legal segregation in public facilities and other "Jim Crow" laws. Nonetheless, freedmen organized, joined the Republican Party, and started to participate in politics.
During his second term, Ross was forced to intervene in the Jaybird-Woodpecker War in Fort Bend County. Sheriff Jim Garvey (a Woodpecker) feared that there would be armed battles between the State's Rights Democrats (the Jaybirds) and the black Federalist Republicans who had retained political power (with their white Federalist Democrat supporters, known as Woodpeckers) for 22 years. At Garvey's request, Ross sent two militia companies, which managed to impose a four-month peace. In August 1889, Ross sent four Texas Rangers, including Sergeant Ira Aten, to quell the unrest. Violence erupted, leaving four people dead and injuring six, including a Ranger. Aten wired Ross for help. The following morning, the Houston Light Guard arrived and instituted martial law; that evening, Ross arrived with an Assistant Attorney General and another militia company. Ross fired all the local Woodpecker and Republican civil officials and called together representatives from both factions. On his suggestion, the two groups agreed to choose a mutually acceptable sheriff to replace Garvey, who had been killed in the firefight. When they could not agree on a candidate, Ross suggested Aten; both groups finally agreed, thus halting the conflict.[17][18]
Hogg governorship[edit]
Jim Hogg served two terms as governor, from 1891 through 1895. In 1894, Texas filed a lawsuit against John D. Rockefeller's Standard Oil Company and its Texas subsidiary, the Waters-Pierce Oil Company of Missouri. Hogg and his attorney general argued that the companies were engaged in rebates, price fixing, consolidation, and other tactics prohibited by the state's 1889 antitrust act. The investigation resulted in a number of indictments, including one for Rockefeller. Hogg requested that Rockefeller be extradited from New York, but the New York governor refused, as Rockefeller had not fled from Texas. Rockefeller was never tried, but other employees of the company were found guilty.[19]
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Clampit, Brad R. (April 2005). The Breakup: The Collapse of the Confederate Trans-Mississippi Army in Texas, 1865. Southwest Historical Quarterly. CVIII.
Jump up ^ Constitution of 1876 from the Handbook of Texas Online, accessed April 12, 2008
Jump up ^ W. Marvin Dulaney, "AFRICAN AMERICANS," Handbook of Texas Online [1], accessed February 22, 2014. Uploaded on June 9, 2010. Modified on June 20, 2013. Published by the Texas State Historical Association. accessed 22 February 2014
Jump up ^ "The Laws of Texas, 1822-1897 Volume 4". H.P.N Gammel of Austin. Retrieved Jan 30, 2015.
Jump up ^ Lane, John J. (1903). History of Education in Texas. United States Bureau of Economics. p. 133.
Jump up ^ Lane, John J. (1891). History of the University of Texas: Based on Facts and Records. Henry Hutchings, Texas State Printer. p. 193.
Jump up ^ "The Laws of Texas, 1822-1897 Volume 6". H.P.N Gammel of Austin. Retrieved Jan 31, 2015.
Jump up ^ "Tarleton Law Library, Texas Constitution of 1876". The University of Texas School of Law. Retrieved January 31, 2015.
Jump up ^ "The Laws of Texas, 1822-1897 Volume 9". H.P.N Gammel of Austin. Retrieved Feb 2, 2015.
Jump up ^ Lane, John J. (1891). History of the University of Texas: Based on Facts and Records. Henry Hutchings, Texas State Printer. p. 267.
^ Jump up to: a b Hendrickson, p. 112.
Jump up ^ Benner (1983), pp. 157, 160.
Jump up ^ Benner (1983), p. 162.
Jump up ^ Benner (1983), p. 166.
Jump up ^ Benner (1983), p. 173.
Jump up ^ Benner (1983), pp. 174–175.
Jump up ^ Benner (1983), pp. 171–172.
Jump up ^ Davis (1989), pp.179–182.
Jump up ^ Hendrickson (1995), p. 127.
Bibliography[edit]
Benner, Judith Ann (1983), Sul Ross, Soldier, Statesman, Educator, College Station, Texas: Texas A&M University Press, ISBN 0-89096-142-5
Davis, Joe Tom (1989), Legendary Texians, Vol. 4, Austin, Texas: Eakin Press, ISBN 0-89015-669-7
Hendrickson, Kenneth E., Jr. (1995), The Chief of Executives of Texas: From Stephen F. Austin to John B. Connally, Jr., College Station, Texas: Texas A&M University Press, ISBN 0-89096-641-9
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National Child Labor Committee
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to navigation Jump to search
"Addie Card, 12 years. Spinner in Cotton Mill. Vt." by Lewis Hine.
The National Child Labor Committee, or NCLC, was a private, non-profit organization in the United States that served as a leading proponent for the national child labor reform movement. Its mission was to promote "the rights, awareness, dignity, well-being and education of children and youth as they relate to work and working."[1][2]
NCLC, headquartered on Broadway in Manhattan, New York,[3] was administered by a board of directors, with the last chair head being Betsy Brand.[4]
Contents
1 Formation
2 Exposing child labor
3 Lewis Hine and the National Child Labor Committee
4 Fighting against child labor
5 Promoting vocational skills and workplace education
6 Demise
7 See also
8 References
9 External links
Formation[edit]
Child labor in Indiana glassworks. (Hine, 1908)
Edgar Gardner Murphy, an American clergyman and author, is credited with proposing the National Child Labor Committee following a conference between Murphy's Alabama Child Labor Committee, and the New York Child Labor Committee.[5] The conference culminated on April 25, 1904 at a mass meeting held in Carnegie Hall, New York City. At the meeting, both men and women concerned with the plight of working children overwhelmingly supported the formation of the National Child Labor Committee, and Felix Adler was elected its first Chairman.[6]
The new organization moved swiftly in procuring the support of prominent Americans. In November, 1904, barely half a year after its conception, the NCLC boasted the membership of leading politicians, philanthropists, clergymen, and intellectuals including: former president Grover Cleveland, Senator Benjamin Tillman of South Carolina, and the president of Harvard University, Charles W. Eliot.[7]
In 1907 the NCLC was chartered by an act of Congress with a board of directors originally including prominent Progressive reformers such as Jane Addams, Florence Kelley, Edward T. Devine, Deborah Donalds, and Lillian Wald. With the leadership of such prominent reformers, the organization quickly began to attract additional support and moved towards action and advocacy.[8]
Exposing child labor[edit]
Young worker in a Merchants Mill
According to the 1900 US Census, a total of 1,752,187 (about 1 in every 6) children between the ages of five and ten were engaged in "gainful occupations" in the United States. This number represents a fifty percent increase from the 1,118,356 children working for wages in 1880.[9] This trend alarmed Americans who, while supporting the traditional role of children in agriculture, found the idea of American youth laboring for meager wages in industrial factories appalling. From 1909 to 1921 the NCLC capitalized on this moral outrage by making it the focal point of the NCLC campaign against child labor.[10]
Lewis Hine and the National Child Labor Committee[edit]
Lewis Hine's shadow appears in his portrait of newsboy John Howell, working the street corner in Indianapolis in 1908.
In 1908 the National Child Labor Committee hired Lewis Hine, a teacher and professional photographer trained in sociology, who advocated photography as an educational medium, to document child labor in American industry. Over the next ten years Hine would publish thousands of photographs designed to pull at the nation's heartstrings.[11]
Hine's subjects included both boys and girls employed by mills and factories and other occupations all over the United States. For the average American, Hine provided an otherwise unavailable window into the somber working conditions facing America's youth. When asked about his work on the subject Hine simply stated that he "wanted to show things that had to be corrected." Hine's work resulted in a wave of popular support for federal child labor regulations put forward by the NCLC. In effect, Hine's photographs became the face of the National Child Labor Committee, and are among the earliest examples of documentary photography in America.[12]
Lewis Hine was an influential photo journalist in the years leading up to the First World War. It was during those years that the American economy was doing well, and the need for labor was at an all-time high. Cheap labor was necessary, and American businesses were not only looking for immigrant workers but also child labor as well. The factory-oriented jobs were very specific, and a child was a perfect candidate for the work that was necessary. Their small hands and energy were beneficial to the assembly line.[13]
There was a shift in thinking in the early 1900s towards an end to child labor. The argument from reformers, as they were called, was that child labor was a sick cycle that was inevitably going to end in a future of poverty for the children in the work force. The long hours were robbing children of not only an education but a childhood as well.[14]
Lewis Hine became an investigative photojournalist for the National Child Labor Committee in the early 1900s.[15] Hine took many pictures of workers under the age of 16 in the field. His pictures are the ones that appear in many books on the history of child labor. His photographs were taken in high risk situations in order to capture the negative side of child labor. His photographs also helped make the National Child Labor Committee investigate the child labor that was taking place in many of America's factories. "Hine was clever enough to bluff his way into many plants. He searched where he was not welcome, snapped scenes that were meant to be hidden from the public. At times, he was in real danger, risking physical attack when factory managers realized what he was up to…he put his life in the line in order to record a truthful picture of working children in early twentieth-century America".[16] Today, there is a Lewis Hine awards that awards 10 honorees in their outstanding work in servicing young people. Each winner wins 1,000 dollars and a trip to New York to attend the awards ceremony.[17]
Fighting against child labor[edit]
Photo of child coal miners in West Virginia by Lewis Hine (1908)
Immediately after its conception in 1904, the National Child Labor Committee (NCLC) began advocating for child labor reform on the state level. A number of state-centered campaigns were organized by the NCLS's two regional leaders, Owen Lovejoy in the northern states and Alexander McKelway in the southern states. Both Lovejoy and McKelway actively organized investigations of child labor conditions and lobbied state legislatures for labor regulations.[18]
Although the NCLC made some strides in the north, by 1907, McKelway and the NCLC had achieved little success in enlisting the support of the southern people and had failed to pass any far-reaching reforms in the south's important mill states. Consequently, the NCLC decided to refocus its state-by-state attack on child labor and endorsed the first national anti-child labor bill, introduced to congress by Senator Albert J. Beveridge of Indiana in 1907.[19] Although the bill was later defeated, it convinced many opponents of child labor that a solution lay in the cooperation and solidarity between the states.
In response, the NCLC called for the establishment of a federal children's bureau that would investigate and report on the circumstances of all American children.[20] In 1912 the NCLC succeeded in passing an act establishing a United States Children's Bureau in the Department of Commerce and Labor. On April 9 President William Taft signed the act into law, and over the next thirty years the Children's Bureau would work closely with the NCLC to promote child labor reforms on both the state and national level.[21]
In 1915, the NCLC, facing the varied success and inherent limitations of its efforts at the state level, decided to move its efforts to the federal level. On its behalf, Pennsylvania Congressman A Mitchell Palmer (later Attorney General) introduced a bill to end child labor in most American mines and factories.[22] President Wilson found it constitutionally unsound and after the House voted 232 to 44 in favor on February 15, 1915,[23] he allowed it to die in the Senate. Nevertheless, Arthur Link has called it "a turning point in American constitutional history" because it attempted to establish for the first time "the use of the Commerce Clause commerce power to justify almost any form of federal control over working conditions and wages."[24]
In 1916, Senator Robert L. Owen of Oklahoma and Representative Edward Keating of Colorado introduced the NCLC backed Keating-Owen Act which prohibited shipment in interstate commerce of goods manufactured or processed by child labor.[25] The bill passed by a margin of 337 to 46 in the House and 50 to 12 in the Senate and was signed into law by President Woodrow Wilson as the centerpiece of The New Freedom Program. However, in 1918 the law was deemed unconstitutional by the United States Supreme Court in a five-to-four decision in Hammer v. Dagenhart. The court, although acknowledging child labor as a social evil, felt that the Keating-Owen Act overstepped congress' power to regulate trade. The bill was immediately revised and again deemed unconstitutional by the Supreme Court.[26]
The NCLC then switched its strategy to passing of a federal constitutional amendment. In 1924 Congress passed the Child Labor Amendment with a vote of 297 to 69 (with 64 abstaining) in the house and 61 to 23 (12 abstaining) in the senate. However, by 1932 only six states had voted for ratification, while twenty-four had rejected the measure. Today, the amendment is technically still-pending and has been ratified by a total of twenty-eight states, requiring the ratification of ten more for its incorporation into the Constitution.
In 1938 the National Child Labor Committee threw its support behind the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA) which included child labor provisions designed by the NCLC. The act prohibits any interstate commerce of goods produced through oppressive child labor. The act defines "oppressive child labor" as any form of employment for children under age sixteen and any particularly hazardous occupation for children ages sixteen to eighteen. This definition excludes agricultural labor and instances in which the child is employed by his or her guardians.[27] On June 25, 1938, after the approval of Congress, President Franklin D. Roosevelt signed the bill into law; the FLSA remains the primary federal child labor law to this day.[28]
For the entirety of World War II, the NCLC served as a watchdog to ensure that employment shortages caused by the war did not weaken the newly passed and implemented child labor laws, and that children were not drawn back into the mines, mills and streets.[29]
Promoting vocational skills and workplace education[edit]
After WWII, the National Child Labor Committee significantly broadened its scope of involvement by placing a new emphasis on the importance of educating children about the working world as well as advocating programs designed to advance the education and health of migrant farmworkers throughout the America. Today the NCLC's four main goals include:[30]
Educating children about the world of work
Preventing the exploitation of children and youth in the labor market
Improving the health and education opportunities for the children of the migrant farmworkers
Increasing public awareness of the work done day-in and day-out on behalf of the nation's children
During the 1950s and 60s the NCLC advocated and contributed to the various bills including the Manpower Development and Training Act, the Economic Opportunity Act and the Vocational Education Act.[31]
In 1979 NCLC collaborated with the Opportunities Industrialization Centers of America to found the National Youth Employment Coalition(NYEC). The NYEC was formed in order to provide support to organizations that help youth become productive private citizens. The NCLC provided the original housing for the NYEC and shared an Executive Director from 1983-1987.[32]
In 1985 the NCLC introduced the Lewis Hine Awards for Service to Children and Youth, which honor unheralded Americans for their work with young people, and give special awards to better-known leaders for their extraordinary efforts. Over the past two decades the awards have developed into an annual event of national notoriety with awards given out to a diverse range of professionals and volunteers.[33] Some past recipients include Gene Bowen of Warwick, New York in 2008 who co-founded Road Recovery, a clinically acclaimed skills program designed for teens recovering from drug addiction[34] and Stacy Maciuk of Brentwood, Tennessee in 2007 for her relentless advocacy of kids in foster care and organizing a suitcase collection drive to provide foster children with a place to pack their clothes and possessions other than a garbage bag.[35]
From 1991 to today, the National Child Labor Committee created and expanded the Kids and the Power of Work (KAPOW) program. KAPOW exists as a network of private business and elementary school partnerships which introduces students to the world of work through lessons taught by private sector volunteers. Today, KAPOW servers as a model for similar programs, runs operations in over thirty communities from Florida to California, and serves over 50,000 students.[36]
Demise[edit]
During its final years fundraising failed to produce the income it needed, and it finally ran out of money. The social ill it had been funded to combat, had ended. The NCLC is a rare example of on organization which succeeded in its mission and was no longer needed. After more that a century of fighting child-labor—in fields, in sweatshops, and in well-known corporations—it shut down in 2017. There was no announcement of its end. Jeffrey Newman, the last president of the New York-based committee, said the NCLC board decided to “declare victory and just move out.”[2]
See also[edit]
Seebert Lane Colored School
Timeline of children's rights in the United States
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "About NCLC". Out Reach Science. Retrieved 2015-01-10.
^ Jump up to: a b Contrera, Jessica (3 September 2018). "The searing photos that helped end child labor in America" (newspaper). The Washington Post. Archived from the original on 30 September 2018. Retrieved 30 September 2018. The searing photos that helped end child labor in America By Jessica Contrera September 3
Jump up ^ "Contact NCLC". National Child Labor Committee. Archived from the original on September 17, 2008. Retrieved 2008-11-25.
Jump up ^ "Board of Directors". National Child Labor Committee. Archived from the original on February 7, 2009. Retrieved 2008-11-25.
Jump up ^ "National Child Labor Committee". Encyclopedia of children and Childhood in History and Society. Retrieved 2008-11-25.
Jump up ^ "History of NCLC". National Child Labor Committee. Archived from the original on 2008-06-21. Retrieved 2008-11-25.
Jump up ^ "National Effort to Solve Child Labor Problem" (PDF). New York Times. 1904-11-27. Retrieved 2008-11-25.
Jump up ^ "National Child Labor Committee". Encyclopedia of children and Childhood in History and Society. Retrieved 2008-11-25.
Jump up ^ "National Effort to Solve Child Labor Problem" (PDF). New York Times. 1904-11-27. Retrieved 2008-11-25.
Jump up ^ "National Child Labor Committee". Encyclopedia of children and Childhood in History and Society. Retrieved 2008-11-25.
Jump up ^ "History of NCLC". National Child Labor Committee. Archived from the original on 2008-06-21. Retrieved 2008-11-25.
Jump up ^ "Lewis Wickes Hine". The Getty. Archived from the original on 2007-07-10. Retrieved 2008-11-25.
Jump up ^ Freedman, Russell. Kids at Work Lewis Hine and the Crusade Against Child Labor. New York: Clarion Books, 1998. Print.
Jump up ^ Freedman, Russell. Kids at Work Lewis Hine and the Crusade Against Child Labor. New York: Clarion Books, 1998. Print.
Jump up ^ Freedman, Russell. Kids at Work Lewis Hine and the Crusade Against Child Labor. New York: Clarion Books, 1998. Print.
Jump up ^ Freedman, Russell. Kids at Work Lewis Hine and the Crusade Against Child Labor. New York: Clarion Books, 1998. Print.
Jump up ^ Newman, Jeffrey. "NCLC". Erik Butler. Retrieved March 29, 2012.
Jump up ^ "National Child Labor Committee". Encyclopedia of children and Childhood in History and Society. Retrieved 2008-11-25.
Jump up ^ Doherty, Jr., Herbert J. (1 May 1958). "Alexander J. McKelway: Preacher to Progressive". The Journal of Southern History. Southern Historical Association. 24 (2): 177–190. doi:10.2307/2208872. Retrieved 30 September 2018.
Jump up ^ "National Child Labor Committee". Encyclopedia of children and Childhood in History and Society. Retrieved 2008-11-25.
Jump up ^ "History of NCLC". National Child Labor Committee. Archived from the original on 2008-06-21. Retrieved 2008-11-25.
Jump up ^ Stanley Coben, A. Mitchell Palmer: Politician (NY: Columbia University Press, 1963), 884-7
Jump up ^ New York Times: "Child Labor Bill Passed," February 16, 1916, accessed January 20, 2010
Jump up ^ Arthur Link, Wilson: The New Freedom (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1956), 255-7
Jump up ^ "Child Labor". encyclopedia.com. Retrieved 2008-11-25.
Jump up ^ "Act of Congress: Keating-Owen Act of 1916". answers.com. Retrieved 2008-11-25.
Jump up ^ "The Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938, as Amended" (PDF). US Department of Labor. Retrieved 2008-11-25.
Jump up ^ "Child Labor in U.S. History - The Child Labor Education Project". Continue to Learn - University of Iowa. Retrieved 2012-08-28.
Jump up ^ "History of NCLC". National Child Labor Committee. Archived from the original on 2008-06-21. Retrieved 2008-11-25.
Jump up ^ "About NCLC". Out Reach Science. Retrieved 2015-01-10.
Jump up ^ "History of NCLC". National Child Labor Committee. Archived from the original on 2008-06-21. Retrieved 2008-11-25.
Jump up ^ "NYEC History". National Youth Employment Coalition. Retrieved 2008-11-25.
Jump up ^ "Lewis Hine Awards". National Child Labor Committee. Archived from the original on September 17, 2008. Retrieved 2008-11-25.
Jump up ^ "Who are we?". Road Recovery. Retrieved 2008-11-25.
Jump up ^ "Volunteer Stacy Schumaker Maciuk". National Child Labor Committee. Archived from the original on August 21, 2008. Retrieved 2008-11-25.
Jump up ^ "Kids and the Power of Work KAPOW". National Child Labor Committee. Retrieved 2008-11-25.
External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Photographs of child laborers by Lewis Hine.
National Child Labor Committee
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Child Labor Public Education Project
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Guide to the National Child Labor Committee Publications, 1907-1967. 5242. Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives, Cornell University Library.
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California Fair Employment and Housing Act of 1959
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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The California Fair Employment and Housing Act of 1959, codified as Government Code §§12900 - 12996,[1] is a powerful California statute used to fight sexual harassment and other forms of unlawful discrimination in employment and housing, which was passed on September 18, 1959.
Contents
[hide]
1 Scope
2 Purpose
3 Examples
4 Process
5 References
6 External links
Scope[edit]
The FEHA is the principal California statute prohibiting employment discrimination covering employers, labor organizations, employment agencies, apprenticeship programs and any person or entity who aids, abets, incites, compels, or coerces the doing of a discriminatory act. It prohibits employment discrimination based on race or color; religion; national origin or ancestry, physical disability; mental disability or medical condition; marital status; sex or sexual orientation; age, with respect to persons over the age of 40; and pregnancy, childbirth, or related medical conditions. The FEHA also prohibits retaliation against anyone for opposing any practice forbidden by the Act or for filing a complaint, testifying, or assisting in proceedings under the FEHA.
An amendment passed in 1978 requires employers to provide an unpaid job-protected leave to employees disabled by pregnancy (also known as "pregnancy disability leave") for up to four months.[2] The legality of this statute and its consistency with federal law was upheld by the Supreme Court in California Federal Savings & Loan Ass'n v. Guerra (1987). After the passage of the federal Pregnancy Discrimination Act of 1978, pregnant employees in California also became eligible to receive temporary disability insurance benefits under the California State Disability Insurance program.
Purpose[edit]
Various individual states within the United States have anti-discrimination laws which sometimes differ from federal law; these laws are provided in addition to the federal law, and may offer more desirable avenues to victims of harassment and discrimination.
The FEHA was adopted with the stated purpose of providing effective remedies to eliminate certain types of employment discrimination.[3]
The FEHA [4] offers protections that are similar and often more potent that those available under federal counterparts, like Title VII and the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990.[5][6] These protections include, but are not limited to, attorney fee awards and reimbursement of certain case related expenses to prevailing plaintiffs.[7] Additionally, the FEHA sometimes applies different and less stringent standards for meeting the criteria related to harassment, discrimination, and retaliation.[8]
Examples[edit]
California law and the FEHA also allow for the imposition of punitive damages [9][10] when a corporate defendant's officers, directors or managing agents engage in harassment, discrimination, or retaliation, or when such persons approve or consciously disregard prohibited conduct by lower-level employees in violation of the rights or safety of the plaintiff or others.
The California Court of Appeals opinion in the landmark sexual harassment case of Weeks. v. Baker & McKenzie[11] is a good example of how the FEHA works to protect employees in California. Settlements in FEHA cases can actually be quite complex and require complex negotiations.[12][13]
Process[edit]
Whether seeking an investigation under FEHA or a suit in court, the process usually begins with the victim filing a complaint[14] of discrimination with the California Department of Fair Employment and Housing.[15][16]
References[edit]
Jump up ^ California Fair Employment and Housing Act - Government Code §§12900 - 12996
Jump up ^ "FindLaw's United States Supreme Court case and opinions.". Findlaw. Retrieved 2016-06-09.
Jump up ^ "California Government Code § 12920". California Legislative Information. California State Legislature. Retrieved 11 January 2017.
Jump up ^ FEHA
Jump up ^ EEOC.gov
Jump up ^ California State Assembly. "Prudence Kay Poppink Act". 1999–2000 Session of the Legislature. Statutes of California. State of California. Ch. 1049 § 6. The law of this state in the area of disabilities provides protections independent from those in the federal Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990 (Public Law 101-336). Although the federal act provides a floor of protection, this state's law has always, even prior to passage of the federal act, afforded additional protections.
Jump up ^ http://law.onecle.com/california/government/12965.html
Jump up ^ Smith, Kyle (22 November 2016). "Disability Discrimination in the California Workplace". Retrieved 11 January 2017.
Jump up ^ Why California’s FEHA is used in Most Discrimination Cases
Jump up ^ TSSW: Employment Law Specialists
Jump up ^ FindLaw A068499
Jump up ^ Beware of the “Fine Print”: Settlement Agreements in FEHA Cases
Jump up ^ RECOVERING EXPERT FEES FROM FEHA PLAINTIFFS: ANOTHER SLIGHT TIP OF THE SCALES IN FAVOR OF CALIFORNIA EMPLOYERS?
Jump up ^ DFEH.ca.gov
Jump up ^ DFEH
Jump up ^ Address, phone, and contact information for California EEOC offices and California state employment agencies.
External links[edit]
Home page California Department of Fair Employment and Housing
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Film finance
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
The examples and perspective in this article may not represent a worldwide view of the subject. You may improve this article, discuss the issue on the talk page. (November 2013) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
Film finance is an aspect of film production that occurs during the development stage prior to pre-production, and is concerned with determining the potential value of a proposed film. In the United States, the value is typically based on a forecast of revenues (generally 10 years for films and 20 years for television shows), beginning with theatrical release, and including DVD sales, and release to cable broadcast television networks both domestic and international and inflight airline licensing.[1]
Contents
[hide]
1 About
2 Methods
2.1 Government grants
2.2 Tax incentives
2.2.1 German tax shelters
2.2.2 British tax shelters
2.3 Private equity financing
2.4 Hedge-fund financing
2.5 Private investors
2.6 Debt finance
2.6.1 Pre-sales
2.6.2 Television pre-sales
2.6.3 Negative pickup deal
2.6.4 Gap/supergap financing
2.6.5 Bridge financing
2.7 Product placement financing
2.8 Crowdfunding
3 See also
4 References
5 External links
About[edit]
Film finance is a subset of project finance, meaning the film project's generated cash flows rather than external sources are used to repay investors. The main factors determining the commercial success of a film include public taste, artistic merit, competition from other films released at the same time, the quality of the script, the quality of the cast, the quality of the director and other parties, etc. Even if a film looks like it will be a commercial success "on paper", there is still no accurate method of determining the levels of revenue the film will generate. In the past, risk mitigation was based on pre-sales, box office projections and ownership of negative rights. Along with strong ancillary markets in DVD, CATV, and other electronic media (like streaming video on demand -SVOD), investors were shown that picture subsidies (tax incentives and credits), and pre-sales (discountable-contract finance) from foreign distributors, could help to mitigate potential losses. As production costs have risen, however, potential financiers have become increasingly insistent upon higher degrees of certainty as to whether they will actually have their investment repaid, and assurances regarding what return they will earn.
Past film slate's poor performance records are showing up in public court documents. Property and casualty companies (P&C) like AIG had offered insurance against film slates and the bonds issued to fund them, but now fully refuse to cover film slates. This ended in many lawsuits, starting in early 1999 (with Steve Stabler's Destination Films $100M bond fund failure and subsequent lawsuit), and continue to this day with Aramid's lawsuit on Relativity's Beverly-1-Sony film slate and the Melrose-2-Paramount slate. Citigroup attempted to wrap the Beverly-1-Sony slate with a property and casualty insurance wrapper (from the formerly bankrupt Ambac Assurance, Corp.). After these "uninsured" slate financing arrangements (SFA) failed to return even the original principal to investors, the market has sought solutions. Traditionally, banks like JP Morgan have an entertainment division that uses proprietary risk mitigation regression analysis to see if future film revenues can meet an exceedance probability (where in the ultimate revenues allow the loan to break even), but this is calculated guesswork, and has caused all of the major national banks to lose millions in bad loans. An alternative to such loss protection was developed by Geneva Media Holdings, LLC (originally as risk mitigation for affluent individuals and "direct investors" under US tax incentive IRC 181). Fully insured media funds are now being carefully reviewed by risk analysts at major hedge funds, banks and institutional pension plans specializing in investor risk mitigation.
Many outside of Hollywood fail to realize the longevity of film and television after-market income streams. Many commercial films and network television shows will make money for decades. For the investor who pays for part of the negative costs, the time value of money is important. For many movie investors the required rate of return for this "risky" investment may be 25% or more. This means that while there may be TV revenues for an additional 10 years after the movie is released, the PV (present value) of those revenues is diminished by the required rate of return and the time it takes for these revenues to accrue. Ancillary revenues (VOD, DVD, Blu-ray, PPV, CATV, etc.), tend to accrue to the studio that purchased these residuals as part of their overall distribution deal. For many movie investors in the past, the theatrical box office was the primary place to gain a PV return on their investment.
VaultML has developed technologies usually seen in high-frequency trading to predict box office success and investor risk using artificial intelligence. They claim to analyze over 300,000 elements from screenplay to form a basis for prediction.[2] Based on their published future predictions for 2015 they out yielded the market on a return on investment basis.
Ryan Kavanaugh of Relativity Media offered participation in profits to actors, rather than up-front fees, to lower production costs and keep profits protected. Kavanaugh has attempted to use data from major studios like Sony and NBC/Universal to build a complex Monte Carlo system to determine movie failure rates prior to production. His projects and business models have failed miserably, causing a half-a-billion dollars in losses. The box office results of his movies have been mixed, as there is no set ratios, blends, mixtures, method or secret crystal ball that can project movie revenues, investor risk or rejection parameters.
Slated[3][4][5] is the first dedicated online film finance marketplace for professional equity investing. Combined with Slated's team, script and financial analysis, investors can have ownership in films.
Epagogix has developed a system using neural networks to assess factors that contribute to box office success. They assess a wide variety of movies of different box office returns. Another film finance analyst, Steve Jasmine, claims to have developed a system for predicting a film's box office success. This system claims to quantify 800 creative elements of billion dollar grossing movies to determine what audiences are most interested in.[6] Worldwide Motion Picture Group offers a service termed "script evaluation" where a team of analysts compare draft scripts to those of previously released movies in an effort to estimate the box office potential of the proposed script. They also conduct surveys and use results of previous focus groups to assist this analysis.[7]
A final consideration is securing title. Since the collateral for film financing arrangements can be based on the ownership of intellectual property rights, film finance transactions generally commence with a title analysis.[8]
Methods[edit]
This section does not cite any sources. Please help improve this section by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (January 2009) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
There are five main methods of financing the production of a film:[citation needed]
government grants;
tax incentives and shelters;
private equity and hedge funds
debt finance; and
equity finance.
Government grants[edit]
A number of governments run programs to subsidise the cost of producing films. For instance, until it was abolished in March 2011, in the United Kingdom the UK Film Council provided National Lottery funding to producers, as long as certain conditions were met.[9] Many of the Council's functions have now been taken over by the British Film Institute. States such as Georgia, Ohio, Louisiana, New York, Connecticut, Oklahoma, Pennsylvania, Utah, and New Mexico, will provide a subsidy or tax credit provided all or part of a film is filmed in that state.[10]
Governments are willing to provide these subsidies as they hope it will attract creative individuals to their territory and stimulate employment. Also, a film shot in a particular location can have the benefit of advertising that location to an international audience.
Government subsidies are often pure grants, where the government expects no financial return.
Tax incentives[edit]
Some U.S. states and Canadian provinces have between 15% and 70% tax or cash incentives for labor, production costs or services on bona fide film/television/PCgame expenditures. Each state and province differs. These so-called "soft-money" incentives are generally not realized until a theatrical or interactive production is completed, all payments are made to workers, financial institutions, and rental or prop companies within the state or province offering the incentives. Many other limitations may apply (i.e., actors, cast and crew may have to take up residence in the state or province). Often, a certain amount of physical shooting (principal photography) must be completed within the state borders, and/or the use of the state's institutions. This would include rental facilities, banks, insurance companies, sound stages or studios, agents, agencies, brokers, catering companies, hotel/motels, etc. Each may also have to be physically domiciled within the state or province's borders. Finally, additional incentives (another 5% to 25% on top of the already generous soft money), may be offered for off-season, low-income area, or family entertainment projects shot in places of economic impoverishment or during poor weather condition months in a hurricane-prone state or Arctic province.
A number of countries have introduced legislation that has the effect of generating enhanced tax deductions for producers or owners of films. Incentives are created which effectively sell the enhanced tax deductions to wealthy individuals with large tax liabilities (e.g., IRS code sections 181 and 199). The individual will often become the legal owner of the film or certain rights relating to the film. In 2007 the United Kingdom government introduced the Producer's Tax Credit which results in a direct cash subsidy from the treasury to the film producer.
German tax shelters[edit]
A relatively new tactic for raising finance is through German tax shelters. The tax law of Germany allows investors to take an instant tax deduction even on non-German productions and even if the film has not yet gone into production. The film producers can sell the copyright to one of these tax shelters for the cost of the film's budget, then have them lease it back for a price around 90% of the original cost.[citation needed] On a $100 million film, a producer could make $10 million, minus fees to lawyers and middlemen.
This tactic favors big-budget films as the profit on more modestly budgeted films would be consumed by the legal and administrative costs.
That being said, the above schemes are all but gone and are being replaced by more traditional production incentives.[11]
The main production incentive is the German Federal Film Fund (de) (DFFF). The DFFF is a grant given by the German Federal Commissioner for Culture and the Media. To receive the grant a producer has to fulfill different requirements including a cultural eligibility test. The film finance calculator[12] on germanfilmfinance.com[13] checks online if the project passes the test as well as it shows the individually calculated estimated grant.
British tax shelters[edit]
Now, the same copyright can be sold again to a British company and a further $10 million could be raised, but UK law insists that part of the film is shot in Britain and that the production employs a fair proportion of British actors and crew. This explains why many American films like to shoot at Britain's major film studios like Pinewood and Shepperton and why a film such as Basic Instinct 2 relocated its action from New York to London.[citation needed] These are commonly referred to Sale & Leaseback deals; they were discontinued in March 2007, though those initiated prior to Dec. 31, 2006 were grandfathered in.[citation needed]
Private equity financing[edit]
This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (January 2009)
Generally tax-advantaged theatrical film and television investment for affluent individuals comes with little risk. Most often, the cost of production is recouped by a combination of federal and state tax incentives, thereby eliminating most of the risk. Capital is still required as a direct investment (partnerships can be used), but must also be "at risk", which allows § 181 IRC write-offs. For example, if a private equity source is found (individuals with capital or a private wealth management firm representing individuals personal funds), the investor pays for the film or TV production, and receives back an equal amount of capital in tax-incentives, pre-sales and state tax credits, thereby making the investment and recoup a wash. This is a highly specialized tax play, and is often looked upon as risky by those who do not understand the risk mitigation offered through state tax and federal tax incentives like § 181 IRC.
Hedge-fund financing[edit]
This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (February 2010)
Also known as slate financing deals.
Private investors[edit]
One of the hardest types of film financing pieces to obtain is private investor funds. These are funds invested by an individual who is looking to possibly add more risk to his investment portfolio, or a high-net-worth individual with a keen interest in films. While there are a few steps to cover between development funding and capital funding, with regard to the latter, any capital funding that is approached, whether that source is private equity (private individuals and /or funding groups), or debt financing (finance institutions and /or banks), is going to require that you have certain necessary elements in place before they consider financing your project. These elements include marketplace analytics, audience analytics, a bondable schedule and budget, and a distribution plan.[14]
Debt finance[edit]
Pre-sales[edit]
Pre-sales is, based on the script and cast, selling the right to distribute a film in different territories before the film is completed.[15] When the deal is made, the distributor will insist the producers deliver on certain elements of content and cast; if a material alteration is made, financing may collapse.[16] In order to gain the “marquee names” essential for drawing in an international audience, distributors and sale agents will often make casting suggestions.[17] Pre-sales contracts with big name actors or directors will often (at the insistence of the buyer) have an "essential element" clause that (as per the example above) allows the buyer to get out of the contract if the star or director falls out of the picture and a marquee equivalent cannot be procured.
The reliance on pre-sales explains the film industry's dependence on movie stars, directors and/or certain film genres (such as Horror).[17][18]
Typically, upon signing a pre-sale contract, the buyer will pay a 20% deposit to the film's collection account (or bank), with the balance (80%) due upon the film's delivery to the foreign sales agent (along with all the necessary deliverable requirements.)
Usually a producer pre-sells foreign territories (in whole or part) and/or North American windows/rights (i.e. theatrical, home video/DVD, pay TV, free TV, etc.) so that the producer can use the value of those contracts as collateral for the production loan that a bank (senior lender) is providing to finance the production.
Television pre-sales[edit]
Although it is more usual for a producer to sell the TV rights of this film after it has been made, it is sometimes possible to sell the rights in advance and use the money to pay for the production.[citation needed] In some cases the television station will be a subsidiary of the movie studio's parent company.
Negative pickup deal[edit]
A negative pickup deal is a contract entered into by an independent producer and a movie studio wherein the studio agrees to purchase the movie from the producer at a given date and for a fixed sum. Until then, the financing is up to the producer, who must pay any additional costs if the film goes over-budget.
Generally, a producer will have a bank/lender lend against the value of the negative pickup contract as a way to shore up their financing package of the film. This is commonly referred to as "factoring paper". Most major North American studio and network contracts (incl. basic cable) are collateralized/factored by the bank at 100% of the contract value, and the lender just takes a basic origination/setup fee.[citation needed]
Splitting the roles of studios and networks necessitated a means for financing television series appropriate to the varied risks and rewards inherent in the separation. A practice known as "deficit financing" consequently developed – an arrangement in which the network pays the studio that make a show a license fee in exchange for the right to air the show, but the studio retains ownership. The license fee does not fully cover the costs of production – hence the "deficit" of deficit financing.[19]
Deficit financing developed after the varied risks and rewards were determined and carried out through film financing. Deficit financing occurs when the license fee for a show doesn’t fully cover production fees. A studio has ownership of the production, but as license fees are handed out in exchange to air a show, the phrase deficit financing comes into play as costs were not being met and paid.[19]
From the late 1960s through the mid-1990s special regulations from financial regulation's and syndication's rules created relations between television networks and independent production companies. These rules stated that ownership of the rights to the programs reverted to the producer/production company after a specified number of network runs (syndication). Profits from any other sales, including syndication, generally benefited the production community. Because of this, production companies produced original shows at a loss, hoping that they would eventually be run by syndication and make their money back.[20]
Gap/supergap financing[edit]
In motion pictures, gap/supergap financing is a form of mezzanine debt financing where the producer wishes to complete their film finance package by procuring a loan that is secured against the film's unsold territories and rights. Most gap financiers will only lend against the value of unsold foreign (non-North American) rights, as domestic (North American: USA & Canadian) rights are seen as a "performance" risk, as opposed to more quantifiable risk that is the foreign market.[citation needed] In short, this means that the foreign value of a film can be ascertained by a foreign sales company/agent by evaluating the blended value of the quality of the script, its genre, cast, director, producer, as well as whether it has theatrical distribution in the US from a major film studio;[citation needed] all of this is taken into consideration and applied against the historical and current market tastes, trends, and needs of each foreign territory of country. This is still an unpredictable practice. Domestic distribution is also unpredictable and far from ever a sure thing (e.g. just because a film has a big budget and a commercial genre and cast, it could still be unwatchable and thus never receive a theatrical or television release in the US, thus being relegated to being a big budget, direct-to-video film.) Any certainty in the entertainment business, lending against foreign value estimates is preferable to betting on strictly a domestic success (comedies and urban films being two notable exceptions: they are referred to as "domestic pieces" or "domestic plays".)
True to its mezzanine nature, in the pecking order of recoupment of investment, generally, gap (or supergap) loans are subordinate to (recoup after) the senior/bank production loan, but in turn, the gap/supergap loan will be senior to (recoup before) equity financiers.
A gap loan becomes a supergap loan when it extends beyond 10-15% of the production loan required to shoot the film (or in other words, when the percentage of the gap required to complete the film's financing package becomes greater than a bank is willing to bear, which is traditionally 10-15%, but can sometime be a flat dollar threshold like US$1,000,000.)[citation needed]
Gap/supergap lending is a very risky form of capital investment and accordingly the fees and interest charged reflect that level of risk. But at the same time it is not unlike buying a house: nobody pays 100% of the purchase price with cash; they pay about 20% in cash and borrow the rest. Supergap financing works by the same principle: put down 20-30% cash/equity and borrow the rest.
Over the years, because of the high risk nature, many supergap companies have come and gone, but a few established players have survived the ups and downs of the markets with Relativity Media, Screen Capital International, Grosvenor Park, Helios Productions, Endgame Entertainment, Blue Rider, Newmarket Capital, Aramid Entertainment, MDG Entertainment Holdings, Limelight, RJG Entertainment, BondIt Media Capital and 120 dB all active in the current debt financing space.
The Internet portal germanfilmfinance.com[13] aims to support national and international film makers in the acquisition of production financing. By combining national and regional financing components including a Supergap loan, it is possible to finance up to 50% - 65% of the entire film project budget.
Bridge financing[edit]
Bridge finance has increased in prevalence in filmmaking in recent years. Bridge financing is an answer to the common "catch-22" problem of needing funding to get the actors, but not being able to get the funding without actors. Bridge financing, for example, can be used in scenarios where a filmmaker has a promissory note from an investor to finance a film provided the filmmaker can attach an approved actor, however without money to escrow for the actor's payment, the filmmaker is unable to meet the investor's criteria. In this instance, a short-term lender can provide a bridge loan to secure the actor with the promissory note as collateral; once the actor's payment is escrowed, the equity investment would be triggered, and the bridge loan would be paid back with a small interest.[21]
Product placement financing[edit]
Income from product placement can be used to supplement the budget of a film.
The Bond franchise is notable for its lucrative product placements deals, bringing in millions of dollars. In the film Minority Report, Lexus, Bulgari and American Express reportedly paid a combined $20 million for product placement, a record-high amount.[22] Product placement may also take the form of in-kind contributions to the film, such as free cars or computers (as props or for the production's use). While no money changes hands, the films budget will be lowered by the amount that would have otherwise been spent on such items.
Crowdfunding[edit]
See also: Category:Crowdfunded films
With a rising popularity of online crowdfunding more and more films are getting financed directly by their consumers this way.[23] The crowdfunding platforms Kickstarter[24] and IndieGoGo[25] have their own categories dedicated to films.
Crowdfunding films gives the consumer a voice in what films are being produced, allow for riskier, more socially relevant, more innovative, less profit-oriented independent films with smaller and marginal target audiences that can't be found in mainstream cinema and lower the entry-barrier to new filmmakers.[26][27][28] Crowdfunded films include Iron Sky, Kung Fury, Veronica Mars, Code 8, Star Trek: Renegades, Manthan and Anomalisa.
See also[edit]
Film budgeting
Hollywood accounting
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "Archived copy". Archived from the original on January 23, 2009. Retrieved January 31, 2009.
Jump up ^ "This startup uses artificial intelligence to predict whether a Hollywood film will be a hit or a flop — just by scanning the script".
Jump up ^ Chelin, Pamela (2014-01-23). "Slated: A Site That's Like Kickstarter But for Real Film Investors". Retrieved 2016-07-18.
Jump up ^ "How Slated Remakes Indie Film Finance". 2012-04-13. Retrieved 2016-07-18.
Jump up ^ Martin, Claire (2013-08-03). "Helping Hollywood Players Hook Up". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2016-07-18.
Jump up ^ "Reel-time analysis projects big hitters @Euromoney".
Jump up ^ Solving Equation of a Hit Film Script, With Data New York Times, May 5, 2013. Retrieved September 12, 2014.
Jump up ^ Thomas Glen Leo & Gregory Siewitt, Chain of Title Review is Major Hurdle for Film Investors Los Angeles Daily Journal, July 20, 2006. Retrieved August 17, 2007.
Jump up ^ "UK Film Council to be abolished". bbc.co.uk. Retrieved July 24, 2012.
Jump up ^ "Need production money? Try Cologne".
Jump up ^ Teutons push for new plan, a May 2006 article from Variety
Jump up ^ "Calculator".
^ Jump up to: a b "About NRW.GermanFilmFinance". nrw.germanfilmfinance.com.
Jump up ^ Ray, Ellingsen. "MPMG Film Funding White Paper". Moving Pictures Media Group.
Jump up ^ "Sales Agents: "Pre-Sales" Part 3 » Mr. Film Biz". Llarian.net. 2009-09-29. Retrieved 2011-07-13.
Jump up ^ "Learn how to finance your movie". Filmmaker.com. 2009-09-22. Retrieved 2011-07-13.
^ Jump up to: a b "Greg Mottola's Adventureland - Filmmaker Magazine - Winter 2009". Filmmaker Magazine. Retrieved 2011-07-13.
Jump up ^ "Two Major Ways of Financing Your Film for Distribution". Studentfilmmakers.com. Retrieved 2011-07-13.
^ Jump up to: a b Lotz, Amanda D. (2007) “The Television Will Be Revolutionized”. New York, NY: New York University Press. P. 83
Jump up ^ 2. Kaplar, Richard T. The Financial Interest and Syndication Rules: Prime Time for Repeal. Washington, D.C.: Media Institute, 1990.
Jump up ^ "Scatena & Rosner Films - Film Finance". Scatena & Rosner Films.
Jump up ^ Harlow, John (May 2, 2011), "More than a word from 007's sponsors", The Australian, retrieved 28 June 2011
Jump up ^ Ohlendorf, Vera. Crowdfunding - Alternative Finanzierungsform für Filme?. |access-date= requires |url= (help)
Jump up ^ "Kickstarter - Film and Video". Retrieved 1 July 2016.
Jump up ^ "IndieGoGo - Film". Retrieved 1 July 2016.
Jump up ^ Gerhard, Martin (25 May 2016). "Crowdfunding: Eine Chance auf bessere Filme? - Teil 1: Debütfilme". Retrieved 1 July 2016.
Jump up ^ Waider, Christina. Crowdfunding als alternatives Filminvestitionsmodell: Ist Crowdfunding und Crowdinvesting ein zukunftsfähiges Filmfinanzierungsmittel?. Retrieved 1 July 2016.
Jump up ^ "The rising popularity of movie crowdfunding". 26 February 2016. Retrieved 1 July 2016.
External links[edit]
Film Funding White Paper
Film Closings:The Film Finance Blog
FilmProposals.com for Independent Filmmakers
FilmFinanceGuide.com for Independent Filmmakers
Your Film to Fianciers
S&R - Film Financing
Film Finance Calculator
Financing Movies with VOD Sales Projections
How to finance a Hollywood blockbuster from Slate
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