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Catholic Church and politics in the United States
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Members of the Catholic Church have been active in the elections of the United States since the mid 19th century. Indeed, the Irish came to dominate the Democratic Party in many cities. The U.S. has never had religious parties (unlike much of the world). There has never been an American Catholic religious party, either local, state or national.
In 1776 Catholics comprised less than 1% of the population of the new nation, but their presence grew rapidly after 1840 with immigration from Germany, Ireland, and later from Italy, Poland and elsewhere in Catholic Europe from 1840 to 1914, and also from Latin America in the 20th and 21st centuries. Catholics now comprise 25% to 27% of the national vote, with over 68 million members today. 85% of today's Catholics report their faith to be "somewhat" to "very important" to them.[1][2] From the mid-19th century down to 1964 Catholics were solidly Democratic, sometimes at the 80–90% level. From the 1930s to the 1950s Catholics formed a core part of the New Deal Coalition, with overlapping memberships in the church, labor unions, big city machines, and the working class, all of which promoted liberal policy positions in domestic affairs and anti-communism during the Cold War. Since the election of a Catholic President in 1960, Catholics have split about 50–50 between the two major parties in national elections. With the decline of unions and big city machines, and with upward mobility into the middle classes, Catholics have drifted away from liberalism and toward conservatism on economic issues (such as taxes). Since the end of the Cold War, their strong anti-Communism has faded in importance. On social issues the Catholic Church takes strong positions against abortion and same-sex marriage and has formed coalitions with Protestant evangelicals.[3] In 2015 Pope Francis declared that man-made climate change is caused by burning fossil fuels. The Pope stated the warming of the planet is rooted in a throwaway culture and the developed world's indifference to the destruction of the planet as it pursues short-term economic gains. However, the Pope's statements on climate change were generally met with indifference among Catholics[4] while Catholic commentaries ranged from praise to dismissal, with some stating that it was not binding or magisterial due to its scientific nature.[5] The Pope's statements on these issues were most prominently laid out in encyclical Laudato si'. The publication by Francis had put pressure on Catholics seeking the Republican Party nomination for president of the United States in 2016, including Jeb Bush and Rick Santorum, who "have questioned or denied the established science of human-caused climate change, and have harshly criticized policies designed to tax or regulate the burning of fossil fuels." [6]
Religious tensions were major issues in the presidential elections of 1928 when the Democrats nominated Al Smith, a Catholic who was defeated, and in 1960 when the Democrats nominated John F. Kennedy, a Catholic who was elected. For the next three elections, a Catholic would be nominated for the vice presidency by one of the two major parties (Bill Miller in 1964, Ed Muskie in 1968, Tom Eagleton and then Sarge Shriver in 1972), but the ticket would lose. Geraldine Ferraro would continue the tradition in 1984, until it was broken in 2008. A Catholic, John Kerry, lost the 2004 election to incumbent George W. Bush, a Methodist, who may have won the Catholic vote.[7] 2012 was the first election where both major party vice presidential candidates were Catholic, Joe Biden and Paul Ryan.
Currently there are 25 Catholics in the United States Senate, 16 Democrats, 9 Republicans, and 134 (out of 435) Catholics in the United States House of Representatives, including the current House Speaker Paul Ryan. In 2008, Joe Biden became the first Catholic to be elected Vice President of the United States.
Contents
[hide]
1 19th century
1.1 Catholics and urban America
1.2 Labor union movement
2 20th century
2.1 Bishops' Program of Social Reconstruction
2.2 Defense of parochial school system
2.3 Catholic Worker Movement
2.3.1 National Catholic Welfare Conference
2.4 1930s
2.5 Catholic Conference on Industrial Problems
3 Party affiliation
4 Presidential elections
4.1 1928 Presidential election
4.2 1960 Presidential election
5 Representation in government
5.1 Congress
5.2 Supreme Court
5.3 Executive branch
6 Present day
6.1 Voting guides
6.2 Marriage and family
6.3 Abortion
6.4 Birth control
6.5 Immigration
7 See also
8 Bibliography
9 References
10 Further reading
10.1 Historiography
11 External links
19th century[edit]
Daniel Carroll
Charles Carroll
Before 1840 Catholics constituted a small minority and therefore played a relatively minor role in early American history.[8] Only in Maryland were there significant numbers, and Baltimore became an early Catholic center. During the American Revolution until the late 18th century, about 1% of the American population (about 30,000) was Catholic. Still, Catholics were among the Founding Fathers and part of the First Congress; Daniel Carroll serving Maryland's 6th congressional district,[9] and Charles Carroll of Carrollton serving as the first senator from Maryland.[10][11] Presidential candidates did not seek Catholic votes until Andrew Jackson and Henry Clay did so in 1832.[8]
Catholics and urban America[edit]
The role of Catholics in American culture and elections changed dramatically as a result of the mass immigration of Catholics from Europe, especially Germany and Ireland. By 1840, there were about 600,000 Catholics in the United States. In the 1840s, 200,000 Irish immigrated to escape poverty. The Irish Potato Famine in 1845 caused the Irish population in America to reach 962,000, the number doubling in the next ten years.[12] Even larger numbers of immigrants arrived from traditionally Catholic regions of Germany and other parts of Europe. To the extent that these new arrivals remained inside ethnic communities, they typically joined the local Catholic church that through the local diocese was in communion with Rome; how many cut their ties with the Catholic Church is a matter of speculation.[13] The Irish Catholics took controlling positions in the Catholic Church, labor unions, and Democratic organizations in the big cities, thus forming overlapping centers of strength. The sudden new arrival of so many Catholics, charges of political corruption, and fears of papal interference caused anti-Catholicism to grow, including the short-lived Know Nothings party in the 1850s which demanded a purification of elections and statutes from Catholic influence.[8]
Many Catholics served in the Civil War armies, both North and South, and the bishops rejected the antiwar and anti-draft sentiments of some members. The rapid rise of the Irish out of poverty, and the continued growth in membership, especially in industrial and urban areas, made the church the largest denomination in the U.S. Distrusting public schools dominated by Protestants, Catholics built their own network of parochial elementary schools (and, later, high schools), as well as colleges, and public funding for parochial schools was a controversial issue.[8] As the Bennett Law episode in 1890 in Wisconsin demonstrated, Catholics were willing to cooperate politically with German Lutherans to protect their parochial schools. A distinct Catholic vote existed, however; in the late 19th century, 75% of Irish and German Catholics in America voted for Democratic presidential candidates. [8] The Irish increasingly controlled the Democratic party machinery in major cities.[14]
Religious lines were sharply drawn in the North in the Third Party System that lasted from the 1850s to the 1890s. (In the South the Catholics voted the same as Protestants, with race as the main dividing line.)[15] Methodists, Congregationalists, Presbyterians, Scandinavian Lutherans and other Protestant pietists in the North were tightly linked to the GOP. In sharp contrast, liturgical groups, especially the Catholics, Episcopalians, and German Lutherans, looked to the Democratic Party for protection from pietistic moralism, especially prohibition. While both parties cut across economic class structures, the Democrats were supported more heavily by its lower tiers.
Cultural issues, especially prohibition and foreign language schools, became important because of the sharp religious divisions in the electorate. In the North, about 50% of the voters were pietistic Protestants who believed the government should be used to reduce social sins, such as drinking. Liturgical churches comprised over a quarter of the vote and wanted the government to stay out of personal morality issues. Prohibition debates and referendums heated up elections in most states over a period of decades, as national prohibition was finally passed in 1918 (and repealed in 1932), serving as a major issue between the wet Democrats and the dry GOP.[15]
Voting Behavior by Religion, Northern USA Late 19th century
Religion
% Dem
% GOP
Immigrants
Irish Catholics 80 20
All Catholics 70 30
Confessional German Lutherans 65 35
German Reformed 60 40
French Canadian Catholics 50 50
Less Confessional German Lutherans 45 55
English Canadians 40 60
British Stock 35 65
German Sectarians 30 70
Norwegian Lutherans 20 80
Swedish Lutherans 15 85
Haugean Norwegians 5 95
Natives
Northern Stock
Quakers 5 95
Free Will Baptists 20 80
Congregational 25 75
Methodists 25 75
Regular Baptists 35 65
Blacks 40 60
Presbyterians 40 60
Episcopalians 45 55
Southern Stock
Disciples 50 50
Presbyterians 70 30
Baptists 75 25
Methodists 90 10
Source: Paul Kleppner, The Third Electoral System 1853-1892 (1979) p. 182
Labor union movement[edit]
Further information: Knights of Labor
The Catholic Church exercised a prominent role in shaping America's labor movement. From the onset of significant immigration in the 1840s, the Church in the United States was predominantly urban, with both its leaders and congregants usually of the laboring classes. Over the course of the second half of the nineteenth century, nativism, anti-Catholicism, and anti-unionism coalesced in Republican elections, and Catholics gravitated toward unions and the Democratic Party.[8]
The Knights of Labor was the earliest labor organization in the United States, and in the 1880s, this was the largest labor union in the United States. It is estimated that at least half its membership was Catholic (including Terence Powderly, its president from 1881 onward).
In Rerum novarum (1891), Pope Leo XIII criticized the concentration of wealth and power, spoke out against the abuses that workers faced and demanded that workers should be granted certain rights and safety regulations. He upheld the right of voluntary association, specifically commending labor unions. At the same time, he reiterated the Church’s defense of private property, condemned socialism, and emphasized the need for Catholics to form and join unions that were not compromised by secular and revolutionary ideologies.[16]
Rerum novarum provided new impetus for Catholics to become active in the labor movement, even if its exhortation to form specifically Catholic labor unions was widely interpreted as irrelevant to the pluralist context of the United States. While atheism underpinned many European unions and stimulated Catholic unionists to form separate labor federations, the religious neutrality of unions in the U.S. provided no such impetus. American Catholics seldom dominated unions, but they exerted influence across organized labor. Catholic union members and leaders played important roles in steering American unions away from socialism.[17]
20th century[edit]
By 1900, Catholics represented 14 percent of the total U.S. population, soon became the single largest religious denomination in the country.[18] Still, Catholics did not hold many high offices in government. Only one of the first 54 justices on the United States Supreme Court was Catholic, Roger B. Taney, appointed in 1836.
Bishops' Program of Social Reconstruction[edit]
Following World War I, many hoped that a new commitment to social reform would characterize the ensuing peace. The Council saw an opportunity to use its national voice to shape reform and in April 1918 created a Committee for Reconstruction. John A. Ryan wrote the Bishops' Program of Social Reconstruction. Combining Progressive thought and Catholic theology, Ryan believed that government intervention was the most effective means of affecting positive change for his church as well as working people and the poor.
On February 12, 1919, the National Catholic War Council issued the "Bishops' Program of Social Reconstruction" by a carefully planned public relations campaign.
The Program received a mixed reception both within the Church and outside it. The National Catholic War Council was a voluntary organization with no canonical status. Its ability to speak authoritatively was therefore questioned. Many bishops threw their support behind the Program, but some, including Bishop William Turner of Buffalo and William Henry O'Connell of Boston, opposed it. O'Connell believed some aspects of the plan smacked too much of socialism. Response outside the Church was also divided: labor organizations backed it, for example, and business groups criticized it.
Defense of parochial school system[edit]
Main article: Oregon Compulsory Education Act
After World War I, some states concerned about the influence of immigrants and "foreign" values looked to public schools for help. The states drafted laws designed to use schools to promote a common American culture.
In 1921, the Ku Klux Klan arrived in Oregon and quickly attracted as many as 14,000 members, establishing 58 klaverns by the end of 1922. Given the small population of non-white minorities outside Portland, the Oregon Klan directed its attention almost exclusively against Catholics, who numbered about 8% of the population.
In 1922, the Masonic Grand Lodge of Oregon sponsored a bill to require all school-age children to attend public schools. With support of the Klan and Democratic Governor Walter M. Pierce, endorsed by the Klan, the Compulsory Education Act was passed by a vote of 115,506 to 103,685. Its primary purpose was to shut down Catholic schools in Oregon, but it also affected other private and military schools. The constitutionality of the law was challenged in court and ultimately struck down by the US Supreme Court in Pierce v. Society of Sisters (1925) before it went into effect.[19]
The law caused outraged Catholics to organize locally and nationally for the right to send their children to Catholic schools. In Pierce v. Society of Sisters (1925), the Supreme Court declared the Oregon's Compulsory Education Act unconstitutional in a ruling that has been called "the Magna Carta of the parochial school system."
Pope Pius XI, in 1929, explicitly referenced this Supreme Court case in his encyclical Divini illius magistri[20] on Catholic education. He quoted in a footnote the part of the case:
The fundamental theory of liberty upon which all governments in this Union repose excludes any general power of the State to standardize its children by forcing them to accept instruction from public teachers only. The child is not the mere creature of the State; those who nurture him and direct his destiny have the right coupled with the high duty, to recognize, and prepare him for additional duties.
Catholic Worker Movement[edit]
Main article: Catholic Worker Movement
Dorothy Day
The Catholic Worker movement began as a means to combine Dorothy Day's history in American social activism, anarchism, and pacifism with the tenets of Catholicism (including a strong current of distributism), five years after her 1927 conversion.[21] The group started with the Catholic Worker newspaper, created to promote Catholic social teaching and stake out a neutral, pacifist position in the wartorn 1930s. It grew into a "house of hospitality" in the slums of New York City and then a series of farms for people to live together communally. The movement quickly spread to other cities in the United States and to Canada and the United Kingdom; more than 30 independent but affiliated CW communities had been founded by 1941. Well over 100 communities exist today, including several in Australia, the United Kingdom, Canada, Germany, The Netherlands, the Republic of Ireland, Mexico, New Zealand, and Sweden.[22]
National Catholic Welfare Conference[edit]
See: National Catholic Welfare Council#National Catholic Welfare Conference
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1930s[edit]
Historian John McGreevey notes, "Priests across the country in the 1930s encouraged their parishioners to join unions, and some like Pittsburgh's Monsignor Charles Rice, Detroit's Frederick Siedenberg, and Buffalo's Monsignor John P.Boland, served on regional labor boards and played key roles in workplace negotiations." The Catholic Worker Movement and Dorothy Day grew out of the same impetuses to put Catholic social teaching into action.
Catholic Conference on Industrial Problems[edit]
Main article: Catholic Conference on Industrial Problems
The Catholic Conference on Industrial Problems (1923–1937) was conceived by Fr. Raymond McGowan as a way of bringing together Catholic leaders in the fields of theology, labor, and business, with a view to promoting awareness and discussion of Catholic social teaching. Its first meeting was held in Milwaukee. While it was the venue for important discussions during its existence, its demise was due partly by lack of participation by business executives who perceived the dominant tone of the group as anti-business.
Party affiliation[edit]
Before the 1960s, when cultural changes lead to an incremental liberalization of the Democratic Party, Catholics were seen as staunch Democrats. The Democratic Party ran Al Smith, the first Catholic presidential candidate by a major party, in 1928, and, except when the ticket was headed by a Southern candidate, has nominated a Catholic for president or vice president in every election since 1960 except for 1988 (where a Greek Orthodox, Michael Dukakis, was the presidential nominee).
Since the 1960s, the Catholic vote has come to reflect the nation as a whole instead of being predominantly Democratic.[8] In the 60s and early 70s, a number of Catholics and Southern whites abandoned their traditional affiliation with the Democratic Party and began to support the Republican Party. This shift is evidenced by the fact that Nixon received 33% of the Catholic vote in the 1968 election compared to 52% in 1972. As a group, Catholics represented a quarter of the nation's electorate and were now one of the nation's largest swing groups. Both parties began to aggressively woo the Catholic voters. Although the Catholic hierarchy could not dictate who Catholics voted for, they did have a substantial influence over the faithful in their dioceses. Politicians were aware that the bishops could direct significant time, energy and money to support the issues that were important to them. From their perspective, the bishops were eager to regain some of the influence that their predecessors had wielded in the earlier part of the 20th century.[23] Since the 1970s non-Hispanic white Catholics have voted majority Republican very reliably while a majority of Hispanic or Latino Catholics have voted Democrat.[24]
In his successful 1980 campaign against Jimmy Carter, Ronald Reagan won about half of the Catholic vote and a majority of Catholics who were non-Hispanic whites.[25] "Reagan Democrats", many of them non-Hispanic white, blue-collar Catholics, comprised 25% of the Democrats who voted for Reagan, and formed an important part of his support in 1984 as well. Despite Catholic Geraldine Ferraro's presence on the Democratic ticket as Walter Mondale's vice-presidential running mate that year Reagan won 54 to 61% of the Catholic vote, only slightly different from the overall 59%. Although the majority of Catholics in 1984 remained Democrats, compared to 1980 Catholic votes switched to Reagan at about the same level as most Protestant groups. Reagan's vice president George H. W. Bush won about the same number of votes as Michael Dukakis, making 1988 the third presidential election in a row in which Catholics failed to support the Democratic candidate as they traditionally did.[26]:186–187,191–192,194
Although about one third of Catholics voted for Bush's reelection in 1992, most Catholic defectors switched to independent Ross Perot, not the successful Democrat Bill Clinton. Unlike previous elections (such as in 1972, when George McGovern's Catholic support was eight percentage points higher than overall) the Catholic vote was not more Democratic than the overall electorate, but split almost identically to it. The trend away from a Democratic dominance of the Catholic vote continued in 1994, when for the first time in history Democrats did not receive a majority of Catholic votes in elections for the House of Representatives; as with 1992, the Catholic vote split resembled that of the overall electorate. White non-Hispanic Catholics however, remained majority Republican.[24] This trend reversed slightly in 1996, when Clinton's share of Catholics in general was four percentage points ahead of overall, and they comprised about half of the margin between him and the unsuccessful challenger Robert Dole. The 1990s ended, however, with Catholics as "the largest swing vote in American politics" and with white non-Hispanic Catholics continuing to vote consistently Republican.[24][26]:200–201,207,218
Their party independence continued into 2000, and Catholics became the large religious grouping that most closely reflected the total electorate, ahead of mainline Protestants. 50% of Catholics voted for Al Gore versus 47% for George W. Bush in the very close 2000 election. Among white Catholics, the Republicans won by a substantial margin. 52% of Catholics voted for Bush's successful reelection compared to 47% for the Catholic John Kerry in 2004, versus 51% to 48% overall.[8] Amongst white Catholics the figure was higher, with George W Bush receiving 56% of white Catholic votes.[27] Barack Obama, who chose the Catholic Joe Biden as his running mate, received 54% of the Catholic vote in 2008 compared to John McCain's 45%, close to the overall 52% to 46%.[28] In 2012 Obama and Biden faced Mitt Romney and the Catholic Paul Ryan. Obama won 50% of the Catholic vote to Romney's 48%, close to their 51% and 47%, respectively, of the overall vote.[29] In 2016 the Republicans' Donald Trump chose Mike Pence—who describes himself as evangelical Catholic—as his running mate, while the Democrats' Hillary Clinton chose the Catholic Tim Kaine as hers. The victorious Trump-Pence ticket received 52% of Catholics' votes compared to Clinton-Kaine's 45%.[30]
In some regions such as the "Mountain West" region, it is estimated that since the 1980s 42% of white Catholics vote Republican whereas only 20% vote Democratic.[31] White Catholics who are registered Democrats are also shown to defect to the Republican party in massive numbers during election years. This was particularly true during both of Ronald Reagan's presidential elections, as well as the Nixon-McGovern race. White Catholics who are registered as Republicans are substantially less likely to defect to the Democrats during election years.[32]
Presidential elections[edit]
This chart shows the Democrat/Republican split of the Catholic vote in elections since 1948. Catholics and cases where the Catholics voted for the national winner are in bold.
Year
Election Winner
Party
Catholic Vote %D - %R
Election Loser
1948 Harry Truman / Alben Barkley Democratic 65-35[33] Thomas Dewey / Earl Warren
1952 Dwight D. Eisenhower / Richard Nixon Republican 56-44/52-48[7]/51-49[33] Adlai Stevenson / John Sparkman
1956 Dwight D. Eisenhower / Richard Nixon Republican 51-49/46-54[7]/45-55[33] Adlai Stevenson / Estes Kefauver
1960 John F. Kennedy / Lyndon B. Johnson Democratic 78-22/82-18[7] Richard Nixon / Henry Cabot Lodge
1964 Lyndon B. Johnson / Hubert Humphrey Democratic 76-24/79-21[7]/78-22[33] Barry Goldwater / William Miller
1968 Richard Nixon / Spiro Agnew Republican 59-33/56-37[7]/55-37[33] Hubert Humphrey / Edmund Muskie
1972 Richard Nixon / Spiro Agnew Republican 48-52/39-59/44-54[7]/37-63[33] George McGovern / Tom Eagleton, Sargent Shriver
1976 Jimmy Carter / Walter Mondale Democratic 57-41/54-44[7]/56-44[33] Gerald Ford / Bob Dole
1980 Ronald Reagan / George H. W. Bush Republican 46-47/41-50/42-49[7]/42-46[33]/47-50[26]:185 Jimmy Carter / Walter Mondale
1984 Ronald Reagan / George H. W. Bush Republican 39-61/46-54/45-54[7]/44-56[33] Walter Mondale / Geraldine Ferraro
1988 George H. W. Bush / Dan Quayle Republican 51-49/52-47/47-52[7]/52-48[33] Michael Dukakis / Lloyd Bentsen
1992 Bill Clinton / Al Gore Democratic 47-35/50-30/46-36[7]/44-35[26]:202 George H. W. Bush / Dan Quayle
1996 Bill Clinton / Al Gore Democratic 55-35/55-37/53-37[7] Bob Dole / Jack Kemp
2000 George W. Bush / Dick Cheney Republican 52-46/50-49/50-47[7] Al Gore / Joe Lieberman
2004 George W. Bush / Dick Cheney Republican 52-48/51-48/47-52[7] John Kerry / John Edwards
2008 Barack Obama / Joe Biden Democratic 53-47/57-43/54-45[7] John McCain / Sarah Palin
2012 Barack Obama / Joe Biden Democratic 50-48[29] Mitt Romney / Paul Ryan
2016 Donald Trump / Mike Pence Republican 45-52[30] Hillary Clinton / Tim Kaine
1928 Presidential election[edit]
Main article: United States presidential election, 1928
Al Smith is the first Catholic presidential candidate in major parties.
In 1928, Al Smith became the first Roman Catholic to gain a major party's nomination for President.[34] His religion became an issue during the campaign and was one of the factors in his loss. Many feared that he would answer to the pope and not the constitution. Another major controversial issue was the continuation of Prohibition. Smith was personally in favor of relaxation or repeal of Prohibition laws despite its status as part of the nation's Constitution, but the Democratic Party split north and south on the issue. During the campaign Smith tried to duck the issue with noncommittal statements. He was also criticized for being a drunkard because of the stereotypes placed on Irish Catholics of the day.[35][36]
Smith swept the entire Catholic vote, which had been split in 1920 and 1924, and brought millions of Catholics to the polls for the first time, especially women. The fact that Smith was Catholic garnered him support from immigrant populations in New England, which may explain his narrow victories in traditionally Republican Massachusetts and Rhode Island, as well as his narrow 2% loss in New York (which previous Democratic presidential candidates had lost by double digits).[37]
1960 Presidential election[edit]
Main article: United States presidential election, 1960
John F. Kennedy, 35th President of the United States
Religion became a divisive issue during the presidential campaign of 1960. Senator John F. Kennedy of Massachusetts was vying to become the nation's first Catholic president. A key factor that was hurting Kennedy in his campaign was the widespread prejudice against his Roman Catholic religion; some Protestants believed that, if he were elected President, Kennedy would have to take orders from the Pope in Rome. When offered the opportunity to speak before a convention of Baptist ministers, he decided to try to put the issue to rest.
To address fears that his Roman Catholicism would influence his decision-making, John F. Kennedy famously told the Greater Houston Ministerial Association on September 12, 1960, "I am not the Catholic candidate for President. I am the Democratic Party's candidate for President who also happens to be a Catholic. I do not speak for my Church on public matters — and the Church does not speak for me."[38] He promised to respect the separation of church and state and not to allow Catholic officials to dictate public policy to him. Kennedy also raised the question of whether one-quarter of Americans were relegated to second-class citizenship just because they were Roman Catholic.
Even so, it was widely believed after the election that Kennedy lost some heavily Protestant states because of his Catholicism. His address did not please everyone: many non-Catholics remained unconvinced that a Catholic could be president without divided loyalties; and many Catholics thought he conceded too much in his profession of belief in an absolute separation of church and state. The speech is widely considered to be an important marker in the history of Catholicism (and anti-Catholicism) in the United States.
Kennedy went on to win the national popular vote over Richard Nixon by just one tenth of one percentage point (0.1%) - the closest popular-vote margin of the 20th century. In the electoral college, Kennedy's victory was larger, as he took 303 electoral votes to Nixon's 219 (269 were needed to win). There was a “narrow consensus” among the experts that Kennedy had won more votes than he lost as a result of his Catholicism,[39] as Catholics rallied to Kennedy as an affirmation of their religion and their right to have a Catholic president.
Representation in government[edit]
Congress[edit]
Today, Catholics represent 30% of Congress. The current Speaker of the House, Paul Ryan and the current Minority Leader, Nancy Pelosi, are both Catholic.
Supreme Court[edit]
As of 2009[update], the Supreme Court has a Catholic majority. Catholics represent two-thirds of the Justices on the Supreme Court.[40] In the early 1980s, there was one Catholic justice. This changed in the mid 1980s when President Ronald Reagan nominated Antonin Scalia and Anthony Kennedy to the court, both Catholic. The first President Bush nominated Clarence Thomas (a Catholic who at the time of his appointment was attending Episcopalian services, though he has since become an active Catholic) along with David Souter, an Episcopalian. The second President George W. Bush appointed John Roberts and Samuel Alito, both Catholics. President Barack Obama appointed Catholic Sonia Sotomayor.
The four Catholic Supreme Court justices nominated in the last decade have become reliable votes for abortion restriction. In Webster v. Reproductive Health Services (1989), City of Akron v. Akron Center for Reproductive Health (1990), Hodgson v. Minnesota (1990), and Rust v. Sullivan (1991), Scalia and Kennedy upheld the restrictions in question.
Executive branch[edit]
There has been one Catholic President of the United States, John F. Kennedy, and one Vice President of the United States, Joe Biden.
During President of the United States Donald Trump's visit to Vatican City to meet with Pope Francis on May 24, 2017, First Lady Melania Trump revealed that she is a Catholic, the first Catholic to live in the White House since President John F. Kennedy and his wife Jackie over half a century earlier.[41][42][43][44]
Present day[edit]
U.S. President Donald Trump and First Lady Melania Trump meeting with Pope Francis, Wednesday, May 24, 2017, in Vatican City.
Religion plays a part in American elections. Religion is part of the political debate over LGBT rights, abortion, the right to die/assisted suicide, universal health care, workers rights and immigration.
According to Dr. John Green of University of Akron, "There isn't a Catholic vote anymore; there are several Catholic votes." A survey conducted by the Gallup organization in 2009 revealed that, despite the opposition of the Church to abortion and embryonic stem-cell research, there is no significant difference between the opinions of Catholics and non-Catholics on these questions.[45]
Voting guides[edit]
Main article: Catholic Answers § The Voter's Guides controversy
In 2004, Catholic Answers, a private lay Catholic group with no official connection to the USCCB, published its Voter's Guide for Serious Catholics.[46] It also published Voter's Guide for Serious Christians for non-Catholics.[47] In 2006, it revamped the guides and published them on its Catholic Answers Action web site.[48]
In 2016 another Catholic organization, Catholics in Alliance for the Common Good, published the Pope Francis Voter Guide [1] to help inform the faithful about their specifically political vocation as Catholics in the United States.
In January 2016, the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops produced an updated version of their 2007 voter's guide, Forming Consciences for Faithful Citizenship. It is a summary of the USCCB's public policies based on church teachings.[49]
In September 2016, Bishop Thomas J. Olmsted of the Diocese of Phoenix issued the fourth edition of his guide, Catholics in the Public Square. In it, he suggested to politicians supporting abortion that they would need to repent and go to Confession before receiving Holy Communion,[50] dissenting from most other bishops including Cardinal Timothy Dolan and Cardinal Donald Wuerl who said the Church does not deny communion over issues of legislation.
Marriage and family[edit]
The Roman Catholic Church defines marriage as a covenant "by which a man and a woman establish between themselves a partnership of the whole of life and which is ordered by its nature to the good of the spouses and the procreation and education of offspring."[51] The church teaches that "homosexual acts are intrinsically disordered. They are contrary to the natural law. They close the sexual act to the gift of life. They do not proceed from a genuine affective and sexual complementarity. Under no circumstances can they be approved."[52] Nevertheless, homosexuals "must be accepted with respect, compassion, and sensitivity. Every sign of unjust discrimination in their regard should be avoided."[52] Some Roman Catholics take this to mean that voting in favor of "benefits for lifelong partners" is a compassionate act, whereas others see voting in favor of "benefits for lifelong partners" as merely promoting behavior contrary to natural law. According to a 2009 survey, 59% of practicing Catholics oppose same-sex marriage, while those who are not practicing support it by 51%.[53] Cardinal John Joseph O'Connor was an outspoken critic of homosexuality; other prominent Catholics who were outspoken critics have included John Boehner, David Vitter, Paul Ryan, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Bobby Jindal, Jeb Bush, Bob McDonnell, Marco Rubio, Michael Steele, Donald Carcieri, Sam Brownback, and Democrat Tim Kaine. Catholics Rudolph Giuliani, Chris Christie, and Bob Casey, Jr. have supported gay rights and civil unions but not same-sex marriage. Liberal Catholics have generally supported repeal of sodomy laws that called for jail time for homosexuals and Employment Non-Discrimination laws that would prohibit large employers from firing workers because of sexual orientation. Conservative Catholics have taken the contrary view, rejecting claims that these are examples of "unjust discrimination" and that because homosexual act is an intrinsic evil, it must always be opposed.[54]
Abortion[edit]
Further information: Catholic Church and abortion in the United States and Catholic Church and the politics of abortion
In accordance with its teachings, the Catholic Church opposes abortion in all circumstances and often leads the national debate on abortion.[55] The Roman Catholic Church has been a fierce opponent of liberalized abortion laws and has organized political resistance to such legislation in several Western countries.
Before the Roe v. Wade decision making abortion legal in the United States, the pro-life movement in the United States consisted of elite lawyers, politicians, and doctors, almost all of whom were Catholic.[56] The only coordinated opposition to abortion during the early 1970s came from the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops and the Family Life Bureau, also a Catholic organization. Mobilization of a wide-scale pro-life movement among Catholics began quickly after the Roe v. Wade decision with the creation of the National Right to Life Committee (NRLC). The NRLC also organized non-Catholics, eventually becoming the largest pro-life organization in the United States.[56] The pro-life wing of the Democratic Party was also led by Catholic Robert P. Casey, Sr. other pro-life Democrats including, Sargent Shriver, Raymond Flynn and Bob Casey, Jr.
Some Catholics have raised questions of pro-choice politicians receiving communion. Such cases have typically involved a bishop threatening to deny a Catholic politician communion, though in some cases excommunication has been suggested and in others a bishop has instructed a politician not to take communion. The first such case was that of Lucy Killea, though such threats have subsequently been made in national elections.
In 2004, Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger, then-prefect of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, instructed American bishops in a confidential memorandum that Communion must be denied to Catholic politicians who support legal abortion.[57] However, Cardinals O'Malley, Egan, McCarrick, Wuerl, Mahoney and George have said they would not refuse communion to a person in public life who is pro-choice. Cardinal Burke and Charles Chaput, Archbishop of Philadelphia, have made statements against giving communion but neither has ever refused someone.
During the 2004 presidential campaign, a few bishops called for Catholic politicians who voted for Kerry to be barred from receiving Communion.[58] This tactic provoked a negative reaction which caused the Catholic Church to adopt a different approach for the 2008 election. The new message was compiled into a brochure titled "Forming Consciences for Faithful Citizenship," which "emphasized that issues involving 'intrinsically evil' actions could not be equated morally with others," according to the Times. The brochure cited abortion as the "prime example," but also mentioned euthanasia, torture, genocide, unjust war and racism.
In the 2008 U.S. presidential campaign, as many as 89 Catholic bishops proclaimed that Catholics should make abortion their defining issue in the election.[59]
In November 2009, Rhode Island Rep. Patrick Kennedy disclosed that Bishop Thomas Tobin had ordered priests in the diocese not to give him communion because of Kennedy's position in favor of unrestricted abortion.[60] Other bishops, archbishops and cardinals however have not denied communion to pro-choice politicians.
Some Catholic commentators viewed the 54-45% majority of Catholic voters choosing Obama in the 2008 presidential election as a repudiation of certain bishops who had warned that voting for Obama, a pro-choice candidate, could constitute a grave sin.[61] A dispute within the Church arose when the University of Notre Dame, a Catholic institution, named President Barack Obama commencement speaker at its 2009 graduation and bestowed an honorary doctorate degree on him. The invitation drew intense criticism from conservative Catholics and some conservative members of the church hierarchy because of Obama's policies in favor of legal and funding abortion.
Polling shows a majority of Catholics classify themselves as pro-life; a 2009 poll showed a 52% majority identifying as pro-life.[62] Pew Research, combining polls from 2011 and 2013, notes that over half (53%) of white Catholics believe abortion should be legal in all or most cases, with 41% saying it should be illegal in all or most cases. Among Hispanic Catholics, 43% say it should be legal in all or most cases, while 52% say it should be illegal in all or most cases.[63]
Birth control[edit]
This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (April 2012)
In 1948, Archbishop Richard Cushing campaigned against a Massachusetts referendum to loosen the state's ban on birth control. While the referendum failed, "deployment of the Church’s political muscle," according to historian Leslie Tentler, offended non-Catholics and led Cushing to relax his position when the issue was debated again in the 1960s.[64]
In 2012, when the Obama administration proposed regulations that required employer-provided health insurance plans to cover contraception, Catholic companies such as affiliated universities and EWTN Broadcasting, which believed they should be exempt from the law, sued the government, while Catholic religious leaders campaigned against it in church.[65][66] The regulation was later altered so that an employee of a religious institution which did not wish to provide coverage for reproductive health care could seek it directly from the insurer at no additional cost. Catholic religious authorities continued to oppose the plan, while the Catholic Health Association supported it.[67]
While the pope and the bishops have opposed birth control, the majority of American Catholics disagree with them, and believe the church should change its teaching on birth control. A Pew Research poll conducted in 2013 found that three-quarters of U.S. Catholics (76%) say the church should permit birth control.[68]
Immigration[edit]
The immigration debate has opened a chasm with Republican hardliners who want restrictions.[69] Some 30% of the Roman Catholic population is Hispanic and that percentage continues to rise steadily. Pope John Paul II advocated that countries should accommodate people fleeing from economic hardship. Cardinal Raymond Burke has been involved in rallies to allow undocumented workers a chance at citizenship. By welcoming migrant workers, many of whom are Catholic, Burke says, "we obey the command of Our Lord, who tells us that when we welcome the stranger, we welcome Christ Himself."[70]
In addressing the Pew Research Center’s Forum on Religion & Public Life in 2009, Archbishop Charles J. Chaput of Denver discussed the need when talking about reforming immigration law, to do so "...in a comprehensive way, so that justice is done and our borders are protected. It’s always both/and; it’s not either/or from my perspective." [71] "[N]o one can claim to be Catholic and think it’s okay to treat immigrants unjustly or inhumanly. But you can disagree on immigration policies because you think that one works and one doesn’t."[71]
Most immigration to the U.S. is from predominantly Roman Catholic nations and about ¾ of all lapsed Catholics have been replaced by immigrant Catholics in the United States.[72]
In 2006, Cardinal Roger Mahony announced that he would order the clergy and laity of the Archdiocese of Los Angeles to ignore H.R. 4437 if it were to become law.[73] Cardinal Mahony personally lobbied senators Barbara Boxer and Dianne Feinstein to have the Senate consider a comprehensive immigration reform bill, rather than the enforcement-only bill that passed the House of Representatives.[74] Cardinal Mahony also blamed the Congress for the illegal immigration crisis due to their failure to act on the issue in the previous 20 years, opposed H.R. 4437 as punitive and open to abusive interpretation, and supported S. 2611.[75][76]
See also[edit]
Catholicism portal
Politics portal
United States portal
Catholic Democrats
Christianity and politics
Christianity in the United States
History of Roman Catholicism in the United States
Identity politics
Jewish views and involvement in US politics
Latino vote
Political Catholicism
Pro-life
Roman Catholicism in the United States
Third Way (centrism)
Bibliography[edit]
Casey, Shaun. The Making of a Catholic President: Kennedy vs. Nixon 1960 (2009)
Cochran, Clarke E. and David Carroll Cochran. Catholics, Politics, and Public Policy: Beyond Left and Right (2003)
Dolan, Jay. The Irish Americans: A History (2008)
Heyer, Kristin E., Mark J. Rozell, and Michael A. Genovese. Catholics and Politics: The Dynamic Tension Between Faith and Power (2008)
Marlin, George J., and Michael Barone, American Catholic Voter: Two Hundred Years Of Political Impact (2006)
Morris, Charles. American Catholic: The Saints and Sinners Who Built America's Most Powerful Church (1998)
Prendergast, William B. The Catholic Voter in American Politics: The Passing of the Democratic Monolith (1999)
Woolner, David B., and Richard G. Kurial. FDR, the Vatican, and the Roman Catholic Church in America, 1933-1945 (2003)
References[edit]
Jump up ^ CARA's New Book Identifies Trends in U.S. Catholic Church, Catholicism USA
Jump up ^ The Official Catholic Directory 2009.
Jump up ^ Donald T. Critchlow, Intended Consequences: Birth Control, Abortion, and the Federal Government in Modern America (2001) p. 196
Jump up ^ https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/oct/24/pope-franciss-edict-on-climate-change-has-fallen-on-deaf-ears-study-finds
Jump up ^ https://cruxnow.com/church/2015/06/24/can-a-good-catholic-dissent-from-laudato-si/
Jump up ^ Davenport, Caral (16 June 2015). "Pope's Views on Climate Change Add Pressure to Catholic Candidates". New York Times. Retrieved 18 June 2015.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p CARA, "Presidential Votes of Catholics: Estimates from Various Sources"
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h Silk, Mark; Walsh, Andrew (2008-11-03). "A Past Without a Future?". America. Retrieved March 26, 2011.
Jump up ^ "CARROLL, Daniel, (1730 - 1796)". Biographical Directory of the United States Congress. United States Congress. Retrieved 2008-10-03.
Jump up ^ Breidenbach, Michael D. "Conciliarism and the American Founding". The William and Mary Quarterly. 73 (3): 467–500. JSTOR 10.5309/willmaryquar.73.3.0467. doi:10.5309/willmaryquar.73.3.0467.
Jump up ^ "CARROLL, Charles (of Carrollton), (1737 - 1832)". Biographical Directory of the United States Congress. United States Congress. Retrieved 2008-10-03.
Jump up ^ Immigrants and Immigration, Americans at War, Macmillan Reference USA
Jump up ^ Roger Finke and Rodney Stark, The Churching of America, 1776-1990: Winners and Losers in Our Religious Economy (1993) p. 273. Apart from the formation in 1897 of a Polish National Catholic Church, there were no alternative Catholic denominations formed for immigrants. By contrast the Lutherans formed numerous denominations in the U.S.
Jump up ^ Steven P. Erie, Rainbow's end: Irish-Americans and the dilemmas of urban machine politics, 1840-1985 (1990)
^ Jump up to: a b Kleppner (1979)
Jump up ^ Rerum novarum
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Jump up ^ Terry Matthews: Catholicism in Nineteenth Century America, Lectures for Religion, Wake Forrest University
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Jump up ^ Pope Pius XI (1929-12-31). "Divini illius magistri". Archived from the original on 2010-09-23. Retrieved 2010-08-17.
Jump up ^ ""Dorothy Day, Prophet of Pacifism for the Catholic Church" Archived 2008-09-27 at the Wayback Machine." from "Houston Catholic Worker" newspaper, October 1997
Jump up ^ "List of Catholic Worker Communities". Archived from the original on 2008-12-20. Retrieved 2008-11-30.
Jump up ^ Heyer, Kristin E.; Rozell, Mark J.; Genovese, Michael A. (2008). Catholics and politics: the dynamic tension between faith and power. Georgetown University Press. p. 17. ISBN 978-1-58901-215-8. Retrieved 19 January 2012.
^ Jump up to: a b c Religion, Race, and the American Presidency edited by Gaston Espinosa page 65-66
Jump up ^ Religion, Race, and the American Presidency edited by Gaston Espinosa page 66
^ Jump up to: a b c d Prendergast, William B. The Catholic vote in American politics. Washington DC: Georgetown University Press. ISBN 0-87840-724-3.
Jump up ^ In Praise of Barbarians: Essays Against Empire By Mike Davis page 53
Jump up ^ "Voters split on Obama, McCain by religion, religious practice". Catholic Star-Herald, the Diocese of Camden. 2008-11-06. Retrieved March 26, 2011.
^ Jump up to: a b "President: Full Results". CNN. 2012-11-07. Retrieved November 7, 2012.
^ Jump up to: a b "Election 2016: Exit Polls". The New York Times. 2016-11-08.
Jump up ^ Idaho’s place: A new history of the Gem State edited by Adam M. Sowards
Jump up ^ Religion, Race, and the American Presidency edited by Gaston Espinosa page 66
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h i j George J. Marlin and Michael Barone, American Catholic Voter: Two Hundred Years Of Political Impact (2006)
Jump up ^ Hostetler, (1998).
Jump up ^ DeGregorio, (1984).
Jump up ^ Lichtman (1979)
Jump up ^ Rice, Arnold S. (1972). The Ku Klux Klan in American Politics. Haskell House Publishers. ISBN 978-0-8383-1427-2.
Jump up ^ Kennedy, John F. (2002-06-18). "Address to the Greater Houston Ministerial Association". American Rhetoric. Archived from the original on 2007-09-11. Retrieved 2007-09-17.
Jump up ^ New York Times, November 20, 1960, Section 4, p. E5
Jump up ^ A Catholic Court? Let the Arguments Begin, Politics Daily
Jump up ^ Martosko, David (May 24, 2017). "Melania will be first White House Catholic since Kennedy". Daily Mail. Retrieved May 25, 2017. Her father was a member of the Communist Party in Slovenia in order to work, and the party was official atheist...people in her native Slovenian village of Sevnica say her Communist Party-enrolled father didn't have her baptized or sponsor her First Communion, in keeping with the atheist appearances of the communists.
Jump up ^ Wellington, Elizabeth (25 May 2017). "Melania Trump only the second Catholic first lady to meet a pope". Philadelphia Media Network. Retrieved 25 May 2017. Trump’s father was a member of the Communist party in Slovenia, which meant the family were officially atheists. Donald Trump is Presbyterian; the couple married in an Episcopal church.
Jump up ^ Catholic Herald UK: "US First Lady Melania Trump is Catholic, spokeswoman confirms", May 25, 2017.
Jump up ^ Sieczkowski, Cavan (25 May 2017). "Melania Trump Will Be The First Catholic To Live At The White House Since JFK". Huff Post.
Jump up ^ "Catholics Similar to Mainstream on Abortion, Stem Cells". 2009-03-30. Retrieved 2010-02-09.
Jump up ^ Voter's Guide for Serious Catholics
Jump up ^ Voter's Guide for Serious Christians
Jump up ^ Catholic Online. "Some issues morally ‘non-negotiable,’ says ’06 Catholic voter’s guide - U.s. - Catholic Online". Catholic.org. Retrieved 2010-09-03.
Jump up ^ http://www.crisismagazine.com/2016/an-assessment-of-the-new-usccb-document-faithful-citizenship
Jump up ^ Kevin Jones, A Phoenix bishop's plea to voters and politicians: no votes for abortion, Catholic News Agency (September 20, 2016).
Jump up ^ "CIC". 1055 §1. Archived from the original on 2008-12-31.
^ Jump up to: a b Libreria Editrice Vaticana (ed.). Catechism of the Catholic Church. pp. 2357–2359. Retrieved 2009-07-22.
Jump up ^ "Majority Continues To Support Civil Unions". The Pew Forum on Religious and Public Life.
Jump up ^ Peddicord, Richard (1996). Gay and Lesbian Rights: A Question--sexual Ethics Or Social Justice?. Rowman & Littlefield. p. ix. ISBN 978-1-55612-759-5. Retrieved 22 October 2012.
Jump up ^ "Pro-Life Activities - The Catholic Church is a Pro-Life Church". USCCB. Retrieved 2010-09-03.
^ Jump up to: a b The making of pro-life activists: how social movement mobilization works By Ziad W. Munson
Jump up ^ "Cardinal Ratzinger Orders Kerry Communion Ban". 2004-07-06. Retrieved 2010-02-07.
Jump up ^ Goodstein, Laurie (2004-05-20). "Democrats Criticize Denial of Communion by Bishops". The New York Times. Retrieved 2010-07-11.
Jump up ^ "89 Catholic Bishops Speak Out: In This Election, Abortion is the Defining Issue". ChristianNewsWire.
Jump up ^ "Patrick Kennedy Denied Holy Communion by Catholic Church". 2009-11-22. Retrieved 2010-02-07.
Jump up ^ Humphrey, Michael (2008-11-07). "The Catholic Vote: Complex, significant but no realignment". National Catholic Reporter. Retrieved 2009-04-24.
Jump up ^ "More Americans "Pro-Life" Than "Pro-Choice" for First Time". Gallup.com. Retrieved 2010-09-03.
Jump up ^ Majority of U.S. Catholics’ opinions run counter to church on contraception, homosexuality Pew research, Sept 19, 2013
Jump up ^ Meehan, Seth (March 15, 2012). "Catholics and Contraception". The New York Times.
Jump up ^ Grady, Denise (January 29, 2012). "Ruling on Contraception Draws Battle Lines at Catholic Colleges". The New York Times.
Jump up ^ Cassata, Donna (February 9, 2012). "Obama Birth Control Mandate Divides Democrats". The Associated Press.
Jump up ^ Newcomb, Alyssa (February 11, 2012). "Contraception Compromise Doesn’t Please Bishops". ABC News.
Jump up ^ Majority of U.S. Catholics’ opinions run counter to church on contraception, homosexuality Pew research Center, Sept. 19, 2013
Jump up ^ Rachel Zoll, "Immigration Reform Splits Catholics, GOP" The Associated Press April 22, 2006
Jump up ^ Zoll, "Immigration Reform Splits Catholics, GOP" April 22, 2006]
^ Jump up to: a b "The Political Obligations of Catholics", Pew Research Center
Jump up ^ Pew Forum (February 2008). "U.S. Religious Landscape Survey: Religious Affiliation: Diverse and Dynamic" (PDF). “Catholicism has experienced the greatest net losses as a result of affiliation changes. While nearly one-in-three Americans (31%) were raised in the Catholic faith, today fewer than one-in-four (24%) describe themselves as Catholic. These losses would have been even more pronounced were it not for the offsetting effect of immigration. The Landscape Survey finds that among the foreign-born adult population, Catholics outnumber Protestants by nearly a two-to-one margin (46% Catholic vs. 24% Protestant); among native-born Americans, on the other hand, Protestants outnumber Catholics by an even larger margin (55% Protestant vs. 21% Catholic).” (p. 6).

“...the Catholic share of the U.S. adult population has held fairly steady in recent decades, at around 25%. What this apparent stability obscures, however, is the large number of people who have left the Catholic Church. Approximately one-third of the survey respondents who say they were raised Catholic no longer describe themselves as Catholic. This means that roughly 10% of all Americans are former Catholics. These losses, however, have been partly offset by the number of people who have changed their affiliation to Catholicism (2.6% of the adult population) but more importantly by the disproportionately high number of Catholics among immigrants to the U.S.” (p. 7).
Jump up ^ Donald Kerwin (2006-05-08). "Immigration reform: what the Catholic Church knows". Catholic Legal Immigration Network, Inc. Archived from the original on 2007-04-21. Retrieved 2007-05-11.
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Jump up ^ "Cardinal Mahony speaks out on immigration reform". Day to Day. National Public Radio. 2006-03-29. Retrieved 2007-04-11.
Jump up ^ "Catholic Church officials spurn immigration reform plan". American Morning. CNN. 2006-03-29. Retrieved 2007-04-11.
Further reading[edit]
Blanshard, Paul. American Freedom and Catholic Power (Beacon Press, 1949) online, influential Protestant attack on Catholic political power
Brenner, Saul. "Patterns of Jewish-Catholic Democratic Voting and the 1960 Presidential Vote." Jewish Social Studies (1964): 169-178. in JSTOR
Byrnes, Timothy A. Catholic bishops in American politics (Princeton University Press, 1991)
Casey, Shaun A. The Making of a Catholic President: Kennedy vs. Nixon 1960 (Oxford University Press, 2009) online
Cooney, John. The American Pope: The Life and Times of Francis Cardinal Spellman (1984).
Flynn, George Q. Roosevelt and Romanism: Catholics and American Diplomacy, 1937-1945 (1976) online
Graziano, Manlio. In Rome We Trust: The Rise of Catholics in American Political Life (Stanford UP, 2017), 242 pp.
Green, John Clifford. The faith factor: How religion influences American elections (Greenwood, 2007)
Heineman, Kenneth J. A Catholic New Deal: Religion and Reform in Depression Pittsburgh (2005) excerpt and text search; online
Hennesey, James. American Catholics: A History of the Roman Catholic Community in the United States (Oxford University Press, 1981), puts politics in context
Heyer, Kristin E.; Rozell, Mark J.; Genovese, Michael A. Catholics and politics: the dynamic tension between faith and power (Georgetown University Press, 2008). online
Jelen, Ted G. "Catholic priests and the political order: The political behavior of Catholic pastors." Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 42.4 (2003): 591-604.
McAndrews, Lawrence J. What They Wished For: American Catholics and American Presidents, 1960-2004 (University of Georgia Press; 2014) 503 pages; influence of Catholics on domestic and foreign policy
Marlin George J. and Michael Barone. American Catholic Voter: Two Hundred Years Of Political Impact (2006)
Moore, Edmund A. A Catholic Runs for President: The Campaign of 1928 (1956) online
Noll, Mark A. and Luke E. Harlow. Religion and American Politics: From the Colonial Period to the Present (2nd ed. 2007) online pp 244–66, 345-66
Prendergast, William B. The Catholic Voter in American Politics: The Passing of the Democratic Monolith (Georgetown University Press. 1999)
Schultz, Jeffrey D. et al. eds. Encyclopedia of Religion in American Politics (1999) online
Smith, Gregory Allen. Politics in the Parish: The Political Influence of Catholic Priests (Georgetown University Press, 2008) online
Wald, Kenneth D., and Allison Calhoun-Brown. Religion and politics in the United States (Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2010) wide-ranging
Zeitz, Joshua M. White ethnic New York: Jews, Catholics, and the shaping of postwar politics (Univ of North Carolina Press, 2007)
Historiography[edit]
Gleason, Philip. "The Historiography of American Catholicism as Reflected in The Catholic Historical Review, 1915–2015." Catholic Historical Review 101#2 (2015) pp: 156-222. online
Thomas, J. Douglas. "A Century of American Catholic History." US Catholic Historian (1987): 25-49. in JSTOR
External links[edit]
United States Conference of Catholic Bishops (USCCB)
Catholic Bishops' Conference and Vatican Statements on Abortion
NETWORK, A National Catholic Social Justice Lobby
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Immigration Act of 1882
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Immigration Act of 1882
Long title
An Act to regulate Immigration.
Enacted by
the 47th United States Congress
Effective
August 3, 1882
Citations
Statutes at Large
22 Stat. 214
Legislative history
Signed into law by President Chester A. Arthur on August 3, 1882
The Immigration Act of 1882 was a United States federal law signed by President Chester A. Arthur on August 3, 1882. It imposed a head tax on noncitizens of the United States who came to American ports and restricted certain classes of people from immigrating to America, including criminals, the insane, or "any person unable to take care of him or herself." The act created what is recognized as the first federal immigration bureaucracy and laid the foundation for more regulations on immigration, such as the Immigration Act of 1891.
Contents
1 Background
2 The Act
3 Legacy
4 See also
5 References
Background[edit]
Prior to the passage of the Immigration Act of 1882, the United States Congress had passed two significant acts regarding immigration. The first was the Page Act of 1875, which restricted the immigration of forced laborers coming from Asia. This had a major effect on the immigration of Asian indentured workers and women; specifically women presumed to be immigrating to work as prostitutes. The second was the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882. This act halted all legal immigration of Chinese laborers and is considered by many to be the first major exclusionary immigration restriction on an entire nationality enacted by the United States. While both of these acts resulted from public fear of the Chinese influence in the labor market and the economy, they also derived from simple prejudice and the public perception of these immigrants' inability to assimilate into American culture.
During the same time that America immigration was restricting Asian (specifically Chinese) immigration, many also criticized the influx of European immigrants – later referred to as the "Great Wave" – coming to the United States. As Europe's urban industrialization was changing the demographic landscape of life in many European cities, millions looked to immigrate in order to find opportunity in America. Calling it the "most massive of all human migrations to date," scholar Otis. L. Graham reported that almost "27 million immigrants settled in the United States between 1880 and 1930".[1] Furthermore, as explained in Debating American Immigration: 1882–Present, Roger Daniels explained how "great growth in the volume of immigration in the Gilded Age made some kind of organized administration necessary".[2] This need and call for an "organized administration" would later be somewhat realized in the administrative outcomes of the Immigration Act of 1882.
While the Immigration Act of 1882 shared the principle of immigration restriction with the two aforementioned acts, it was different in a fundamental way. Unlike the Chinese Exclusion act, the Immigration Act of 1882 would not limit all immigration from a certain country or region. Certain European immigrants were considered extremely desirable, so to limit by region would deny desirable immigrants as well. Instead, to limit immigration based on excluding certain kinds of people who were deemed "undesirable", there needed to be a piece of legislation capable of adhering to a more comprehensive, exclusionary approach that would be administered through a federal government agency with federal policy.
The Act[edit]
On August 3, 1882, the forty-seventh United States Congress passed the Immigration Act of 1882. It is considered by many to be "first general immigration law" due to the fact that it created the guidelines of exclusion through the creation of "a new category of inadmissible aliens."[3]
There were two main components of the Immigration Act of 1882. The first was to create a "head tax" that would be imposed upon certain immigrants entering the country. The Act states that "There shall be levied, collected and paid a duty of fifty cents for each and every passenger not a citizen of the United States who shall come by steam or sail vessel from a foreign port to any port within the United States." This money would be paid into the United States Treasury and "shall constitute a fund called the immigration fund." These funds would be used to "defray the expense of regulating immigration under this act." Scholar Roger Daniels commented that the head tax eventually "would rise, in stages, to eight dollars by 1917. In most years the government collected more in head taxes than it spent on administration."[4]
The creation of such administration, and the need to collect and disburse the head taxes throughout the bureaucratic chain, lead to the creation of "the first immigration bureaucracy."[5] It was a significant turning point of immigration policy in terms of relying on federal level legislation and administration. While this was not the first federal immigration law, as others were mentioned previously, states and local levels of immigration ports were mainly in control of immigration policy. The Immigration Act of 1882 was the beginning of the "contours of federal oversight" in immigration policy administration.[6] In addition to the head tax, the Act also stipulated the responsibility of government agents to inspect ports and vessels bringing immigrants into the country.
This then lead to the second historically significant component of the Act. Upon inquiry of the vessels transporting immigrants, immigration officials were given the authority to expel certain immigrants based on criteria laid out within the Act. The legislation dictated that "If on such examination there shall be found among such passengers any convict, lunatic, idiot, or any person unable to take care of him or herself without becoming a public charge, they shall report the same in writing to the collector of such port, and such person shall not be permitted to land." Furthermore, if a criminal was found to be on board, it was the fiscal responsibility of the ship that brought the immigrant there to take them back out of the United States. The criminal provision of the act did not include immigrants who were "convicted of political offenses, reflecting the traditional American belief that the United States is a haven for those persecuted by foreign tyrants."[7]
Legacy[edit]
One of the long-lasting legacies of this act is the undesirable category called "likely to become a public charge." At the time, this status could be assigned to any number of people including pregnant or single women, the disabled, the sick, or the poor. Daniels commented that the "'LPC clause' originally only kept out persons who were obviously unable to support themselves, but in the twentieth century the executive branch broadened it, first to keep out poor Asian Indians and Mexicans and then to keep out poor people generally." [8] The Immigration Act of 1882 was the first piece of immigration regulation to contain this kind of comprehensive subjective restriction, and it would continue on into contemporary conversations and debates regarding immigration.
See also[edit]
Head Money Cases: A U.S. Supreme Court case challenging the law.
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Roger Daniels and Otis L. Graham, Debating American Immigration, 1882-present (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2001), 94.
Jump up ^ Roger Daniels and Otis L. Graham, Debating American Immigration, 1882-present (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2001), 14.
Jump up ^ Roger Daniels and Otis L. Graham, Debating American Immigration, 1882-present (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2001), 13.
Jump up ^ Roger Daniels and Otis L. Graham, Debating American Immigration, 1882-present (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2001), 13.
Jump up ^ Roger Daniels and Otis L. Graham, Debating American Immigration, 1882-present (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2001), 13.
Jump up ^ Bromberg, Howard. "Immigration Act of 1882." Immigration In America. N.p., n.d. Web. 27 Sept. 2013, 1.
Jump up ^ Bromberg, Howard. "Immigration Act of 1882." Immigration In America. N.p., n.d. Web. 27 Sept. 2013, 2.
Jump up ^ Roger Daniels and Otis L. Graham, Debating American Immigration, 1882-present (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2001), 14.
show
v
t
e
Immigration to the United States and related topics
Relevant colonial era,
United States and
international laws
Colonial era
Nationality law in the American Colonies
Plantation Act 1740
18th century
Naturalization Act 1790 / 1795 / 1798
19th century
Naturalization Law 1802
Civil Rights Act of 1866
14th Amendment (1868)
Naturalization Act 1870
Page Act (1875)
Immigration Act of 1882
Chinese Exclusion (1882)
Scott Act (1888)
Immigration Act of 1891
Geary Act (1892)
1900–1949
Naturalization Act 1906
Gentlemen's Agreement (1907)
Immigration Act of 1907
Immigration Act 1917 (Asian Barred Zone)
Emergency Quota Act (1921)
Cable Act (1922)
Immigration Act 1924
Tydings–McDuffie Act (1934)
Filipino Repatriation Act (1935)
Nationality Act of 1940
Bracero Program (1942–1964)
Magnuson Act (1943)
War Brides Act (1945)
Luce–Celler Act (1946)
1950–1999
UN Refugee Convention (1951)
Immigration and Nationality Act 1952 / 1965
Refugee Act (1980)
Immigration Reform and Control Act (1986)
American Homecoming Act (1989)
Immigration Act 1990
Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act (IIRIRA) (1996)
Nicaraguan Adjustment and Central American Relief Act (NACARA) (1997)
American Competitiveness and Workforce Improvement Act (ACWIA) (1998)
21st century
American Competitiveness in the 21st Century Act (AC21) (2000)
Legal Immigration Family Equity Act (LIFE Act) (2000)
H-1B Visa Reform Act (2004)
REAL ID Act (2005)
Secure Fence Act (2006)
DACA (2012)
Executive Order 13769 (2017)
Executive Order 13780 (2017)
Visas and policies
Visa policy
Permanent residence
Visa Waiver Program
Temporary protected status
Asylum
Green Card Lottery
Central American Minors
US-VISIT
Security Advisory Opinion
E-Verify
Section 287(g)
National Origins Formula
Trump administration family separation policy
Government
organizations
Department of Homeland Security
Immigration and Customs Enforcement
U.S. Border Patrol
U.S. Customs and Border Protection
Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS)
Board of Immigration Appeals
Office of Refugee Resettlement
Supreme Court cases
United States v. Wong Kim Ark (1898)
United States v. Bhagat Singh Thind (1923)
United States v. Brignoni-Ponce (1975)
Chamber of Commerce v. Whiting (2011)
Related issues
and events
Economic impact
Eugenics in the United States
Guest worker program
Human trafficking
Human smuggling
Coyotaje
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March for America
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2006 protests
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Geography
Mexico–United States border
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Proposed legislation
DREAM Act (2001–2010)
H.R. 4437 (2005)
McCain–Kennedy (2005)
SKIL (2006)
Comprehensive Immigration Reform Act 2006
STRIVE Act (2007)
Comprehensive Immigration Reform Act 2007
Uniting American Families Act (2000–2013)
Border Security, Economic Opportunity, and Immigration Modernization Act of 2013
SAFE Act (2015)
RAISE Act (2017)
Immigration stations
and points of entry
Angel Island
Castle Garden
East Boston
Ellis Island
Sullivan's Island
Washington Avenue
Operations
"Wetback" (1954)
"Peter Pan" (1960–1962)
"Babylift" (1975)
"Gatekeeper" (1994)
"Endgame" (2003–2012)
"Front Line" (2004–2005)
"Streamline" (2005–present)
"Return to Sender" (2006–2007)
"Jump Start" (2006–2008)
"Phalanx" (2010–2016)
State legislation
California DREAM Act (2006–2010)
Arizona SB 1070 (2010)
Alabama HB 56 (2011)
Non-governmental
organizations
Arizona Border Recon
Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights of Los Angeles
Coalition for Comprehensive Immigration Reform
National Immigration Forum
Center for Community Change
We Are America Alliance
CASA of Maryland
Mexica Movement
Mexicans Without Borders
Federation for American Immigration Reform
Minuteman Project
Minuteman Civil Defense Corps
California Coalition for Immigration Reform
Save Our State
Center for Immigration Studies
National Korean American Service & Education Consortium (NAKASEC)
NumbersUSA
Negative Population Growth
Migration Policy Institute
Utah Compact
Center for Migration Studies of New York
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