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Civil Constitution of the Clergy
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A commemorative plate from 1790 shows a curate swearing the Constitution.
The Civil Constitution of the Clergy (French: "Constitution civile du clergé") was a law passed on 12 July 1790 during the French Revolution, that caused the immediate subordination of the Catholic Church in France to the French government.[1]
Earlier legislation had already arranged the confiscation of the Catholic Church's French land had been holdings and banned monastic vows. This new law completed the destruction of the monastic orders, outlawing "all regular and secular chapters for either sex, abbacies and priorships, both regular and in commendam, for either sex", etc. It also sought to settle the chaos caused by the earlier confiscation of Church lands and the abolition of the tithe.[2] Additionally, the Civil Constitution of the Clergy regulated the current dioceses so that they could become more uniform and aligned with the administrative districts that had recently been created.[3] It emphasised that officials of the church could not provide commitment to anything outside France, specifically the Pope (due to his power and the influence he had) which was outside France.[3] Lastly, the Civil Constitution of the Clergy made Bishops and Priests elected.[3] By having members of the Clergy elected the church lost much of the authority it had to govern itself and was now subject to the people, since they would vote on the Priest and Bishops as opposed to these individuals being appointed by the church and the hierarchy within.[3]
The Civil Constitution of the Clergy was passed and some of the support for this came from figures that were within the Church, such as the priest and parliamentarian Pierre Claude François Daunou, and, above all, the revolutionary priest Henri Grégoire, who was the first French Catholic priest to take the Obligatory Oath. The measure was opposed, but ultimately acquiesced to, by King Louis XVI.
Contents
[hide]
1 Document outline
2 Status of the Church in France before the Civil Constitution
3 Motivation of the Civil Constitution
4 Debate over the Civil Constitution
5 Legal status of the Church in France under the Civil Constitution
6 Delay in implementation
7 Obligatory Oath
8 Jurors and non-jurors
9 Repeal of the Civil Constitution
10 References
10.1 Cited
11 External links
Document outline[edit]
See also: Civil Constitution of the Clergy Outline
The Civil Constitution of the Clergy has four titles with different articles.
The document begins with an introduction that introduced why the document was written.[4]
Title I focuses on the dioceses and how they were to be administered.[4]
Title II focuses on the administration of the dioceses and how elections were to take place.[4]
Title III focuses on payment because the Clergy was a salaried employee of the State.[4][5]
Title IV focuses on the living requirements for bishops, parish priests, and the curates.[4]
Status of the Church in France before the Civil Constitution[edit]
Even before the Revolution and the Civil Constitution of the Clergy, the Catholic Church in France (the Gallican Church) had a status that tended to subordinate the Church to the State. Under the Declaration of the Clergy of France (1682) privileges of the French monarch included the right to assemble church councils in their dominions and to make laws and regulations touching ecclesiastical matters of the Gallican Church or to have recourse to the "appeal as from an abuse" ("appel comme d'abus") against acts of the ecclesiastical power.
In this caricature, after the decree of 16 February 1790, monks and nuns enjoy their new freedom.
Even prior to the Civil Constitution of the Clergy:[6]
On 11 August 1789 tithes were abolished.
On 2 November 1789, Catholic Church property that was held for purposes of church revenue was nationalized, and was used as the backing for the assignats.
On 13 February 1790, monastic vows were forbidden and all ecclesiastical orders and congregations were dissolved, excepting those devoted to teaching children and nursing the sick.
On 19 April 1790, administration of all remaining church property was transferred to the State.
Motivation of the Civil Constitution[edit]
The following interlinked factors appear to have been the causes of agitation for the confiscation of church lands and for the adoption of the Civil Constitution of the Clergy:[7]
The French government in 1790 was nearly bankrupt; this fiscal crisis had been the original reason for the king's calling the Estates-General in 1789.
The Church owned about six percent of the land in France.[8] In addition the Church collected tithes.
The Church used the six percent of the land they owned for a multitude of purposes which included churches, monasteries, convents, schools, hospitals, and other establishments which served the people of France.[9]
Owing, in part, to abuses of this system (especially for patronage), there was enormous resentment of the Church, taking the various forms of atheism, anticlericalism, and anti-Catholicism.
Many of the revolutionaries viewed the Catholic Church as a retrograde force.
At the same time, there was enough support for a basically Catholic form of Christianity that some means had to be found to fund the Church in France.
Debate over the Civil Constitution[edit]
On 6 February 1790, one week before banning monastic vows, the National Constituent Assembly asked its ecclesiastical committee to prepare the reorganization of the clergy. No doubt, those who hoped to reach a solution amenable to the papacy were discouraged by the consistorial address of March 22 in which Pius VI spoke out against measures already passed by the Assembly; also, the election of the Protestant Jean-Paul Rabaut Saint-Étienne to the presidency of the Assembly brought about "commotions" at Toulouse and Nîmes, suggesting that at least some Catholics would accept nothing less than a return to the ancien régime practice under which only Catholics could hold office.[10]
The Civil Constitution of the Clergy came before the Assembly on 29 May 1790. François de Bonal, Bishop of Clermont, and some members of the Right requested that the project should be submitted to a national council or to the Pope, but did not carry the day. Joining them in their opposition to the legislation was Abbé Sieyès, one of the chief political theorists of the French Revolution and author of the 1789 pamphlet "What is the Third Estate?"[10]
Conversely, the Jansenist theologian Armand-Gaston Camus argued that the plan was in perfect harmony with the New Testament and the councils of the fourth century.[citation needed]
The Assembly passed the Civil Constitution on 12 July 1790, two days before the anniversary of the storming of the Bastille. On that anniversary, the Fête de la Fédération, Talleyrand and three hundred priests officiated at the "altar of the nation" erected on the Champ de Mars, wearing tricolor waistbands over their priestly vestments and calling down God's blessing upon the Revolution.
In 1793, the War in the Vendee was influenced by the Constitution passing due to the devout population toward the Church among other social factors.
Legal status of the Church in France under the Civil Constitution[edit]
As noted above, even prior to the Civil Constitution of the Clergy, church property was nationalized and monastic vows were forbidden. Under the Civil Constitution of the Clergy:
There were 83 bishops, one per Department, rather than the previous 135 bishops.[11]
Bishops (known as constitutional bishops) and priests were elected locally; electors had to sign a loyalty oath to the constitution. There was no requirement that the electors be Catholics, creating the ironic situation that Protestants and even Jews could help elect the Catholic priests and bishops. Their proportion in the French population was however very small.
Authority of the Pope over the appointment of clergy was reduced to the right to be informed of election results.
The tone of the Civil Constitution can be gleaned from Title II, Article XXI:
Before the ceremony of consecration begins, the bishop elect shall take a solemn oath, in the presence of the municipal officers, of the people, and of the clergy, to guard with care the faithful of his diocese who are confided to him, to be loyal to the nation, the law, and the king, and to support with all his power the constitution decreed by the National Assembly and accepted by the king.[2]
In short, new bishops were required to swear loyalty to the State in far stronger terms than to any religious doctrine. Note also that, even in this revolutionary legislation, there are strong remnants of Gallican royalism.
The law also included some reforms supported even by many within the Church. For example, Title IV, Article I states, "The law requiring the residence of ecclesiastics in the districts under their charge shall be strictly observed. All vested with an ecclesiastical office or function shall be subject to this, without distinction or exception."[2] In effect, this banned the practice by which younger sons of noble families would be appointed to a bishopric or other high church position and live off its revenues without ever moving to the region in question and taking up the duties of the office. The abuse of bishoprics by the nobility was further reduced in Title II, Article XI: "Bishoprics and cures shall be looked upon as vacant until those elected to fill them shall have taken the oath above mentioned."[2] This unified state control over both the nobility and the Church through the use of elected bishops and the oath of loyalty.
Delay in implementation[edit]
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For some time, Louis XVI delayed signing the Civil Constitution, saying that he needed "official word from Rome" before doing so. Pope Pius VI broke the logjam on 9 July 1790, writing a letter to Louis rejecting the arrangement. On 28 July, 6 September, and 16 December 1790, Louis XVI wrote letters to Pius VI, complaining that the National Assembly was forcing him to publicly accept the Civil Constitution, and suggesting that Pius VI appease them by accepting a few selected articles too. On 10 July, Pius VI wrote to Louis XVI, indicating to the king that the Church could not accept any of the provisions of the Constitution. The Constitution attempted to change the internal government of the Church, and no political regime had the right to unilaterally change the internal structure of the Church. On 17 August, Pius VI wrote to Louis XVI of his intent to consult with the cardinals about this, but on 10 October Cardinal Rochefoucauld, the Archbishop of Aix, and 30 of France's 131 bishops sent their negative evaluation of the main points of the Civil Constitution to the Pope. Only four bishops actively dissented. On 30 October, the same 30 bishops restated their view to the public, signing a document known as the Exposition of Principles ("Exposition des principes sur la constitution civile du clergé"), written by Jean de Dieu-Raymond de Cucé de Boisgelin
On 27 November 1790, still lacking the king's signature on the law of the Civil Constitution, the National Assembly voted to require the clergy to sign an oath of loyalty to the Constitution. During the debate on that matter, on 25 November, Cardinal de Lomenie wrote a letter claiming that the clergy could be excused from taking the Oath if they lacked mental assent; that stance was to be rejected by the Pope on 23 February 1791. On 26 December 1790, Louis XVI finally granted his public assent to the Civil Constitution, allowing the process of administering the oaths to proceed in January and February 1791.
Pope Pius VI's 23 February rejection of Cardinal de Lomenie's position of withholding "mental assent" guaranteed that this would become a schism. The Pope's subsequent condemnation of the revolutionary regime and repudiation of all clergy who had complied with the oath completed the schism.
Obligatory Oath[edit]
Members of the Catholic Church taking the oath that was required by the Civil Constitution of the Clergy.
Within the Civil Constitution of the Clergy there was a clause that required the Clergy to take an oath stating the individual's allegiance to France.[12] The oath was basically an oath of fidelity and it required every single priest in France to make a public choice on whether or not they believed the nation of France had authority over all religious matters.[1] This oath was very controversial because many Clergy believed that they could not put their loyalty towards France before their loyalty towards God. If a clergyman were to refuse to take this oath of allegiance then they were challenging the Civil Constitution of the Clergy and challenging the validity of the assembly which had established the Civil Constitution of the Clergy.[1] On 16 January 1791 approximately 50% of the individuals required to take the oath went ahead and took it and the other half decided to wait for Pope Pius VI to provide instruction, since he was indecisive on what the Oath signified and how the Clergy should respond to it.[12] It is important to note that all but seven of the bishops in France decided to not take the oath and as a reprimand those governing France began to replace the individuals with those who had taken the oath.[12][13] In March 1791 Pope Pius VI finally decided that the oath was against the beliefs of the Church.[12] By deciding that it was against the beliefs two groups were formed "jurors" ("refractory priests") and "non-jurors" and that was based on whether or not they had decided to take the oath. The Pope condemned those who took the oath and went as far as saying that they were absolutely separated from the church.[14] Additionally, the Pope expressed disapproval and chastised King Louis XVI for signing the document that required the oath to be taken.[14] Since the Pope expressed disapproval those who did not take it stayed unwilling to take it and as a result were replaced by those who had taken it. In addition to not receiving support from approximately 50% of the Clergy the oath was also disliked by a part of France's population. The individuals in France who were opposed to it claimed that the Revolution was destroying their "true" faith and this was also seen in the two groups of individuals that were formed because of the oath.[1] Those who believed that the Revolution was causing their "true" faith to be destroyed sided with the "non-jurors" and those who believed that the French government should have a say in religion sided with the "jurors."[1]
American Scholar Timothy Tackett believes that the oath that was required determined which individuals would let the revolution cause change and allow revolutionary reform and those who did not would remain true to their beliefs for many years to come.[1] Apart from Tackett's beliefs, it can be said that the obligatory oath marked a key historical point in the French Revolution since it was the first piece of legislation in the revolution that received massive drawback and resistance.[1]
Jurors and non-jurors[edit]
The rate of swearing priests in 1791. The department division is the current one.
As noted above, the government required all clergy to swear an oath of loyalty to the Civil Constitution of the Clergy. Only seven bishops and about half of the clergy agreed while the rest refused; the latter became known as "non-jurors" or "refractory priests."[12][13] In areas where a majority had taken the oath, such as Paris, the refractory minority could be victimized by society at large: nuns from the Hôtel-Dieu de Paris, for example, were subjected to humiliating public spankings.[15]
While there was a higher rate of rejection in urban areas[citation needed], most of these refractory priests (like most of the population) lived in the countryside, and the Civil Constitution generated considerable resentment among religious peasants. Meanwhile, the Pope repudiated the "jurors" who had signed the oath, especially bishops who had ordained new, elected clergy, and above all Bishop Louis-Alexandre Expilly de la Poipe. In May 1791, France recalled its ambassador to the Vatican and the Papal Nuncio was recalled from Paris. On June 9, the Assembly forbade the publication of Papal Bulls or Decrees, unless they had been approved by the Assembly as well.
The Constituent Assembly went back and forth on the exact status of non-juring priests. On 5 February 1791, non-juring priests were banned from preaching in public.[16] By not allowing the clergy to preach the National Assembly was trying to silence the Clergy.[13] This punishment that was imposed by the assembly signified that all refractory priest could no longer practice marriages and baptisms which were public ceremonies.[13] By not allowing refractory clergy to practice these large public ceremonies they were silenced. However, non-juring clergy continued to celebrate the Mass and attract crowds because the Assembly feared that stripping them of all of their powers would create chaos and that would be ineffective towards silencing them.[13] Although the Assembly allowed them to continue working in ceremonies that were not public they stated that they could only do so until they had been replaced by a clergyman who had taken the oath (juring).[13] A large percentage of the refractionary priests were not replaced until 10 August 1792, which was more than a year after the original 50% had taken the oath; by the time they began to be replaced the Assembly had made some changes and it was not as significant that they were practicing Mass.[13][12]
At the beginning, when the Assembly was stripping the clergy of their titles they tried to ignore how the extreme anti-clerical elements were responding with violence against those who attended these Masses and against nuns who would not renounce their vocation.[13] Ultimately the Assembly had to recognize the schism that was occurring because it was extremely evident, even while the replacement was occurring juror priests often faced a hostile and violent reception in their old parishes.[17] On 7 May 1791, the Assembly reversed itself, deciding that the non-juring priests, referred to as prêtres habitués ("habitual priests") could say Mass and conduct services in other churches on condition that they would respect the laws and not stir up revolt against the Civil Constitution. The assembly had to allow this change to control the schism and in part because "Constitutional Clergy" (those who had taken the oath) were unable to properly conduct their service.[13] The constitutional clergy often required the assistance of the National Guard due to the mayhem that would occur.[13]
The division in France was at an all-time high when even families had different views on juring and non-juring priest.[13] The difference in families was primarily seen when the women would attend masses that where held by those who had defied the oath and men attended mass that was provided by clergymembers who had taken the oath.[13] It is important to note that even though priests who had not taken the Oath had the right to use the churches many were not allowed to use the buildings (this was done by priest who had sworn their allegiance) this furthermore demonstrated the division in the state.[13] On 29 November 1791, the Legislative Assembly, which had replaced the National Constituent Assembly, decreed that refractory priests could only exacerbate factionalism and aggravate extremists in the constituent assembly. The November 29th decree declared that no refractory priest could invoke the rights in the Constitution of the Clergy and that all such priests were suspect and so to be arrested. Louis XVI vetoed this decree (as he also did with another text concerning the creation of an army of 20,000 men on the orders of the Assembly, precipitating the monarchy's fall), which was toughened and re-issued a year later. Anti-Catholic persecution by the State would intensify into de-Christianization and propagation of the Cult of Reason and the Cult of the Supreme Being in 1793–1794. During this time countless non-juring priests were interned in chains on prison ships in French harbors where most died within a few months from the appalling conditions.
Repeal of the Civil Constitution[edit]
See also: Concordat of 1801
After the Thermidorian Reaction, the Convention repealed the Civil Constitution of the Clergy; however, the schism between the civilly constituted French Church and the Papacy was only resolved when the Concordat of 1801 was agreed on. The Concordat was reached on July 15, 1801 and it was made widely known the following year, on Easter.[18][19] It was an agreement executed by Napoleon Bonaparte and clerical and papal representatives from Rome and Paris,[19] and determined the role and status of the Roman Catholic Church in France; moreover, it concluded the confiscations and church reforms that had been implemented over the course of the revolution.[19] The agreement also gave the first consul (Napoleon) the authority and right to nominate bishops, redistribute the current parishes and bishoprics, and allowed for seminaries to be established.[19] In an effort to please Pius VII it was agreed upon that suitable salaries would be provided for bishops and curés and he would condone the acquisition of church lands.
References[edit]
Cited[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g D., Popkin, Jeremy (2010-01-01). A short history of the French Revolution. Pearson Education. ISBN 0205693571. OCLC 780111354.
^ Jump up to: a b c d Text of the Legislation From J.H. Robinson, ed., The Civil Constitution of the Clergy, 12 July 1790, Readings in European History, 2 vols. Boston: Ginn, 1906. Vol 2: pp. 423–427.
^ Jump up to: a b c d 1950-, Carnes, Mark C. (Mark Christopher),; 1952-, Kates, Gary,. Rousseau, Burke, and revolution in France, 1791. ISBN 9780393938883. OCLC 908192433.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e "Civil Constitution of the Clergy Outline". Wikipedia. 2017-03-13.
Jump up ^ R., Hanson, Paul (2007-01-01). The A to Z of the French Revolution. Scarecrow Press. ISBN 1461716063. OCLC 856869661.
Jump up ^ "CATHOLIC ENCYCLOPEDIA: French Revolution". www.newadvent.org. Retrieved 2016-09-02.
Jump up ^ 1948-, McPhee, Peter, (2009-01-01). Living the French Revolution, 1789-1799. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 0333997395. OCLC 465524553.
Jump up ^ 1945-, Tackett, Timothy,. Priest & parish in eighteenth-century France: a social and political study of the curés in a diocese of Dauphiné, 1750-1791. ISBN 1400857147. OCLC 889250730.
Jump up ^ "The French Revolution and the Catholic Church | History Today". www.historytoday.com. Retrieved 2017-02-06.
^ Jump up to: a b Catholic Encyclopedia
Jump up ^ Kagan et al. (2001), p. 643.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f "CLERGY'S OATH TO THE CONSTITUTION". www.historyworld.net. Retrieved 2017-02-26.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h i j k l m "The Subjugation of the Catholic Church: A Failed Attempt". www.ucumberlands.edu. Retrieved 2017-03-06.
^ Jump up to: a b 1950-, Carnes, Mark C. (Mark Christopher),; 1952-, Kates, Gary,. Rousseau, Burke, and revolution in France, 1791. ISBN 9780393938883. OCLC 908192433.
Jump up ^ Colin Jones, The Great Nation, 2002 (Penguin 2003 p. 444, ISBN 9780140130935)
Jump up ^ 1950-, Carnes, Mark C. (Mark Christopher),; 1952-, Kates, Gary,. Rousseau, Burke, and revolution in France, 1791. ISBN 9780393938883. OCLC 908192433.
Jump up ^ de Patris, B. Combes. Proces-verbaux des seances de la Societe Populaire de Rodez. Rodez, Carrere, 1912. p. 128
Jump up ^ "Civil Constitution of the Clergy | France". Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved 2017-03-06.
^ Jump up to: a b c d "Concordat of 1801 | French religious history". Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved 2017-03-06.
External links[edit]
Civil Constitution of the Clergy, complete text in English
Response of Pope Pius VI to the Civil Constitution of the Clergy, 13 April 1791.
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Cutthroat (pool)
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Cutthroat or cut-throat is a typically three-player or team pocket billiards game, played on a pool table, with a full standard set of pool balls (15 numbered object balls and a cue ball); the game cannot be played with three or more players with an unnumbered reds-and-yellows ball set, as used in blackball. Each player is commonly assigned a set of five consecutively numbered object balls, though the number of balls will vary by number of players. The object of the game is to be the last player with at least one ball of their group remaining on the table.
The name "cutthroat" is not unique to pool, but is used to refer to other games played with three or more players in which all players must fend for themselves, e.g. cutthroat bridge and cutthroat American handball.
Contents
[hide]
1 Gameplay
1.1 Fouls
1.2 Winning
1.3 Spotting
2 Variations
2.1 Alternative group selection
2.2 Alternative scratch and spotting rules
2.3 More players
2.4 Multi-game scoring
2.5 Coin-operated table play
3 In popular culture
4 References
Gameplay[edit]
When racking the fifteen balls for cutthroat, the 1 ball is placed on the foot spot and the 6 ball and 11 ball are placed on the other two corners of the billiards rack.
In cutthroat, there are (usually) three sets of balls. Balls 1–5 are called the "low" balls, the "mid" balls are 6–10, and the "high" balls are 11–15. Each of the three players will eventually "own" one of these sets of five balls. Winning is accomplished by legally pocketing (potting) all of the other players' balls. Whether each shot must be called is determined before the game.
Each set of five balls is initially unclaimed – the ball sets remain "open" until at least one ball from two sets have been pocketed. For example, if the breaking player pockets the 6 then the 9, that player definitely does not own the 6–10 group, but does not yet clearly own either 1–5 or 11–15. If the player had pocketed the 6 then the 2, the player would definitely be group 11–15. A foul break thus includes the possibility that the fouling breaker may eventually be assigned a group from which a ball was pocketed on the foul break shot. However, if there was a foul on the break, no set can be claimed and the table is still open, no matter what balls may have been pocketed.
A player's turn continues so long as he legally pockets one or more object balls with each shot. A shooter can even knock in his own ball, allowing him to continue a turn in exchange for his now-weakened position. This circumstance is called "cutting one's own throat". If a player sinks his own last ball (intentionally or otherwise), he must sit out the rest of the game, except as noted below.
Fouls[edit]
A scratch (knocking the cue ball into a pocket or off the table) is subject to special penalties, covered below, and results in the incoming player receiving cue ball in-hand.
The general rules of pocket billiards apply, including typical fouls, such as striking the cue ball twice on the same shot, striking an object ball instead of the cue ball with the cue stick, knocking an object ball off the table, etc. Such fouls end the shooter's turn without further penalty. The incoming player does not have cue ball in-hand, but takes the table as it lies (after balls are spotted).
Winning[edit]
The object is to be the last player with at least one object ball left on the table. When a player has no balls on the table, he is said to be "out" (eliminated) and his turn is skipped in the player rotation. Under normal rules (where balls are retrieved on a scratch – see below), being "out" may be a temporary condition.
Spotting[edit]
The consequence of a scratch (knocking the cue ball into a pocket or off the table) is that all of the shooter's opponents are rewarded by taking one of their balls (if any have been pocketed) out of a pocket and spotting it back onto the table (with the next shooting player's ball placed in front of the other's ball). Thus, a player who is "out" returns to the game, with one of their balls back in play, when any then-surviving player scratches. If a scratch occurs after first pocketing an opponent's ball on the same turn, still only one ball per opponent is returned to the table, as the penalty is intended not to nullify the effects of the scratch, but to punish the offender and reward the other players evenly.
In the uncommon case that the final shot leaves only the cue ball on the table (the shooting player has pocketed both the final opponent's last ball and the shooter's own last ball), one ball of every player will be spotted in their order of shooting. The shooting player continues unless the last shot was not made legally.
An object ball knocked off the table is spotted, unless it is the shooters own, in which case it is pocketed.
Variations[edit]
Alternative group selection[edit]
A common variation is that the first shooter to legally pocket a ball without a foul (fault) gets to claim any set that he wants to be his own. If the break shooter pockets any ball (without fouling), he can claim any set, and continues shooting. The next shooter who legally pockets a ball during his turn gets to claims ownership of one of the two remaining sets. In the advent of a foul break, the first successive shooter to legally pocket a ball gets to claim any set, and the next shooter who legally pockets a ball claims one of the remaining sets.
A less common variation (because it involves risk to the breaker) is that the sets are assigned before the start of play: the breaking shooter has 1–5, the second player has 6–10, and the third has 11–15.
Alternative scratch and spotting rules[edit]
In the event of a cue-ball scratch, each of the fouling player's opponents who was still in the game before the foul may return one of their pocketed balls to the table. Players who were already "out" before that shot remain out.
In this version, if the shooter pockets both the last remaining opponent object ball and the shooter's own final object ball (i.e. all balls are down but the cue ball), then only a player who was still in the game (typically the shooter and the final opponent) before that last shot may spot a ball; eliminated players do not return to the game. The same shooter continues.
Another variation (regardless of the above spotting rule) that is common in North America is that the incoming player after a scratch receives cue ball in-hand behind the head string (baulk line) only, not in-hand anywhere on the table.
More players[edit]
Team play can be pairs (or more) of players being assigned to each of the three sets of balls and taking alternating turns or (in scotch doubles format) alternating shots during their turn.
The game generally is also playable by five players (or teams), with each owning three balls rather than five. Variant ball sets (with smaller and more numerous balls, and a custom rack for them) have also been manufactured for a larger number of players.
The game is possible with any number of players from two to 15. Because some combinations would result in not all of the players having the same number of balls, sometimes one or more must be taken out of the rack, and sometimes ra.
Two players: seven balls each
Three players: five balls each
Four or five players: three balls each
Six or seven players: two balls each
Eight to 15 players: one ball each
Eagle Pool Balls manufactures a ball set using colored rather than numbered groups of balls, with which three- to five-player cutthroat can be played. It makes use of different sizes and shapes of racks: a standard triangle rack of three groups of five balls each for three players; a custom, large diamond rack of four groups of four balls each for four players; and a standard triangle rack of five groups of three balls each for five players.[1][2]
Multi-game scoring[edit]
Various point systems may be used to play matches or sets, rather than just one game. With its uniqueness as a three player game, counting games won is possible but does not give credit for finishing second. One system is awarding three points for a win, plus an additional one point for each of the winner's remaining balls at the end of each game. The player last eliminated receives two points, the first eliminated player none. There may also be a bonus awarded for playing a perfect game, sinking both opponents' sets of 5 balls while having all 5 of yours remaining (Usually 2 points, making a perfect game worth 10 points total: 3 for the win, 5 for remaining balls, plus 2 bonus). This system emphasizes strategy regarding whom to eliminate first as the match goes on, often creating alliances of the two trailing players to catch the leader in points. The match may be won by reaching a set number of points, or reaching a set deadline in time.
Coin-operated table play[edit]
When played on coin-operated tables (such that balls cannot be returned to play at will once pocketed, only after paying for another game) a player who scratches selects one of his or her own balls to be pocketed immediately, in lieu of opponents' balls returning to the table. In the event that a scratch occurs on the same shot that an opponent's ball is pocketed, the affected opponent is permitted to select a ball belonging to the offender which is to be removed instead of the player that scratched choosing the ball to be pocketed. In either case, this can result in the scratching player being "out".
In popular culture[edit]
The game is referenced by Rick Danko of The Band in the opening scene of the classic rock film The Last Waltz.
References[edit]
This article includes a list of references, but its sources remain unclear because it has insufficient inline citations. Please help to improve this article by introducing more precise citations. (September 2016) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
Jump up ^ "29 Ball Color Set". Eagle Pool Balls. July 24, 2010 – via YouTube.com. Missing or empty |url= (help); |access-date= requires |url= (help)[non-primary source needed]
Jump up ^ United States Patent 6902490, http://www.freepatentsonline.com/6902490.html
"Cutthroat Billiards Rules". BilliardsForum.com. 2006. Archived from the original on October 26, 2017. Retrieved October 26, 2017.
Taylor, Kelly (2017). "Pool Games for Three People". Healthfully.com. Leaf Group. Archived from the original on October 26, 2017. Retrieved October 26, 2017.
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Eastern Highlands Province
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Eastern Highlands

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Eastern Highlands Province in Papua New Guinea
Coordinates: 6°30′S 145°40′E / 6.500°S 145.667°E / -6.500; 145.667
Country
Papua New Guinea
Formation
1966
Capital
Goroka
Districts
List[hide]
Daulo District
Goroka District
Henganofi District
Kainantu District
Lufa District
Obura-Wonenara District
Okapa District
Unggai-Bena District
Government
• Governor
Julie Soso 2012–
Area
• Total
11,157 km2 (4,308 sq mi)
Population (2011 census)
• Total
579,825
• Density
52/km2 (130/sq mi)
Time zone
AEST (UTC+10)
Eastern Highlands is a highlands province of Papua New Guinea. The provincial capital is Goroka. The province covers an area of 11,157 km², and has a population of 579,825 (2011 census). The province shares a common administrative boundary with Madang Province to the north, Morobe Province to the east, Gulf Province to the south, and Simbu Province to the west. The province is the home of the Asaro mud mask that is displayed at shows and festivals within the province and in the country. It is reachable by air and road transport.
Contents
[hide]
1 Geography
2 Districts and LLGs
3 Climate
4 Vegetation
5 History
6 Demography
7 Lifestyle
8 Economy
9 Education
10 Provincial leaders
10.1 Premiers (1976–1995)
10.2 Governors (1995–present)
11 Members of the National Parliament
12 References
Geography[edit]
Eastern Highlands Province is made up of rugged mountain terrain and broad valleys. It has low coastal areas in the Markham and Ramu valleys. The Province's two highest peaks, Mt Tabletop and Mt Michael are located on Kratke and Bismarck Range respectively. They rise at a height of more than 3,000 metres above sea level. Specifically, Mt Michael is situated 3750 metres above sea level while Mt Tabletop is at 3,686 metres.
Asaro and Lamari rivers both flow into the Puraari which is one of PNG's five major river systems. The Yonki Hydro-Power Station is fed by the Ramu river.
The Province is entered through the Kassam Pass and exited to other Highlands provinces at Daulo Pass. Kassam Pass offers a picturesque view of the Markham and Ramu valleys while Daulo Pass reveals a breathtaking view of Goroka's lush, green valleys.
Districts and LLGs[edit]
District map of Eastern Highlands Province
Each province in Papua New Guinea has one or more districts, and each district has one or more Local Level Government (LLG) areas. For census purposes, the LLG areas are subdivided into wards and those into census units.[1]
District
District Capital
LLG Name
Daulo District
Asaro
Asaro-Watabung Rural
Goroka District
Goroka
Goroka Rural
Goroka Urban
Henganofi District
Henganofi
Henganofi Rural
Kainantu District
Kainantu
Kainantu Rural
Kainantu Urban
Lufa District
Lufa
Yagaria Rural
Mt Michael Rural
Unavi Rural
Obura-Wonenara District
Lamari
Lamari Rural
Yelia Rural
Okapa District
Okapa
Okapa Rural
Unggai-Benna District
Benna
Unggai-Benna Rural
Climate[edit]
Monthly rainfall follows a seasonal pattern with a wet season from December to early April having mean monthly rainfalls of about 203 mm to 305 mm. A dry season follows, with monthly falls in the general range of 51 mm to 102 mm. The months of April–May and October–November tend to be transitional.
Temperature ranges are more equal. At Goroka the maximum temperature for whole year is 26 °C.
At Goroka, mean humidity varies from 87% at 09:00 hours to 57% at 15:00 hours. Associated with this typical cycling of cloud movement found in the Highlands in the early morning valley slopes and bottom are submerged in fog with high hills and ranges protruding into clear sunlight. As the day progresses the fog lifts from the valleys and clouds begin to form on the ranges frequently with associated local convectional storms. Towards the evening the cloud extends from the ranges to the valleys and with cooling sinks to valley bottoms. This cycle of afternoon cloud and storm on the ranges and morning fog in the valley bottoms, where airstrips are located, makes the maintenance of flight schedules difficult.
Vegetation[edit]
Grasslands dominate a broad area of land especially in the valleys which is predominantly inhabited by people. This is a result of continuous burning and excessive use of the land to do gardening.
Secondary forests and shrub regrowth formed in primary forest locations, which takes longer to grow due to continuous burning.
At higher altitudes as in Bismarck and Kratke ranges, the vegetation type is mountain rainforest dominated by beech forest and pandanus species. At much higher altitude over 3,000 metres, alpine grassland and moss forest are common vegetation type. At lower altitude (1,500 metres or less) especially towards border areas of coastal provinces where there is very high rainfall and humidity, lowland rainforest is found. The vegetation type is very diverse and heterogeneous in species composition and is home to a diverse range of exotic flora and fauna.
History[edit]
18,000 years ago – people lived in the Lamari valley in rock shelters.
11,000 years ago – inhabitants at Kaliavana, Asaro Valley.
9,000 years ago – trade links with people along the coast, were still hunters and gatherers.
1927 – Lutheran missionaries in the Asaro and Bena valleys.
1930s – Arrival of Australian gold prospectors and kiaps to the Province.
1942–1945 – World War II – many villagers worked as labourers or carriers for the Allies.
1943 – Benabena airstrip (an ANGAU base) bombed several times by the Japanese.
1946 – Goroka becomes an administrative centre.
1950s – First road link from Goroka to Lae completed. Expatriates began growing arabica coffee in Goroka and Kainantu which becomes PNG's top cash crop.
Demography[edit]
Eastern Highland Province had a population of 432,972 (PNG citizens) and 1,173 (non-citizens) in the 2000 Census. This is an increase of 31% since the 1990 Census figure.[2]
The province makes up 8.3% of the PNG population, which is the fourth highest population in the country after Southern Highlands, Morobe and Western Highlands provinces.
The population distribution among the eight districts of the province ranges from Obura/Wonenara with the lowest population of 29,688 to Kainantu with the highest population of 1.[clarification needed] The capital of the province, Goroka town has an urban population of 19,523 which is 27% of the Goroka District population of 71,870. The other major town of the province, Kainantu town, has an urban population of 6,788. About 94% of the population live in the rural areas.
The population density of the province is 38 persons per square kilometre, with an average household size of 1.4 persons.
The average annual growth rate of the province has increased significantly, from 0.8% between 1980 and 1990, to 3.6% between 1990 and 2000. This was slightly higher than the national average annual growth rate of 3.6% between 1990 and 2000. This is slightly higher than the national average annual growth rate of 3.2% for the same period. With such a population growth rate, the province can expect to have around half a million people in the next five years.
44% of the population are literate (males having higher literacy rates). 69% of the population are married. More women married than men (72%–65%). 95% of the population are church-goers. 38% are Seventh Day Adventists, 30% Evangelical Lutherans, 12% Pentecostals and 6% Evangelical Alliance.
Population engaged in any form of agricultural activity – 94.7%
Population engaged in any income activity – 70.1%
Population completed grade 6 – 59.8%
Population completed grade 10 – 15.8%
Population (15 years and older) with other education qualifications – 3.1%
There are approximately 21 languages in the Eastern Highlands. These include:
Goroka – Gahuku-Asaro, Benabena, Siane, Alekano
Henganofi – Kamano-Kafe
Kainantu – Kamano, Gadsup, Agarabi, Tairora
Lufa – Yagaria, Gimi
Marawaka – Baruya, Simbari, Yagwoia
Okapa – Fore, Gimi, Auyana, Keiagana/Kanite Language
Lifestyle[edit]
Eastern Highlanders are regarded[by whom?] as the friendliest people in the Highlands and have fewer tribal fights compared to other Highlands provinces. The villagers are hard-working people attending to their food gardens and livestock while the educated individuals find work in the cities or towns. Intermarriage by Eastern Highlanders to people of other provinces and cultures is a common trend. There are many people from all over the country and expatriates who have made this province their home either because of work or marriage.
Traditional housing is built in a circular or rectangular shape. The walls are weaved from pit pit canes or bamboo. They are built low to keep the interior warm from the cold climate and the high thatched roof keeps the smoke away from the inhabitants. Cooking and sleeping is done in this communal, open-space living arrangement. Traditional homes today use a touch of modern influence and style, with the inclusion of windows and rooms.
There are various ways in which traditional cooking is done, either by using bamboos, roasting sweet potatoes in the open fire or the ground oven style of cooking called "mumu". Vegetable gardening and tending to livestock is very important to the village people as this is their source of wealth and identity. Vegetables and livestock are given as contribution during funerals, marriages and other festivities.
At traditional wedding ceremonies, the groom's relatives give money, food and other gifts to the bride's relatives. This bride price is an act of buying the bride from her family, who now has responsibilities looking after her husband's relatives. Today's weddings have a combination of modern and traditional styles, a church wedding and payment of bride price before or after the wedding.
As with any other transitional society,[citation needed] (moving from traditional times to suddenly be competing in the 21st century, on the free market), the Eastern Highlands has witnessed its fair share[clarification needed] of law and order problems. Most problems stem from the fact that the majority of the youth are not engaged in gainful employment or other productive activity. Most problems relate to petty theft and pick-pocketing. Visitors are therefore advised to leave all valuables in their hotel deposit safe And further carry minimal valuables on person whilst moving about. When traveling on PMVs or to unknown areas, visitors should speak to officers at the nearest police station for a status report on their destination.
Tribal fighting in the region of Gimi has been going on since 1986, many of the clashes arising over claims of sorcery. In November 2008, it was reported that in Agibu and Amosa villages women had agreed that if they stopped producing males, allowing only female babies to survive, their tribe's stock of boys would go down and there would be no men in future to fight. They agreed to have all newborn male babies killed. It is not known how many male babies were killed, but it had reportedly happened to all males over a 10-year period and probably was still happening.[3]
Goroka has the J.K. McCarthy Museum that specialises in historical Highlands artifacts and information, The Raun Raun Theatre who are the national traditional performing arts troupe, National Sports Institute, the Papua New Guinea Institute of Medical Research, which researches health-related diseases and experiment to find new vaccines for these diseases.
Economy[edit]
Due to its location along the Highlands Highway, the province is a regional trucking centre, having one of the Highlands region's major trucking company's operating in Goroka. The East-West Trucking company freights cargo and provides service to the entire region. Apart from that, there are other private trucking firms that freight cargo.
The province's economy lies in the production and export of coffee, which provides the economic backbone and livelihood for all Eastern Highlanders. Leading exporters of coffee based in the province are PNG Coffee Exports and New Guinea Highlands Coffee Exports as well as ground coffee manufacturers Goroka Coffee Roasters, Kongo Coffee and Arabicas Ltd. The Coffee Industry Corporation headquarters is in Goroka.
The country's largest hydropower station is in Yonki, Kainantu, and others like the Kainantu pottery and wool rugs and a new gold mine in Bilimoia has commenced construction.[clarification needed]
Aiyura valley is home to stations that research methods of planting and livestock breeding in the Highlands region. Research stations include the National Agriculture Research Institute, Coffee Research Institute and the Highlands Fisheries. Aiyura National High School is a part of the valley, including the Summer Institute of Linguistics who specialise in translating Bibles into the languages in the country and provide literacy and linguistic training.
The economic state of the Eastern Highlands Province has declined with the economic situation of the country. In addition, the deteriorated infrastructure of the province hinders economic growth.
The province derives most of its revenue from the production of coffee. Eastern Highlands is the leading producer of coffee in the region. It produces large quantities of coffee annually for export. Almost all rural households in the province own a small plot of coffee as a family project.
Many families supplement their income by engaging in small agricultural and livestock businesses. The introduction of vanilla, wheat and rice has had a huge impact on agricultural enthusiasts throughout the province. Rice and wheat is being grown for own consumption and/or selling while the vanilla is sold to the international market. Pigs, rabbits and especially chickens are readily farmed while fresh vegetables are grown for the local and national markets.
Education[edit]
There are approximately 250 primary schools in the Province plus 11 high schools and 1 national high school. They are run by the church or belong to the government.
The University of Goroka — one of PNG's national universities, established as an education college of the University of Papua New Guinea — is in Goroka. It produces qualified teachers for high schools, secondary schools and national high schools throughout the country including students from neighbouring Pacific Islands.
Provincial leaders[edit]
The province was governed by a decentralised provincial administration, headed by a Premier, from 1977 to 1995. Following reforms taking effect that year, the national government reassumed some powers, and the role of Premier was replaced by a position of Governor, to be held by the winner of the province-wide seat in the National Parliament of Papua New Guinea.[4][5]
Premiers (1976–1995)[edit]
Premier
Term
James Yanepa 1976–1986
Walter Nombe 1986–1991
Robert Atiyafa 1991–1995
Governors (1995–present)[edit]
Premier
Term
Aita Ivarato 1995–1997
Peti Lafanama 1997–1998
Damson Lafana 1998–2000
Peti Lafanama 2000–2002
Malcolm Smith Kela 2002–2012
Julie Soso 2012–present
Members of the National Parliament[edit]
The province and each district is represented by a Member of the National Parliament. There is one provincial electorate and each district is an open electorate.
Premier
Term
Eastern Highlands Provincial Julie Soso
Daulo Open Ron Ganarafo
Goroka Open Bire Kimisopa
Henganofi Open Robert Atiyafa
Kainantu Open Johnson Tuke
Lufa Open Jeffery Kuave
Obura-Wonenara Open Mehrra Minne Kipefa
Okapa Open Isaac Waigavara
Unggai-Bena Open Benny Allan
References[edit]
Jump up ^ National Statistical Office of Papua New Guinea
Jump up ^ National Statistical Office: 2000 Census Figures, Port Moresby
Jump up ^ The two villages where mothers killed EVERY baby born a boy for ten years
Jump up ^ May, R. J. "8. Decentralisation: Two Steps Forward, One Step Back". State and society in Papua New Guinea: the first twenty-five years. Australian National University. Retrieved 31 March 2017.
Jump up ^ "Provinces". rulers.org. Retrieved 31 March 2017.
http://www.easternhighlands.com.pg/facts.htm
State of the Province Document, 1994
[hide]
v
t
e
Provinces of Papua New Guinea
Highlands Region
Chimbu (Simbu)
Eastern Highlands
Enga
Hela
Jiwaka
Southern Highlands
Western Highlands
Islands Region
Bougainville1
East New Britain
Manus
New Ireland
West New Britain
Momase Region
East Sepik
Madang
Morobe
Sandaun (West Sepik)
Papua Region
Central
Gulf
Milne Bay
Oro (Northern)
Western
National Capital District (Port Moresby)
1 Autonomous region
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values: Истерн-Хайлендс – Russian

values: Східний Гайлендс – Ukrainian

values: مشرقی سطح مرتفع صوبہ – Urdu

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