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United States and the United Nations
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Parts of this article (those related to date) need to be updated. Please update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information. (June 2017)
The United States of America
United Nations membership
Membership
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Since
1945 (1945)
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Nikki Haley
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The United States of America is a charter member of the United Nations and one of five permanent members of the UN Security Council.
The United States is host to the headquarters of the United Nations, which includes the usual meeting place of the General Assembly in New York City, the seat of the Security Council and several bodies of the United Nations. The United States is the largest provider of financial contributions to the United Nations, providing 22 percent of the UN budget in 2015,[1] and 28 percent of the peacekeeping budget.[2] The United States had a pivotal role in establishing the UN and is one of 5 permanent members of the United Nations Security Council.
Contents
[hide]
1 Role in establishing the UN
2 Sources of conflict
3 The U.S. arrears issue
4 The Iraq issue
5 Reform of the United Nations
6 Visa refusal controversy
7 Future
8 See also
9 References
10 External links
Role in establishing the UN[edit]
The UN is an outgrowth of the Atlantic Charter. It appeared in the Declaration by United Nations on January 1, 1942, in which 26 nations pledged to continue fighting the Axis powers.
Their main inspiration was the League of Nations; however, their goals were to rectify the League’s imperfections[3] in order to create an organization that would be “the primary vehicle for maintaining peace and stability.”[4] Roosevelt’s main role was to convince the different allies, especially Winston Churchill of the United Kingdom and Joseph Stalin of the Soviet Union, to join the new organization.[4] The negotiations mainly took place during the Dumbarton Oaks Conference and the Yalta Conference, where the three world leaders tried to reach a consensus concerning the United Nation’s structure, purposes and principles.[5] It is interesting to note that “Roosevelt saw the United Nations as the crowning achievement of his political career.”[6]
In 1945, representatives from 50 countries met in San Francisco for the United Nations Conference on International Organization. They deliberated on proposals that had been drafted by representatives of the Republic of China, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom and the United States at the Dumbarton Oaks Conference between August and October 1944. Roosevelt, Churchill and Stalin reviewed the Dumbarton Oaks proposal during the Yalta Conference in February 1945. The purpose of the conference was to discuss post-war settlements[7] and to reach a final agreement concerning “the UN’s structure and membership and set the date of the San Francisco organizing conference.”[8] The world leaders eventually agreed on Roosevelt’s proposal to give certain members a veto power[9] so “that the Organization could take no important action without their joint consent.”[10] Though the veto power question created a lot of disagreement among the different signatories,[11] its inclusion in the charter was never a matter of negotiation for Roosevelt and his allies.[12] Finally, during the Yalta conference, Stalin agreed to make the USSR a member of the United Nations.[8]
An important American contribution, prior to the formation of the United Nations, was made at the Bretton Woods Conference. This conference took place in 1944 and its goal was “to create a new international monetary and trade regime that was stable and predictable.”[13] Over subsequent decades, this new system opened world markets and promoted a liberal economy. It was implemented through different institutions, such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, which went on to work with the United Nations but remained independent from it.[14]
The United Nations officially came into existence on October 24, 1945, when the Charter was ratified by the Republic of China, France, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom, the United States as well as a majority of other signatories.
The United Nations was the first international governmental organization to receive significant support from the United States. Its forerunner, the League of Nations, had been championed by Woodrow Wilson after World War I to prevent future conflicts. While it was supported by most nations of Europe, it was never ratified by the United States Congress due to the inability to reach a compromise regarding the Lodge Reservations or the Hitchcock Reservations.
Shortly after the establishment of the United Nations, the United States came into conflict with another member of the Security Council. Since the Soviet Union was a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, it had the power to veto any binding UN resolution. In fact, Soviet foreign minister and UN ambassador Vyacheslav Molotov used veto power twice as often as any other permanent member, earning him the title "Mr. Veto".
Relations between the U.S. and the Soviet Union (later Russia) within the UN have evolved in step with the larger geopolitical situation between the two powers. While the Soviet Union was boycotting the Security Council and China's seat was represented by U.S.-friendly Republic of China (instead of the communist People's Republic of China which would replace the ROC in the UN in 1971), the U.S. and UN jointly condemned the invasion of South Korea by North Korean troops, leading to the UN sanctioned Korean War. Later, the U.S. persuaded all permanent members of the Security Council to authorize force against Iraq after it invaded Kuwait in 1991. This was a major step toward U.S. and Russian reconciliation after the end of the Cold War.
Sources of conflict[edit]
Since 1991, the United States has been the world's dominant military, economic, social, and political power (not to mention hosting the UN Headquarters itself in New York City); the United Nations was not designed for such a unipolar world with a single superpower, and conflicts between an ascendant U.S. and other UN members have increased.[citation needed]
Conflict between the U.S. and the UN predates the collapse of the Soviet Union. In 1971, the UN adopted Resolution 2758—which affected the admission of the People's Republic of China and the removal of the Republic of China—despite objections by the U.S. government (see China and the United Nations). The U.S. government changed its own China policy shortly afterward, however, so the conflict between the UN and US foreign policy was short-lived.
The U.S. government's repeated opposition to Arab military actions has created much more tension between the U.S. government and the United Nations. The General Assembly Resolution 3379 (determining that Zionism is a form of racism and racial discrimination) of 1975 was strongly opposed by U.S. officials[citation needed]. In 1991, the General Assembly adopted Resolution 4686, which effectively negated Resolution 3379. Use of its veto power to prevent the Security Council from issuing resolutions condemning Israeli military action has frequently divided the U.S. from the Soviet Union, China and France in the Security Council; since 1989, the U.S. government has dissented against Security Council resolutions on 12 occasions out of 17 total instances when a permanent member vetoed. Of these 12 occasions, only two related to issues other than the Israeli–Palestinian conflict.[citation needed] In 2009, the U.S. government abstained from Security Council Resolution 1860, which called for a halt to Israel's military response to Hamas rocket attacks, and the opening of the border crossings into the Gaza Strip.
Under the Reagan administration, the U.S. withdrew from UNESCO, and withheld its dues to encourage the UN to repeal Resolution 3379, which it did in 1991. The U.S. was—and continues to be—the member state levied most heavily by the UN[citation needed], so U.S. policymakers expected this strategy to be an effective way to oppose Soviet and Arab influence over the UN[citation needed]. When the UN repealed Resolution 3379, the U.S. resumed dues payments, but not before the U.S. had accumulated significant and controversial arrears.[citation needed]
The U.S. arrears issue [edit]
This article needs to be updated. Please update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information. (July 2016)
The UN has always had problems with members refusing to pay the assessment levied upon them under the United Nations Charter. But the most significant refusal in recent times has been that of the U.S. Since 1985 the U.S. Congress has refused to authorize payment of the U.S. dues, in order to force UN compliance with U.S. wishes, as well as a reduction in the U.S. assessment.[15]
After prolonged negotiations, the U.S. and the UN negotiated an agreement whereby the United States would pay a large part of the money it owes, and in exchange the UN would reduce the assessment rate ceiling from 25% to 22%. The reduction in the assessment rate ceiling was among the reforms contained in the 1999 Helms-Biden legislation, which links payment of $926 million in U.S. arrears to the UN and other international organizations to a series of reform benchmarks.[citation needed]
U.S. arrears to the UN currently total over $1.3 billion. Of this, $612 million is payable under Helms-Biden. The remaining $700 million result from various legislative and policy withholdings; at present, there are no plans to pay these amounts.[citation needed]
Under Helms-Biden, the U.S. paid $100 million in arrears to the UN in December 1999; release of the next $582 million awaits a legislative revision to Helms-Biden, necessary because the benchmark requiring a 25 percent peacekeeping assessment rate ceiling was not quite achieved. The U.S. also seeks elimination of the legislated 25 percent cap on U.S. peacekeeping payments in effect since 1995, which continues to generate additional UN arrears. Of the final $244 million under Helms-Biden, $30 million is payable to the UN and $214 million to other international organizations.[citation needed]
U.S. debt to the United Nations, from 1995 to 2005[citation needed]
Year
Regular budget
Peacekeeping
Total
31 December 1995 $414 million (73%) $816 million (47%) $1.231 billion (56%)
31 December 1996 $376 million (74%) $926 million (57%) $1.303 billion (61%)
31 December 1997 $373 million (79%) $940 million (60%) $1.313 billion (64%)
31 December 1998 $316 million (76%) $976 million (61%) $1.294 billion (64%)
31 December 1999 $167 million (68%) $995 million (67%) $1.170 billion (67%)
31 December 2000 $165 million (74%) $1.144 billion (56%) $1.321 billion (58%)
31 December 2001 $165 million (69%) $691 million (38%) $871 million (41%)
31 December 2002 $190 million (62%) $536 million (40%) $738 million (44%)
31 December 2003 $268 million (61%) $482 million (45%) $762 million (48%)
31 December 2004 $241 million (68%) $722 million (28%) $975 million (33%)
30 September 2005 $607 million (82%) $607 million (28%) $1.246 billion (41%)
The Iraq issue[edit]
George W. Bush addressed the General Assembly on September 12, 2002 on Iraq prior to the passage of Resolution 1441.
Further conflict between the U.S. and some UN members arose in 2002 and 2003 over the issue of Iraq. George W. Bush maintained that Iraqi President Saddam Hussein had not fulfilled the obligations he had entered into at the end of the Gulf War in 1991, namely to rid Iraq of all weapons of mass destruction (WMDs) and to renounce their further use. A series of inspections by the IAEA failed to find conclusive evidence that proved allegations that Iraq was continuing to develop or harbour such weapons. The findings were conveyed by the leading weapons inspector, Hans Blix, who noted Iraq's failure to cooperate with the inspections on several counts.[16] The U.S. replied by saying that the responsibility of proof of disarmament was upon Iraq, not on the UN or the U.S.[citation needed]
In November 2002, the United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 1441, giving Iraq an ultimatum to co-operate in disarmament within an unstated timeframe of a few months. However, in March 2003, the U.S., supported by fifty countries (including the United Kingdom, Spain, Australia, the Czech Republic, Denmark, the Netherlands and Poland) which the Bush administration referred to as the "coalition of the willing" launched military operations against Iraq. On April 9, Saddam Hussein's regime was overthrown and Iraq was placed under occupation, marked by the fall of Baghdad. The U.S. argued that this action was authorized by Resolution 1441, since Iraq had failed to comply by co-operating fully in the identification and destruction of its weapons programs, and since Resolution 1441 promised 'serious consequences' for lack of full compliance and achievement of its objective.[citation needed]
Other countries, led by France, Germany and Russia, maintained that Resolution 1441 did not authorize the use of force without passage of a further Resolution. French President Jacques Chirac stated "My position is that, whatever the circumstances, France will vote 'no' because this evening it considers that it is not necessary to make war to achieve the stated goal of the disarmament of Iraq".[17]
Rightly or wrongly the "this evening" qualification was ignored, perhaps because the implications of its English translation are ambiguous. The statement was widely interpreted in the English-speaking world as meaning that France would exercise its right as a Permanent Member of the Security Council to veto any resolution at any time ("whatever the circumstances") to use force against Iraq.[citation needed]
Following the overthrow of the former Iraqi government, the Iraq Survey Group led an exhaustive search of Iraq for WMD. Ultimately, while over 500 "degraded" chemical warheads were found,[18] no deployable WMD of any kind were found and all WMD production facilities had been found to be inactive since 1991.[citation needed]
Reform of the United Nations[edit]
The United States Congress has shown particular concern with reforms related to UN effectiveness and efficiency. In November 2004, the bill H.R. 4818 mandated the creation of a bipartisan Task Force to report to Congress on how to make the UN more effective in realizing the goals of its Charter. The Task Force came into being in January 2005, co-chaired by former House Speaker Newt Gingrich and former Senate Majority Leader, George J. Mitchell. In June 2005, the task force released "American Interests and UN Reform: Report of the Task Force on the United Nations,"[19] with numerous recommendations on how to improve the UN.[citation needed]
On June 17, 2005, the United States House of Representatives passed the United Nations Reform Act of 2005[20] to slash funds to the UN in half by 2008 if it does not meet certain criteria. This reflects years of complaints about anti-American and anti-Israeli bias in the UN, particularly the exclusion of Israel from many decision-making organizations. The U.S. is estimated to contribute about 22% of the UN's yearly budget due to the UN's ability-to-pay scale, making this bill potentially devastating to the UN. The Bush administration and several former U.S. ambassadors to the UN have warned that this may only strengthen anti-American sentiment around the world and serve to hurt current UN reform movements. The bill passed the House in June 2005, and a parallel bill was introduced in the Senate by Gordon H. Smith on July 13, 2005.[21] However, a number of leading Senate Republicans objected to the requirement that the U.S. contributions be halved if the UN failed to meet all of the criteria. The UN Management, Personnel, and Policy Reform Act of 2005 (S. 1394), introduced on July 12, 2005 into the Senate by Sen. Norm Coleman [R-MN] and Sen. Richard Lugar [R-IN], called for similar reforms but left the withholding of dues to the discretion of the President.[22] Neither piece of legislation made it into law.[citation needed]
Visa refusal controversy[edit]
In April 2007, the U.S. government refused to give an entry visa to the foreign minister of the de facto independent Republic of Abkhazia (de jure part of Georgia) Sergei Shamba who was due to speak at the UN headquarters in New York City. The incident caused an international dispute as Russian Permanent Representative Vitaly Churkin accused the U.S.[23] of not letting one side of the conflict speak before UN. Security Council president, British Ambassador Emyr Jones Parry, backed the Russian demand for Shamba's visa.[24][25] But the U.S. Ambassador, Alejandro Daniel Wolff, accused the Russian side of “a mischievous effort” to raise “false analogies” between Abkhazia and Kosovo, thus “complicating the discussion.”[26] The U.S. stated that such airport to UNHQ visa access was not guaranteed to countries seeking international recognition; Kosovo president Fatmir Sejdiu had been given a visa.[27] Sergei Shamba himself described the situation as "dual standards".[28][29][30]
Future[edit]
Further information: United States withdrawal from the United Nations
In the US, complaints about the UN surface regularly in the domestic mainstream media. Some critics who oppose international constraints on US foreign policy contend that the US should withdraw from the UN, claiming that the United States is better equipped to manage the global order unilaterally.[31] More frequently, critics argue that the UN should be reformed to bring it more in line with US policy and leadership.[32]
Despite criticisms, the majority of Americans (88%) support active engagement in the United Nations, as evidenced by a non-partisan poll conducted after the 2016 election. [33] [34] While most agree that the UN could be improved, Noam Chomsky, a leading critic of U.S. foreign policy, proposes that measures such as the US relinquishing its veto power in the Security Council and submitting to the rulings of the International Court of Justice could significantly improve the UN's ability to foster the growth of democracy and promote global peace and the protection of human rights.[35] However, some American organizations and individuals, such as the John Birch Society and Wayne LaPierre of the National Rifle Association, oppose the United Nations on the basis of its perceived failures. LaPierre wrote the book "The Global War on Your Guns," in which he alerts the U.S. to the supposed threat of the Arms Trade Treaty.
Recently the United States Government released its National Security Strategy for 2010. National Security Strategy.pdf
It was published in May 2010. This quote was found embedded on the 46th page in regards to the United Nations.
Enhance Cooperation with and Strengthen the United Nations: We are enhancing our coordination with the U.N. and its agencies. We need a U.N. capable of fulfilling its founding purpose—maintaining international peace and security, promoting global cooperation, and advancing human rights. To this end, we are paying our bills. We are intensifying efforts with partners on and outside the U.N. Security Council to ensure timely, robust, and credible Council action to address threats to peace and security. We favor Security Council reform that enhances the U.N.’s overall performance, credibility, and legitimacy. Across the broader U.N. system we support reforms that promote effective and efficient leadership and management of the U.N.’s international civil service, and we are working with U.N. personnel and member states to strengthen the U.N.’s leadership and operational capacity in peacekeeping, humanitarian relief, post-disaster recovery, development assistance, and the promotion of human's rights. And we are supporting new U.N. frameworks and capacities for combating transnational threats like proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, infectious disease, drug-trafficking, and counter terrorism.
On January 3, 2017, a bill entitled the American Sovereignty Restoration Act of 2017 (ASRA) was introduced in the House to withdraw the US from the U.N.[36] This bill is nearly identical to the first such bill, the ASRA of 1997, introduced by Ron Paul.[37] Since then, a version of the ASRA has been introduced in every congressional session.[38][39][40][41][42][43][44][45][46] To date, each such attempt has been met with minimal congressional support and died in committee.
See also[edit]
United States portal
United Nations portal
International relations portal
United States Ambassador to the United Nations
United Nations Association of the United States of America
The U.S. Committee for the United Nations Development Program
Foreign policy of the United States
United States foreign aid
Criticism of the United Nations
Criticism of the United States government
List of vetos exercised by the US government in the UN Security Council
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "Assessment of Member States’ contributions to the United Nations regular budget for the year 2015". United Nations Secretariat. 29 December 2014. Retrieved 25 October 2015.
Jump up ^ "Financing peacekeeping". United Nations Peacekeeping. Retrieved 25 October 2015.
Jump up ^ John Allphin Moore and Jr. Jerry Pubantz. The New United Nations: International Organization in the Twenty-First Century (Upper Saddle River, New Jersey : Pearson Prentice Hall, 2006), 43-44
^ Jump up to: a b John Allphin Moore and Jr. Jerry Pubantz. The New United Nations: International Organization in the Twenty-First Century (Upper Saddle River, New Jersey : Pearson Prentice Hall, 2006), 44
Jump up ^ John Allphin Moore and Jr. Jerry Pubantz. The New United Nations: International Organization in the Twenty-Fifth Century (Upper Saddle River, New Jersey : Pearson Prentice Hall, 2006), 43
Jump up ^ John Allphin Moore and Jr. Jerry Pubantz. The New United Nations: International Organization in the Twenty-First Century (Upper Saddle River, New Jersey : Pearson Prentice Hall, 2006), 46
Jump up ^ John Allphin Moore and Jr. Jerry Pubantz. The New United Nations: International Organization in the Twenty-First Century (Upper Saddle River, New Jersey : Pearson Prentice Hall, 2006), 51
^ Jump up to: a b John Allphin Moore and Jr. Jerry Pubantz. The New United Nations: International Organization in the Twenty-First Century (Upper Saddle River, New Jersey : Pearson Prentice Hall, 2006), 52
Jump up ^ Francis O. Wilcox. “II. The Yalta Voting Formula” The American Political Science Review 39, no. 5 (Oct, 1945), 953
Jump up ^ Francis O. Wilcox. “II. The Yalta Voting Formula” The American Political Science Review 39, no. 5 (Oct, 1945), 944
Jump up ^ Francis O. Wilcox. “II. The Yalta Voting Formula” The American Political Science Review 39, no. 5 (Oct, 1945), 943
Jump up ^ Francis O. Wilcox. “II. The Yalta Voting Formula” The American Political Science Review 39, no. 5 (Oct, 1945), 954
Jump up ^ John Allphin Moore and Jr. Jerry Pubantz. The New United Nations: International Organization in the Twenty-First Century (Upper Saddle River, New Jersey : Pearson Prentice Hall, 2006), 53
Jump up ^ Chronis Polychroniou. “Rise and Fall of US Imperialism” Economic and Political Weekly 30, no. 30 (July 29, 1995), 58
Jump up ^ [1], Why does the US refuse to pay its UN bill?
Jump up ^ Security Council 7 March 2003
Jump up ^ Radio France > Dossiers > Conflit USA - Irak
Jump up ^ Fox News (PDF) http://www.foxnews.com/projects/pdf/Iraq_WMD_Declassified.pdf. Missing or empty |title= (help)
Jump up ^ "Task Force on the United Nations".
Jump up ^ "Bill Summary & Status 109th Congress (2005 - 2006) H.R.2745".
Jump up ^ "Bill Summary & Status 109th Congress (2005 - 2006) S.1394".
Jump up ^ "Bill Summary & Status 109th Congress (2005 - 2006) S.1383".
Jump up ^ The Washington Post https://web.archive.org/web/20121026101343/http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/04/10/AR2007041002033.html. Archived from the original on 2012-10-26. Missing or empty |title= (help)
Jump up ^ Playfuls.com - Play your life!
Jump up ^ One-Chairman Show, Kommersant, Apr. 12, 2007
Jump up ^ Online Magazine - Civil Georgia
Jump up ^ UN debates Kosovo's independence, BBC, 3 April 2007, 23:30 GMT
Jump up ^ Министр иностранных дел Сергей Шамба расценивает нежелание СБ ООН заслушать абхазскую сторону как «необъективное отношение к одной из сторон в конфликте» Сообщество "За демократию и права народов"
Jump up ^ Georgian Separatist Spurned by U.S By ALEXANDRA OLSON The Associated Press Tuesday, April 10, 2007; 11:23 PM
Jump up ^ Rice warns Russia against helping separatists in Georgia RIA Novosti, 11/ 04/ 2007
Jump up ^ Holcberg, D. 12 May 2001. The United States Should Withdraw From the United Nations. Capitalism Magazine
Jump up ^ Weisman, S. 2 August 2005. Bush's U.N. Agenda Is Well Under Way. The New York Times
Jump up ^ [2], Better World Campaign.
Jump up ^ [3], Public Opinion Strategies and Hart Research Associates UNF National Phone Survey.
Jump up ^ Chomsky, Noam (2006). "Failed States: The Abuse of Power and the Assault on Democracy". New York, New York, United States: Holt Paperbacks
Jump up ^ [4] January 3, 2017
Jump up ^ [5] American Sovereignty Restoration Act of 1997
Jump up ^ [6] American Sovereignty Restoration Act of 1999
Jump up ^ [7] American Sovereignty Restoration Act of 2001
Jump up ^ [8] American Sovereignty Restoration Act of 2003
Jump up ^ [9] American Sovereignty Restoration Act of 2005
Jump up ^ [10] American Sovereignty Restoration Act of 2007
Jump up ^ [11] American Sovereignty Restoration Act of 2009
Jump up ^ [12] American Sovereignty Restoration Act of 2011
Jump up ^ [13] American Sovereignty Restoration Act of 2013
Jump up ^ [14] American Sovereignty Restoration Act of 2015
External links[edit]
Official website of the United States mission to the UN
https://web.archive.org/web/20100218221016/http://www.un.org/aboutun/history.htm
US Often Uses Security Council Veto for Israel
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Bauer College of Business
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
University of Houston
C.T. Bauer College of Business
Type
Public
Established
1942
Parent institution
University of Houston
Dean
Latha Ramchand
Undergraduates
4,200+[1]
Postgraduates
1,000+[1]
Location
Houston, Texas, U.S.
Campus
Urban
Website
www.bauer.uh.edu
The C.T. Bauer College of Business is the business school of the University of Houston, and is fully accredited by the AACSB International. It offers B.B.A., M.B.A., MS Accountancy, MS Finance, and the Houston metropolitan area's only Ph.D. program in business administration.
Contents
[hide]
1 History
2 Programs
2.1 The AIM Center
2.2 Global Energy Management Institute
2.3 Sales Excellence Institute
3 Rankings and Awards
4 Alumni
5 References
6 External links
History[edit]
The College of Business Administration was founded in 1942 as the business school of the University of Houston.
On July 12, 2000, businessman Ted Bauer, a Harvard University alumni 1942, announced a $40 million donation to the University of Houston's College of Business Administration. In recognition of his generosity, the college was renamed the C.T. Bauer College of Business.
The Bauer College is located on the campus of the University of Houston and has been housed in Melcher Hall since 1986. Melcher Hall is named after Leroy Melcher—an alumnus of the University of Houston and successful businessman—who donated $3 million to the business school.[2]
The school has students from many countries around the world and is considered one of the most diverse schools in the US.[3]
The Bauer College broke ground on June 5, 2008 for the Michael J. Cemo Hall. The hall is named after Michael J. Cemo—a University of Houston alumnus and former president and CEO of AIM Distributors—who donated $3 million to the college.[4] It opened in 2010.
Programs[edit]
Melcher Hall (Front)
Melcher Hall (Back)
Cemo Hall
The College has five academic departments: Accountancy and Taxation, Decision and Information Sciences, Marketing and Entrepreneurship, Finance, and Management. The student to teacher ratio is 3 to 1.[5]
The AIM Center[edit]
The AIM Center for Investment Management is a business center at Bauer that teaches undergraduate and graduate business students about corporate finance, accounting, information technology, marketing and other disciplines. The center features a laboratory, a conference room with video conferencing capabilities, a classroom, and a lobby with news video and a stock ticker.[6] It is a $5 million facility which opened on February 20, 2002.[7] The center was recognized as one of the best designed business school classrooms in the United States by American School and University magazine.[8]
The AIM Center houses the C. T. Bauer College of Business Cougar Investment Fund, L.L.C. The Cougar Fund is a private investment company run by graduate students, which manages real investors and real money. It began with an initial investment of $1.9 million and has regularly outperformed its benchmark on the S&P 500 Index. It currently manages over $9 million in assets.[9] The Cougar Fund is rated third student stock analysis team in the world and number one, as of 2008, in the United States.[10]
Global Energy Management Institute[edit]
GEMI offers undergraduate and graduate level programs in the energy sector. It opened in the fall of 2002. It offers certificate degrees in energy risk management, energy international project finance and energy accounting.[11][12] It is a very specialized program that focuses specifically on the energy industry, one of Houston's main industries. The program has earned praise from Business Week.[13]
Sales Excellence Institute[edit]
This article contains content that is written like an advertisement. Please help improve it by removing promotional content and inappropriate external links, and by adding encyclopedic content written from a neutral point of view. (September 2016) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
Launched in 2004, the Sales Excellence Institute is built on three pillars: education, research and partnership.[14] Part of the Department of Marketing and Entrepreneurship, SEI offers undergraduate and Masters of Business Administration certificates, hosts a post-graduate program in sales and marketing and offers executive education to global corporations. Its undergraduate certificate program – The Program for Excellence in Selling – has been in existence since 1996 and offers over 180 hours of live sales training. The program has over 1,100 alumni.
SEI’s research provides current sales techniques, methods and theories to corporate executives, sales management and entire sales forces. SEI Executive Director Michael Ahearne has served as editor-in-chief of the Journal of Personal Selling and Sales Management.[15]
Working closely with strategically partnering corporations, SEI designs and delivers custom programs and services based on in-depth research in order to achieve their respective strategic business objectives. SEI regularly hosts conferences to provide and exchange with sales and sales management practitioners its most cutting-edge research findings. It is host to the annual Selling and Sales Management Conference.
Rankings and Awards[edit]
Bauer has been ranked among the top business schools in the US and is considered among the top 60 worldwide.[16] It has been ranked the best entrepreneurship program in the United States by both the Princeton Review and BusinessWeek.[17]
Full-time MBA program ranked 94th in the nation among 437 schools of business. (U.S. News & World Report 2011)
The evening MBA program is ranked 27th nationally, 4th regionally, and 1st in Houston (BusinessWeek 2007)[18]
The Cougar Fund is ranked the #1 student stock analysis team in the United States and #3 in the world.[10]
Ranked in the top 50 among public undergraduate business schools (BusinessWeek 2007)
Ranked 52nd among all undergraduate business schools (BusinessWeek 2010)[18]
Ranked 1st among the top undergraduate entrepreneurship programs (Princeton Review, BusinessWeek Magazine, and Entrepreneur Magazine 2008)[17]
Ranked 40th among public undergraduate business schools (U.S. News & World Report 2008)
Top Undergraduate Business Program in Houston
Top Undergraduate Sales Program in the U.S. (largest enrollment and most extensive curriculum)
MBA Program is ranked 5th among public universities for producing CEOs of S&P 500 companies
EMBA Program is ranked 17th in the U.S. among public EMBA programs (2004 Financial Times)
EMBA Program is ranked 76th in the World (2006 Financial Times)
Finance faculty is ranked 8th in the country by the Academic Analytics’ Faculty Scholarly Productivity (FSP) Index
Alumni[edit]
This is a partial list of notable alumni of Bauer College of Business. Names on this list should either have an accompanying existing article link which verifies they are an alumnus, or reliable sources as footnotes against the name showing they are a notable alumnus.
Carol Alvarado (MBA, 2008), Texas State Representative, Former Houston City Councilwoman[19]
Stephen Chazen (MS, ), President and CEO, Occidental Petroleum
Samuel DiPiazza (MSAcy, 1973), Chairman and Global CEO, PricewaterhouseCoopers
Ronald C. Green (MBA, 2008), City Controller, City of Houston
Kenneth Lay (PhD, Economics 1970), Former CEO, Enron
Aylwin Lewis (MBA, 1990), President and CEO, Potbelly Sandwich Works, Former President and CEO, Sears Holdings Corporation,
John Moores (BS, JD), founder, Peregrine Systems; co-founder, BMC Software; owner, San Diego Padres
John Stubblefield (BBA, 1970), Former CFO, Sysco Corporation
Jack Valenti, (BBA, 1946), Former Chairman and CEO, Motion Picture Association
Andre Ware (BBA, 1989), 1989 Winner of the Heisman Trophy, Quarterback Detroit Lions (1990–1993)
Kathryn Whitmire (BBA 1968, MSAcy 1970), Former Mayor, Houston, TX
David A. Williams (MBA, 1992), President and CEO, Make-A-Wish Foundation
Bruce Williamson (MBA, 1995), Chairman, CEO, and President, Dynegy
Welcome W. Wilson, Sr.(BBA, 1949), Chairman, GSL Welcome Group
References[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b BusinessWeek: Bauer College of Business Facts Archived March 2, 2010, at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ "UH Through Time: People (Close Up)". Info.lib.uh.edu. Archived from the original on 2010-06-26. Retrieved 2010-07-20.
Jump up ^ [1], http://www.cba.uh.edu/centers/acim/our-story.asp
Jump up ^ http://www.uh.edu/news-events/newsrelease.php?releaseid_int=236
Jump up ^ Princeton Review
Jump up ^ http://www.bauer.uh.edu/centers/acim/
Jump up ^ http://www.bizjournals.com/houston/stories/2002/03/11/focus8.html
Jump up ^ http://www.bizjournals.com/houston/stories/2003/12/01/focus9.html
Jump up ^ http://www.uh.edu/uhtoday/2007/07july/070907bauercougarfund.html Archived September 7, 2008, at the Wayback Machine.
^ Jump up to: a b http://www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=conewsstory&refer=conews&tkr=B5A%3AGR&sid=aWH1ZmZyiSUw
Jump up ^ http://www.bizjournals.com/houston/stories/2002/12/09/focus7.html
Jump up ^ "UHGEMI". Bauer.uh.edu. Retrieved 2010-07-20.
Jump up ^ http://www.bauer.uh.edu/downloads/gemi/march08BwArticle.pdf
Jump up ^ "SEI Home Page". University of Houston. bauer.uh.edu. Retrieved 24 May 2011.
Jump up ^ "Journal of Personal Selling and Sales Management". Journal of Personal Selling and Sales Management. JPSSM.org.
Jump up ^ "World Wide Rankings - UTD Top 100 Business School Research Rankings - School of Management @ UT Dallas". Somweb.utdallas.edu. 2010-02-25. Archived from the original on 24 July 2010. Retrieved 2010-07-20.
^ Jump up to: a b [2] Archived February 8, 2009, at the Wayback Machine.
^ Jump up to: a b "Business School Rankings and Profiles: EMBA, Executive Education, MBA, Part-time MBA, Distance MBA". Businessweek.com. Archived from the original on 23 July 2010. Retrieved 2010-07-20.
Jump up ^ http://www.house.state.tx.us/members/member-page/?district=145
External links[edit]
Official website
University of Houston Departments and Programs at DMOZ
[show]
v
t
e
University of Houston
Located in: Houston, Texas
Academics
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Hobby School of Public Affairs
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People
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Baseball
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Facilities
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KUHT (TV 8)
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Founded: 1927
Students: 42,704
Endowment: 716.4 million
Coordinates: 29°43′15″N 95°20′23″W / 29.7209°N 95.3396°W / 29.7209; -95.3396
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Bauer_College_of_Business&oldid=793930743"
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In political philosophy, the phrase consent of the governed refers to the idea that a government's legitimacy and moral right to use state power is only justified and lawful when consented to by the people or society over which that political power is exercised. This theory of consent is historically contrasted to the divine right of kings and had often been invoked against the legitimacy of colonialism. Article 21 of the United Nation's 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that "The will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government".
Contents
[hide]
1 History
2 In the United States
3 Types of consent
3.1 Unanimous consent
3.2 Hypothetical consent
3.3 Overt versus tacit consent
3.4 Engineered consent
3.5 Literal consent
4 See also
5 References
6 Further reading
History[edit]
In his 1936 book A History of Political Theory, George Sabine collected the views of many political theorists on consent of the governed. He notes the idea mentioned in 1433 by Nicholas of Cusa in De Concordantia Catholica. In 1579 Theodore Beza wrote Vindiciae contra Tyrannos which Sabine paraphrases: "The people lay down the conditions which the king is bound to fulfill. Hence they are bound to obedience only conditionally, namely, upon receiving the protection of just and lawful government…the power of the ruler is delegated by the people and continues only with their consent."[1]:381 In England, the Levellers also held to this principle of government.
John Milton wrote
The power of kings and magistrates is nothing else, but what is only derivative, transferred and committed to them in trust from the people, to the common good of them all, in whom the power yet remains fundamentally, and cannot be taken from them, without a violation of their natural birthright.[1]:510[2]
Similarly, Sabine notes the position of John Locke in Essay concerning Human Understanding:
[Civic power] can have no right except as this is derived from the individual right of each man to protect himself and his property. The legislative and executive power used by government to protect property is nothing except the natural power of each man resigned into the hands of the community…and it is justified merely because it is a better way of protecting natural right than the self-help to which each man is naturally entitled.[1]:532
However, with David Hume a contrary voice is heard. Sabine interprets Hume's skepticism by noting
The political world over, absolute governments which do not even do lip-service to the fiction of consent are more common than free governments, and their subjects rarely question their right except when tyranny becomes too oppressive.[1]:603
Sabine revived the concept from its status as a political myth after Hume, by referring to Thomas Hill Green. Green wrote that government required "will not force" for administration. As put by Sabine,[1]:731
Even the most powerful and the most despotic government cannot hold a society together by sheer force; to that extent there was a limited truth to the old belief that governments are produced by consent.
Consent of the governed, within the social liberalism of T. H. Green, was also described by Paul Harris:
The conditions for the existence of a political society have less to do with force and fear of coercion than with the members’ mutual recognition of a good common to themselves and others, although it may not be consciously expressed as such. Thus for the conditions for any civil combination to disappear through resistance to a despotic government or disobedience to law would require such a disastrous upheaval as to be unlikely in all but the most extreme circumstances in which we might agree with Green that the price would be too high to pay, yet sufficiently rare to allow us to acknowledge that there would ordinarily be a moral duty to act to overthrow any state that did not pursue the common good.[3]
In the United States[edit]
"Consent of the governed" is a phrase found in the United States Declaration of Independence.
Using thinking similar to that of English philosopher John Locke, the founders of the United States believed in a state built upon the consent of "free and equal" citizens; a state otherwise conceived would lack legitimacy and Rational-legal authority. This was expressed, among other places, in the 2nd paragraph of the Declaration of Independence:[4]
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.--That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, --That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness.
And in the earlier Virginia Declaration of Rights, especially Section 6, quoted below, founding father George Mason wrote:
That elections of members to serve as representatives of the people, in assembly, ought to be free; and that all men, having sufficient evidence of permanent common interest with, the attachment to, the community, have the right of suffrage, and cannot be taxed or deprived of their property for public uses without their own consent, or that of their representatives so elected, nor bound by any law to which they have not, in like manner, assented, for the public good."[5]
Although the Continental Congress at the outset of the American Revolution had no explicit legal authority to govern,[6] it was delegated by the states with all the functions of a national government, such as appointing ambassadors, signing treaties, raising armies, appointing generals, obtaining loans from Europe, issuing paper money (called "Continentals"), and disbursing funds. The Congress had no authority to levy taxes, and was required to request money, supplies, and troops from the states to support the war effort. Individual states frequently ignored these requests. According to the Cyclopædia of Political Science. New York: Maynard, Merrill, and Co., 1899, commenting on the source of the Congress' power:
The appointment of the delegates to both these congresses was generally by popular conventions, though in some instances by state assemblies. But in neither case can the appointing body be considered the original depositary of the power by which the delegates acted; for the conventions were either self-appointed "committees of safety" or hastily assembled popular gatherings, including but a small fraction of the population to be represented, and the state assemblies had no right to surrender to another body one atom of the power which had been granted to them, or to create a new power which should govern the people without their will. The source of the powers of congress is to be sought solely in the acquiescence of the people, without which every congressional resolution, with or without the benediction of popular conventions or state legislatures, would have been a mere brutum fulmen; and, as the congress unquestionably exercised national powers, operating over the whole country, the conclusion is inevitable that the will of the whole people is the source of national government in the United States, even from its first imperfect appearance in the second continental congress...
Types of consent[edit]
Unanimous consent[edit]
A key question is whether the unanimous consent of the governed is required; if so, this would imply the right of secession for those who do not want to be governed by a particular collective. All democratic governments today allow decisions to be made even over the dissent of a minority of voters, which in some theorists' view, calls into question whether said governments can rightfully claim, in all circumstances, to act with the consent of the governed.[7]
Hypothetical consent[edit]
The theory of hypothetical consent of the governed holds that one's obligation to obey government depends on whether the government is such that one ought to consent to it, or whether the people, if placed in a state of nature without government, would agree to said government.[8] This theory has been rejected by some scholars[who?], who argue that since government itself can commit aggression, creating a government to safeguard the people from aggression would be similar to the people, if given the choice of what animals to be attacked by, trading "polecats and foxes for a lion", a trade that they would not make.[9]
Overt versus tacit consent[edit]
Another division that is sometimes made is between overt consent and tacit consent. Overt consent, to be valid, would require voluntariness, a specific act on the part of the consenters, a particular act consented to, and specific agents who perform this action. Immigrating into a particular jurisdiction is sometimes regarded as an overt act indicating consent to be ruled by that jurisdiction's government. Not all who are ruled by a particular government have immigrated to that jurisdiction, however; some were born there; however others argue that the power to emigrate from (i.e. leave) a jurisdiction implies such consent omission.
It has been pointed out that in jurisdictions where proportional representation is not used, but candidates are instead elected by plurality vote, a candidate can be elected despite the overt dissent of a majority of the people. Not every voter has necessarily had an opportunity to vote on the constitutional provisions specifying that plurality voting should be used; according to some theorists, this calls into question whether said voters have consented to be governed by the candidates who obtain plurality support. A counterargument is that, by failing to act through the process of constitutional amendment to change such provisions, the people have consented to them. A rebuttal to this is that in some jurisdictions, the means of amending the constitution are not completely in the hands of the electorate; the same issues arise, in claiming that the constitution left in place by the decisions of the people's elected representatives is consented to by the people, as arise in claiming that any other actions taken by said representatives are consented to by the people. Some proponents of the "overt consent" theory hold that the act of voting implies consent, while others question the connection between voting and consenting to a particular scheme of representative, since some voters may oppose the system as a whole but desire to influence decisions on particular issues or candidates.[7]
The theory of tacit consent of the governed holds that if the people live in a country that is not undergoing a rebellion, they have consented to the rule of that country's government.[9] However, this likewise meets with the criticism that tacit consent is incompatible with express opposition: i.e. the People cannot consent if they have no right to refuse.
Engineered consent[edit]
In 1988, Edward S. Herman and Noam Chomsky described a propaganda model of news media in the United States[10] in which coverage of current events was skewed by corporations and the state in order to manufacture the consent of the governed. According to the propagandist Edward L. Bernays, the public may be manipulated by its subconscious desires to render votes to a political candidate. The public relations techniques were described in his essay and book The Engineering of Consent (1955). Consent thus obtained undermines the legitimacy of government: "The basic principle involved is simple but important: If the opinions of the public are to control the government, these opinions must not be controlled by the government."[11]
Literal consent[edit]
The theory of Literal consent holds the logical position that valid consent must denote final authority belonging to the People, rather than elected officials; this therefore implies that the People have the absolute sovereign power to overrule their government at any time, via popular vote (or as stated in the Declaration of Independence, "the right of the People to alter or abolish" their government). Without this unfettered power, theorists hold that true consent cannot exist; and that any government is therefore despotism, via governing the People by force without their actual consent.
See also[edit]
Philosophy portal
Consent of the Networked (2012)
Mandate (politics)
Social contract
Popular sovereignty
References[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b c d e George Sabine (1937) A History of Political Theory, Holt, Rinehart and Winston
Jump up ^ John Milton Works V: 10
Jump up ^ Paul Harris (1982) "Green’s theory of political obligation and disobedience", pp 127 to 142 in The Philosophy of T. H. Green, Andrew Vincent editor, Gower Publishing, ISBN 0-566-05104-4
Jump up ^ http://www.ushistory.org/declaration/document/index.htm[full citation needed]
Jump up ^ Virginia Declaration of Rights
Jump up ^ Bancroft, Ch. 34, p.353 (online)
^ Jump up to: a b Cassinelli, C. W. (1959). "The 'Consent' of the Governed". Political Research Quarterly. 12 (2): 391–409. doi:10.1177/106591295901200202.
Jump up ^ Pitkin, Hanna (1966). "Obligation and Consent—II". The American Political Science Review. 60 (1): 39–52. JSTOR 1953805. doi:10.2307/1953805.
^ Jump up to: a b Bookman, John T. (1984). "Locke's Contract: Would People consent to It?". American Journal of Economics and Sociology. 43 (3): 357–68. doi:10.1111/j.1536-7150.1984.tb01750.x.
Jump up ^ Edward S. Herman & Noam Chomsky (1988) Manufacturing Consent
Jump up ^ John C. Livingston & Robert G. Thompson (1966) The Consent of the Governed, 2nd edition, page 457, Collier Macmillan
Further reading[edit]
John Locke, Second Treatise of Civil Government, chapter 8 section 95 (1690)
Etienne de La Boétie, Discourse of Voluntary Servitude
David Hume, Of the Original Contract
Philip Pettit, Republicanism: A Theory of Freedom and Government. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997 (in which he argues, against a theory of the consent of the governed, in favour of a theory of the lack of explicit rebellion; following a Popperian view on falsifiability, Pettit considers that as consent of the governed is always implicitly supposed, thus trapping the social contract in a vicious circle, it should be replaced by the lack of explicit rebellion.
Jean-Jacques Rousseau, The Social Contract, or Principles of Political Right (1762)
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