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March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom
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"March on Washington" redirects here. For other marches on Washington, D.C., see List of protest marches on Washington, D.C.
March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom
Part of the Civil Rights Movement
View from the Lincoln Memorial toward the Washington Monument
Date
August 28, 1963; 54 years ago (1963-08-28)
Location
Washington, D.C.
38°53′21″N 77°03′00″W / 38.8893°N 77.0501°W / 38.8893; -77.0501Coordinates: 38°53′21″N 77°03′00″W / 38.8893°N 77.0501°W / 38.8893; -77.0501
Caused by
Centennial signing of the Emancipation Proclamation
Success of Birmingham campaign
Mass movements and demonstrations throughout the United States
Resulted in
200,000 to 300,000 people participate
Speech "I Have a Dream" delivered by Martin Luther King Jr.
Catalyst to pass Civil Rights Act of 1964
[show]
v
t
e
Civil Rights Movement
in Washington D.C.
Prayer Pilgrimage
1st Youth March
2nd Youth March
March on Washington
Poor People's Campaign
The March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, the March on Washington, or The Great March on Washington,[1][2] was held in Washington, D.C. on Wednesday, August 28, 1963. The purpose of the march was to advocate for the civil and economic rights of African Americans. At the march, Martin Luther King Jr., standing in front of the Lincoln Memorial, delivered his historic "I Have a Dream" speech in which he called for an end to racism.[3]
The march was organized by A. Philip Randolph and Bayard Rustin, who built an alliance of civil rights, labor, and religious organizations[4] that came together under the banner of "jobs and freedom."[5] Estimates of the number of participants varied from 200,000 to 300,000;[6] the most widely cited estimate is 250,000 people.[7] Observers estimated that 75–80% of the marchers were black.[8] The march was one of the largest political rallies for human rights in United States history.[5]
The march is credited with helping to pass the Civil Rights Act of 1964[9][10] and preceded the Selma Voting Rights Movement which led to the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965.[11]
Contents
[hide]
1 Background
2 Planning and organization
3 Convergence
3.1 Security preparations
3.2 Venue and sound system
4 The March
5 Speakers
5.1 Official program
5.2 Roy Wilkins
5.3 John Lewis
5.4 Martin Luther King Jr.
5.5 Randolph and Rustin
5.6 Walter Reuther
5.7 Excluded speakers
6 Singers
7 Meeting with President Kennedy
8 Media coverage
9 Responses and memories
9.1 Organizers
9.2 Critics
9.3 Participants
10 Effects and legacy
10.1 Political effects
10.2 Anniversary marches
10.3 Postal stamp
10.4 Issues
11 Gallery
12 See also
13 References
14 External links
Background[edit]
Bayard Rustin (left) and Cleveland Robinson (right), organizers of the March, on August 7, 1963
Although African Americans had been legally freed from slavery, elevated to the status of citizens and the men given full voting rights at the end of the American Civil War, many continued to face social, economic, and political repression over the years and into the 1960s. In the early 1960s, a system of legal discrimination, known as Jim Crow laws, were pervasive in the American South, ensuring that Black Americans remained oppressed. They also experienced discrimination from businesses and governments, and in some places were prevented from voting through intimidation and violence.[12] Twenty-one states prohibited interracial marriage.[13]
The impetus for a march on Washington developed over a long period of time, and earlier efforts to organize such a demonstration included the March on Washington Movement of the 1940s. A. Philip Randolph—the president of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, president of the Negro American Labor Council,[6] and vice president of the AFL-CIO—was a key instigator in 1941. With Bayard Rustin, Randolph called for 100,000 black workers to march on Washington,[4] in protest of discriminatory hiring by U.S. military contractors and demanding an Executive Order.[14] Faced with a mass march scheduled for July 1, 1941, President Franklin D. Roosevelt issued Executive Order 8802 on June 25.[15] The order established the Committee on Fair Employment Practice and banned discriminatory hiring in the defense industry.[16] Randolph called off the March.[17]
Randolph and Rustin continued to organize around the idea of a mass march on Washington. They envisioned several large marches during the 1940s, but all were called off (despite criticism from Rustin).[18] Their Prayer Pilgrimage for Freedom, held at the Lincoln Memorial on May 17, 1957, featured key leaders including Adam Clayton Powell, Martin Luther King Jr., and Roy Wilkins. Mahalia Jackson performed.[19]
The 1963 march was an important part of the rapidly expanding Civil Rights Movement, which involved demonstrations and nonviolent direct action across the United States.[20] 1963 also marked the 100th anniversary of the signing of the Emancipation Proclamation by Abraham Lincoln. Members of The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference put aside their differences and came together for the march. Many whites and blacks also came together in the urgency for change in the nation.
Violent confrontations broke out in the South: in Cambridge, Maryland; Pine Bluff, Arkansas; Goldsboro, North Carolina; Somerville, Tennessee; Saint Augustine, Florida; and across Mississippi. Most of these incidents involved white people retaliating against nonviolent demonstrators.[21] Many people wanted to march on Washington, but disagreed over how the march should be conducted. Some called for a complete shutdown of the city through civil disobedience. Others argued that the movement should remain nationwide in scope, rather than focus its energies on the nation's capital.[22] There was a widespread perception that the Kennedy administration had not lived up to its promises in the 1960 election, and King described Kennedy's race policy as "tokenism".[23]
On May 24, 1963, Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy invited African-American novelist James Baldwin, along with a large group of cultural leaders, to a meeting in New York to discuss race relations. However, the meeting became antagonistic, as black delegates felt that Kennedy did not have a full understanding of the race problem in the nation. The public failure of the meeting, which came to be known as the Baldwin–Kennedy meeting, underscored the divide between the needs of Black America and the understanding of Washington politicians. However, the meeting also provoked the Kennedy administration to take action on the civil rights for African-Americans.[24] On June 11, 1963, President John F. Kennedy gave his famous civil rights address on national television and radio, announcing that he would begin to push for civil rights legislation—the law which eventually became the Civil Rights Act of 1964. That night, Mississippi activist Medgar Evers was murdered in his own driveway, further escalating national tension around the issue of racial inequality.[25]
Planning and organization[edit]
A. Philip Randolph and Bayard Rustin began planning the march in December 1961. They envisioned two days of protest, including sit-ins and lobbying followed by a mass rally at the Lincoln Memorial. They wanted to focus on joblessness and to call for a public works program that would employ blacks. In early 1963 they called publicly for "a massive March on Washington for jobs".[26] They received help from Amalgamated Clothing Workers unionist Stanley Aronowitz, who gathered support from radical organizers who could be trusted not to report their plans to the Kennedy administration. The unionists offered tentative support for a march that would be focused on jobs.[27]
On May 15, 1963, without securing the cooperation of the NAACP or the Urban League, Randolph announced an "October Emancipation March on Washington for Jobs".[28] He reached out to union leaders, winning the support of the UAW's Walter Reuther, but not of AFL–CIO president George Meany.[29] Randolph and Rustin intended to focus the March on economic inequality, stating in their original plan that “integration in the fields of education, housing, transportation and public accommodations will be of limited extent and duration so long as fundamental economic inequality along racial lines persists.”[30] As they negotiated with other leaders, they expanded their stated objectives to "Jobs and Freedom" to acknowledge the agenda of groups that focused more on civil rights.[31]
After meeting with President Kennedy to discuss the March on Washington, leaders of the march stand with Vice President Johnson and Attorney General Kennedy at the White House on June 22, 1963.
In June 1963, leaders from several different organizations formed the Council for United Civil Rights Leadership, an umbrella group which would coordinate funds and messaging.[32][33] This coalition of leaders, who became known as the "Big Six", included: Randolph who was chosen as the titular head of the march, James Farmer, president of the Congress of Racial Equality; John Lewis, chairman of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee; Martin Luther King Jr., president of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference;[6] Roy Wilkins, president of the NAACP;[6] and Whitney Young, president of the National Urban League. King in particular had become well known for his role in the Birmingham campaign and for his Letter from Birmingham Jail.[34] Wilkins and Young initially objected to Rustin as a leader for the march, because he was a homosexual, a former Communist, and a draft resistor.[29] They eventually accepted Rustin as deputy organizer, on the condition that Randolph act as lead organizer and manage any political fallout.[35]
About two months before the march, the Big Six broadened their organizing coalition by bringing on board four white men who supported their efforts: Walter Reuther, president of the United Automobile Workers; Eugene Carson Blake, former president of the National Council of Churches; Mathew Ahmann, executive director of the National Catholic Conference for Interracial Justice; and Joachim Prinz, president of the American Jewish Congress. Together, the Big Six plus four became known as the "Big Ten."[36][37] John Lewis later recalled, “Somehow, some way, we worked well together. The six of us, plus the four. We became like brothers.”[37]
On June 22, the organizers met with President Kennedy, who warned against creating "an atmosphere of intimidation" by bringing a large crowd to Washington. The civil rights activists insisted on holding the march. Wilkins pushed for the organizers to rule out civil disobedience and described this proposal as the "perfect compromise". King and Young agreed. Leaders from CORE and SNCC, who wanted to conduct direct actions against the Department of Justice, endorsed the protest before they were informed that civil disobedience would not be allowed. Finalized plans for the March were announced in a press conference on July 2.[38] President Kennedy spoke favorably of the March on July 17, saying that organizers planned a peaceful assembly and had cooperated with the Washington, D.C., police.[39]
Civil Rights March on Washington, D.C. (Leaders of the march posing in front of the statue of Abraham Lincoln)
Mobilization and logistics were administered by Rustin, a civil rights veteran and organizer of the 1947 Journey of Reconciliation, the first of the Freedom Rides to test the Supreme Court ruling that banned racial discrimination in interstate travel. Rustin was a long-time associate of both Randolph and Dr. King. With Randolph concentrating on building the march's political coalition, Rustin built and led the team of two hundred activists and organizers who publicized the march and recruited the marchers, coordinated the buses and trains, provided the marshals, and set up and administered all of the logistic details of a mass march in the nation's capital.[40] During the days leading up to the march, these 200 volunteers used the ballroom of Washington DC radio station WUST as their operations headquarters.[41]
The march was not universally supported among civil rights activists. Some, including Rustin (who assembled 4,000 volunteer marshals from New York), were concerned that it might turn violent, which could undermine pending legislation and damage the international image of the movement.[42] The march was condemned by Malcolm X, spokesperson for the Nation of Islam, who termed it the "farce on Washington".[43]
March organizers themselves disagreed over the purpose of the march. The NAACP and Urban League saw it as a gesture of support for a civil rights bill that had been introduced by the Kennedy Administration. Randolph, King, and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) saw it as a way of raising both civil rights and economic issues to national attention beyond the Kennedy bill. Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) saw it as a way of challenging and condemning the Kennedy administration's inaction and lack of support for civil rights for African Americans.[4]
Despite their disagreements, the group came together on a set of goals:
Passage of meaningful civil rights legislation;
Immediate elimination of school segregation;
A program of public works, including job training, for the unemployed;
A Federal law prohibiting discrimination in public or private hiring;
A $2-an-hour minimum wage nationwide (equivalent to $16 in 2017);
Withholding Federal funds from programs that tolerate discrimination;
Enforcement of the 14th Amendment to the Constitution by reducing congressional representation from States that disenfranchise citizens;
A broadened Fair Labor Standards Act to currently excluded employment areas;
Authority for the Attorney General to institute injunctive suits when constitutional rights are violated.[44]
Although in years past, Randolph had supported "Negro only" marches, partly to reduce the impression that the civil rights movement was dominated by white communists, organizers in 1963 agreed that whites and blacks marching side by side would create a more powerful image.[45]
The Kennedy Administration cooperated with the organizers in planning the March, and one member of the Justice Department was assigned as a full-time liaison.[46] Chicago and New York City (as well as some corporations) agreed to designate August 28 as "Freedom Day" and give workers the day off.[47]
To avoid being perceived as radical, organizers rejected support from Communist groups. However, some politicians claimed that the March was Communist-inspired, and the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) produced numerous reports suggesting the same.[48][49] In the days before August 28, the FBI called celebrity backers to inform them of the organizers' communist connections and advising them to withdraw their support.[50] When William C. Sullivan produced a lengthy report on August 23 suggesting that Communists had failed to appreciably infiltrate the civil rights movement, FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover rejected its contents.[51] Strom Thurmond launched a prominent public attack on the March as Communist, and singled out Rustin in particular as a Communist and a gay man.[52]
Organizers worked out of a building at West 130th St. and Lenox in Harlem.[53] They promoted the march by selling buttons, featuring two hands shaking, the words "March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom", a union bug, and the date August 28, 1963. By August 2, they had distributed 42,000 of the buttons. Their goal was a crowd of at least 100,000 people.[47]
As the march was being planned, activists across the country received bomb threats at their homes and in their offices. The Los Angeles Times received a message saying its headquarters would be bombed unless it printed a message calling the president a "Nigger Lover". Five airplanes were grounded on the morning of August 28 due to bomb threats. A man in Kansas City telephoned the FBI to say he would put a hole between King's eyes; the FBI did not respond. Roy Wilkins was threatened with assassination if he did not leave the country.[54]
Convergence[edit]
Thousands traveled by road, rail, and air to Washington D.C. on Wednesday, August 28. Marchers from Boston traveled overnight and arrived in Washington at 7am after an eight-hour trip, but others took much longer bus rides from places like Milwaukee, Little Rock, and St. Louis. Organizers persuaded New York's MTA to run extra subway trains after midnight on August 28, and the New York City bus terminal was busy throughout the night with peak crowds.[55] A total of 450 buses left New York City from Harlem. Maryland police reported that "by 8:00 a.m., 100 buses an hour were streaming through the Baltimore Harbor Tunnel."[56] The United Automobile Workers financed bus transportation for 5,000 of its rank-and-file members, providing the largest single contingent from any organization.[57]
One reporter, Fred Powledge, accompanied African-Americans who boarded six buses in Birmingham, Alabama, for the 750-mile trip to Washington. The New York Times carried his report:
The 260 demonstrators, of all ages, carried picnic baskets, water jugs, Bibles and a major weapon - their willingness to march, sing and pray in protest against discrimination. They gathered early this morning [August 27] in Birmingham's Kelly Ingram Park, where state troopers once [four months previous in May] used fire hoses and dog to put down their demonstrations. It was peaceful in the Birmingham park as the marchers waited for the buses. The police, now part of a moderate city power structure, directed traffic around the square and did not interfere with the gathering... An old man commented on the 20-hour ride, which was bound to be less than comfortable: "You forget we Negroes have been riding buses all our lives. We don't have the money to fly in airplanes."
John Marshall Kilimanjaro, a demonstrator traveling from Greensboro, North Carolina, said:[58]
Contrary to the mythology, the early moments of the March—getting there—was no picnic. People were afraid. We didn't know what we would meet. There was no precedent. Sitting across from me was a black preacher with a white collar. He was an AME preacher. We talked. Every now and then, people on the bus sang 'Oh Freedom' and 'We Shall Overcome,' but for the most part there wasn't a whole bunch of singing. We were secretly praying that nothing violent happened.
Other bus rides featured racial tension, as black activists criticized liberal white participants as fair-weather friends.[59]
Hazel Mangle Rivers, who had paid $8 for her ticket—"one-tenth of her husband's weekly salary"—was quoted in the August 29 New York Times. Rivers stated that she was impressed by Washington's civility: "The people are lots better up here than they are down South. They treat you much nicer. Why, when I was out there at the march a white man stepped on my foot, and he said, "Excuse me," and I said "Certainly!" That's the first time that has ever happened to me. I believe that was the first time a white person has ever really been nice to me."[44]
Some participants who arrived early held an all-night vigil outside the Department of Justice, claiming it had unfairly targeted civil rights activists and that it had been too lenient on white supremacists who attacked them.[60]
Security preparations[edit]
The Washington, D.C., police forces were mobilized to full capacity for the march, including reserve officers and deputized firefighters. A total of 5,900 police officers were on duty.[61] The government mustered 2,000 men from the National Guard, and brought in 3,000 outside soldiers to join the 1,000 already stationed in the area.[62] These additional soldiers were flown in on helicopters from bases in Virginia and North Carolina. The Pentagon readied 19,000 troops in the suburbs.[63] All of the forces involved were prepared to implement a coordinated conflict strategy named "Operation Steep Hill".[64]
For the first time since Prohibition, liquor sales were banned in Washington D.C.[65] Hospitals stockpiled blood plasma and cancelled elective surgeries.[66] Major League Baseball cancelled two games between the Minnesota Twins and the last place Washington Senators even though the venue, D.C. Stadium, was nearly four miles from the Lincoln Memorial rally site.[63]
Rustin and Walter Fauntroy negotiated some security issues with the government, gaining approval for private marshals with the understanding that these would not be able to act against outside agitators. The FBI and Justice Department refused to provide preventive guards for buses traveling through the South to reach D.C.[67] William Johnson recruited more than 1,000 police officers to serve on this force.[68] Julius Hobson, an FBI informant who served on the March's security force, told the team to be on the lookout for FBI infiltrators who might act as agents provocateurs.[69] Jerry Bruno, President Kennedy's advance man, was positioned to cut the power to the public address system in the event of any incendiary rally speech.[63]
Venue and sound system[edit]
The organizers originally planned to hold the march outside of the Capitol Building.[70] However, Reuther persuaded them to move the march to the Lincoln Memorial.[70] He believed the Lincoln Memorial would be less threatening to Congress and the occasion would be appropriate underneath the gaze of Abraham Lincoln's statute.[70] The committee, notably Rustin, agreed to move the site on the condition that Reuther pay for a $19,000 sound system so that everyone on the National Mall could hear the speakers and musicians.[70]
Rustin pushed hard for an expensive sound system, maintaining "We cannot maintain order where people cannot hear." The system was obtained and set up at the Lincoln Memorial, but was sabotaged on the day before the March. Its operators were unable to repair it. Fauntroy contacted Attorney General Robert Kennedy and his civil rights liaison Burke Marshall, demanding that the government fix the system. Fauntroy reportedly told them: "We have a couple hundred thousand people coming. Do you want a fight here tomorrow after all we've done?" The system was successfully rebuilt overnight by the U.S. Army Signal Corps.[71]
The March[edit]
Nearly 250,000 people marched, including 60,000 white participants
The march commanded national attention by preempting regularly scheduled television programs. As the first ceremony of such magnitude ever initiated and dominated by African Americans, the march also was the first to have its nature wholly misperceived in advance. Dominant expectations ran from paternal apprehension to dread. On Meet the Press, reporters grilled Roy Wilkins and Martin Luther King about widespread foreboding that "it would be impossible to bring more than 100,000 militant Negroes into Washington without incidents and possibly rioting." Life magazine declared that the capital was suffering "its worst case of invasion jitters since the First Battle of Bull Run." The Pentagon readied 19,000 troops in the suburbs and the jails shifted inmates to other prisons to make room for those arrested in mass arrests; the city banned all sales of alcoholic beverages; hospitals made room for riot casualties by postponing elective surgery. With nearly 1,700 extra correspondents supplementing the Washington press corps, the march drew a media assembly larger than the Kennedy inauguration two years earlier.[44] Students from the University of California came together as black power organizations and emphasized on the importance of African American freedom struggle. The march included black political parties and William Worthy who was one of many who lead college students during the freedom struggle era.[72]
On August 28, more than 2,000 buses, 21 chartered trains, 10 chartered airliners, and uncounted cars converged on Washington.[73] All regularly scheduled planes, trains, and buses were also filled to capacity.[44]
Leaders arrive late and link arms in front of marchers on Constitution Avenue.
Although Randolph and Rustin had originally planned to fill the streets of Washington, D.C., the final route of the March covered only half of the National Mall.[46] The march began at the Washington Monument and was scheduled to progress to the Lincoln Memorial with a program of music and speakers. Demonstrators were met at the monument by speakers and musicians. Women leaders were asked to march down Independence Avenue, while the male leaders marched on Pennsylvania Avenue with the media.[74]
The march failed to start on time because its leaders were meeting with members of Congress. To the leaders' surprise, the assembled group began to march from the Washington Monument to the Lincoln Memorial without them. The leaders met the March at Constitution Avenue, where they linked arms at the head of a crowd in order to be photographed 'leading the march'.[75]
Marchers were not supposed to create their own signs, though this rule was not completely enforced by marshals. Most of the demonstrators did carry pre-made signs, available in piles at the Washington Monument.[76] The UAW provided thousands of signs that, among other things, read: "There Is No Halfway House on the Road to Freedom,"[77] "Equal Rights and Jobs NOW,"[78] "UAW Supports Freedom March,"[79] "in Freedom we are Born, in Freedom we must Live,"[80] and "Before we'll be a Slave, we'll be Buried in our Grave."[81]
About 50 members of the American Nazi Party staged a counter-protest and were quickly dispersed by police.[82] The rest of Washington was quiet during the March. Most non-participating workers stayed home. Jailers allowed inmates to watch the March on TV.[83]
Speakers[edit]
External audio
March on Washington, 15 hours of radio coverage, 8/28/1963, Educational Radio Network[84]
Dr. King's speech begins at 1:30, 8/28/1963, Educational Radio Network[85]
Representatives from each of the sponsoring organizations addressed the crowd from the podium at the Lincoln Memorial. Speakers (dubbed "The Big Ten") included The Big Six; three religious leaders (Catholic, Protestant, and Jewish); and labor leader Walter Reuther. None of the official speeches were by women; Josephine Baker gave a speech during the preliminary offerings, but women's presence in the official program was limited to a "tribute" led by Bayard Rustin, at which Daisy Bates spoke (see "excluded speakers" below.)
Floyd McKissick read James Farmer's speech because Farmer had been arrested during a protest in Louisiana; Farmer had written that the protests would not stop "until the dogs stop biting us in the South and the rats stop biting us in the North."[86]
The actual order of the speakers was as follows: 1. A. Philip Randolph – March Director, 2. Walter Reuther – UAW, AFL-CIO, 3. Roy Wilkins – NAACP, 4. John Lewis – SNCC, 5. Daisy Bates – Little Rock, Arkansas, 6. Dr. Eugene Carson Blake – United Presbyterian Church and the National Council of Churches, 7. Floyd McKissick –CORE, 8. Whitney Young – National Urban League, 9. Several smaller speeches, including Rabbi Joachim Prinz – American Jewish Congress, Mathew Ahmann – National Catholic Conference, Josephine Baker – actress, and 10. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. – SCLC. Then closing remarks by A. Philip Randolph and Bayard Rustin, March Organizers, leading with The Pledge and list of demands.[87]
Official program[edit]
March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom program
Marian Anderson was scheduled to lead the National Anthem but was unable to arrive on time; Camilla Williams performed in her place. Following an invocation by Archbishop Patrick O'Boyle, the opening remarks were given by march director A. Philip Randolph, followed by Eugene Carson Blake. A tribute to "Negro Women Fighters for Freedom" was then led by Bayard Rustin, at which Daisy Bates spoke briefly in place of Myrlie Evers, who had missed her flight.[88][89][90] The tribute introduced Daisy Bates, Diane Nash, Prince E. Lee, Rosa Parks, and Gloria Richardson. The following speakers were SNCC chairman John Lewis, labor leader Walter Reuther and CORE chairman Floyd McKissick (substituting for arrested CORE director James Farmer). The Eva Jessye Choir then sang, and Rabbi Uri Miller (president of the Synagogue Council of America) offered a prayer, followed by National Urban League director Whitney Young, NCCIJ director Mathew Ahmann, and NAACP leader Roy Wilkins. After a performance by singer Mahalia Jackson, American Jewish Congress president Joachim Prinz spoke, followed by SCLC president Martin Luther King Jr. Rustin then read the march's official demands for the crowd's approval, and Randolph led the crowd in a pledge to continue working for the march's goals. The program was closed with a benediction by Morehouse College president Benjamin Mays.
Although one of the officially stated purposes of the march was to support the civil rights bill introduced by the Kennedy Administration, several of the speakers criticized the proposed law as insufficient. Two government agents stood by in a position to cut power to the microphone if necessary.[91]
Roy Wilkins[edit]
Roy Wilkins announced that W. E. B. Du Bois had died in Ghana the previous night; the crowd observed a moment of silence in his memory.[92] Wilkins had initially refused to announce the news because he despised Du Bois as a Communist—but then insisted on making the announcement when he realized that Randolph would make it if he didn't.[93] Wilkins said: "Regardless of the fact that in his later years Dr. Du Bois chose another path, it is incontrovertible that at the dawn of the twentieth century his was the voice that was calling you to gather here today in this cause. If you want to read something that applies to 1963 go back and get a volume of The Souls of Black Folk by Du Bois, published in 1903."[94]
John Lewis[edit]
John Lewis of SNCC was the youngest speaker at the event.[95] His speech—which a number of SNCC activists had helped write—took the Administration to task for how little it had done to protect southern blacks and civil rights workers under attack in the Deep South.[43][96] Deleted from his original speech at the insistence of more conservative and pro-Kennedy leaders[4][97] were phrases such as:
John Lewis speaking in the Great Hall of the Library of Congress on the 50th anniversary, August 28, 2013
In good conscience, we cannot support wholeheartedly the administration's civil rights bill, for it is too little and too late. ...
I want to know, which side is the federal government on?...
The revolution is a serious one. Mr. Kennedy is trying to take the revolution out of the streets and put it into the courts. Listen, Mr. Kennedy. Listen, Mr. Congressman. Listen, fellow citizens. The black masses are on the march for jobs and freedom, and we must say to the politicians that there won't be a "cooling-off" period.
...We will march through the South, through the heart of Dixie, the way Sherman did. We shall pursue our own scorched earth policy and burn Jim Crow to the ground—nonviolently...
Lewis' speech was distributed to fellow organizers the evening before the march, garnering resistance from Reuther, O'Boye, and others who thought it was too divisive and militant.[98] O'Boyle objected most strenuously to a part of the speech that called for immediate action and disavowed "patience." The government and moderate organizers could not countenance Lewis' explicit opposition to Kennedy's civil rights bill. That night, O'Boyle and other members of the Catholic delegation began preparing a statement announcing their withdrawal from the March. Reuther convinced them to wait and called Rustin; Rustin informed Lewis at 2 A.M. on the day of the march that his speech was unacceptable to key coalition members. (Rustin also reportedly contacted Tom Kahn, mistakenly believing that Kahn had edited the speech and inserted the line about Sherman's March to the Sea. Rustin asked, "How could you do this? Do you know what Sherman did?) But Lewis did not want to change the speech. Other members of SNCC, including Stokely Carmichael, were also adamant that the speech not be censored.[99] The dispute continued until minutes before talks were scheduled to begin. Under threat of public denouncement by the religious leaders, and under pressure from the rest of his coalition, Lewis agreed to omit the 'inflammatory' passages.[100] Many activists from SNCC, CORE, and even SCLC were angry at what they considered censorship of his speech.[101] In the end, Lewis added a qualified endorsement of Kennedy's civil rights legislation, saying: "It is true that we support the administration's Civil Rights Bill. We support it with great reservation, however."[31] Even after toning down his speech, Lewis called for activists to "get in and stay in the streets of every city, every village and hamlet of this nation until true freedom comes".[102]
Martin Luther King Jr. delivering his "I Have a Dream" speech
Martin Luther King Jr.[edit]
Main article: I Have a Dream
The speech given by SCLC president King, who spoke last, became known as the "I Have a Dream" speech, which was carried live by TV stations and subsequently considered the most impressive moment of the march.[103] In it, King called for an end to racism in the United States. It invoked the Declaration of Independence, the Emancipation Proclamation, and the United States Constitution. At the end of the speech, Mahalia Jackson shouted from the crowd, “Tell them about the dream, Martin!”, and King departed from his prepared text for a partly improvised peroration on the theme of "I have a dream".[104][105] Over time it has been hailed as a masterpiece of rhetoric, added to the National Recording Registry and memorialized by the National Park Service with an inscription on the spot where King stood to deliver the speech.
Randolph and Rustin[edit]
A. Philip Randolph spoke first, promising: "we shall return again and again to Washington in ever growing numbers until total freedom is ours."[106] Randolph also closed the event along with Bayard Rustin. Rustin followed King's speech by slowly reading the list of demands.[107] The two concluded by urging attendees to take various actions in support of the struggle.[108]
Walter Reuther[edit]
Walter Reuther urged Americans to pressure their politicians to act to address racial injustices. He said,
American democracy is on trial in the eyes of the world… We cannot successfully preach democracy in the world unless we first practice democracy at home. American democracy will lack the moral credentials and be both unequal to and unworthy of leading the forces of freedom against the forces of tyranny unless we take bold, affirmative, adequate steps to bridge the moral gap between American democracy’s noble promises and its ugly practices in the field of civil rights.[109]
According to Irving Bluestone, who was standing near the platform while Reuther delivered his remarks, he overheard two black women talking. One asked, "Who is that white man?" The other replied, "Don't you know him? That's the white Martin Luther King."[110]
Excluded speakers[edit]
Author James Baldwin was prevented from speaking at the March on the grounds that his comments would be too inflammatory.[111] Baldwin later commented on the irony of the "terrifying and profound" requests that he prevent the March from happening:[112]
In my view, by that time, there was, on the one hand, nothing to prevent—the March had already been co-opted—and, on the other, no way of stopping the people from descending on Washington. What struck me most horribly was that virtually no one in power (including some blacks or Negroes who were somewhere next door to power) was able, even remotely, to accept the depth, the dimension, of the passion and the faith of the people.
Actress/singer Lena Horne was present but excluded from speaking.
Despite the protests of organizer Anna Arnold Hedgeman, no women gave a speech at the March. Male organizers attributed this omission to the "difficulty of finding a single woman to speak without causing serious problems vis-à-vis other women and women's groups".[113] Hedgeman read a statement at an August 16 meeting, charging:
In light of the role of Negro women in the struggle for freedom and especially in light of the extra burden they have carried because of the castration of our Negro men in this culture, it is incredible that no woman should appear as a speaker at the historic March on Washington Meeting at the Lincoln Memorial. . .
The assembled group agreed that Myrlie Evers, the new widow of Medgar Evers, could speak during the "Tribute to Women". However, Mrs. Evers was unavailable.[114][115] Daisy Bates spoke briefly (less than 200 words) in place of Myrlie Evers, who had missed her flight.[88][89][90][104] Earlier, Josephine Baker had addressed the crowd before the official program began.[90][104] Although Gloria Richardson was on the program and had been asked to give a two-minute speech, when she arrived at the stage her chair with her name on it had been removed, and the event marshal took her microphone away after she said "hello".[74] Richardson, along with Rosa Parks and Lena Horne, was escorted away from the podium before Martin Luther King Jr. spoke.[74]
Early plans for the March would have included an "Unemployed Worker" as one of the speakers. This position was eliminated, furthering criticism of the March's middle-class bias.[116]
Singers[edit]
Gospel legend Mahalia Jackson sang "How I Got Over", and Marian Anderson sang "He's Got the Whole World in His Hands". This was not Marian Anderson's first appearance at the Lincoln Memorial. In 1939, the Daughters of the American Revolution refused permission for Anderson to sing to an integrated audience in Constitution Hall. With the aid of First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt and her husband Franklin D. Roosevelt, Anderson performed a critically acclaimed open-air concert on Easter Sunday, 1939, on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial.
Joan Baez and Bob Dylan performing at the March
Joan Baez led the crowds in several verses of "We Shall Overcome" and "Oh Freedom". Musician Bob Dylan performed "When the Ship Comes In", for which he was joined by Baez. Dylan also performed "Only a Pawn in Their Game", a provocative and not completely popular choice because it asserted that Byron de la Beckwith, as a poor white man, was not personally or primarily to blame for the murder of Medgar Evers.[117]
Peter, Paul and Mary sang "If I Had a Hammer" and Dylan's "Blowin' in the Wind". Odetta sang "I'm On My Way".[44]
Some participants, including Dick Gregory criticized the choice of mostly white performers and the lack of group participation in the singing.[118] Dylan himself said he felt uncomfortable as a white man serving as a public image for the Civil Rights Movement. After the March on Washington, he performed at few other immediately politicized events.[119]
Meeting with President Kennedy[edit]
Kennedy meets with march leaders
After the March, the speakers traveled to the White House for a brief discussion of proposed civil rights legislation with President Kennedy.[120] Kennedy had watched King's speech on TV and was very impressed. According to biographer Thomas C. Reeves, Kennedy "felt that he would be booed at the March, and also didn't want to meet with organizers before the March because he didn't want a list of demands. He arranged a 5 P.M. meeting at the White House with the 10 leaders on the 28th."[121] The March was considered a "triumph of managed protest" and Kennedy felt it was a victory for him as well—bolstering the chances for his civil rights bill.[122]
Media coverage[edit]
Aerial view of Washington Monument showing marchers
Media attention gave the march national exposure, carrying the organizers' speeches and offering their own commentary. In his section The March on Washington and Television News, William Thomas notes: "Over five hundred cameramen, technicians, and correspondents from the major networks were set to cover the event. More cameras would be set up than had filmed the last Presidential inauguration. One camera was positioned high in the Washington Monument, to give dramatic vistas of the marchers".[123] The major networks broadcast some of the March live, though they interspersed footage of interviews with politicians. Subsequent broadcasts focused heavily on the "I have a dream" portion of King's speech.[124]
The Voice of America translated the speeches and rebroadcast them in 36 languages. The United States Information Agency organized a press conference for the benefit of foreign journalists, and also created a documentary film of the event for distribution to embassies abroad.[46] Commented Michael Thelwell of SNCC: "So it happened that Negro students from the South, some of whom still had unhealed bruises from the electric cattle prods which Southern police used to break up demonstrations, were recorded for the screens of the world portraying 'American Democracy at Work.'"[125]
Responses and memories[edit]
Organizers[edit]
Although the mass media generally declared the March successful because of its high turnout, organizers were not confident that it would create change. Randolph and Rustin abandoned their belief in the effectiveness of marching on Washington. King maintained faith that action in Washington could work, but determined that future marchers would need to call greater attention to economic injustice. In 1967–1968, he organized a Poor People's Campaign to occupy the National Mall with a shantytown.[126]
Critics[edit]
Black nationalist Malcolm X, in his Message to the Grass Roots speech, criticized the march, describing it as "a picnic" and "a circus". He said the civil rights leaders had diluted the original purpose of the march, which had been to show the strength and anger of black people, by allowing white people and organizations to help plan and participate in the march.[127] One SNCC staffer commented during the march, "He's denouncing us as clowns, but he's right there with the clown show."[128] But the membership of SNCC, increasingly frustrated with the tactics of the NAACP and other moderate groups, gradually embraced Malcolm X's position.[126]
Segregationists including William Jennings Bryan Dorn criticized the government for cooperating with the civil rights activists.[129] Senator Olin D. Johnston rejected an invitation to attend, writing: "You are committing the worst possible mistake in promoting this March. You should know that criminal, fanatical, and communistic elements, as well as crackpots, will move in to take every advantage of this mob. You certainly will have no influence on any member of Congress, including myself."[130]
Participants[edit]
Leaders of the march leading marchers down the street
Many participants said they felt the March was a historic and life-changing experience. Nan Grogan Orrock, a student at Mary Washington College, said: "You couldn't help but get swept up in the feeling of the March. It was an incredible experience of this mass of humanity with one mind moving down the street. It was like being part of a glacier. You could feel the sense of collective will and effort in the air."[131] SNCC organizer Bob Zellner reported that the event "provided dramatic proof that the sometimes quiet and always dangerous work we did in the Deep South had had a profound national impact. The spectacle of a quarter of a million supporters and activists gave me an assurance that the work I was in the process of dedicating my life to was worth doing."[132]
Richard Brown, then a white graduate student at Harvard University, recalls that the March fostered direct actions for economic progress: "Henry Armstrong and I compared notes. I realized the Congress of Racial Equality might help black employment in Boston by urging businesses to hire contractors like Armstrong. He agreed to help start a list of reliable contractors that CORE could promote. It was a modest effort — but it moved in the right direction."[133]
Other participants, more sympathetic to Malcolm X and the black nationalists, expressed ambivalence. One marcher from New York explained:[134]
It's like St. Patrick's Day. I came out of respect for what my people are doing, not because I believe it will do any good. I thought it would do some good in the beginning. But when the march started to get all the official approval from Mastah Kennedy, Mastah Wagner, Mastah Spellman, and they started setting limits on how we had to march peacefully, I knew that the march was going to be a mockery, that they were giving us something again.
Marcher Beverly Alston thought that the day had its greatest impact within the movement: "Culturally, there has been tremendous progress over the past forty years. Black awareness and self-determination has soared. Politically, I just don't think we've made enough progress."[135] Fifteen-year-old Ericka Jenkins from Washington said:[136]
I saw people laughing and listening and standing very close to one another, almost in an embrace. Children of every size, pregnant women, elderly people who seemed tired but happy to be there, clothing that made me know that they struggled to make it day to day, made me know they worked in farms or offices or even nearby for the government. I didn't see teenagers alone; I saw groups of teenagers with teachers.
White people [were] standing in wonder. Their eyes were open, they were listening. Openness and nothing on guard—I saw that in everybody. I was so happy to see that in the white people that they could listen and take in and respect and believe in the words of a black person. I had never seen anything like that.
Some people discussed racism becoming less explicit after the March. Reverend Abraham Woods of Birmingham commented: "Everything has changed. And when you look at it, nothing has changed. Racism is under the surface, and an incident that could scratch it, can bring it out."[137]
Effects and legacy[edit]
The symbolism of the March has been contested since before it even took place. In the years following the March, movement radicals increasingly subscribed to Malcolm X's narrative of the March as a co-optation by the white establishment. Liberals and conservatives tended to embrace the March, but focused mostly on King's "I Have a Dream" speech and the legislative successes of 1964 and 1965.[31]
The mass media identified King's speech as a highlight of the event and focused on this oration to the exclusion of other aspects. For several decades, King took center stage in narratives about the March. More recently, historians and commentators have acknowledged the role played by Bayard Rustin in organizing the event.[138]
Political effects[edit]
Soon after the speakers ended their meetings with Congress to go join the March, both houses passed legislation to create a dispute arbitration board for striking railroad workers.[139]
The March is credited with propelling the U.S. government into action on civil rights, creating political momentum for the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965.[23]
The cooperation of a Democratic administration with the issue of civil rights marked a pivotal moment in voter alignment within the U.S. The Democratic Party gave up the Solid South—its undivided support since Reconstruction among the segregated Southern states—and went on to capture a high proportion of votes from blacks from the Republicans.[23][140]
Anniversary marches[edit]
50th Anniversary of the Civil Rights March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom
The 1963 March also spurred anniversary marches that occur every five years, with the 20th and 25th being some of the most well known. The 25th Anniversary theme was "We Still have a Dream...Jobs*Peace*Freedom."[141]
At the 2013 anniversary march, President Barack Obama conferred a posthumous Presidential Medal of Freedom on Bayard Rustin and 15 others.[31][138]
Postal stamp[edit]
For the 50th Anniversary, the United States Postal Service released a forever stamp that commemorates the 1963 March on Washington. The stamp shows marchers near the Washington Monument with signs calling for equal rights and jobs for all.[142]
Issues[edit]
In 2013, the Economic Policy Institute launched a series of reports around the theme of "The Unfinished March". These reports analyze the goals of the original march and assess how much progress has been made.[143][144] They echo the message of Randolph and Rustin that civil rights cannot transform people's quality of life unless accompanied by economic justice. They contend that many of the March's primary goals—including housing, integrated education, and widespread employment at living wages—have not been accomplished. They further argued that although legal advances were made, black people still live in concentrated areas of poverty ("ghettoes"), where they receive inferior education and suffer from widespread unemployment.[145]
Dedrick Muhammad of the NAACP writes that racial inequality of income and homeownership have increased since 1963 and worsened during the recent Great Recession.[146]
Gallery[edit]
Sidney Poitier, Harry Belafonte and Charlton Heston
Actor Ossie Davis
Dr. Ralph Bunche
Major League Baseball player, Jackie Robinson
Four young marchers singing
Charlton Heston, James Baldwin, Marlon Brando, and Harry Belafonte
Food service crew
Sammy Davis Jr., with Roy Wilkins, Executive Secretary of NAACP
Vocalists Peter, Paul, and Mary
National Basketball Association player, Bill Russell
See also[edit]
District of Columbia portal
African American portal
List of protest marches on Washington, D.C.
Prathia Hall
References[edit]
Notes
Jump up ^ Ward, Brian (April 1998). "Recording the Dream". History Today. Yet by the end of the year the company was promoting its Great March to Washington album, featuring `I Have A Dream' in its entirety.
Jump up ^ King III, Martin Luther (2010-08-25). "Still striving for MLK's dream in the 21st century". The Washington Post. Washington, DC. ISSN 0190-8286. Retrieved 2013-05-21.
Jump up ^ Suarez, Ray (2003-08-28). "Martin Luther King Jr.'s "I Have a Dream" Remembered". PBS NewsHour. Public Broadcasting Service. Retrieved 2013-05-21.
^ Jump up to: a b c d "March on Washington for Jobs & Freedom". Veterans of the Civil Rights Movement.
^ Jump up to: a b Bayard Rustin Papers (1963-08-28), March on Washington (Program), National Archives and Records Administration, retrieved 2013-05-21
^ Jump up to: a b c d "Civil Rights March on Washington, D.C.: Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., President of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, and Mathew Ahmann, Executive Director of the National Catholic Conference for Interracial Justice, in a Crowd". World Digital Library. Retrieved 10 February 2013.
Jump up ^ Hansen, D, D. (2003). The Dream: Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Speech that Inspired a Nation. New York, NY: Harper Collins. p. 177.
Jump up ^ "50th Anniversary of the 1963 March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom Panel Discussion at the Black Archives of Mid-America". The U.S. National Archives and Records Administration. August 7, 2013. Archived from the original (press release) on October 4, 2015. Retrieved August 1, 2017.
Jump up ^ NewsHour Extra: The March on Washington and Its Impact - Lesson Plan
Jump up ^ An important goal of the 1963 March on Washington remains unfulfilled - The Hill's Congress Blog
Jump up ^ Weinstein, Allen (2002). The Story of America: Freedom and Crisis from Settlement to Superpower. DK Publishing, Inc.
Jump up ^ Bass, Like a Mighty Stream (2002), pp. 31, 34–36.
Jump up ^ Euchner, Nobody Turn Me Around (2010), p. 128.
Jump up ^ Bass, Like a Mighty Stream (2002), pp. 44–46.
Jump up ^ Bass, Like a Mighty Stream (2002), pp. 49–51.
Jump up ^ Neil A. Wynn, "The Impact of the Second World War on the American Negro"; Journal of Contemporary History 6(2), 1971; p. 46.
Jump up ^ Bass, Like a Mighty Stream (2002), pp. 51–52.
Jump up ^ Euchner, Nobody Turn Me Around (2010), pp. 16–17.
Jump up ^ Bass, Like a Mighty Stream (2002), p. 75.
Jump up ^ Barber, Marching on Washington (2002), p. 142. "In 1963, however, the March on Washington was but one aspect of a national explosion of actions against racial discrimination that many criticized as being outside traditional politics. [...] In the South after 1960, the widespread adoption of direct action—purposeful defiance of segregation laws and injunctions against demonstrations—inspired activists and attracted new attention from the media, the federal government, and white segregationists."
Jump up ^ Euchner, Nobody Turn Me Around (2010), p. xvi. "Violence swept the South all year. Vigilantes in Clarksdale firebombed the home of Aaron Henry, the head of Mississippi's NAACP. After a gas bomb went off in a church in Itta Bena, Mississippi, mobs threw bottles and rocks at activists spilling onto the streets. Vigilantes shot into the home of college professors helping the movement in Jackson. A civil rights worker traveling from Itta Bena to Jackson was shot in the neck and shoulder. A bomb destroyed a two-family home in Jackson. Whites in the North Carolina town of Goldsboro ran down demonstrators in a car and threw bottles and rocks. Whites in Pine Bluff, in Arkansas, attacked civil rights workers with ammonia and bottles. Someone shot into the home of an NAACP board member in Saint Augustine. When nine activists prayed in a country courthouse in Somerville, Tennessee, police allowed hoodlums into the building to beat them up."
Jump up ^ Euchner, Nobody Turn Me Around (2010), p. 2.
^ Jump up to: a b c Bruce Bartlett, "The 1963 March on Washington Changed Politics Forever"; The Fiscal Times, 9 August 2013.
Jump up ^ Euchner, Nobody Turn Me Around (2010), pp. 120–121. "In the TV interview, Baldwin was ashen, disoriented. He had had no idea, before now, just how aloof the Kennedys were. He thought the administration's caution came from ruthless political calculation. But now it seemed that the pampered sons of old Joe Kennedy just had no idea—no understanding at all—about race in America. The secret meeting was immediately leaked to the press. Within weeks, the velocity of the civil rights movement would lead President John F. Kennedy to give the most aggressive presidential address in history on race, which was quickly followed with the most comprehensive legislation in modern history.
Jump up ^ Bass, Like a Mighty Stream (2002), pp. 67–69.
Jump up ^ Barber, Marching on Washington (2002), p. 144.
Jump up ^ Euchner, Nobody Turn Me Around (2010), p. 17. "By going to the old Communists and socialists, Arnowitz later recalled, Rustin hoped to 'outflank Kennedy's labor connections' and King's moderate, nonviolent SCLC. If Rustin went to Kennedy's backers, they would report to the president. Later, in fact, when United Auto Workers joined the march effort, UAW people fed inside intelligence to the White House. In the earliest planning stages, in 1962, it was better to steer clear of Kennedy's financial and political network."
Jump up ^ Euchner, Nobody Turn Me Around (2010), p. 20.
^ Jump up to: a b Euchner, Nobody Turn Me Around (2010), p. 21.
Jump up ^ David J. Garrow, "The Long March ‘The March on Washington,’ by William P. Jones"; New York Times, 15 August 2013.
^ Jump up to: a b c d William P. Jones, "The Forgotten Radical History of the March on Washington"; Dissent, Spring 2013.
Jump up ^ Ivan VanSertima, Great black leaders: ancient and modern; Journal of African Civilizations, 1988; p. 44.
Jump up ^ Garrow, Bearing the Cross (1986), pp. 269–270.
Jump up ^ Bass, Like a Mighty Stream (2002), pp. 66–67.
Jump up ^ Euchner, Nobody Turn Me Around (2010), p. 22. "That plan—the elder statesman as director, the controversial organizer as the details man—broke the tension. Randolph got his deputy, but Wilkins warned Randolph that he was responsible for any controversy. He had to take the heat. And he had to control his protogé."
Jump up ^ C., Euchner, Charles (2010). Nobody turn me around : a people's history of the 1963 march on Washington. Boston: Beacon Press. ISBN 9780807001554. OCLC 441152928.
^ Jump up to: a b Thompson, Krissah (2013-08-25). "In March on Washington, white activists were largely overlooked but strategically essential". Washington Post. ISSN 0190-8286. Retrieved 2018-03-20.
Jump up ^ Barber, Marching on Washington (2002), pp. 147–148.
Jump up ^ Barber, Marching on Washington (2002), p. 149.
Jump up ^ Branch 1988, p. 872.
Jump up ^ Euchner, Charles, "Nobody Turn Me Around: A People's History of the 1963 March on Washington", 2010.
Jump up ^ Branch 1988, p. 871.
^ Jump up to: a b Branch 1988, p. 874.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e Getting to the March on Washington, August 28, 1963 - The Road to Civil Rights - Highway History - FHWA
Jump up ^ Barber, Marching on Washington (2002), pp. 156–157.
^ Jump up to: a b c Barber, Marching on Washington (2002), p. 151.
^ Jump up to: a b Barber, Marching on Washington (2002), p. 156.
Jump up ^ Barber, Marching on Washington (2002), p. 159.
Jump up ^ Garrow, Bearing the Cross (1986), p. 278. "Throughout the mid-July Senate hearings on the civil rights bill, segregationist spokesmen such as Mississippi Governor Ross Barnett repeatedly made wild accusations that the civil rights movement was a Communist conspiracy, allegations that were reported under headlines such as BARNETT CHARGES KENNEDYS ASSIST RED RACIAL PLOT. Several senators asked the FBI and Justice Department to respond to these claims, and on July 25, Attorney General Robert Kennedy released a carefully worded statement to the effect that no civil rights leaders were 'Communists or Communist-controlled'. That same day, the Atlanta Constitution, aided by another FBI leak, revealed that Jack O'Dell had continued to frequent SCLC's New York office even after his 'permanent' resignation four weeks earlier."
Jump up ^ Euchner, Nobody Turn Me Around (2010), p. 57. "The FBI attempted to exploit fears about violence and Communist infiltration of the civil rights movement—fears that were partly the result of J. Edgar Hoover's long campaign against the movement. FBI agents made last minute-calls to celebrities. Do you know, the agents asked, that many of the march's leaders are Communists? Do you know that Communists and other leftists could create chaos at the march? Do you know that it's not too late to pull out of the march? Stay away!"
Jump up ^ Euchner, Nobody Turn Me Around (2010), pp. 57–58.
Jump up ^ Euchner, Nobody Turn Me Around (2010), p. 116.
Jump up ^ Euchner, Nobody Turn Me Around (2010), p. 71.
Jump up ^ Euchner, Nobody Turn Me Around (2010), p. 63–65.
Jump up ^ Euchner, Nobody Turn Me Around (2010), p. 73.
Jump up ^ Barber, Marching on Washington (2002), p. 161.
Jump up ^ 1932-, Barnard, John, (2004). American vanguard : the United Auto Workers during the Reuther years, 1935-1970. Detroit: Wayne State University Press. p. 388. ISBN 9780814332979. OCLC 52819692.
Jump up ^ Bass, Like a Mighty Stream (2002), p. 81.
Jump up ^ Euchner, Nobody Turn Me Around (2010), p. 25.
Jump up ^ Euchner, Nobody Turn Me Around (2010), pp. 43–44.
Jump up ^ Bass, Like a Mighty Stream (2002), p. 24.
Jump up ^ Barber, Marching on Washington (2002), p. 150. "In coordination with the Kennedy administration, the police department proposed to keep on duty all police officers on August 28 and to commission firefighters and the police reserve as temporary officers. In addition, they decided to mobilize 2,000 National Guardsmen preemptively. Likewise, the Kennedy administration planned to turn out every Capitol, White House, and Park Police officer and arranged to supplement the 1,000 soldiers in the area with 3,000 additional men."
^ Jump up to: a b c Branch, Taylor (1998). Pillar of Fire: America in the King Years, 1963–65. Simon & Schuster. p. 132. ISBN 0-684-80819-6.
Jump up ^ Euchner, Nobody Turn Me Around (2010), p. 28. "The army's plan, in the event of a civil disturbance, was to roar 320 miles north into Andrews Air Force Base in Maryland and then send soldiers to the Mall by helicopter to battle the violence. The soldiers would break the mob into wedges, isolate and subdue the most violent elements, and protect the peaceable protestors. [...] The soldiers at Fort Bragg were part of Operation Steep Hill, a joint battle plan of the White House, the Justice Department, the Pentagon, and the Washington Metropolitan Police."
Jump up ^ Barber, Marching on Washington (2002), p. 160.
Jump up ^ https://www.npr.org/2013/08/28/216411095/behind-march-on-washingtons-sunny-reputation-laid-deep-fear
Jump up ^ Euchner, Nobody Turn Me Around (2010), pp. 60–62.
Jump up ^ Euchner, Nobody Turn Me Around (2010), p. 102.
Jump up ^ Euchner, Nobody Turn Me Around (2010), p. 101. "During that training, Julius Hobson emphasized the dangers posed by the FBI. Agent provocateurs would spread all over the Mall, looking for opportunities to start fights, Hobson said. The major task of the volunteer security guards, then, was to spot those agents and alert someone before any fights started. No one knew it at the time, but Hobson was a paid informant for the FBI.
^ Jump up to: a b c d David., Maraniss,. Once in a great city : a Detroit story (First Simon & Schuster hardcover edition ed.). New York. p. 236. ISBN 9781476748399. OCLC 894936463. CS1 maint: Extra text (link)
Jump up ^ Euchner, Nobody Turn Me Around (2010), pp. 8–9.
Jump up ^ White, Bay, and Martin Jr, Deborah Gray, Mia, and Waldo E (2013). Freedom on my Mind: African Americans and the New Century, 200- Present. New York: Bedford, Boston/ St.Martin’s. p. 667. CS1 maint: Multiple names: authors list (link)
Jump up ^ Branch 1988, p. 876.
^ Jump up to: a b c http://wwno.org/post/women-were-second-class-citizens-63-march
Jump up ^ Barber, Marching on Washington (2002), p. 165. "In the midst of one of these meetings, the leaders were disturbed to learn the marchers had begun their spontaneous march. Breaking off their meeting, they rushed to Constitution Avenue, already filled with marchers. There, anxious aides cleared a space so the ten leaders could link arms as though they were at the head of the crowd. Then the photographers and filmmakers shot pictures of the leaders 'leading the march' (fig. 25)."
Jump up ^ Barber, Marching on Washington (2002), p. 164.
Jump up ^ cl_admin (2013-08-23). "The 1963 March on Washington in Photos". Colorlines. Retrieved 2018-03-19.
Jump up ^ "The White Man Whose 'March on Washington' Speech You Should Remember Too". The New Republic. Retrieved 2018-03-19.
Jump up ^ "March on Washington". National Museum of American History. Retrieved 2018-03-19.
Jump up ^ "How women's voices were excluded from the March". MSNBC. Retrieved 2018-03-19.
Jump up ^ "The Move to Unity, Labor's Role in the March on Washington" (PDF). p. 39.
Jump up ^ Barber, Marching on Washington (2002), p. 162.
Jump up ^ Euchner, Nobody Turn Me Around (2010), p. 130–131.
Jump up ^ "Special Collections, March on Washington, Parts 1-17". Open Vault. at WGBH. August 28, 1963. Retrieved September 15, 2016.
Jump up ^ "Special Collections, March on Washington, Part 17". Open Vault. at WGBH. August 28, 1963. Retrieved September 15, 2016.
Jump up ^ Current biography yearbook. H. W. Wilson Company. 1965. p. 121.
Jump up ^ William P. Jones (author of The March on Washington, 2013), interview on Book TV, C-Span 2, January 16, 2016.
^ Jump up to: a b http://www.alternet.org/activism/civil-rights-leader-gloria-richardson-reflects-1963-march-washington
^ Jump up to: a b http://www.motherjones.com/slideshows/2013/08/50th-anniversary-march-washington/protestors-march-washington-1
^ Jump up to: a b c "9 things about Martin Luther King Jr.'s speech, March on Washington - CNN.com". CNN. August 28, 2013.
Jump up ^ Garrow, Bearing the Cross (1986), p. 283. "Two Kennedy aides stood ready to 'pull the plug' on the public address system in case anything went amiss."
Jump up ^ Bass, Like a Mighty Stream (2002), p. 122.
Jump up ^ Euchner, Nobody Turn Me Around (2010), pp. 180–181.
Jump up ^ Euchner, Nobody Turn Me Around (2010), p. 183.
Jump up ^ Doak, Robin Santos (2007). The March on Washington: Uniting Against Racism. Capstone. p. 69. ISBN 978-0-7565-3339-7. Retrieved 20 May 2013.
Jump up ^ Full Text of John Lewis' Speech ~ Civil Rights Movement Veterans
Jump up ^ Lewis, John; Michael D'Orso (1998). Walking With the Wind: A Memoir of the Movement. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. ISBN 0156007088.
Jump up ^ "March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom". kingencyclopedia.stanford.edu. Retrieved 2018-03-22.
Jump up ^ Euchner, Nobody Turn Me Around (2010), pp. 45–49.
Jump up ^ Garrow, Bearing the Cross (1986), pp. 282–283. "With the program only minutes away, the leadership arrived at the Lincoln Memorial with the controversy over Lewis's text still unresolved. Rustin promised O'Boyle that the necessary changes would be made, and the cardinal agreed to appear on the platform and deliver the invocation, so long as he was handed a copy of the revised Lewis text at least ten minutes before the SNCC chairman's appearance. O'Boyle told Rustin that if it were unsatisfactory, or if Lewis delivered the original draft, he and other religious leaders would get up and leave."
Jump up ^ Carson, Clayborne (1981). In Struggle: SNCC and the Black Awakening of the 1960s. Harvard University Press.
Jump up ^ Barber, Marching on Washington (2002), pp. 169–170.
Jump up ^ Hansen, D. The Dream: Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Speech that Inspired a Nation (2003) p. 177
^ Jump up to: a b c http://www.tolerance.org/blog/ten-things-know-about-march-washington
Jump up ^ See Taylor Branch, Parting the Waters: America in the King Years 1954-1963.
Jump up ^ Bass, Like a Mighty Stream (2002), p. 126.
Jump up ^ Garrow, Bearing the Cross (1986), p. 284.
Jump up ^ Barber, Marching on Washington (2002), p. 171.
Jump up ^ "Meet the 1963 March on Washington Organizers | BillMoyers.com". BillMoyers.com. Retrieved 2018-03-17.
Jump up ^ Euchner, Charles (Fall 2013). "Key Figures behind the March: Reuther, the Labor Ally" (PDF). American Educator. pp. 34–35. Retrieved March 22, 2018.
Jump up ^ Talia Whyte, "Baldwin: A literary standard"; Baystate Banner 43(27), 14 February 2008.
Jump up ^ Herb Boyd, Baldwin's Harlem: A Biography of James Baldwin; New York: Atria, 2008; p. 70.
Jump up ^ Barber, Marching on Washington (2002), p. 158.
Jump up ^ Bass, Like a Mighty Stream (2002), pp. 109, 111.
Jump up ^ Bass, Like a Mighty Stream (2002), p. 108.
Jump up ^ Euchner, Nobody Turn Me Around (2010), p. 159.
Jump up ^ Jones, March on Washington (2013), p. online.
Jump up ^ Euchner, Nobody Turn Me Around (2010), p. 109.
Jump up ^ David Hajdu, Positively 4th Street: The Lives and Times of Joan Baez, Bob Dylan, Mimi Baez Farina and Richard Farina; New York: Picador, 2001; ISBN 9781429961769; p. 201
Jump up ^ Barber, Marching on Washington (2002), p. 172.
Jump up ^ Bass, Like a Mighty Stream (2002), p. 94.
Jump up ^ Reeves, Richard, President Kennedy: Profile of Power (1993) pp. 580–584
Jump up ^ "The March on Washington and Television News," by William Thomas
Jump up ^ Barber, Marching on Washington (2002), p. 175.
Jump up ^ Euchner, Nobody Turn Me Around (2010), p. 70.
^ Jump up to: a b Barber, Marching on Washington (2002), pp. 176–178.
Jump up ^ Malcolm X (1990) [1965]. George Breitman, ed. Malcolm X Speaks. New York: Grove Weidenfeld. pp. 14–17. ISBN 0-8021-3213-8.
Jump up ^ Euchner, Nobody Turn Me Around (2010), pp. 16.
Jump up ^ Barber, Marching on Washington (2002), p. 153. "Segregationists and black nationalists launched scathing criticisms of the Kennedy administration for its support. For rabid segregationist Representative W.J. Bryan Dorn, a Democrat from South Carolina, the absurdity was that 'for the first time in the history of our Nation . . . the Federal government has itself encouraged a "march on Washington."'"
Jump up ^ Bass, Like a Mighty Stream (2002), p. 95.
Jump up ^ Bass, Like a Mighty Stream (2002), p. 142.
Jump up ^ Bass, Like a Mighty Stream (2002), p. 38.
Jump up ^ Richard D. Brown, "March On Washington Was Day To Remember — And Relive The Bus, Henry Armstrong — And The Work Left Undone"; Hartford Courant, 16 August 2013.
Jump up ^ Euchner, Nobody Turn Me Around (2010), pp. 24–25.
Jump up ^ Bass, Like a Mighty Stream (2002), p. 72.
Jump up ^ Euchner, Nobody Turn Me Around (2010), pp. 81–82.
Jump up ^ Bass, Like a Mighty Stream (2002), p. 101.
^ Jump up to: a b DeWayne Wickham, "Rustin finally getting due recognition"; Pacific Daily News, 15 August 2013.
Jump up ^ Euchner, Nobody Turn Me Around (2010), p. 89
Jump up ^ Bruce Bartlett, "How the March on Washington Flipped the Southern Vote"; Fiscal Times, 16 August 1963.
Jump up ^ Barber, Marching on Washington (2002), pp. 173–174.
Jump up ^ "New stamp commemorates 1963 March on Washington". CBS News. Retrieved 24 August 2013.
Jump up ^ "King's unfinished work", Philadelphia Inquirer, 16 August 2013.
Jump up ^ Freddie Allen, "Upcoming Washington March should again focus on jobs", Madison Times (NNPA), 14 August 2013.
Jump up ^ Algernon Austin, "The Unfinished March: An Overview"; Economic Policy Institute Report, 18 June 2013.
Jump up ^ Dedrick Muhammad, "50 Years After the March On Washington: The Economic Impacts on Education"; Huffington Post, 13 August 2013.
Bibliography
Bass, Patrick Henry. Like a Mighty Stream: The March on Washington, August 28, 1963. Philadelphia: Running Press, 2002. ISBN 0-7624-1292-5
Barber, Lucy G. Marching on Washington: The Forging of an American Political Tradition University of California Press, 2002. ISBN 0-520-22713-1
Branch, Taylor (1988). Parting the Waters: America in the King Years 1954-63. New York; London: Simon and Schuster. ISBN 9780671687427.
Leonard Freed, This Is the Day: The March on Washington, Los Angeles: Getty Publications, 2013; ISBN 978-1-60606-121-3.
Marable, Manning; Leith Mullings (2002). Freedom: A Photographic History of the African American Struggle. Phaidon Press. ISBN 9780714845173.
Euchner, Charles. Nobody Turn Me Around: A People's History of the March on Washington. Boston: Beacon Press, 2010. ISBN 978-0-8070-0059-5
Garrow, David. Bearing the Cross: Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. William Morrow and Company, 1986. ISBN 0-688-04794-7
Tuttle, Kate (1999). "March on Washington, 1963". In Kwame Anthony Appiah and Henry Louis Gates (eds.). Africana: the Encyclopedia of the African and African American experience. Basic Civitas Books. ISBN 9780465000715. CS1 maint: Uses editors parameter (link)
Jones, William P. The March on Washington: Jobs, Freedom, and the Forgotten History of Civil Rights. Norton, 2013. ISBN 9780393240580
Williams, Juan (1987). Eyes on the prize: America's civil rights years, 1954-1965. New York, NY: Viking. ISBN 9780245546686.
Further reading
Jones, William P. The March on Washington: Jobs, Freedom, and the Forgotten History of Civil Rights (W.W. Norton; 2013) 296 pages;
Saunders, Doris E.. The Day They Marched (Johnson Publishing Company; 1963)
Lyon, Danny (1992). Memories of the Southern Civil Rights Movement. Chapel Hill, North Carolina: University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 9780807843864.
External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom and 50th Anniversary of the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom.
March on Washington – King Encyclopedia, Stanford University
March on Washington August 28, 1963 ~ Civil Rights Movement Veterans
March on Washington, WDAS History
The 1963 March on Washington - slideshow by Life magazine
Original Program for the March on Washington
Martin Luther King, Jr.'s speech at the March
Annotated text of John Lewis's original speech with changes
Video
John Lewis's speech
The short film "The March on Washington (1963)" is available for free download at the Internet Archive
The March, 1963, from the National Archives YouTube Channel
Eyes on the Prize March on Washington video page, PBS, retrieved 2010-09-19
[show]
v
t
e
Civil rights movement
Notable
events
(timeline)
Prior to 1954
Lynching in the United States
Murder of Harry and Harriette Moore
1954–1959
Brown v. Board of Education
Bolling v. Sharpe
Briggs v. Elliott
Davis v. County School Board of Prince Edward County
Gebhart v. Belton
White America, Inc.
Sarah Keys v. Carolina Coach Company
Emmett Till
Montgomery bus boycott
Browder v. Gayle
Tallahassee bus boycott
Mansfield school desegregation
1957 Prayer Pilgrimage for Freedom
"Give Us the Ballot"
Royal Ice Cream sit-in
Little Rock Nine
National Guard blockade
Civil Rights Act of 1957
Kissing Case
Biloxi wade-ins
1960–1963
Greensboro sit-ins
Nashville sit-ins
Sit-in movement
Civil Rights Act of 1960
Gomillion v. Lightfoot
Boynton v. Virginia
Rock Hill sit-ins
Robert F. Kennedy's Law Day Address
Freedom Rides
attacks
Garner v. Louisiana
Albany Movement
University of Chicago sit-ins
"Second Emancipation Proclamation"
Meredith enrollment, Ole Miss riot
"Segregation now, segregation forever"
Stand in the Schoolhouse Door
1963 Birmingham campaign
Letter from Birmingham Jail
Children's Crusade
Birmingham riot
16th Street Baptist Church bombing
John F. Kennedy's Report to the American People on Civil Rights
March on Washington
"I Have a Dream"
St. Augustine movement
1964–1968
Twenty-fourth Amendment
Bloody Tuesday
Freedom Summer
workers' murders
Civil Rights Act of 1964
1965 Selma to Montgomery marches
"How Long, Not Long"
Voting Rights Act of 1965
Harper v. Virginia Board of Elections
March Against Fear
White House Conference on Civil Rights
Chicago Freedom Movement/Chicago open housing movement
Memphis sanitation strike
King assassination
funeral
riots
Poor People's Campaign
Civil Rights Act of 1968
Green v. County School Board of New Kent County
Activist
groups
Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights
Atlanta Student Movement
Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters
Congress of Racial Equality (CORE)
Committee on Appeal for Human Rights
Council for United Civil Rights Leadership
Dallas County Voters League
Deacons for Defense and Justice
Georgia Council on Human Relations
Highlander Folk School
Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights
Montgomery Improvement Association
Nashville Student Movement
NAACP
Youth Council
Northern Student Movement
National Council of Negro Women
National Urban League
Operation Breadbasket
Regional Council of Negro Leadership
Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC)
Southern Regional Council
Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC)
The Freedom Singers
Wednesdays in Mississippi
Women's Political Council
Activists
Ralph Abernathy
Victoria Gray Adams
Zev Aelony
Mathew Ahmann
William G. Anderson
Gwendolyn Armstrong
Arnold Aronson
Ella Baker
Marion Barry
Daisy Bates
Harry Belafonte
James Bevel
Claude Black
Gloria Blackwell
Randolph Blackwell
Unita Blackwell
Ezell Blair Jr.
Joanne Bland
Julian Bond
Joseph E. Boone
William Holmes Borders
Amelia Boynton
Raylawni Branch
Ruby Bridges
Aurelia Browder
H. Rap Brown
Guy Carawan
Stokely Carmichael
Johnnie Carr
James Chaney
J. L. Chestnut
Colia Lafayette Clark
Ramsey Clark
Septima Clark
Xernona Clayton
Eldridge Cleaver
Kathleen Cleaver
Charles E. Cobb Jr.
Annie Lee Cooper
Dorothy Cotton
Claudette Colvin
Vernon Dahmer
Jonathan Daniels
Joseph DeLaine
Dave Dennis
Annie Devine
Patricia Stephens Due
Joseph Ellwanger
Charles Evers
Medgar Evers
Myrlie Evers-Williams
Chuck Fager
James Farmer
Walter E. Fauntroy
James Forman
Marie Foster
Golden Frinks
Andrew Goodman
Fred Gray
Jack Greenberg
Dick Gregory
Lawrence Guyot
Prathia Hall
Fannie Lou Hamer
William E. Harbour
Vincent Harding
Dorothy Height
Lola Hendricks
Aaron Henry
Oliver Hill
Donald L. Hollowell
James Hood
Myles Horton
Zilphia Horton
T. R. M. Howard
Ruby Hurley
Jesse Jackson
Jimmie Lee Jackson
Richie Jean Jackson
T. J. Jemison
Esau Jenkins
Barbara Rose Johns
Vernon Johns
Frank Minis Johnson
Clarence Jones
J. Charles Jones
Matthew Jones
Vernon Jordan
Tom Kahn
Clyde Kennard
A. D. King
C.B. King
Coretta Scott King
Martin Luther King Jr.
Martin Luther King Sr.
Bernard Lafayette
James Lawson
Bernard Lee
Sanford R. Leigh
Jim Letherer
Stanley Levison
John Lewis
Viola Liuzzo
Z. Alexander Looby
Joseph Lowery
Clara Luper
Malcolm X
Mae Mallory
Vivian Malone
Thurgood Marshall
Benjamin Mays
Franklin McCain
Charles McDew
Ralph McGill
Floyd McKissick
Joseph McNeil
James Meredith
William Ming
Jack Minnis
Amzie Moore
Douglas E. Moore
Harriette Moore
Harry T. Moore
William Lewis Moore
Irene Morgan
Bob Moses
William Moyer
Elijah Muhammad
Diane Nash
Charles Neblett
Edgar Nixon
Jack O'Dell
James Orange
Rosa Parks
James Peck
Charles Person
Homer Plessy
Adam Clayton Powell Jr.
Fay Bellamy Powell
Al Raby
Lincoln Ragsdale
A. Philip Randolph
George Raymond Jr.
Bernice Johnson Reagon
Cordell Reagon
James Reeb
Frederick D. Reese
Gloria Richardson
David Richmond
Bernice Robinson
Jo Ann Robinson
Bayard Rustin
Bernie Sanders
Michael Schwerner
Cleveland Sellers
Charles Sherrod
Alexander D. Shimkin
Fred Shuttlesworth
Modjeska Monteith Simkins
Glenn E. Smiley
A. Maceo Smith
Kelly Miller Smith
Mary Louise Smith
Maxine Smith
Ruby Doris Smith-Robinson
Charles Kenzie Steele
Hank Thomas
Dorothy Tillman
A. P. Tureaud
Hartman Turnbow
Albert Turner
C. T. Vivian
Wyatt Tee Walker
Hollis Watkins
Walter Francis White
Roy Wilkins
Hosea Williams
Kale Williams
Robert F. Williams
Andrew Young
Whitney Young
Sammy Younge Jr.
James Zwerg
Influences
Nonviolence
Padayatra
Sermon on the Mount
Mahatma Gandhi
Ahimsa
Satyagraha
The Kingdom of God Is Within You
Frederick Douglass
W. E. B. Du Bois
Mary McLeod Bethune
Related
Jim Crow laws
Plessy v. Ferguson
Separate but equal
Buchanan v. Warley
Hocutt v. Wilson
Sweatt v. Painter
Heart of Atlanta Motel, Inc. v. United States
Katzenbach v. McClung
Loving v. Virginia
Fifth Circuit Four
Brown Chapel
Holt Street Baptist Church
Edmund Pettus Bridge
March on Washington Movement
African-American churches attacked
Journey of Reconciliation
Freedom Songs
"Kumbaya"
"Keep Your Eyes on the Prize"
"Oh, Freedom"
"This Little Light of Mine"
"We Shall Not Be Moved"
"We Shall Overcome"
Spring Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam
"Beyond Vietnam: A Time to Break Silence"
Watts riots
Voter Education Project
1960s counterculture
In popular culture
King Memorial
Birmingham Civil Rights National Monument
Freedom Riders National Monument
Civil Rights Memorial
The New Jim Crow (2010)
Noted
historians
Taylor Branch
Clayborne Carson
John Dittmer
Michael Eric Dyson
Chuck Fager
Adam Fairclough
David Garrow
David Halberstam
Vincent Harding
Steven F. Lawson
Doug McAdam
Diane McWhorter
Charles M. Payne
Timothy Tyson
Akinyele Umoja
Movement photographers
[show]
v
t
e
Martin Luther King Jr.
[hide]
Speeches, movements, and protests
Speeches
"Give Us the Ballot" (1957)
"I Have a Dream" (1963)
"How Long, Not Long" (1965)
"Beyond Vietnam: A Time to Break Silence" (1967)
"I've Been to the Mountaintop" (1968)
Writings
Stride Toward Freedom: The Montgomery Story (1958)
The Measure of a Man (1959)
"What Is Man?"
"Second Emancipation Proclamation"
Strength to Love (1963)
Letter from Birmingham Jail (1963)
Why We Can't Wait (1964)
Conscience for Change (1967)
Where Do We Go from Here: Chaos or Community? (1967)
Movements
and protests
Montgomery bus boycott (1955–1956)
Prayer Pilgrimage for Freedom (1957)
Albany Movement (1961–1962)
Birmingham campaign (1963)
March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom (1963)
St. Augustine movement (1963–1964)
Selma to Montgomery marches (1965)
Chicago Freedom Movement (1966)
Mississippi March Against Fear (1966)
Anti-Vietnam War movement (1967)
Memphis sanitation strike (1968)
Poor People's Campaign (1968)
[show]
People
Family
Coretta Scott King (wife)
Yolanda King (daughter)
Martin Luther King III (son)
Dexter Scott King (son)
Bernice King (daughter)
Martin Luther King Sr. (father)
Alberta Williams King (mother)
Christine King Farris (sister)
A. D. King (brother)
Alveda King (niece)
Other
leaders
Ralph Abernathy (mentor and friend)
Ella Baker (colleague)
James Bevel (strategist / colleague)
Dorothy Cotton (colleague)
Jesse Jackson (protégé)
Bernard Lafayette (colleague)
James Lawson (colleague)
John Lewis (colleague)
Joseph Lowery (colleague)
Benjamin Mays (mentor)
Diane Nash (colleague)
James Orange (colleague)
Bayard Rustin (advisor)
Fred Shuttlesworth (colleague)
C. T. Vivian (colleague)
Wyatt Walker (colleague)
Hosea Williams (colleague)
Andrew Young (colleague)
[show]
Assassination
James Earl Ray
Lorraine Motel (now National Civil Rights Museum)
Funeral
MLK Records Act
Riots
Loyd Jowers trial
United States House Select Committee on Assassinations
[show]
Media
Film
King: A Filmed Record... Montgomery to Memphis (1970 documentary)
Our Friend, Martin (1999 animated)
Boycott (2001 film)
The Witness: From the Balcony of Room 306 (2008 documentary)
Alpha Man: The Brotherhood of MLK (2011 documentary)
Selma (2014 film)
All the Way (2016 film)
Television
King (1978 miniseries)
"The First Store" (The Jeffersons episode, 1980)
"Great X-Pectations" (A Different World episode, 1993)
"The Promised Land" (New York Undercover episode, 1997)
"Return of the King" (The Boondocks episode, 2006)
Plays
The Meeting (1987)
The Mountaintop (2009)
I Dream (2010)
All the Way (2012)
Illustrated
Martin Luther King and the Montgomery Story (1957 comic book)
Music
"Abraham, Martin and John" (Dion)
"March! For Martin Luther King" (John Fahey)
"Martin Luther King's Dream" (Strawbs)
"Happy Birthday" (Stevie Wonder)
"Pride (In the Name of Love)" (U2)
"MLK" (U2)
"King Holiday" (King Dream Chorus and Holiday Crew)
"By The Time I Get To Arizona" (Public Enemy)
"Shed a Little Light" (James Taylor)
"Up to the Mountain" (Patti Griffin)
"Never Alone Martin" (Jason Upton)
"Symphony Of Brotherhood" (Miri Ben-Ari)
Joseph Schwantner: New Morning for the World; Nicolas Flagello: The Passion of Martin Luther King (1995 album)
"A Dream" (Common featuring Will.i.am)
"Glory" (Common and John Legend)
[show]
Related topics
Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC)
Martin Luther King Jr. Day
Martin Luther King Jr. Memorial
National Historical Park
King Center for Nonviolent Social Change
Dexter Avenue Baptist Church
National Civil Rights Museum
Authorship issues
Alpha Phi Alpha fraternity
Season for Nonviolence
U.S. Capitol Rotunda sculpture
Oval Office bust
Homage to King sculpture, Atlanta
Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. sculpture, Houston
Martin Luther King Jr. Memorial, San Francisco
Landmark for Peace Memorial, Indianapolis
Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. statue, Milwaukee
The Dream sculpture, Portland, Oregon
Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Library
Memorials to Martin Luther King Jr.
Eponymous streets
America in the King Years
Civil rights movement in popular culture
Lee–Jackson–King Day
Martin Luther King High School (disambiguation)
Lycée Martin Luther King (disambiguation)
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=March_on_Washington_for_Jobs_and_Freedom&oldid=842639264"
Categories:
1963 in Washington, D.C.
History of African-American civil rights
Civil rights protests in the United States
Protest marches in Washington, D.C.
Martin Luther King Jr.
Civil rights movement
August 1963 events
1963 protests
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values: Марш на Вашынгтон – Belarusian (Taraškievica orthography)

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values: Pochod na Washington za práci a svobodu – Czech

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values: Marsch auf Washington für Arbeit und Freiheit – German

values: Marcha en Washington por el trabajo y la libertad – Spanish

values: Marŝo al Vaŝingtono por Laboro kaj Libero – Esperanto

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values: راهپیمایی به سوی واشینگتن برای کار و آزادی – Persian

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values: Marche sur Washington pour l'emploi et la liberté – French

values: Marcha sobre Washington polo traballo e a liberdade – Galician

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values: Երթ դեպի Վաշինգտոն – Armenian

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values: Pawai di Washington untuk Pekerjaan dan Kebebasan – Indonesian

values: Marcia su Washington per il lavoro e la libertà – Italian

values: המצעד לוושינגטון למען תעסוקה וחירות – Hebrew

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values: Iter in Vasingtoniam Occupationis Libertatisque Causa – Latin

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values: ワシントン大行進 – Japanese

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values: Марш на Вашингтон – Russian

values: March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom – Simple English

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values: Marš na Washington za poslove i slobodu – Serbo-Croatian

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values: Marssi Washingtoniin työn ja vapauden puolesta – Finnish

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values: Marschen till Washington för arbete och frihet – Swedish

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values: Марш на Вашингтон – Ukrainian

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values: 向华盛顿进军 – Chinese

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