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United States congressional committee
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"House committee" redirects here. For the committee of the House of Lords, see House Committee (House of Lords).
The Senate Armed Services Committee chairman Carl Levin and ranking member John Warner in 2007 hearing opening statements during a confirmation hearing for a position in the Department of Defense.
The Senate Armed Services Committee hearing a testimony in the Hart Senate Office Building in 2007.
A congressional committee is a legislative sub-organization in the United States Congress that handles a specific duty (rather than the general duties of Congress). Committee membership enables members to develop specialized knowledge of the matters under their jurisdiction. As "little legislatures", the committees monitor ongoing governmental operations, identify issues suitable for legislative review, gather and evaluate information, and recommend courses of action to their parent body. Woodrow Wilson once wrote, "it is not far from the truth to say that Congress in session is Congress on public exhibition, whilst Congress in its committee rooms is Congress at work."[1] It is neither expected nor possible that a member of Congress be an expert on all matters and subject areas that come before Congress.[2] Congressional committees provide valuable informational services to Congress by investigating and reporting about specialized subjects.
Congress divides its legislative, oversight, and internal administrative tasks among approximately 200 committees and subcommittees. Within assigned areas, these functional subunits gather information; compare and evaluate legislative alternatives; identify policy problems and propose solutions; select, determine, and report measures for full chamber consideration; monitor executive branch performance (oversight); and investigate allegations of wrongdoing.[3] While this investigatory function is important, procedures such as the House discharge petition process (the process of bringing a bill onto the floor without a committee report or mandatory consent from its leadership) are so difficult to implement that committee jurisdiction over particular subject matter of bills has expanded into semi-autonomous power. Of the 73 discharge petitions submitted to the full House from 1995 through 2007, only one was successful in securing a definitive yea-or-nay vote for a bill.[4]
The growing autonomy of committees has fragmented the power of each congressional chamber as a unit. This dispersion of power has possibly weakened the legislative branch relative to the other two branches of the federal government, the executive branch and the judiciary branch. In his often cited article History of the House of Representatives, written in 1961, American scholar George B. Galloway (1898–1967) wrote: "In practice, Congress functions not as a unified institution, but as a collection of semi-autonomous committees that seldom act in unison." Galloway went on to cite committee autonomy as a factor interfering with the adoption of a coherent legislative program.[5] Such autonomy remains a characteristic feature of the committee system in Congress today.
Contents
[hide]
1 History
1.1 Senate committees
1.2 House committees
1.3 Committee assignment procedure
2 Types of committees
2.1 Standing committees
2.2 Select or special committees
2.3 Joint committees
2.4 Other
3 Current committees
4 See also
5 Notes
6 References
7 Sources
8 Further reading
9 External links
History[edit]
The second committee room upstairs in Congress Hall, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.
In 1932, a reform movement temporarily reduced the number of signatures required on discharge petitions in the U.S. House of Representatives from a constitutional majority of 218 down to 145, i.e., from one-half to one-third of the House membership. This reform was abolished in a 1935 counterattack led by the intra-House oligarchy.[6] Thus the era of the Great Depression marks the last across-the-board change, albeit a short-lived one, in the autonomy of House standing committees.[7]
The modern committee structure stems from the Legislative Reorganization Act of 1946, the first and most ambitious restructuring of the standing committee system since the committee system was first developed. The 1946 act reduced the number of House committees from 48 to 19 and the number of Senate committees from 33 to 15. Jurisdictions of all committees were codified by rule in their respective chambers, which helped consolidate or eliminate many existing committees and minimize jurisdictional conflicts.
The Joint Committee on the Organization of Congress, a temporary committee established in 1993 to conduct a policy and historical analysis of the committee system, determined that while the 1946 Act was instrumental in streamlining the committee system, it did fail to limit the number of subcommittees allowed on any one committee. Today, Rules in the U.S. House of Representatives generally limit each full committee to five subcommittees, with the exception of Appropriations (12 subcommittees), Armed Services (7), Foreign Affairs (7), and Transportation and Infrastructure (6).[8] There are no limits on the number of subcommittees in the U.S. Senate.
Congress has convened several other temporary review committees to analyze and make recommendations on ways to reform and improve the committee system. For example, the Legislative Reorganization Act of 1970 led to further reforms to open Congress to further public visibility, strengthen its decision-making capacities, and augment minority rights. The 1970 Act provided for recorded teller votes in the House's Committee of the Whole; allowed minority party committee members to call their own witnesses during a day of hearings; established the Senate Committee on Veterans' Affairs; and enhanced the research capabilities of two legislative support agencies: the Congressional Research Service and the General Accounting Office.
Senate committees[edit]
See also: List of current United States Senate committees
After committee deliberation, the Senate passed a joint resolution in 1955 authorizing Army General Douglas MacArthur to the post of General of the Armies of the United States.
The first Senate committee was established April 7, 1789, to draw up Senate rules of procedure. In those early days, the Senate operated with temporary select committees, which were responsive to the entire Senate, with the full Senate selecting their jurisdiction and membership. This system provided a great deal of flexibility, as if one committee proved unresponsive, another could be established in its place. The Senate could also forgo committee referral for actions on legislation or presidential nominations. These early committees generally consisted of three members for routine business and five members for more important issues. The largest committee established during the 1st Congress had eleven members, and was created to determine salaries of the president and vice president. Also in the first session, the entire membership of the Senate was divided into two large committees, with half the senators on the committee to prepare legislation establishing the federal judiciary and the other half on the committee to define the punishment of crimes against the United States.
This system proved ineffective, so in 1816 the Senate adopted a formal system of 11 standing committees with five members each. Three of those committees, the Finance, Foreign Relations and the Judiciary Committees exist largely unchanged today, while the duties of the others have evolved into successor committees. With the advent of this new system, committees are able to handle long-term studies and investigations, in addition to regular legislative duties. According to the Senate Historical Office, "the significance of the change from temporary to permanent committees was perhaps little realized at the time." With the growing responsibilities of the Senate, the committees gradually grew to be the key policy-making bodies of the Senate, instead of merely technical aids to the chamber.
Governor La Follette of Wisconsin addressing the Chautauqua assembly in Decatur, Illinois in 1905.
By 1906, the Senate maintained 66 standing and select committees—eight more committees than members of the majority party. The large number of committees and the manner of assigning their chairmanships suggests that many of them existed solely to provide office space in those days before the Senate acquired its first permanent office building, the Russell Senate Office Building. There were so many committees that freshman Senator Robert La Follette of Wisconsin was assigned chairmanship of the Committee to Investigate the Condition of the Potomac River Front at Washington. According to La Follette, he "had immediate visions of cleaning up the whole Potomac River front. Then [he] found that in all its history, the committee had never had a bill referred to it for consideration, and had never held a meeting." In 1920, the Congressional Directory listed nearly 80 committees, including the Committee on the Disposition of Useless Papers in the Executive Departments. By May 27, 1920, the Russell Senate Office Building had opened, and with all Senate members assigned private office space, the Senate quietly abolished 42 committees.[9]
Today the Senate operates with 20 standing and select committees. These select committees, however, are permanent in nature and are treated as standing committees under Senate rules.
House committees[edit]
See also: List of current United States House of Representatives committees
The first House committee was appointed on April 2, 1789, to "prepare and report such standing rules and orders of proceeding" as well as the duties of a Sergeant-at-Arms to enforce those rules.[10] Other committees were created as needed, on a temporary basis, to review specific issues for the full House. The House relied primarily on the Committee of the Whole to handle the bulk of legislative issues. In response to the House's need for more detailed advice on certain issues, more specific committees with broader authority were established. One of the first—a three-member committee "to prepare and report an estimate of supplies ... and of nett [sic] produce of the impost"—was established on April 29, 1789. The Committee on Ways and Means followed on July 24, 1789, during a debate on the creation of the Treasury Department over concerns of giving the new department too much authority over revenue proposals. The House felt it would be better equipped if it established a committee to handle the matter. This first Committee on Ways and Means had 11 members and existed for just two months. It later became a standing committee in 1801, a position it still holds today.[11]
Committee assignment procedure[edit]
An analysis of U.S. House of Representative committee request letters from the 92nd, 93rd, 97th, 98th, 100th, and 101st Congresses showed that the most common justifications raised by members seeking a committee assignment were prior professional experience, geography and electoral considerations, in that order. About 80% of justifications in letters fell into one of these three categories.[12] Members who request an assignment to the House Armed Services Committee have a greater military presence in their district, while members requesting assignment to the House Interior Committee generally tend to come from sparsely populated areas with more land held in public trust.[13]
Types of committees[edit]
There are three main types of committees—standing, select or special, and joint.[3]
Standing committees[edit]
Standing committees are permanent panels identified as such in chamber rules (House Rule X, Senate Rule XXV).
The house appropriations committee is a standing committee and meets regularly. In this instance, Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) administrator R. David Paulson was answering questions before the committee about the 2009 budget.
Because they have legislative jurisdiction, standing committees consider bills and issues and recommend measures for consideration by their respective chambers. They also have oversight responsibility to monitor agencies, programs, and activities within their jurisdictions, and in some cases in areas that cut across committee jurisdictions.
Most standing committees recommend funding levels—authorizations—for government operations and for new and existing programs. A few have other functions. For example, the Appropriations Committees recommend appropriations legislation to provide budget authority for federal agencies and programs. The Budget Committees establish aggregate levels for total spending and revenue that serve as guidelines for the work of the authorizing and appropriating panels.
Select or special committees[edit]
Select or special committees are established generally by a separate resolution of the chamber, sometimes to conduct investigations and studies, and, on other occasions, also to consider measures. Often, select committees examine emerging issues that do not fit clearly within existing standing committee jurisdictions, or that cut across jurisdictional boundaries. A select committee may be permanent or temporary (all current select committees in the House and Senate are considered permanent committees). Instead of select, the Senate sometimes uses the term special committee (as in the Special Committee on Aging).
Joint committees[edit]
Joint committees are permanent panels that include members from both chambers, which generally conduct studies or perform housekeeping tasks rather than consider measures. For instance, the Joint Committee on Printing oversees the functions of the Government Printing Office and general printing procedures of the federal government. The chairmanship of joint committees usually alternates between the House and Senate. A conference committee is a temporary joint committee formed to resolve differences between competing House and Senate versions of a measure. Conference committees draft compromises between the positions of the two chambers, which are then submitted to the full House and Senate for approval.
Other[edit]
Other committees are also used in the modern Congress.
This subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations works under the direction of the Energy and Commerce committees of the House, and met in January 2002.
Subcommittees are formed by most committees to share specific tasks within the jurisdiction of the full committee. Subcommittees are responsible to, and work within the guidelines established by, their parent committees. In particular, standing committees usually create subcommittees with legislative jurisdiction to consider and report bills. They may assign their subcommittees such specific tasks as the initial consideration of measures and oversight of laws and programs in the subcommittees' areas.
Committee of the Whole—used by the House of Representatives, but not the modern Senate
Conference committee—are joint, ad hoc groups formed to work out the differences between similar bills from both houses.
Current committees[edit]
Main articles: List of current United States House of Representatives committees and List of current United States Senate committees
See also: List of defunct United States congressional committees
In the House of Representatives, there are 20 permanent committees, and 21 in the United States Senate. Four joint committees operate with members from both houses on matters of mutual jurisdiction and oversight.
Committees in the House of Representatives generally have more members, due its larger size, as compared to the smaller 100-member Senate. Senate rules fix the maximum size for many of its committees[citation needed], while the House determines the size and makeup of each committee every new Congress.
House of Representatives
Senate
Joint
Agriculture
Appropriations
Armed Services
Budget
Education and the Workforce
Energy and Commerce
Ethics
Financial Services
Foreign Affairs
Homeland Security
House Administration
Intelligence (Permanent Select)
Judiciary
Natural Resources
Oversight and Government Reform
Rules
Science, Space, and Technology
Small Business
Transportation and Infrastructure
Veterans' Affairs
Ways and Means
(Whole)
(click here for complete list with subcommittees)
Aging (Special)
Agriculture, Nutrition and Forestry
Appropriations
Armed Services
Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs
Budget
Commerce, Science and Transportation
Energy and Natural Resources
Ethics (Select)
Environment and Public Works
Finance
Foreign Relations
Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions
Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs
Indian Affairs
Intelligence (Select)
International Narcotics Control (Special)
Judiciary
Rules and Administration
Small Business and Entrepreneurship
Veterans' Affairs
(click here for complete list with subcommittees)
Budget/Appropriations Reform (Select)
(Conference)
Economic
Library
Pensions (Select)
Printing
Taxation
See also[edit]
Government of the United States portal
List of Committees of the United Kingdom Parliament
Discharge petition
Regular order (United States Congress)
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ Woodrow Wilson, "Congressional Government", 1885, quoted in the JCOC Final Report. Archived December 27, 2006, at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ English (2003), pp. 46–47
^ Jump up to: a b Committee Types and Roles Archived 2010-03-24 at WebCite, Congressional Research Service, April 1, 2003
Jump up ^ Source on discharge petitions since 1997: Beginning with the 105th Congress, the House Clerk lists discharge petitions per Congress at its website,
Jump up ^ George B. Galloway, History of the House of Representatives (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1961), pp. 99–100.
Jump up ^ Cannon's Precedents, vol. 7, sect. 1007, gives a short history of the discharge rules from early times to 1935. In 1910 the House established the first known discharge rule since the Civil War. In 1924 the House passed the rule requiring Congressmen's signatures on discharge petitions, and the required number of signatories was 150. [Congressional Record, 68 Congress 1, ppip and FDR opposed — and by a vote of 245 to 166 they raised the signature requirement to 218. [CR, 74 Congress 1, pp. 13–20]. Today's rule is identical to that of 1935.
Jump up ^ The "21-day rule" applied to the Rules Committee alone; this rule was in force during 1949–1951, and 1965–1967, and it allowed the chairman of the legislative committee involved to bypass the Rules Committee and report a bill directly to the House floor, provided that three weeks had passed without a rule being reported for floor debate on the bill. See James A. Robinson, The House Rules Committee (New York: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1963), pp. 70, 87; Congressional Record, 81 Congress 1, p. 10; CR, 89 Congress 1, p. 21; CR, 92 Congress 1, p. H69; Congressional Quarterly Almanac, 1967, pp. 180–81; CQ Weekly Report 29 (January 29, 1971): 257–258.
Jump up ^ Committee System Rules Changes in the House, 110th Congress, Congressional Research Service, January 25, 2007
Jump up ^ Senate Eliminates 42 Committees, Senate Historical Minute Essays, U.S. Senate Historical Office
Jump up ^ U.S. House Journal. 1st Cong., 1st sess., April 2, 1789.
Jump up ^ H. Doc. 100-244, The Committee on Ways and Means a Bicentennial History 1789-1989, page 3 Archived September 23, 2008, at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ Frisch & Kelly, pp. 143-45.
Jump up ^ Frisch & Kelly, pp. 108-09.
References[edit]
Scott A. Frisch & Sean Q. Kelly, Committee Assignment Politics in the U.S. House of Representatives (University of Oklahoma Press, 2006).
George B. Galloway, History of the House of Representatives (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1961), pp. 99–100.
Sources[edit]
This article incorporates public domain material from the United States Government document "the United States Senate Committee History".
This article incorporates public domain material from the United States Government document "the Final Report of the Joint Committee on the Organization of Congress, December 1993".
Further reading[edit]
Robert Struble, Jr., Treatise on Twelve Lights, chapter seven, subsection on "Committee Autonomy"
External links[edit]
Via National Archives and Records Administration:
Committee Resource Guide: Committees of the U.S. Senate
Guide to the Records of the U.S. Senate at the National Archives (Record Group 46)
Guide to the Records of the U.S. House of Representatives at the National Archives, 1789-1989 (Record Group 233)
Chapter 23. Records of the Joint Committees of Congress 1789-1968 (Record Group 128)
Committees in the House of Representatives
Committees in the United States Senate
Rules and Precedents of the House
Standing Rules of the Senate
"An Overview of the Development of U.S. Congressional Committees". CiteSeerX 10.1.1.165.5155  .
Committee Assignment Process in the U.S. Senate: Democratic and Republican Party Procedures
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American nationalism
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Not to be confused with American patriotism.
John Trumbull's famous painting is often identified as a depiction of the signing of the Declaration, but it actually shows the drafting committee presenting its work to the Congress.[1]
Flag of the United States
American nationalism or United States nationalism is a form of nationalism found in the United States.[2] Essentially, it indicates the aspects that characterize and distinguish the United States as an autonomous political community. The term often serves to explain efforts to reinforce their national identity and self-determination within their national and international affairs.[3] American scholars such as Hans Kohn have claimed that the United States government institutionalized a civic nationalism based on legal and rational concepts of citizenship, and based on a common language and cultural traditions, rather than ethnic nationalism.[2] The Founding Fathers of the United States established the country upon classical liberal individualist principles, but also held ethnic nationalist views which were also embodied in legislation, such as the first naturalization act passed under George Washington.[2] American nationalism since Hart-Celler Act of 1965, which drastically changed the ethnic and racial make-up of the American population, has largely been based upon the civic nationalist culture.[4]
Contents
[hide]
1 History
1.1 Civil War
1.2 Nationalism in the contemporary United States
1.2.1 Trump presidency
2 See also
3 References
4 Further reading
History[edit]
Main article: History of the United States
The United States traces its origins to the Thirteen Colonies founded by Britain in the 17th and early 18th century. Residents identified with Britain until the mid-18th century when the first sense of being "American" emerged. The Albany Plan proposed a union between the colonies in 1754. Although unsuccessful, it served as a reference for future discussions of independence.
Soon afterward, the colonies faced several common grievances over acts passed by the British parliament, including taxation without representation. Americans were in general agreement that only their own colonial legislatures—and not Parliament in London—could pass taxes. Parliament vigorously insisted otherwise and no compromise was found. The London government punished Boston for the Boston Tea Party and the 13 colonies united and formed the Continental Congress, which lasted from 1774 to 1789. Fighting broke out in 1775 and the sentiment swung to independence in early 1776, influenced especially by the appeal to American nationalism by Thomas Paine. His pamphlet Common Sense was a runaway best seller in 1776.[5] Congress unanimously issued a Declaration of Independence announcing a new nation had formed, the United States of America. The American patriots won the American Revolutionary War and received generous peace terms from Britain in 1783. The minority of Loyalists (loyal to King George III) could remain or leave; about 80% remained and became full American citizens.[6] Frequent parades along with new rituals and ceremonies—and a new flag—provided popular occasions for expressing a spirit of American nationalism.[7]
The new nation operated under the very weak national government set up by the Articles of Confederation, and most Americans put loyalty to their state ahead of loyalty to the nation. Nationalists, led by George Washington, Alexander Hamilton and James Madison had Congress call a constitutional convention in 1787. It produced the Constitution for a strong national government which was debated in every state and unanimously adopted. It went into effect in 1789 with Washington as the first president.[8]
In an 1858 speech, future U.S. president Abraham Lincoln alluded to a form of American civic nationalism originating from the tenets of the Declaration of Independence as a force for national unity in the U.S., stating that it was a method for uniting diverse peoples of different ethnic ancestries into a common nationality:
If they look back through this history to trace their connection with those days by blood, they find they have none, they cannot carry themselves back into that glorious epoch and make themselves feel that they are part of us, but when they look through that old Declaration of Independence they find that those old men say that "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal", and then they feel that moral sentiment taught in that day evidences their relation to those men, that it is the father of all moral principle in them, and that they have a right to claim it as though they were blood of the blood, and flesh of the flesh of the men who wrote the Declaration, and so they are. That is the electric cord in that Declaration that links the hearts of patriotic and liberty-loving men together, that will link those patriotic hearts as long as the love of freedom exists in the minds of men throughout the world.
—  Abraham Lincoln, address to Chicagoan voters, (July 10, 1858), Chicago, Illinois.[9]
Civil War[edit]
White Southerners increasingly felt alienated—they saw themselves as becoming second-class citizens as aggressive anti-slavery Northerners tried to end their ability to take slave property to the fast-growing western territories.They questioned whether their loyalty to the nation trumped their loyalty to their state and their way of life, since it was so intimately bound up with slavery, whether they owned any slaves or not[10]. A sense of Southern nationalism was starting to emerge, though it was inchoate as late as 1860 when the election of Lincoln was a signal for most of the slave states in the South to secede and form their own new nation.[11] The Confederate government insisted the nationalism was real and imposed increasing burdens on the population in the name of independence and nationalism. The fierce combat record of the Confederates demonstrates their commitment to the death for independence. The government and army refused to compromise and were militarily overwhelmed in 1865.[12] By the 1890s the white South felt vindicated through its belief in the newly constructed memory of the "Lost Cause of the Confederacy". The North came to accept or at least tolerate racial segregation and disfranchisement of black voters in the South. The spirit of American nationalism had returned to Dixie.[13]
The North's triumph in the Civil War marked a significant transition in American national identity. The ratification of the Fourteenth amendment settled the basic question of national identity, such as the criteria for becoming a citizen of the United States. Everyone born in the territorial boundaries of the United States or those areas and subject to its jurisdiction was an American citizen, regardless of ethnicity or social status. (Indians on reservations became citizens in 1924. Indians off reservations had always been citizens.)[14]
With a very fast growing industrial economy, immigrants were welcome from Europe, Canada Mexico and Cuba, and millions came. Becoming a full citizen was an easy process of filling out paperwork over a five-year span.[15]
However, new Asian arrivals were not welcome. Restrictions were imposed on most Chinese immigrants in the 1880s, and informal restrictions on most Japanese in 1907; by 1924 it was difficult for any Asian to enter the U.S., but children born in the U.S. to Asian parents were full citizens. The restrictions were ended on the Chinese in the 1940s and on other Asians in 1965.[16]
An 1869 Thomas Nast cartoon espousing American nationalism. In the cartoon, Americans of different ancestries and ethnic backgrounds sit together at a dinner table with Columbia to enjoy a Thanksgiving meal as equal members of the American citizenry, while Uncle Sam prepares and sets the table. Thus, the cartoon espouses an inclusive form of American nationalism that is civic in nature, where membership in the nation is not dependent upon ethnicity.[17][18]
Nationalism in the contemporary United States[edit]
Nationalism and Americanism remain topics in the modern United States. Political scientist Paul McCartney, for instance, argues that as a nation defined by a creed and sense of mission, Americans tend to equate their interests with those of humanity, which in turn informs their global posture.[19] In certain cases, it may be considered a form of ethnocentrism and American exceptionalism by those outside the United States.
Due to the distinctive circumstances involved throughout history in American politics, its nationalism has developed in regards to both loyalty to a set of liberal, universal political ideals and a perceived accountability to propagate those principles globally. Acknowledging the conception of the United States as accountable for spreading liberal change and promoting democracy throughout the world's politics and governance has defined practically all of the U.S. foreign policy. Therefore, democracy promotion is not just another measure of foreign policy but is rather the fundamental characteristic of their national identity and political determination.[20].
The September 11 attacks of 2001 led to a wave of nationalist expression in the United States. This was accompanied by a rise in military enlistment that included not only lower-income Americans, but also middle-class and upper-class citizens.[21]
Trump presidency[edit]
U.S. President Donald Trump has been described as a nationalist,[22] and has embraced the term himself.[23] Several current and former officials within his administration, including White House Chief Strategist Steve Bannon,[24] Senior Advisor to the President Stephen Miller,[24] Director of the National Trade Council Peter Navarro,[25] Deputy Assistant to the President Sebastian Gorka,[24] Special Assistant to the President Julia Hahn,[26] Deputy Assistant to the President for Strategic Communications Michael Anton,[27] Attorney General Jeff Sessions,[28] and National Security Advisor Michael Flynn[29] have been described as representing a "nationalist wing" within the federal government.[30]
In a February 2017 article in The Atlantic journalist Uri Friedman described "populist economic nationalist" as a new nationalist movement "modeled on the 'populism' of the 19th-century U.S. President Andrew Jackson" which was introduced in Trump's remarks to the Republican National Convention in a speech written by Stephen Miller and Steve Bannon. Miller had adopted Sessions' form of "nation-state populism" while working as his aid.[31] By September 2017, Greg Sargent, a journalist with the Washington Post observed that "Trump's nationalism" as "defined" by Bannon, Breitbart, Miller and "the rest of the 'populist economic nationalist' contingent around Trump", was beginning to have wavering support among Trump voters.[32]
Some Republican members of Congress have also been described as nationalists, such as U.S. Representative Steve King.[33]
During the Trump era, commonly identified American nationalist political commentators include Ann Coulter,[34] Alex Jones,[35] Laura Ingraham,[34] Michael Savage,[36] Tucker Carlson,[37] and Mike Cernovich.[38]
See also[edit]
United States portal
Alt-right
Radical right (United States)
New Nationalism (21st century)
Paleoconservatism
Right-wing populism
American exceptionalism
American patriotism
American System (economic plan)
Assimilation (sociology)
Chinese Exclusion Act
Emergency Quota Act
Immigration Act of 1924
Patriotism
Salad bowl
Dominionism
Manifest Destiny
Christian nationalism
Religious nationalism
Prosperity Theology
Jingoism
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Wills, Inventing America, 348.
^ Jump up to: a b c Motyl 2001, p. 16.
Jump up ^ [1]
Jump up ^ Motyl 2001, pp. 558, 559.
Jump up ^ Trish Loughran, "Disseminating Common Sense: Thomas Paine and the Problem of the Early National Bestseller." American Literature 78.1 (2006): 1–28.
Jump up ^ Max Savelle, "Nationalism and other Loyalties in the American Revolution." American Historical Review 67.4 (1962): 901–23 in JSTOR
Jump up ^ David Waldstreicher, "Rites of rebellion, rites of assent: Celebrations, print culture, and the origins of American nationalism." Journal of American History 82.1 (1995): 37–61. in JSTOR
Jump up ^ Edward J. Larson, George Washington, Nationalist (U of Virginia Press, 2016).
Jump up ^ Address to Chicagoan voters (July 10, 1858); quoted in Roy P. Basler, ed., The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln (1953), vol 2 p. 501.
Jump up ^ Hans Kohn, "The Idea of Nationalism: A Study in Its Origins and Background" (1961)
Jump up ^ John McCardell, The Idea of a Southern Nation: Southern Nationalists and Southern Nationalism, 1830–1860 (1979).
Jump up ^ Paul Quigley, Shifting Grounds: Nationalism and the American South, 1848–1865 (2012)
Jump up ^ Gaines M. Foster, Ghosts of the Confederacy: Defeat, the Lost Cause and the Emergence of the New South, 1865–1913 (1988).
Jump up ^ Charles E. Larsen, "Nationalism and States' Rights in Commentaries on the Constitution after the Civil War." American Journal of Legal History 3.4 (1959): 360–69. in JSTOR
Jump up ^ Thomas J. Archdeacon, European Immigration from the Colonial Era to the 1920s: A Historical Perspective (2000) online.
Jump up ^ Erika Lee, "The 'Yellow Peril' and Asian Exclusion in the Americas." Pacific Historical Review 76.4 (2007): 537–62. in JSTOR
Jump up ^ Kennedy, Robert C. (November 2001). "Uncle Sam's Thanksgiving Dinner, Artist: Thomas Nast". On This Day: HarpWeek. The New York Times Company. Archived from the original on November 23, 2001. Retrieved November 23, 2001.
Jump up ^ Walfred, Michele (July 2014). "Uncle Sam's Thanksgiving Dinner: Two Coasts, Two Perspectives". Thomas Nast Cartoons. Archived from the original on March 5, 2016. Retrieved March 5, 2016.
Jump up ^ McCartney, Paul (August 28, 2002). The Bush Doctrine and American Nationalism. Annual meeting of the American Political Science Association. American Political Science Association. McCartney-2002. Retrieved 2011-02-06.
Jump up ^ Jonathan Monten, "The Roots of the Bush Doctrine: Power, Nationalism, and Democracy Promotion in U.S. Strategy" 29.4 (2005): 112-156 [2] in JSTOR
Jump up ^ "The Demographics of Military Enlistment After 9/11".
Jump up ^ "Trump visits Poland and not everyone is happy about it". USA Today. July 3, 2017.
Jump up ^ "Trump: I Am A Nationalist In A True Sense". RealClearPolitics. February 27, 2017.
^ Jump up to: a b c "Trump pressured to dump nationalist wing". The Hill. August 15, 2017.
Jump up ^ https://www.vanityfair.com/news/2017/12/bannon-for-president-trump-kushner-ivanka/amp
Jump up ^ "Breitbart writer expected to join White House staff". Politico. January 22, 2017.
Jump up ^ "The Populist Nationalist on Trump's National Security Council". The Atlantic. March 24, 2017.
Jump up ^ "State? Colony? To Jeff Sessions, Hawaii is Just 'an Island in the Pacific'". TeleSUR. April 20, 2017.
Jump up ^ "The Alt-Right and Glenn Greenwald Versus H.R. McMaster". New York Magazine. August 8, 2017.
Jump up ^ "The White House struggle between Stephen Bannon and H.R. McMaster is apparently coming to a head". The Week. August 14, 2017.
Jump up ^ Friedman, Uri (February 27, 2017). "What is a populist? And is Donald Trump one?". The Atlantic. Retrieved September 15, 2017.
Jump up ^ Sargent, Greg (September 15, 2017). "Trump's top supporters are in a full-blown panic. They're right to be afraid". Retrieved September 15, 2017.
Jump up ^ "Steve King ingests the poison of nationalist ideology". March 13, 2017.
^ Jump up to: a b Brownstein, Ronald. "Why Trump's Agenda Is Tilting in a More Conventional Direction".
Jump up ^ "Donald Trump still calls Alex Jones for advice, claims the InfoWars founder and far right conspiracy theorist". The Independent.
Jump up ^ "Misunderstood Nationalist — Understanding Michael Savage". National Summary. Archived from the original on January 22, 2008. Retrieved June 24, 2009.
Jump up ^ Coppins, McKay. "Tucker Carlson: The Bow-Tied Bard of Populism".
Jump up ^ Stack, Liam (5 April 2017). "Who Is Mike Cernovich? A Guide" – via www.nytimes.com.
Further reading[edit]
Arieli, Yehoshua. Individualism and nationalism in American ideology (Harvard University Press, 1964).
Bonikowski, Bart, and Paul DiMaggio. "Varieties of American popular nationalism." American Sociological Review (2016) 81#5 pp. 949–80 online
"French anti-Americanism: Spot the difference". The Economist. December 20, 2005.
Faust, Drew G. The Creation of Confederate Nationalism: Ideology and Identity in the Civil War South (LSU Press, 1988).
Kramer, Lloyd S. Nationalism in Europe and America: Politics, Cultures, and Identities since 1775 (2011).
Lawson, Melinda. Patriot Fires: Forging a New American Nationalism in the Civil War North (University Press of Kansas, 2002).
Li, Qiong, and Marilynn Brewer. "What Does It Mean to Be an American? Patriotism, Nationalism, and American Identity after September 11." Political Psychology (2004). 25(5): 727–39
Motyl, Alexander J. (2001). Encyclopedia of Nationalism, Volume II. Academic Press. ISBN 0-12-227230-7.
Maguire, Susan E. "Brother Jonathan and John Bull build a nation: the transactional nature of American nationalism in the early nineteenth century." National Identities 18.2 (2016): 179–98.
Quigley, Paul. Shifting Grounds: Nationalism and the American South, 1848-1865 (2012)
Trautsch, Jasper M. "The origins and nature of American nationalism," National Identities (Sep 2016) 18#3 pp. 289–312.
Waldstreicher, David. In the midst of perpetual fetes: The making of American nationalism, 1776–1820 (U of North Carolina Press, 1997).
Zelinsky, Wilbur. Nation into State: The Shifting Symbolic Foundations of American Nationalism (U of North Carolina Press, 1988).
Mitchell, Lincoln A. "The Democracy Promotion Paradox" (2016).
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