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National Maximum Speed Law
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"Double nickel" redirects here. For the Interstate Highway in the central United States nicknamed "double nickel", see Interstate 55.
55 mph speed limit sign being erected in response to the National Maximum Speed Law.
The National Maximum Speed Law (NMSL) in the United States was a provision of the Federal 1974 Emergency Highway Energy Conservation Act that prohibited speed limits higher than 55 miles per hour (90 km/h). It was drafted in response to oil price spikes and supply disruptions during the 1973 oil crisis.
While Federal officials hoped gasoline consumption would fall by 2.2%, actual savings were estimated at between 0.5% and 1%.
The law was widely disregarded by motorists, and some states opposed the law, but many jurisdictions discovered it to be a major source of revenue. Actions ranged from proposing deals for an exemption to de-emphasizing speed limit enforcement. The NMSL was modified in 1987 and 1988 to allow up to 65 mph (105 km/h) limits on certain limited access, rural roads. Congress repealed the NMSL in 1995, fully returning speed limit setting authority to the states.
The law's safety benefit is disputed as research found conflicting results.
Contents
[hide]
1 History
1.1 1973—55 mph National Speed Limit
1.2 Enactment
1.3 Safety impact
1.4 Fuel savings
1.5 Opposition and noncompliance
1.6 1987 and 1988—65 mph limit
1.6.1 Reclassified roads
1.7 1995—Repeal of federal limits
2 Speedometers
3 In popular culture
4 Annotations
5 References
6 Further reading
7 External links
History[edit]
Historically, the power to set speed limits belonged to the states. Immediately before the National Maximum Speed Law became effective, speed limits were as high as 75 mph (120 km/h).[1] (Kansas had lowered its turnpike speed limit from 80 before 1974.) Montana and Nevada generally posted no speed limits on highways, limiting drivers to only whatever was safe for conditions.
1973—55 mph National Speed Limit[edit]
In 1973, Congress enacted a national speed limit of 55 mph (90 km/h). Some states, such as Washington, enacted lower speed limits.
As of November 20, 1973, several states had modified speed limits:[2]
50 mph (80 km/h): Rhode Island, Maryland, Massachusetts, New Jersey, New York, Vermont, and Washington
55 mph (90 km/h): North Carolina and Oregon
California lowered some 70 mph (115 km/h) limits to 65 mph (105 km/h).
In late November 1973, Texas Governor Dolph Briscoe recommended adoption of a 55 mph (90 km/h) statewide limit.[3] On December 4, the Texas Highway Commission, with a 3–0 vote, adopted this 55 mph (90 km/h) speed limit, citing unsafe speed differentials between the flow of traffic and people driving too slowly to comply with President Nixon's and Governor Briscoe's requests for voluntary slowdowns. The legality of the measure was questioned, and two Texas legislators threatened to sue to block the limit.[4] However, by December 6, Texas Attorney General John Hill ruled that the speed reduction "'was in excess' of the commissioners' legal power," citing that a 1943 Texas Attorney General's opinion held that the legislature holds the power to set the statewide speed limit and the Commission's authority was limited to changing it in specific locales where safety factors required lower limits.[5]
As an emergency response to the 1973 oil crisis, on November 26, 1973, President Richard Nixon proposed a national 50 mph (80 km/h) speed limit for passenger vehicles and a 55 mph speed limit for trucks and buses. That, combined with a ban on ornamental lighting, no gasoline sales on Sunday, and a 15% cut in gasoline production, were proposed to reduce total gas consumption by 200,000 barrels a day, representing a 2.2% drop from annualized 1973 gasoline consumption levels.[6][a] Nixon partly based this on a belief that cars achieve maximum efficiency between 40 and 50 mph (65 and 80 km/h) and that trucks and buses were most efficient at 55 mph (90 km/h).[8]
The California Trucking Association, the then-largest trucking association in the United States, opposed differential speed limits on grounds that they are "not wise from a safety standpoint."[9]
Enactment[edit]
The Emergency Highway Energy Conservation Act was a bill in the U.S. Congress that enacted the National Maximum Speed Law.[10] States had to agree to the limit if they desired to receive federal funding for highway repair. The uniform speed limit was signed into law by President Nixon on January 2, 1974, and became effective 60 days later,[11] by requiring the limit as a condition of each state receiving highway funds, a use of the Commerce Clause of the United States Constitution.[12]
The legislation required 55 mph (90 km/h) speed limits on all four-lane divided highways unless the road had a lower limit before November 1, 1973. In some cases, like the New York Thruway, the 50 mph (80 km/h) speed limit had to be raised to comply with the law. The law capped speed limits at 55 mph (90 km/h) on all other roads.[11]
A survey by the Associated Press found that, as of Wednesday, January 2, 1974:[11]
12 states already had maximum speed limits of 55 mph (90 km/h).
9 states had maximum speed limits of 50 mph (80 km/h).
29 states had lower limits.
This includes some states that voluntarily lowered their limits in advance of the federal requirement.
On May 12, 1974, the United States Senate defeated a proposal by Senator Robert Dole to raise the speed limit to 60 mph (95 km/h).[13]
Safety impact[edit]
The limit's effect on highway safety is unclear. During the time the law was enacted and after it was repealed automobile fatalities decreased,[14] and this was widely attributed mainly to automobile safety improvements, owing to an increase in the safety of cars themselves.[15] This decrease in fatalities from automobile accidents makes figuring out the actual impact of the law difficult.
According to the National Research Council, there was a decrease in fatalities of about 4,000 lives in the first year after the law took effect.[15][16] Later, the National Academies wrote that there is "a strong link between vehicle speed and crash severity [which] supports the need for setting maximum limits on high-speed roads," but that "the available data do not provide an adequate basis for precisely quantifying the effects that changes in speed limits have on driving speeds, safety, and travel time on different kinds of roads." The Academies report also noted that on rural interstates, the free-flowing traffic speed should be the major determinant of the speed limit, because "Drivers typically can anticipate appropriate driving speeds." This is due, in part, to the strong access control in these areas but also is an acknowledgement of the difficulty of enforcing speed laws in these areas.[17]
A Cato Institute report showed that the safety record worsened in the first few months of the new speed limits, suggesting that the fatality drop found by the NRC was a statistical anomaly that regressed to the mean by 1978.[18] After the oil crisis abated, the NMSL was retained mainly due to the possible safety aspect.[citation needed]
Insurance Institute for Highway Safety workers wrote three papers that argue that increase from 55 to 65 mph (90 to 105 km/h) on rural roads led to a 25% to 30% increase in deaths (1/3 from increased travel, 2/3 from increased speed)[16] while the full repeal in 1995 led to a further 15% increase in fatalities.[16] In contrasting work, researchers at University of California Transportation Science Center argue that the interstates in question are only part of the equation, one also must account for traffic moving off the relatively more dangerous country roads and onto the relatively safer interstates. Accounting for this they find that raising rural speed limits to 65 mph (105 km/h) caused a 3.4% to 5.1% decrease in fatalities.[19]
Fuel savings[edit]
In 1998, the U.S. Transportation Research Board footnoted an estimate that the 1974 National Maximum Speed Limit (NMSL) reduced fuel consumption by 0.2 to 1.0 percent.[20] Rural interstates, the roads most visibly affected by the NMSL, accounted for 9.5% of the U.S' vehicle-miles-traveled in 1973,[21] but such free-flowing roads typically provide more fuel-efficient travel than conventional roads.[22] [23] [24]
Conservative think tank The Heritage Foundation claims that the United States Department of Transportation's Office of Driver Research found total fuel savings to be 1% and that "independent studies" found a 0.5% savings.[25]
Opposition and noncompliance[edit]
By the 1980s, traffic surveys showed the NMSL was widely violated:
The speed limit had very low compliance, contrary to the commonly accepted engineering practice that says that the speed limit should criminalize only the fastest 15% of drivers:
From April through June 1982, speed was monitored on New York's Interstate highways, and an 83% noncompliance rate was found, despite extreme penalties ranging from $100 (1982 dollars, equal to $248 today) or 30 days jail on a first offense to $500 (1982 dollars, equal to $1,241 today), up to 180 days in jail, and a six-month driver's license revocation upon third conviction in 18 months.[26]
In the 4th quarter of 1988, 85% of drivers violated the 55 mph (90 km/h) speed limits on Connecticut rural interstates.[27]
In 1985, the Texas's State Department of Highways and Public Transportation surveyed motorist speeds at 101 locations on six types of urban and rural roads. It found that 82.2% of motorists violated the speed limit on rural interstates, 67.2% violated speed limits on urban interstates, and 61.6% violated speed limits on all roads.[28][29]
Western states began to reduce fines in the 1980s, effectively minimizing the impact of the 55 mph limit:
Arizona, Idaho, Montana, Nevada, and Utah replaced traditional speeding fines with $5–$15 energy wasting fines as long as drivers did not exceed the speed limit in effect before the 55 mph federal requirement.[26]
Nevada's energy wasting fine was enacted on April 15, 1981, when signed by Governor Robert List. Motorists not exceeding 70 mph (115 km/h) in 55 mph (90 km/h) zones could be issued $5 "energy wasting" fines. However, standard speeding tickets were still allowed and "troopers were directed not to take the new law as a signal to stop writing tickets".[30]
In 1986, North Dakota's fine for speeding up to 15 mph (25 km/h) over the limit was only $15 and had no license points.[31]
South Dakota cut speeding fines in 1985 and stopped assessing points for being 10 mph (15 km/h) or less above the speed limit in 1986.[31]
On August 1, 1986, Minnesota, which normally suspended licenses after three tickets, stopped counting speeding tickets for no more than 65 mph (105 km/h).[31]
In 1981, 33 state legislatures debated measures to oppose the NMSL.[26]
Some law enforcement officials openly questioned the speed limit. In 1986, Jerry Baum, director of the South Dakota Highway Patrol, said "Why must I have a trooper stationed on an interstate, at 10 in the morning, worried about a guy driving 60 mph on a system designed to be traveled at 70? He could be out on a Friday night watching for drunken drivers."[31]
Even organizations supporting the NMSL, such as the American Automobile Association (AAA) provided lists of locations where the limit was strictly enforced.[26]
On June 1, 1986, Nevada challenged the NMSL by posting a 70 mph (115 km/h) limit on 3 miles (5 km) of Interstate 80. The Nevada statute authorizing this speed limit included language that invalidated itself if the federal government suspended transportation funding. Indeed, the Federal Highway Administration immediately withheld highway funding, which automatically invalidated the statute by its own terms.[12]
1987 and 1988—65 mph limit[edit]
In the April 2, 1987, Surface Transportation and Uniform Relocation Assistance Act, Congress permitted states to raise speed limits to 65 mph (105 km/h) on rural Interstate highways.[12] In a bill that passed in mid-December 1987, Congress allowed certain non-Interstate rural roads built to Interstate standards to have the higher speed limits. As of December 29, 1987, the states of California, Florida, Illinois, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, and Oklahoma had applied for and been accepted into this program. The program was originally slated to last four years.[32]
Reclassified roads[edit]
A few roads that weren't Interstate Highways but were built to Interstate standards were redesignated as Interstate Highways to qualify for the increased speed limit:
Kansas petitioned the Federal Highway Administration on May 14, 1987, to "designate the turnpike as an Interstate Highway between Topeka and Emporia". This Kansas Turnpike segment had existed since 1956 without a numerical designation. Interstate status was granted, Interstate 335 was designated, and the 65 mph speed limit signs went up.[33]
Interstate 88 in Illinois had previously been designated as Illinois Route 5.
50 miles (80 km) of the Maine Turnpike between Portland and West Gardiner were designated as Interstate 495 in 1988. The designation for this segment was changed in 2004 to Interstate 95 to simplify the Interstate numbering scheme in Maine.[34]
1995—Repeal of federal limits[edit]
Congress lifted all federal speed limit controls in the National Highway System Designation Act of 1995, returning all speed limit determination authority to the states effective December 8, 1995. Several states immediately reverted to already existing laws. For example, most Texas rural limits that were above 55 mph (90 km/h) in 1974 immediately reverted to 70 mph (115 km/h), causing some legal confusion before the new signs were posted. Montana reverted to non-numerical speed limits on most rural highways, although its legislature adopted 75 mph (120 km/h) as a limit in 1999. Hawaii was the last state to raise its speed limit when, in response to public outcry after an experiment with traffic enforcement cameras in 2002, it raised the maximum speed limit on parts of Interstates H-1 and H-3 to 60 mph (95 km/h).[35]
Despite the repeal of federal speed limit controls, 2011 maximum speed limits were, on average, lower than in 1974:[36]
States with same speed limit as pre-1974: 25[b]
States with higher speed limit than pre-1974: 8
States with lower speed limits than pre-1974: 17[c]The introduction to 70 or 75 mph speed limits was in effect that year. The introduction to 80 mph limits was in about 2005, and Texas introduced 85 (140) in 2011.
Speedometers[edit]
55MPH is emphasized on this dashboard.
On October 1, 1980, in a regulation that also regulated speedometer and odometer accuracy, the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (NHTSA) required speedometers to have special emphasis on the number 55 and a maximum speed of 85 mph (137 km/h). However, on October 19, 1980, NHTSA proposed eliminating speedometer and odometer rules because they were "unlikely to yield significant safety benefits" and "[a] highlighted '55' on a speedometer scale adds little to the information provided to the driver by a roadside speed limit sign."[37][38][39]
In popular culture[edit]
The number 55 became a popular shorthand for the 55 mph speed limit. For example, a hand with a pair of fives in Texas hold'em poker is referred to as a "speed limit".[40] Rock musician Sammy Hagar released "I Can't Drive 55", a hit single protesting the rule. The title of Minutemen's critically acclaimed double album Double Nickels on the Dime refers to the NMSL, and in jest, to the Sammy Hagar single.
One of a series of advertising campaigns for the 55 mph speed limit offered, "Speed limit 55. It's not just a good idea. It's the law."[41] Intelligentsia riffed that with a more absolute statement based on the speed of light: "186,000 miles per second. It's not just a good idea, it's the law." [42]
Annotations[edit]
Jump up ^ The 2.2% drop figure was calculated by finding daily consumption to be 9,299,684 barrels of petroleum. Obtain 1973's petroleum consumption from transportation sector at 2.1e from the Energy Consumption by Sector section, then convert to barrels using A1 in the Thermal Conversion Factors section (assume "conventional motor gasoline" since ethanol-based or purportedly smog-reducing gas was not common in 1973).[7]
Jump up ^ Includes Texas where the same pre-1974 speed limits are applicable on the vast majority of rural roads despite some 75 and 80 mph limits.
Jump up ^ Includes Virginia where the vast majority of rural freeways have a 65 mph (105 km/h) limit.
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "Daytime Speed Limits". States' Attitudes Toward Speed Limits. Reasonable Drivers Unanimous. March 9, 1998. Retrieved August 1, 2011.
Jump up ^ Lindsey, Robert (November 20, 1973). "Nation Is Living on Less Energy For Travel, Heating and Lights". The New York Times. p. 1. Retrieved July 22, 2008. (subscription required)
Jump up ^ "Speed Limit on State Agenda". Associated Press. December 3, 1973. Retrieved July 22, 2008. (subscription required)
Jump up ^ "Texas Commission OKs 55 MPH Limit". Associated Press. December 5, 1973. Retrieved July 22, 2008. (subscription required)
Jump up ^ Kinch, Jr., Sam (December 6, 1973). "Lower Speed Limit Not Legal, Hill Rules". The Dallas Morning News. p. 1. Retrieved July 22, 2008. (subscription required)
Jump up ^ Cowan, Edward (November 27, 1973). "Politics and Energy: Nixon's Silence on Rationing Reflects Hope That Austerity Can Be Avoided". The New York Times. p. 30. Retrieved July 22, 2008. (subscription required)
Jump up ^ Staff (June 28, 2008). Annual Energy Review (PDF) (2007 ed.). Washington, DC: Energy Information Administration.
Jump up ^ "55 Mile-per-hour Speed Limit Approved by House". United Press International. December 4, 1973. p. 30. Retrieved July 22, 2008. (subscription required)
Jump up ^ "Unequal Limits Hit". United Press International. November 30, 1973. Retrieved July 22, 2008. (subscription required)
Jump up ^ Travel Mode Improvement Program staff. "Chapter 8. Transition to Short-Term Planning". TMIP: Urban Transportation Planning In the United States: An Historical Overview. US Department of Transportation. Archived from the original on April 8, 2009. Retrieved July 22, 2008.
^ Jump up to: a b c "Nixon Approves Limit of 55 MPH". The New York Times. January 3, 1974. pp. 1, 24. Retrieved July 22, 2008. (subscription required)
^ Jump up to: a b c "Brief For The Respondents In Opposition". Nevada v. Skinner. Archived from the original on November 28, 2010. Retrieved August 1, 2011.
Jump up ^ Cowan, Edward (May 14, 1974). "Senate Rejects a Rise in Speed Limits on Highways to 60 MPH from 55". The New York Times. p. 74. Retrieved July 22, 2008. (subscription required)
Jump up ^ Morrow, Adrian (April 5, 2011). "US Motorists Enjoy Least Deadly Driving Year Since 1949". Globe and Mail. Toronto. Retrieved August 1, 2011.
^ Jump up to: a b McFeatters, Ann (September 14, 1986). "Critics say auto safety laws not worth cost". Houston Chronicle. Scripps-Howard News Service. p. 18. Archived from the original on October 18, 2012. Retrieved July 22, 2008.
^ Jump up to: a b c Staff (May 2011). "Q&A: Speed and speed limits". Insurance Institute for Highway Safety. Retrieved August 1, 2011. , citing Transportation Research Board. 1984. 55: a decade of experience. Special Report 204. Washington, DC., available for purchase online at [1]
Jump up ^ "Road Conditions Vary Too Widely For Single Approach to Speed Limits". Transportation Research Board. National Research Council. Oct 1, 1998. Retrieved November 3, 2011.
Jump up ^ Moore, Stephen (May 31, 1999). "Speed Doesn't Kill: The Repeal of the 55-MPH Speed Limit". Cato Institute. pp. 7–9. Retrieved April 19, 2007.
Jump up ^ Lave, Charles; Elias, Patrick. "Did the 65 MPH Speed Limit Save Lives?" (PDF). Accident Analysis and Prevention. Amsterdam: Elsevier. 26 (1): 49–62. ISSN 0001-4575. doi:10.1016/0001-4575(94)90068-x.
Jump up ^ "Special Report 254: Managing Speed" (PDF). Transportation Research Board: 189. Retrieved 17 September 2014. Bloomquist (1984) estimated that the 1974 National Maximum Speed Limit (NMSL) reduced fuel consumption by 0.2 to 1.0 percent.
Jump up ^ "Highway Statistics 1973 (Table VM-2: VEHICLE MILES, BY STATE AND HIGHWAY SYSTEM-1973)" (PDF). Federal Highway Administration: 76. Retrieved 17 September 2014.
Jump up ^ Lexus IS250 2.5L 6cyl, Auto 6 speed Sedan, 5 seats, 2WD
Jump up ^ IS 250 Kraftstoffverbrauch kombiniert 8,9 L/100 km (innerorts 12,5 L/ außerorts 6,9 L) bei CO2-Emissionen von 209 g/km nach dem vorgeschriebenen EU-Messverfahren http://www.lexus.de/range/is/index.aspx
Jump up ^ 2009 Lexus IS 250 6 cyl, 2.5 L, Automatic (S6), Premium http://www.fueleconomy.gov/feg/findacar.htm
Jump up ^ Copulos, Milton R. (September 9, 1986). "The High Cost of the 55 MPH Speed Limit" (PDF). The Backgrounder. Washington, DC: The Heritage Foundation (532): 1–8. Retrieved August 1, 2011.
^ Jump up to: a b c d Grimes, Paul (December 26, 1982). "Practical Traveler: The 55-MPH Speed Limit". The New York Times. Retrieved August 1, 2011.
Jump up ^ Hamilton, Robert A. (May 7, 1989). "85% of Drivers on Interstates Are Speeders". The New York Times. Retrieved August 1, 2011.
Jump up ^ "Speeders in Majority on Texas Highways". Houston Chronicle. United Press International. January 9, 1987. p. 12. Retrieved August 1, 2011.
Jump up ^ Robison, Clay (June 15, 1986). "55 MPH Law Violated, but Unlikely to Change". Houston Chronicle. p. 2. Retrieved August 1, 2011.
Jump up ^ "Nevada Speeders Getting $5 'Energy Wasting' Fines". The New York Times. Associated Press. April 16, 1981. Retrieved August 1, 2011.
^ Jump up to: a b c d "Some States Trying to Skirt Federally Mandated 55 MPH Speed Limit". Houston Chronicle. April 14, 1986. p. 3. Retrieved August 1, 2011.
Jump up ^ Molotsky, Irvin (December 29, 1987). "20 States to Win the Right to Set a 65 MPH Speed". The New York Times. Retrieved August 1, 2011.
Jump up ^ "65 MPH Approved for Route". Wichita Eagle-Beacon. October 24, 1987. .
Jump up ^ "It's Time To Clear Up the Confusion: Maine Interstate Redesignation 2004" (PDF). Maine Department of Transportation and Maine Turnpike Authority. 2004. Retrieved August 1, 2011.
Jump up ^ Antone, Rod (April 18, 2002). "State Approves Higher Speed Limits". Honolulu Star-Bulletin. Retrieved August 1, 2011.
Jump up ^ Staff. "Summary Chart". States' Attitudes Towards Speed Limits. Reasonable Drivers Unanimous. Retrieved August 1, 2011.
Jump up ^ Kramer, Larry (March 10, 1978). "Odometer Security Rules Due". Washington Post. p. B11. Retrieved July 22, 2008. (subscription required)
Jump up ^ National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (effective September 1, 1979). 49 C.F.R. 571.127 "Standard No. 127 Speedometers and Odometers." Retrieved August 1, 2011.
Jump up ^ Conlon, Michael J. (October 22, 1981). "Speedometer Rules Slated for Scrapping". United Press International. Retrieved July 22, 2008. (subscription required)
Jump up ^ McComas, Richard (2004-12-05). "400+ Hole Card Hand Names". Retrieved 2008-10-11.
Jump up ^ Bennett, James T. (2014). Mandate Madness: How Congress Forces States and Localities to Do Its Bidding. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Transaction Publishers. ISBN 978-1-4128-5372-9.
Jump up ^ Van Riper, A. Bowdoin (2002). Science in Popular Culture: A Reference Guide. Westport, Connecticut, USA: Greenwood Press. p. 268. ISBN 0-313-31822-0.
Further reading[edit]
Singell, Larry D.; McNown, Robert F. (October 1985). "A Cost-Benefit Analysis of the 55 MPH Speed Limit: Reply". Southern Economic Journal. Chapel Hill, NC: Southern Economic Association, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. 52 (2): 550–553. ISSN 0038-4038. JSTOR 1059644. doi:10.2307/1059644.
Clotfelter, Charles T.; Hahn, John C. (June 1978). "Assessing the 55 MPH National Speed Limit". Policy Sciences. Springer Netherlands. 9 (3): 281–294. ISSN 0032-2687. doi:10.1007/BF00136831.
External links[edit]
External images
"Photograph of 55 mph speed limit replacing a 70 mph limit". February 12, 1974.
"Photograph of KSDOT workers changing a 75 mph sign to 55 mph". 1974.
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Social justice
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
This is the latest accepted revision, reviewed on 17 April 2018.
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For the early-20th-century periodical, see Social Justice (periodical).
College students live in tents for a week to call attention to perceived social injustice
Social justice is a concept of fair and just relations between the individual and society. This is measured by the explicit and tacit terms for the distribution of wealth, opportunities for personal activity and social privileges. In Western as well as in older Asian cultures, the concept of social justice has often referred to the process of ensuring that individuals fulfill their societal roles and receive what was their due from society.[1][2][3] In the current global grassroots movements for social justice, the emphasis has been on the breaking of barriers for social mobility, the creation of safety nets and economic justice.[4][5][6][7][8]
Social justice assigns rights and duties in the institutions of society, which enables people to receive the basic benefits and burdens of cooperation. The relevant institutions often include taxation, social insurance, public health, public school, public services, labour law and regulation of markets, to ensure fair distribution of wealth, and equal opportunity.[9]
Interpretations that relate justice to a reciprocal relationship to society are mediated by differences in cultural traditions, some of which emphasize the individual responsibility toward society and others the equilibrium between access to power and its responsible use.[10] Hence, social justice is invoked today while reinterpreting historical figures such as Bartolomé de las Casas, in philosophical debates about differences among human beings, in efforts for gender, racial and social equality, for advocating justice for migrants, prisoners, the environment, and the physically and developmentally disabled.[11][12][13][14]
While the concept of social justice can be traced through the theology of Augustine of Hippo and the philosophy of Thomas Paine, the term "social justice" became used explicitly from the 1840s. A Jesuit priest named Luigi Taparelli is typically credited with coining the term, and it spread during the revolutions of 1848 with the work of Antonio Rosmini-Serbati.[2][15][16] However, recent research has proved that the use of the expression "social justice" is older (even before the 19th century).[17] In the late industrial revolution, progressive American legal scholars began to use the term more, particularly Louis Brandeis and Roscoe Pound. From the early 20th century it was also embedded in international law and institutions; the preamble to establish the International Labour Organization recalled that "universal and lasting peace can be established only if it is based upon social justice." In the later 20th century, social justice was made central to the philosophy of the social contract, primarily by John Rawls in A Theory of Justice (1971). In 1993, the Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action treats social justice as a purpose of human rights education.[18][19]
Contents
[hide]
1 History
2 Contemporary theory
2.1 Philosophical perspectives
2.1.1 Cosmic values
2.1.2 John Rawls
2.1.3 Thomas Pogge
2.1.4 United Nations
3 Religious perspectives
3.1 Hinduism
3.2 Islam
3.3 Judaism
3.4 Christianity
3.4.1 Methodism
3.4.2 Catholicism
4 Criticism
5 Social justice movements
5.1 Liberation theology
5.2 Health care
5.3 Human rights education
6 See also
7 Notes
8 References
8.1 Articles
8.2 Books
9 External links
History[edit]
Main articles: Social contract, Justice, Corrective justice, and Distributive justice
The different concepts of justice, as discussed in ancient Western philosophy, were typically centered upon the community.
Plato
Plato wrote in The Republic that it would be an ideal state that "every member of the community must be assigned to the class for which he finds himself best fitted."[20] In an article for J.N.V University, author D.R. Bhandari says, "Justice is, for Plato, at once a part of human virtue and the bond, which joins man together in society. It is the identical quality that makes good and social. Justice is an order and duty of the parts of the soul, it is to the soul as health is to the body. Plato says that justice is not mere strength, but it is a harmonious strength. Justice is not the right of the stronger but the effective harmony of the whole. All moral conceptions revolve about the good of the whole-individual as well as social".[21]
Aristotle
Aristotle believed rights existed only between free people, and the law should take "account in the first instance of relations of inequality in which individuals are treated in proportion to their worth and only secondarily of relations of equality." Reflecting this time when slavery and subjugation of women was typical, ancient views of justice tended to reflect the rigid class systems that still prevailed. On the other hand, for the privileged groups, strong concepts of fairness and the community existed. Distributive justice was said by Aristotle to require that people were distributed goods and assets according to their merit.[22]
Socrates
Socrates (through Plato's dialogue Crito) is attributed with developing the idea of a social contract, whereby people ought to follow the rules of a society, and accept its burdens because they have accepted its benefits.[23] During the Middle Ages, religious scholars particularly, such as Thomas Aquinas continued discussion of justice in various ways, but ultimately connected being a good citizen to the purpose of serving God.
After the Renaissance and Reformation, the modern concept of social justice, as developing human potential, began to emerge through the work of a series of authors. Baruch Spinoza in On the Improvement of the Understanding (1677) contended that the one true aim of life should be to acquire "a human character much more stable than [one's] own", and to achieve this "pitch of perfection... The chief good is that he should arrive, together with other individuals if possible, at the possession of the aforesaid character."[24] During the enlightenment and responding to the French and American Revolutions, Thomas Paine similarly wrote in The Rights of Man (1792) society should give "genius a fair and universal chance" and so "the construction of government ought to be such as to bring forward... all that extent of capacity which never fails to appear in revolutions."[25]
Social justice has been traditionally credited to be coined by Jesuit priest Luigi Taparelli in the 1840s, but the expression is older
Although there is no certainty about the first use of the term "social justice", early sources can be found in Europe in the 18th century.[26] Some references to the use of the expression are in articles of journals aligned with the spirit of the Enlightenment, in which social justice is described as an obligation of the monarch;[27][28] also the term is present in books written by Catholic Italian theologians, notably members of the Society of Jesus.[29] Thus, according to this sources and the context, social justice was another term for "the justice of society", the justice that rules the relations among individuals in society, without any mention to socio-economic equity or human dignity.[26]
The usage of the term started to become more frequent by Catholic thinkers from the 1840s, including the Jesuit Luigi Taparelli in Civiltà Cattolica, based on the work of St. Thomas Aquinas. He argued that rival capitalist and socialist theories, based on subjective Cartesian thinking, undermined the unity of society present in Thomistic metaphysics as neither were sufficiently concerned with moral philosophy. Writing in 1861, the influential British philosopher and economist, John Stuart Mill stated in Utilitarianism his view that "Society should treat all equally well who have deserved equally well of it, that is, who have deserved equally well absolutely. This is the highest abstract standard of social and distributive justice; towards which all institutions, and the efforts of all virtuous citizens, should be made in the utmost degree to converge."[30]
In the later 19th and early 20th century, social justice became an important theme in American political and legal philosophy, particularly in the work of John Dewey, Roscoe Pound and Louis Brandeis. One of the prime concerns was the Lochner era decisions of the US Supreme Court to strike down legislation passed by state governments and the Federal government for social and economic improvement, such as the eight-hour day or the right to join a trade union. After the First World War, the founding document of the International Labour Organization took up the same terminology in its preamble, stating that "peace can be established only if it is based on social justice". From this point, the discussion of social justice entered into mainstream legal and academic discourse.
Thus, in 1931, the Pope Pius XI stated the expression for the first time in the Catholic Social Teaching in the encyclical Quadragesimo Anno. Then again in Divini Redepmtoris, the Church pointed out that the realisation of social justice relied on the promotion of the dignity of human person.[31] The same year, and because of the documented influence of Divini Redemptoris in its drafters,[32] the Constitution of Ireland was the first one to establish the term as a principle of the economy in the State, and then other countries around the world did the same throughout the 20th century, even in Socialist regimes such as the Cuban Constitution in 1976.[26]
In the late 20th century, a number of liberal and conservative thinkers, notably Friedrich von Hayek rejected the concept by stating that it did not mean anything, or meant too many things.[33] However the concept remained highly influential, particularly with its promotion by philosophers such as John Rawls. Even though the meaning of social justice varies, at least three common elements can be identified in the contemporary theories about it: a duty of the State to distribute certain vital means (such as economic, social, and cultural rights), the protection of human dignity, and affirmative actions to promote equal opportunities for everybody.[26]
Contemporary theory[edit]
Philosophical perspectives[edit]
Cosmic values[edit]
Hunter Lewis' work promoting natural healthcare and sustainable economies advocates for conservation as a key premise in social justice. His manifesto on sustainability ties the continued thriving of human life to real conditions, the environment supporting that life, and associates injustice with the detrimental effects of unintended consequences of human actions. Quoting classical Greek thinkers like Epicurus on the good of pursuing happiness, Hunter also cites ornithologist, naturalist, and philosopher Alexander Skutch in his book Moral Foundations:
The common feature which unites the activities most consistently forbidden by the moral codes of civilized peoples is that by their very nature they cannot be both habitual and enduring, because they tend to destroy the conditions which make them possible.[34]
Pope Benedict XVI cites Teilhard de Chardin in a vision of the cosmos as a 'living host'[35] embracing an understanding of ecology that includes humanity's relationship to others, that pollution affects not just the natural world but interpersonal relations as well. Cosmic harmony, justice and peace are closely interrelated:
If you want to cultivate peace, protect creation.[36]
John Rawls[edit]
Main article: John Rawls
Political philosopher John Rawls draws on the utilitarian insights of Bentham and Mill, the social contract ideas of John Locke, and the categorical imperative ideas of Kant. His first statement of principle was made in A Theory of Justice where he proposed that, "Each person possesses an inviolability founded on justice that even the welfare of society as a whole cannot override. For this reason justice denies that the loss of freedom for some is made right by a greater good shared by others."[37] A deontological proposition that echoes Kant in framing the moral good of justice in absolutist terms. His views are definitively restated in Political Liberalism where society is seen "as a fair system of co-operation over time, from one generation to the next".[38]
All societies have a basic structure of social, economic, and political institutions, both formal and informal. In testing how well these elements fit and work together, Rawls based a key test of legitimacy on the theories of social contract. To determine whether any particular system of collectively enforced social arrangements is legitimate, he argued that one must look for agreement by the people who are subject to it, but not necessarily to an objective notion of justice based on coherent ideological grounding. Obviously, not every citizen can be asked to participate in a poll to determine his or her consent to every proposal in which some degree of coercion is involved, so one has to assume that all citizens are reasonable. Rawls constructed an argument for a two-stage process to determine a citizen's hypothetical agreement:
The citizen agrees to be represented by X for certain purposes, and, to that extent, X holds these powers as a trustee for the citizen.
X agrees that enforcement in a particular social context is legitimate. The citizen, therefore, is bound by this decision because it is the function of the trustee to represent the citizen in this way.
This applies to one person who represents a small group (e.g., the organiser of a social event setting a dress code) as equally as it does to national governments, which are ultimate trustees, holding representative powers for the benefit of all citizens within their territorial boundaries. Governments that fail to provide for welfare of their citizens according to the principles of justice are not legitimate. To emphasise the general principle that justice should rise from the people and not be dictated by the law-making powers of governments, Rawls asserted that, "There is ... a general presumption against imposing legal and other restrictions on conduct without sufficient reason. But this presumption creates no special priority for any particular liberty."[39] This is support for an unranked set of liberties that reasonable citizens in all states should respect and uphold — to some extent, the list proposed by Rawls matches the normative human rights that have international recognition and direct enforcement in some nation states where the citizens need encouragement to act in a way that fixes a greater degree of equality of outcome. According to Rawls, the basic liberties that every good society should guarantee are:
Freedom of thought;
Liberty of conscience as it affects social relationships on the grounds of religion, philosophy, and morality;
Political liberties (e.g., representative democratic institutions, freedom of speech and the press, and freedom of assembly);
Freedom of association;
Freedoms necessary for the liberty and integrity of the person (namely: freedom from slavery, freedom of movement and a reasonable degree of freedom to choose one's occupation); and
Rights and liberties covered by the rule of law.
Thomas Pogge[edit]
Thomas Pogge's arguments pertain to a standard of social justice that creates human rights deficits. He assigns responsibility to those who actively cooperate in designing or imposing the social institution, that the order is foreseeable as harming the global poor and is reasonably avoidable. Pogge argues that social institutions have a negative duty to not harm the poor.[40][41]
Pogge speaks of "institutional cosmopolitanism" and assigns responsibility to institutional schemes[42] for deficits of human rights. An example given is slavery and third parties. A third party should not recognize or enforce slavery. The institutional order should be held responsible only for deprivations of human rights that it establishes or authorizes. The current institutional design, he says, systematically harms developing economies by enabling corporate tax evasion,[43] illicit financial flows, corruption, trafficking of people and weapons. Joshua Cohen disputes his claims based on the fact that some poor countries have done well with the current institutional design.[44] Elizabeth Kahn argues that some of these responsibilities[vague] should apply globally.[45]
United Nations[edit]
The United Nations’ 2006 document Social Justice in an Open World: The Role of the United Nations, states that "Social justice may be broadly understood as the fair and compassionate distribution of the fruits of economic growth..."[46]:16
The term "social justice" was seen by the U.N. "as a substitute for the protection of human rights [and] first appeared in United Nations texts during the second half of the 1960s. At the initiative of the Soviet Union, and with the support of developing countries, the term was used in the Declaration on Social Progress and Development, adopted in 1969."[46]:52
The same document reports, "From the comprehensive global perspective shaped by the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, neglect of the pursuit of social justice in all its dimensions translates into de facto acceptance of a future marred by violence, repression and chaos."[46]:6 The report concludes, "Social justice is not possible without strong and coherent redistributive policies conceived and implemented by public agencies."[46]:16
The same UN document offers a concise history: "[T]he notion of social justice is relatively new. None of history’s great philosophers—not Plato or Aristotle, or Confucius or Averroes, or even Rousseau or Kant—saw the need to consider justice or the redress of injustices from a social perspective. The concept first surfaced in Western thought and political language in the wake of the industrial revolution and the parallel development of the socialist doctrine. It emerged as an expression of protest against what was perceived as the capitalist exploitation of labour and as a focal point for the development of measures to improve the human condition. It was born as a revolutionary slogan embodying the ideals of progress and fraternity. Following the revolutions that shook Europe in the mid-1800s, social justice became a rallying cry for progressive thinkers and political activists.... By the mid-twentieth century, the concept of social justice had become central to the ideologies and programmes of virtually all the leftist and centrist political parties around the world..."[46]:11–12
Religious perspectives[edit]
Hinduism[edit]
The present-day Jāti hierarchy is undergoing changes for a variety of reasons including 'social justice', which is a politically popular stance in democratic India. Institutionalized affirmative action has promoted this. The disparity and wide inequalities in social behaviour of the jātis – exclusive, endogamous communities centred on traditional occupations – has led to various reform movements in Hinduism. While legally outlawed, the caste system remains strong in practice.[47]
Islam[edit]
In Muslim history, Islamic governance has often been associated with social justice.[additional citation(s) needed] Establishment of social justice was one of the motivating factors of the Abbasid revolt against the Umayyads.[48] The Shi'a believe that the return of the Mahdi will herald in "the messianic age of justice" and the Mahdi along with the Isa (Jesus) will end plunder, torture, oppression and discrimination.[49]
For the Muslim Brotherhood the implementation of social justice would require the rejection of consumerism and communism. The Brotherhood strongly affirmed the right to private property as well as differences in personal wealth due to factors such as hard work. However, the Brotherhood held Muslims had an obligation to assist those Muslims in need. It held that zakat (alms-giving) was not voluntary charity, but rather the poor had the right to assistance from the more fortunate.[50] Most Islamic governments therefore enforce the zakat through taxes.
Judaism[edit]
Main article: Tikkun olam
In To Heal a Fractured World: The Ethics of Responsibility, Rabbi Jonathan Sacks states that social justice has a central place in Judaism. One of Judaism’s most distinctive and challenging ideas is its ethics of responsibility reflected in the concepts of simcha ("gladness" or "joy"), tzedakah ("the religious obligation to perform charity and philanthropic acts"), chesed ("deeds of kindness"), and tikkun olam ("repairing the world").[citation needed]
Christianity[edit]
Methodism[edit]
From its founding, Methodism was a Christian social justice movement. Under John Wesley's direction, Methodists became leaders in many social justice issues of the day, including the prison reform and abolition movements. Wesley himself was among the first to preach for slaves rights attracting significant opposition.[51][52][53]
Today, social justice plays a major role in the United Methodist Church. The Book of Discipline of the United Methodist Church says, "We hold governments responsible for the protection of the rights of the people to free and fair elections and to the freedoms of speech, religion, assembly, communications media, and petition for redress of grievances without fear of reprisal; to the right to privacy; and to the guarantee of the rights to adequate food, clothing, shelter, education, and health care."[54] The United Methodist Church also teaches population control as part of its doctrine.[55]
Catholicism[edit]
Main article: Catholic social teaching
Catholic social teaching consists of those aspects of Roman Catholic doctrine which relate to matters dealing with the respect of the individual human life. A distinctive feature of Catholic social doctrine is its concern for the poorest and most vulnerable members of society. Two of the seven key areas[56] of "Catholic social teaching" are pertinent to social justice:
Life and dignity of the human person: The foundational principle of all "Catholic Social Teaching" is the sanctity of all human life and the inherent dignity of every human person, from conception to natural death. Human life must be valued above all material possessions.
Preferential option for the poor and vulnerable: Catholics believe Jesus taught that on the Day of Judgement God will ask what each person did to help the poor and needy: "Amen, I say to you, whatever you did for one of these least brothers of mine, you did for me."[57] The Catholic Church believes that through words, prayers and deeds one must show solidarity with, and compassion for, the poor. The moral test of any society is "how it treats its most vulnerable members. The poor have the most urgent moral claim on the conscience of the nation. People are called to look at public policy decisions in terms of how they affect the poor."[58]
Even before it was propounded in the Catholic social doctrine, social justice appeared regularly in the history of the Catholic Church:
Pope Leo XIII, who studied under Taparelli, published in 1891 the encyclical Rerum novarum (On the Condition of the Working Classes; lit. "On new things"), rejecting both socialism and capitalism, while defending labor unions and private property. He stated that society should be based on cooperation and not class conflict and competition. In this document, Leo set out the Catholic Church's response to the social instability and labor conflict that had arisen in the wake of industrialization and had led to the rise of socialism. The Pope advocated that the role of the State was to promote social justice through the protection of rights, while the Church must speak out on social issues in order to teach correct social principles and ensure class harmony.
The encyclical Quadragesimo anno (On Reconstruction of the Social Order, literally "in the fortieth year") of 1931 by Pope Pius XI, encourages a living wage,[59] subsidiarity, and advocates that social justice is a personal virtue as well as an attribute of the social order, saying that society can be just only if individuals and institutions are just.
Pope John Paul II added much to the corpus of the Catholic social teaching, penning three encyclicals which focus on issues such as economics, politics, geo-political situations, ownership of the means of production, private property and the "social mortgage", and private property. The encyclicals Laborem exercens, Sollicitudo rei socialis, and Centesimus annus are just a small portion of his overall contribution to Catholic social justice. Pope John Paul II was a strong advocate of justice and human rights, and spoke forcefully for the poor. He addresses issues such as the problems that technology can present should it be misused, and admits a fear that the "progress" of the world is not true progress at all, if it should denigrate the value of the human person. He argued in Centesimus annus that private property, markets, and honest labor were the keys to alleviating the miseries of the poor and to enabling a life that can express the fullness of the human person.
Pope Benedict XVI's encyclical Deus caritas est ("God is Love") of 2006 claims that justice is the defining concern of the state and the central concern of politics, and not of the church, which has charity as its central social concern. It said that the laity has the specific responsibility of pursuing social justice in civil society and that the church's active role in social justice should be to inform the debate, using reason and natural law, and also by providing moral and spiritual formation for those involved in politics.
The official Catholic doctrine on social justice can be found in the book Compendium of the Social Doctrine of the Church, published in 2004 and updated in 2006, by the Pontifical Council Iustitia et Pax.
The Catechism (§ 1928–1948) contain more detail of the Church's view of social justice.[60]
Criticism[edit]
Many authors criticize the idea that there exists an objective standard of social justice. Moral relativists deny that there is any kind of objective standard for justice in general. Non-cognitivists, moral skeptics, moral nihilists, and most logical positivists deny the epistemic possibility of objective notions of justice. Political realists believe that any ideal of social justice is ultimately a mere justification for the status quo.[citation needed]
Many other people accept some of the basic principles of social justice, such as the idea that all human beings have a basic level of value, but disagree with the elaborate conclusions that may or may not follow from this. One example is the statement by H. G. Wells that all people are "equally entitled to the respect of their fellowmen."[61]
On the other hand, some scholars reject the very idea of social justice as meaningless, religious, self-contradictory, and ideological, believing that to realize any degree of social justice is unfeasible, and that the attempt to do so must destroy all liberty. Perhaps the most complete rejection of the concept of social justice comes from Friedrich Hayek of the Austrian School of economics:
There can be no test by which we can discover what is 'socially unjust' because there is no subject by which such an injustice can be committed, and there are no rules of individual conduct the observance of which in the market order would secure to the individuals and groups the position which as such (as distinguished from the procedure by which it is determined) would appear just to us. [Social justice] does not belong to the category of error but to that of nonsense, like the term 'a moral stone'.[62]
Ben O'Neill of the University of New South Wales argues that, for proponents of "social justice":[63]
the notion of "rights" is a mere term of entitlement, indicative of a claim for any possible desirable good, no matter how important or trivial, abstract or tangible, recent or ancient. It is merely an assertion of desire, and a declaration of intention to use the language of rights to acquire said desire.
In fact, since the program of social justice inevitably involves claims for government provision of goods, paid for through the efforts of others, the term actually refers to an intention to use force to acquire one's desires. Not to earn desirable goods by rational thought and action, production and voluntary exchange, but to go in there and forcibly take goods from those who can supply them!
Janusz Korwin-Mikke states, "Either 'social justice' has the same meaning as 'justice' – or not. If so – why use the additional word 'social?' We lose time, we destroy trees to obtain paper necessary to print this word. If not, if 'social justice' means something different from 'justice' – then 'something different from justice' is by definition 'injustice.'"[citation needed]
Sociologist Carl L. Bankston has argued that a secular, leftist view of social justice entails viewing the redistribution of goods and resources as based on the rights of disadvantaged categories of people, rather than on compassion or national interest. Bankston maintains that this secular version of social justice became widely accepted due to the rise of demand-side economics and to the moral influence of the civil rights movement.[64]
Social justice movements[edit]
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Social justice is also a concept that is used to describe the movement towards a socially just world, e.g., the Global Justice Movement. In this context, social justice is based on the concepts of human rights and equality, and can be defined as "the way in which human rights are manifested in the everyday lives of people at every level of society".[65]
A number of movements are working to achieve social justice in society. These movements are working towards the realization of a world where all members of a society, regardless of background or procedural justice, have basic human rights and equal access to the benefits of their society.[66]
Liberation theology[edit]
Main article: Liberation theology
Liberation theology[67] is a movement in Christian theology which conveys the teachings of Jesus Christ in terms of a liberation from unjust economic, political, or social conditions. It has been described by proponents as "an interpretation of Christian faith through the poor's suffering, their struggle and hope, and a critique of society and the Catholic faith and Christianity through the eyes of the poor",[68] and by detractors as Christianity perverted by Marxism and Communism.[69]
Although liberation theology has grown into an international and inter-denominational movement, it began as a movement within the Catholic Church in Latin America in the 1950s–1960s. It arose principally as a moral reaction to the poverty caused by social injustice in that region.[70] It achieved prominence in the 1970s and 1980s. The term was coined by the Peruvian priest, Gustavo Gutiérrez, who wrote one of the movement's most famous books, A Theology of Liberation (1971). According to Sarah Kleeb, "Marx would surely take issue," she writes, "with the appropriation of his works in a religious context...there is no way to reconcile Marx's views of religion with those of Gutierrez, they are simply incompatible. Despite this, in terms of their understanding of the necessity of a just and righteous world, and the nearly inevitable obstructions along such a path, the two have much in common; and, particularly in the first edition of [A Theology of Liberation], the use of Marxian theory is quite evident."[71]
Other noted exponents are Leonardo Boff of Brazil, Carlos Mugica of Argentina, Jon Sobrino of El Salvador, and Juan Luis Segundo of Uruguay.[72][73]
Health care[edit]
Social justice has more recently made its way into the field of bioethics. Discussion involves topics such as affordable access to health care, especially for low income households and families. The discussion also raises questions such as whether society should bear healthcare costs for low income families, and whether the global marketplace is the best way to distribute healthcare. Ruth Faden of the Johns Hopkins Berman Institute of Bioethics and Madison Powers of Georgetown University focus their analysis of social justice on which inequalities matter the most. They develop a social justice theory that answers some of these questions in concrete settings.
Social injustices occur when there is a preventable difference in health states among a population of people. These social injustices take the form of health inequities when negative health states such as malnourishment, and infectious diseases are more prevalent in impoverished nations.[74] These negative health states can often be prevented by providing social and economic structures such as primary healthcare which ensures the general population has equal access to health care services regardless of income level, gender, education or any other stratifying factors. Integrating social justice with health inherently reflects the social determinants of health model without discounting the role of the bio-medical model.[75]
Human rights education[edit]
Main article: Human rights education
The Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action affirm that "Human rights education should include peace, democracy, development and social justice, as set forth in international and regional human rights instruments, in order to achieve common understanding and awareness with a view to strengthening universal commitment to human rights."[76]
See also[edit]
"Beyond Vietnam: A Time to Break Silence", an anti-Vietnam war and pro-social justice speech delivered by Martin Luther King, Jr. in 1967
Counterculture of the 1960s
Climate justice
Environmental justice
Environmental racism
Essentially contested concept
Labour law and labour rights
Left-wing politics
Resource justice
Right to education
Right to health
Right to housing
Right to social security
Socialism
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Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ Aristotle, The Politics (ca 350 BC)
^ Jump up to: a b Clark, Mary T. (2015). "Augustine on Justice," a Chapter in Augustine and Social Justice. Lexington Books. pp. 3–10. ISBN 978-1-4985-0918-3.
Jump up ^ Banai, Ayelet; Ronzoni, Miriam; Schemmel, Christian (2011). Social Justice, Global Dynamics : Theoretical and Empirical Perspectives. Florence: Taylor and Francis. ISBN 978-0-203-81929-6.
Jump up ^ Kitching, G. N. (2001). Seeking Social Justice Through Globalization Escaping a Nationalist Perspective. University Park, Pa: Pennsylvania State University Press. pp. 3–10. ISBN 0-271-02377-5.
Jump up ^ Hillman, Arye L. (2008). "Globalization and Social Justice". The Singapore Economic Review. 53 (2): 173–189.
Jump up ^ Agartan, Kaan (2014). "Globalization and the Question of Social Justice". Sociology Compass. 8 (6): 903–915. doi:10.1111/soc4.12162.
Jump up ^ El Khoury, Ann (2015). Globalization Development and Social Justice : A propositional political approach. Florence: Taylor and Francis. pp. 1–20. ISBN 978-1-317-50480-1.
Jump up ^ Lawrence, Cecile & Natalie Churn (2012). Movements in Time Revolution, Social Justice, and Times of Change. Newcastle upon Tyne, UK:: Cambridge Scholars Pub. pp. xi–xv. ISBN 1-4438-4552-3.
Jump up ^ John Rawls, A Theory of Justice (1971) 4, "the principles of social justice: they provide a way of assigning rights and duties in the basic institutions of society and they define the appropriate distribution of benefits and burdens of social co-operation."
Jump up ^ Aiqing Zhang; Feifei Xia; Chengwei Li (2007). "The Antecedents Of Help Giving In Chinese Culture: Attribution, Judgment Of Responsibility, Expectation Change And The Reaction Of Affect". Social Behavior and Personality. 35 (1): 135–142.
Jump up ^ Jalata, Asafa (2013). "Indigenous Peoples and the Capitalist World System: Researching, Knowing, and Promoting Social Justice". Sociology Mind. 3 (2): 156–178.
Jump up ^ Smith, Justin E. H. (2015). Nature, Human Nature, and Human Difference : Race in Early Modern Philosophy. Princeton University Press. p. 17. ISBN 978-1-4008-6631-1.
Jump up ^ Trương, Thanh-Đạm (2013). Migration, Gender and Social Justice: Perspectives on Human Insecurity. Springer. pp. 3–26. ISBN 978-3-642-28012-2.
Jump up ^ Teklu, Abebe Abay (2010). "We Cannot Clap with One Hand: Global Socio–Political Differences in Social Support for People with Visual Impairment". International Journal of Ethiopian Studies. 5 (1): 93–105.
Jump up ^ Paine, Thomas. Agrarian Justice.
Jump up ^ J. Zajda, S. Majhanovich, V. Rust, Education and Social Justice, 2006, ISBN 1-4020-4721-5
Jump up ^ Garzón, Carlos Andrés Pérez (2017-12-14). "Unveiling the Meaning of Social Justice in Colombia". Mexican Law Review. 1 (20): 27–66. ISSN 2448-5306.
Jump up ^ The Preamble of ILO Constitution
Jump up ^ Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action, Part II, D.
Jump up ^ Plato, The Republic (ca 380BC)
Jump up ^ "20th WCP: Plato's Concept Of Justice: An Analysis". Archived from the original on 5 October 2016.
Jump up ^ Nicomachean Ethics V.3
Jump up ^ Plato, Crito (ca 380 BC)
Jump up ^ B Spinoza, On the Improvement of the Understanding (1677) para 13
Jump up ^ T Paine, Rights of Man (1792) 197
^ Jump up to: a b c d Pérez-Garzón, Carlos Andrés (2018-01-14). "Unveiling the Meaning of Social Justice in Colombia". Mexican Law Review. 10 (2): 27–66. ISSN 2448-5306.
Jump up ^ Rousseau (1774). Journal encyclopédique... [Ed. Pierre Rousseau] (in French). De l'Imprimerie du Journal.
Jump up ^ L'Esprit des journaux, françois et étrangers (in French). Valade. 1784.
Jump up ^ L'Episcopato ossia della Potesta di governar la chiesa. Dissertazione (in Italian). na. 1789.
Jump up ^ JS Mill, Utilitarianism (1863)
Jump up ^ "Divini Redemptoris (March 19, 1937) | PIUS XI". w2.vatican.va. Retrieved 2018-03-28.
Jump up ^ Moyn, Samuel (2014). "The Secret History of Constitutional Dignity". Yale Human Rights and Development Journal. 17 (1). ISSN 1548-2596.
Jump up ^ FA Hayek, Law, Legislation and Liberty (1973) vol II, ch 3
Jump up ^ Hunter Lewis (14 October 2009). "Sustainability, The Complete Concept, Environment, Healthcare, and Economy" (PDF). ChangeThis.
Jump up ^ John Allen Jr. (28 July 2009). "Ecology – The first stirring of an 'evolutionary leap' in late Jesuit's official standing?". National Catholic Reporter. Archived from the original on 24 August 2012.
Jump up ^ Sandro Magister (11 January 2010). "Benedict XVI to the Diplomats: Three Levers for Lifting Up the World". www.chiesa, Rome. Archived from the original on 4 March 2016.
Jump up ^ John Rawls, A Theory of Justice (2005 reissue), Chapter 1, "Justice as Fairness" – 1. The Role of Justice, pp. 3–4
Jump up ^ John Rawls, Political Liberalism 15 (Columbia University Press 2003)
Jump up ^ John Rawls, Political Liberalism 291–92 (Columbia University Press 2003)
Jump up ^ James, Nickel. "Human Rights". stanford.edu. The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Retrieved 10 February 2015.
Jump up ^ Pogge, Thomas Pogge. "World Poverty and Human Rights". thomaspogge.com. Archived from the original on 19 September 2015.
Jump up ^ North, James. "The Resource Privilege". thenation.com. Archived from the original on 10 February 2015. Retrieved 10 February 2015.
Jump up ^ Pogge, Thomas. "Human Rights and Just Taxation – Global Financial Transparency". Archived from the original on 10 February 2015.
Jump up ^ Alison M. Jaggar1 by, ed. (2010). Thomas Pogge and His Critics (1. publ. ed.). Cambridge: Polity Press. ISBN 978-0-7456-4258-1.
Jump up ^ Kahn, Elizabeth (June–December 2012). "Global Economic Justice: A Structural Approach". Public Reason. 4 (1–2): 48–67.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e "Social Justice in an Open World: The Role of the United Nations", The International Forum for Social Development, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Division for Social Policy and Development, ST/ESA/305" (PDF). New York: United Nations. 2006. Archived (PDF) from the original on 29 August 2017.
Jump up ^ Patil, Vijaykumar. "Caste system hindering the goal of social justice: Siddaramaiah". Archived from the original on 4 September 2015.
Jump up ^ John L. Esposito (1998). Islam and Politics. Syracuse University Press. p. 17.
Jump up ^ John L. Esposito (1998). Islam and Politics. Syracuse University Press. p. 205.
Jump up ^ John L. Esposito (1998). Islam and Politics. Syracuse University Press. pp. 147–8.
Jump up ^ S. R. Valentine, John Bennet & the Origins of Methodism and the Evangelical revival in England, Scarecrow Press, Lanham, 1997.
Jump up ^ Carey, Brycchan. "John Wesley (1703–1791)." The British Abolitionists. Brycchan Carey, 11 July 2008. 5 October 2009. Brycchancarey.com Archived 29 January 2016 at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ Wesley John, "Thoughts Upon Slavery," John Wesley: Holiness of Heart and Life. Charles Yrigoyen, 1996. 5 October 2009. Gbgm-umc.org Archived 16 October 2014 at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ The Book of Discipline of The United Methodist Church – 2012 ¶164 V, umc.org Archived 6 December 2013 at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ The Book of Discipline of The United Methodist Church – 2008 ¶ 162 K, umc.org Archived 6 December 2013 at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ "Seven Key Themes of Catholic Social Teaching". Web.archive.org. Archived from the original on 8 June 2007. Retrieved 29 March 2014.
Jump up ^ Matthew 25:40.
Jump up ^ Option for the Poor, Major themes from Catholic Social Teaching Archived 16 February 2006 at the Wayback Machine., Office for Social Justice, Archdiocese of St. Paul and Minneapolis.
Jump up ^ Popularised by John A. Ryan, although see Sidney Webb and Beatrice Webb, Industrial Democracy (1897)
Jump up ^ "Catechism of the Catholic Church – Social justice". Vatican.va. Archived from the original on 5 November 2013. Retrieved 29 March 2014.
Jump up ^ "The Rights of Man", Daily Herald, London, February 1940
Jump up ^ Hayek, F.A. (1982). Law, Legislation and Liberty, Vol. 2. Routledge. p. 78.
Jump up ^ O'Neill, Ben (16 March 2011) The Injustice of Social Justice Archived 28 October 2014 at the Wayback Machine., Mises Institute
Jump up ^ Social Justice: Cultural Origins of a Theory and a Perspective By Carl L. Bankston III, Independent Review vol. 15 no. 2, pp. 165–178, 2010
Jump up ^ Just Comment – Volume 3 Number 1, 2000
Jump up ^ Capeheart, Loretta; Milovanovic, Dragan. Social Justice: Theories, Issues, and Movements.
Jump up ^ In the mass media, 'Liberation Theology' can sometimes be used loosely, to refer to a wide variety of activist Christian thought. This article uses the term in the narrow sense outlined here.
Jump up ^ Berryman, Phillip, Liberation Theology: essential facts about the revolutionary movement in Latin America and beyond(1987)
Jump up ^ "[David] Horowitz first describes liberation theology as 'a form of Marxised Christianity,' which has validity despite the awkward phrasing, but then he calls it a form of 'Marxist-Leninist ideology,' which is simply not true for most liberation theology..." Robert Shaffer, "Acceptable Bounds of Academic Discourse Archived 4 September 2013 at the Wayback Machine.," Organization of American Historians Newsletter 35, November 2007. URL retrieved 12 July 2010.
Jump up ^ Liberation Theology and Its Role in Latin America. Elisabeth Erin Williams. Monitor: Journal of International Studies. The College of William and Mary.
Jump up ^ Sarah Kleeb, "Envisioning Emancipation: Karl Marx, Gustavo Gutierrez, and the Struggle of Liberation Theology[permanent dead link]"; Presented at the Annual Meeting of the Canadian Society for the Study of Religion (CSSR), Toronto, 2006. Retrieved 22 October 2012.[dead link]
Jump up ^ Richard P. McBrien, Catholicism (Harper Collins, 1994), chapter IV.
Jump up ^ Gustavo Gutierrez, A Theology of Liberation, First (Spanish) edition published in Lima, Peru, 1971; first English edition published by Orbis Books (Maryknoll, New York), 1973.
Jump up ^ Farmer, Paul E., Bruce Nizeye, Sara Stulac, and Salmaan Keshavjee. 2006. Structural Violence and Clinical Medicine. PLoS Medicine, 1686–1691
Jump up ^ Cueto, Marcos. 2004. The ORIGINS of Primary Health Care and SELECTIVE Primary Health Care. Am J Public Health 94 (11):1868
Jump up ^ Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action, Part II, paragraph 80
References[edit]
Articles[edit]
LD Brandeis, 'The Living Law' (1915–1916) 10 Illinois Law Review 461
A Etzioni, 'The Fair Society, Uniting America: Restoring the Vital Center to American Democracy' in N Garfinkle and D Yankelovich (eds) (Yale University Press 2005) pp. 211–223
Otto von Gierke, The Social Role of Private Law (2016) translated and introduced by E McGaughey, originally Die soziale Aufgabe des Privatrechts
M Novak, 'Defining Social Justice' (2000) First Things
B O'Neill, 'The Injustice of Social Justice' (Mises Institute)
R Pound, 'Social Justice and Legal Justice' (1912) 75 Central Law Journal 455
M Powers and R Faden, 'Inequalities in health, inequalities in health care: four generations of discussion about justice and cost-effectiveness analysis' (2000) 10(2) Kennedy Inst Ethics Journal 109–127
M Powers and R Faden, 'Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Health Care: An Ethical Analysis of When and How They Matter,' in Unequal Treatment: Confronting Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Health Care (National Academy of Sciences, Institute of Medicine, 2002) 722–38
United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, 'Social Justice in an Open World: The Role of the United Nations' (2006) ST/ESA/305
Books[edit]
AB Atkinson, Social Justice and Public Policy (1982) previews
Gad Barzilai, Communities and Law: Politics and Cultures of Legal Identities (University of Michigan Press) analysis of justice for non-ruling communities
TN Carver, Essays in Social Justice (1915) Chapter links.
C Quigley The Evolution Of Civilizations: An Introduction to Historical Analysis (1961) 2nd edition 1979
P Corning, The Fair Society: The Science of Human Nature and the Pursuit of Social Justice (Chicago UP 2011)
R Faden and M Powers, Social Justice: The Moral Foundations of Public Health and Health Policy (OUP 2006)
J Franklin (ed), Life to the Full: Rights and Social Justice in Australia (Connor Court 2007)
FA Hayek, Law, Legislation and Liberty (1973) vol II, ch 3
G Kitching, Seeking Social Justice through Globalization: Escaping a Nationalist Perspective (2003)
JS Mill, Utilitarianism (1863)
John Rawls, A Theory of Justice (Harvard University Press 1971)
John Rawls, Political Liberalism (Columbia University Press 1993)
C Philomena, B Hoose and G Mannion (eds), Social Justice: Theological and Practical Explorations (2007)
A Swift, Political Philosophy (3rd edn 2013) ch 1
Michael J. Thompson, The Limits of Liberalism: A Republican Theory of Social Justice (International Journal of Ethics: vol. 7, no. 3 (2011)
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values: Социална справедливост – Bulgarian

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values: Κοινωνική δικαιοσύνη – Greek

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values:
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values: عدالت اجتماعی – Persian

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values:
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values: સામાજિક ન્યાય – Gujarati

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values: सामाजिक न्याय – Hindi

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values:
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values: सामाजिक न्याय – Marathi

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values:
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values:
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values: ਸਮਾਜਕ ਨਿਆਂ – Punjabi

values:
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values:
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values: Социјална правда – Serbian

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values:
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values: సామాజిక న్యాయం – Telugu

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values: Адолати иҷтимоӣ – Tajik

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values: Соціальна справедливість – Ukrainian

values:
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values: All languages (initial selection from common choices by you and others)

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