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Definitely, Maybe
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For other uses, see Definitely Maybe (disambiguation).
Definitely, Maybe
Theatrical release poster
Directed by
Adam Brooks
Produced by
Tim Bevan
Eric Fellner
Written by
Adam Brooks
Starring
Ryan Reynolds
Isla Fisher
Derek Luke
Abigail Breslin
Elizabeth Banks
Rachel Weisz
Music by
Clint Mansell
Cinematography
Florian Ballhaus
Edited by
Peter Teschner
Production
companies
StudioCanal
Working Title Films
Distributed by
Universal Studios
Release date
February 14, 2008 (2008-02-14)
Running time
111 minutes[1]
Country
Germany[2]
United Kingdom[2]
United States[2]
France[2]
Language
English
Budget
$7 million[3]
Box office
$55.4 million
Definitely, Maybe is a 2008 romantic comedy-drama film written and directed by Adam Brooks, and starring Ryan Reynolds, Isla Fisher, Rachel Weisz, Elizabeth Banks, Abigail Breslin, and Kevin Kline. Set in New York City during the 1990s, the film is about a political consultant who tries to help his eleven-year-old daughter understand his impending divorce by telling her the story of his past romantic relationships and how he ended up marrying her mother. The film grossed $55 million worldwide.
Contents
[hide]
1 Plot
2 Cast
3 Music
4 Release
5 Reception
6 References
7 External links
Plot[edit]
38-year-old father Will Hayes is in the midst of a divorce. After her first sex-ed class, his 10-year-old daughter Maya insists on hearing the story of how her parents met. Will reluctantly gives in, but decides to change the names and some of the facts relating to the various love affairs of his youth, thereby creating a love mystery; Maya is left guessing which of the women will turn out to be her mother. The story he tells Maya is depicted in flashbacks. From time to time the film switches back to the present, where Maya comments (often critically) and asks questions.
The story begins in 1992 when Will, an idealistic political operative, moves away from Wisconsin and his college sweetheart, Emily, to New York City, where he works on the Clinton campaign. Over the years, Will becomes involved with three women who enter his life, including Summer Hartley, an aspiring journalist, and April, the copy girl for the campaign. Will and April have a chance meeting outside work, where Will reveals he is going to propose to Emily. When Will practices his proposal to Emily on April, she is taken aback by Will's wholehearted words and replies, "Definitely, maybe." They go back to her apartment, where April has multiple copies of Jane Eyre in her collection, explaining that her father gave her a copy with an inscription in the front shortly before he died, and the book was later lost. She has spent years looking through copies of Jane Eyre at secondhand stores hoping to find the copy her father gave her, but she buys any copy she finds that has an inscription. They kiss, but Will abruptly stops and leaves.
Emily comes back to New York where she confesses, just after Will proposes, that she slept with his roommate. She did it on purpose to break up with Will, saying that she is "letting him go" because she does not share his passionate ambitions. After Clinton is elected, Will opens a campaigning business with most of his work colleagues, which enjoys a good amount of success.
Before Will left Wisconsin, Emily asked Will to deliver a package to her former roommate, Summer Hartley, who is living in New York City. Will first meets Summer when he gives her the package, a diary that she wrote when she was a teenager (which, among other things, tells of her brief affair with Emily). He finds she is going out with a famous writer who is old enough to be her father. The writer breaks up with Summer, and Will starts a relationship with her. April quits her job and leaves to travel around the world. When she returns, she plans to tell Will that she loves him, but discovers that he is planning to propose marriage to Summer. April half-heartedly congratulates him instead. Summer writes an offensive article about one of Will's clients. Will cannot forgive this conflict of interest, and he ends his relationship with Summer. As a result of the article, Will loses his business and his dream of a political career ends, with all of his friends abandoning him.
April calls after a long absence and finds that Will has a new job, but is despondent and depressed, feelings further exacerbated when she reveals she has a new boyfriend named Kevin. She throws a birthday party for him, reuniting him with his old colleagues. Will gets drunk and confesses he loves April. When she tells him he should've told her when he had his life together, he starts an argument with her when he implies that she is wasting her life working in a book store. Some time later, Will passes a used book store and finds the copy of Jane Eyre that April has been seeking with the note from her father. Will goes to April's apartment to give her the book, but he decides against it when he meets Kevin, who is now living with her.
Emily moves to New York City, and she and Will rekindle their relationship after a run-in at a party of Summer's they both were attending. Maya correctly guesses that "Emily" is her mother. Maya states that it is unfortunate that the story has a sad ending, but Will explains that the story has a happy ending: Maya.
Will decides to bring the copy of Jane Eyre to April. While catching up, it is revealed that they are now both single among other things. When giving April the book, Will apologizes for waiting so long to do so and a hurt April asks him to leave.
Maya is happy to have figured out the story, but she realizes that her father will never love her mother romantically again because he still loves April. She figures this out from the way he talks about her in the story and that while he changes her mother's name from Sarah to Emily and Natasha's to Summer, he keeps April's name the same. Maya makes Will have an epiphany, realizing that he is miserable without April and has loved her all along since the moment he met her. They go to April's apartment and Will talks to her over the speaker. Just as Will and Maya begin to walk away (since April stopped responding and didn't let Will in the building), April runs out and asks what story Maya was talking about. Will tells April that he kept Jane Eyre because it was the only thing he had left of her (revealing in doing so that he still loves her). April hugs Will as she forgives him and then walks hand-in-hand with Maya into her building to hear the story. As Maya walks upstairs, April embraces Will (subsequently revealing that she loves him too) and they kiss.
Cast[edit]
Ryan Reynolds as William Matthew 'Will' Hayes
Isla Fisher as April Hoffman
Derek Luke as Russell T. McCormack
Abigail Breslin as Maya Hayes
Elizabeth Banks as "Emily Jones"/ Sarah
Rachel Weisz as "Summer Hartley"/ Natasha
Kevin Kline as Professor Hampton Roth
Adam Ferrara as Gareth
Annie Parisse as Anne
Liane Balaban as Kelly
Nestor Serrano as Arthur Robredo
Marc Bonan as Kevin
Alexie Gilmore as Olivia
Kevin Corrigan as Simon
Music[edit]
The film was scored by English composer Clint Mansell. Lakeshore Records released the score on March 18, 2008. All Music Guide reviewer William Ruhlmann praised the album as filled with "sweet, melodic numbers that often seem to lack only a lyric to turn them into pop songs". He also stated that it functioned as "light accompaniment to an equally light entertainment".[4]
Release[edit]
In its opening weekend, the film cleared its production budget of $7 million[3] by grossing $9.8 million in 2,204 theaters in the United States and Canada, ranking #5 at the box office.[5] As of September 28, 2008, the film has grossed $55,447,968 worldwide.[6]
The film was released on DVD June 24, 2008, with a widescreen transfer, deleted scenes, two short featurettes, and a commentary track by Reynolds and director Brooks.
Reception[edit]
On review aggregator Rotten Tomatoes, 71% of critics gave the film positive reviews based on 144 reviews; the average rating is 6.5/10. The site's consensus reads: "With a clever script and charismatic leads, Definitely, Maybe is a refreshing entry into the romantic comedy genre."[7] Metacritic reported the film had an average score of 59 out of 100 based on 30 reviews.[8]
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "Definitely, Maybe (12A)". British Board of Film Classification. January 7, 2008. Retrieved December 1, 2008.
^ Jump up to: a b c d "Definitely, Maybe (2008)". British Film Institute. Retrieved 2017-01-19.
^ Jump up to: a b Definitely, Maybe: Movie Details at the-numbers.com Accessed 30 December 2017
Jump up ^ "Clint Mansell Definitely, Maybe [Original Score]". www.allmusic.com. Retrieved 19 February 2016.
Jump up ^ "Definitely, Maybe (2008) - Weekend Box Office Results". Box Office Mojo. Retrieved 2008-02-27.
Jump up ^ "Definitely, Maybe (2008)". Box Office Mojo. Retrieved 2008-02-27.
Jump up ^ "Definitely, Maybe – Movie Reviews, Trailers, Pictures – Rotten Tomatoes". Rotten Tomatoes. Archived from the original on February 9, 2010. Retrieved January 19, 2017.
Jump up ^ "Definitely, Maybe (2008): Reviews". Metacritic. Retrieved 2008-02-15.
External links[edit]
Official site
Definitely, Maybe on IMDb
Definitely, Maybe at Box Office Mojo
Definitely, Maybe at Rotten Tomatoes
Definitely, Maybe at Metacritic
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Technology during World War I
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to navigation Jump to search
The machine gun emerged as one of the decisive technologies during World War I. Picture: British Vickers machine gun crew on the Western Front.
It has been suggested that Weapons of World War I be merged into this article. (Discuss) Proposed since March 2018.
Technology during World War I (1914–1918) reflected a trend toward industrialism and the application of mass-production methods to weapons and to the technology of warfare in general. This trend began at least fifty years prior to World War I during the American Civil War of 1861–1865,[1] and continued through many smaller conflicts in which soldiers and strategists tested new weapons.
One could characterize the earlier years of the First World War as a clash of 20th-century technology with 19th-century military science creating ineffective battles with huge numbers of casualties on both sides. On land, only in the final year of the war did the major armies make effective steps in revolutionizing matters of command and control and tactics to adapt to the modern battlefield and start to harness the myriad new technologies to effective military purposes. Tactical reorganizations (such as shifting the focus of command from the 100+ man company to the 10+ man squad) went hand-in-hand with armored cars, the first submachine guns, and automatic rifles that a single individual soldier could carry and use.
Contents
[hide]
1 Trench warfare
1.1 Clothing
2 Artillery
3 Poison gas
4 Command and control
5 Railways
6 War of attrition
7 Air warfare
8 Tanks
9 At sea
9.1 Submarines
10 Mobility
11 Small arms
11.1 Grenades
12 Flame throwers
13 References
14 External links
Trench warfare[edit]
Main article: Trench warfare
The new metallurgical and chemical industries created new firepower that briefly simplified defense before new approaches to attack evolved. The application of infantry rifles, rifled artillery and hydraulic recoil mechanisms, zigzag trenches and machine guns made it difficult or nearly impossible to cross defended ground. The hand grenade, long used in crude form, developed rapidly as an aid in attacking trenches. Probably the most important was the introduction of high explosive shells, which dramatically increased the lethality of artillery over the 19th-century equivalents.
Trench warfare led to the development of the concrete pill box, a hardened blockhouse that could be used to deliver machine gun fire. They could be placed across a battlefield with interlocking fields of fire.[2]
Because attacking an entrenched enemy was so difficult, tunnel warfare became a major effort during the war. Once enemy positions were undermined, huge amounts of explosives would be planted and detonated as part preparation for an overland charge. Sensitive listening devices that could detect the sounds of digging were a crucial method of defense against these underground incursions. The British proved especially adept at these tactics, thanks to the skill of their tunnel-digging "sappers" and the sophistication of their listening devices.
Clothing[edit]
German helmets went from leather to steel
The British and German armies had already changed from red coat (British army) (1902) or Prussian blue (1910) for field uniforms, to less conspicuous khaki or field gray. Adolphe Messimy, Joseph Gallieni and other French leaders had proposed following suit, but the French army marched to war in their traditional red trousers, and only began receiving the new "horizon blue" ones in 1915.
A type of raincoat for British officers, introduced long before the war, gained fame as the trench coat.
The principal armies entered the war under cloth caps or leather helmets. They hastened to develop new steel helmets, in designs that became icons of their respective countries.
Artillery[edit]
French Canon de 75 modèle 1897 gave quick, accurate fire in a small, agile unit, but the Western Front often needed longer range
German 7.7 cm FK 16, developed during the war because an earlier model had insufficient range
In the 19th century, Britain and France exploited the rapid technical developments in artillery to serve a War of Movement. Such weapons served well in the colonial wars of that century, and served Germany very well in the Franco-Prussian War, but trench warfare was more like a siege, and called for siege guns. The German army had already anticipated that a European war might require heavier artillery, hence had a more appropriate mix of sizes. Foundries responded to the actual situation with more heavy products and fewer highly mobile pieces. Germany developed the Paris guns of stupendous size and range. However, the necessarily stupendous muzzle velocity wore out a gun barrel after a few shots requiring a return to the factory for relining, so these weapons served more to frighten and anger urban people than to kill them or devastate their cities.
At the beginning of the war, artillery was often sited in the front line to fire over open sights at enemy infantry. During the war, the following improvements were made:
The first "box barrage" in history was fired at Neuve Chapelle in 1915; this was the use of a three- or four-sided curtain of shell-fire to prevent the movement of enemy infantry
The wire-cutting No. 106 fuze was developed, specifically designed to explode on contact with barbed wire, or the ground before the shell buried itself in mud, and equally effective as an anti-personnel weapon
The first anti-aircraft guns were devised out of necessity
Indirect counter-battery fire was developed for the first time
Artillery sound ranging and flash spotting, for the location and eventual destruction of enemy batteries
The creeping barrage was perfected
Factors such as weather, air temperature, and barrel wear could for the first time be accurately measured and taken into account when firing indirectly
Forward observers were used to direct artillery positioned out of direct line of sight from the targets, and sophisticated communications and fire plans were developed
Field artillery entered the war with the idea that each gun should be accompanied by hundreds of shells, and armories ought to have about a thousand on hand for resupply. This proved utterly inadequate when it became commonplace for a gun to sit in one place and fire a hundred shells or more per day for weeks or months on end. To meet the resulting Shell Crisis of 1915, factories were hastily converted from other purposes to make more ammunition. Railways to the front were expanded or built, leaving the question of the last mile. Horses in World War I were the main answer, and their high death rate seriously weakened the Central Powers late in the war. In many places the newly invented trench railways helped. The new motor trucks as yet lacked pneumatic tires, versatile suspension, and other improvements that in later decades would allow them to perform well.
The majority of casualties inflicted during the war were the result of artillery fire.
Further information: Artillery of World War I
Poison gas[edit]
Main article: Poison gas in World War I
Australian infantry with gas masks, Ypres, 1917.
Chemical weapons were first used systematically in this war. Chemical weapons in World War I included phosgene, tear gas, chlorarsines and mustard gas.
At the beginning of the war, Germany had the most advanced chemical industry in the world, accounting for more than 80% of the world's dye and chemical production. Although the use of poison gas had been banned by the Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907, Germany turned to this industry for what it hoped would be a decisive weapon to break the deadlock of trench warfare. Chlorine gas was first used on the battlefield in April 1915 at the Second Battle of Ypres in Belgium. The unknown gas appeared to be a simple smoke screen, used to hide attacking soldiers, and Allied troops were ordered to the front trenches to repel the expected attack. The gas had a devastating effect, killing many defenders or when the wind direction changed and blew the gas back, many attackers. Because the gas killed the attackers, depending on the wind, a more reliable way had to be made to transmit the gas. It began being delivered in artillery shells.[3][better source needed] Later, mustard gas, phosgene and other gases were used. Britain and France soon followed suit with their own gas weapons. The first defenses against gas were makeshift, mainly rags soaked in water or urine. Later, relatively effective gas masks were developed, and these greatly reduced the effectiveness of gas as a weapon. Although it sometimes resulted in brief tactical advantages and probably caused over 1,000,000 casualties, gas seemed to have had no significant effect on the course of the war.[citation needed]
Chemical weapons were easily attained, and cheap. Gas was especially effective against troops in trenches and bunkers that protected them from other weapons. Chemical weapons attacked an individual’s respiratory system. The concept of choking easily caused fear in soldiers and the resulting terror affected them psychologically. Because there was such a great fear of chemical weapons it wasn’t uncommon that a soldier would panic and misinterpret symptoms of the common cold as being affected by a poisonous gas.
Command and control[edit]
Main article: Command and control
In the early days of the war, generals tried to direct tactics from headquarters many miles from the front, with messages being carried back and forth by couriers on motorcycles. It was soon realized that more immediate methods of communication were needed.
Radio sets of the period were too heavy to carry into battle, and phone lines laid were quickly broken. Runners, flashing lights, and mirrors were often used instead; dogs were also used, though they were only used occasionally as troops tended to adopt them as pets and men would volunteer to go as runners in the dog's place. There were also aircraft (called "contact patrols") that could carry messages between headquarters and forward positions, sometimes dropping their messages without landing.
The new long-range artillery developed just before the war now had to fire at positions it could not see. Typical tactics were to pound the enemy front lines and then stop to let infantry move forward, hoping that the enemy line was broken, though it rarely was. The lifting and then the creeping barrage were developed to keep artillery fire landing directly in front of the infantry "as it advanced". Communications being impossible, the danger was that the barrage would move too fast — losing the protection — or too slowly — holding up the advance.
There were also countermeasures to these artillery tactics: by aiming a counter barrage directly behind an enemy's creeping barrage, one could target the infantry that was following the creeping barrage. Microphones (Sound ranging) were used to triangulate the position of enemy guns and engage in counter-battery fire. Muzzle flashes of guns could also be spotted and used to target enemy artillery.
Railways[edit]
German ammunition train wrecked by shell fire, c. 1918.
Railways dominated in this war as in no other. Men and material could get to the front at an unprecedented rate by rail, but trains were vulnerable at the front itself. Thus, armies could only advance at the pace that they could build or rebuild a railway, e.g. the British advance across Sinai. Motorized transport was only extensively used in the last two years of World War I. After the rail head, troops moved the last mile on foot, and guns and supplies were drawn by horses and trench railways. The German strategy was known beforehand by the Allies simply because of the vast marshaling yards on the Belgian border that had no other purpose than to deliver the mobilized German army to its start point. The German mobilization plan was little more than a vast detailed railway timetable. Railways lacked the flexibility of motor transport and this lack of flexibility percolated through into the conduct of the war.
War of attrition[edit]
All countries involved in the war applied the full force of industrial mass-production to the manufacture of weapons and ammunition, especially artillery shells. Women on the home-front played a crucial role in this by working in munitions factories. This complete mobilization of a nation's resources, or "total war" meant that not only the armies, but also the economies of the warring nations were in competition.
For a time, in 1914–1915, some hoped that the war could be won through an attrition of materiel—that the enemy's supply of artillery shells could be exhausted in futile exchanges. But production was ramped up on both sides and hopes proved futile. In Britain the Shell Crisis of 1915 brought down the British government, and led to the building of HM Factory, Gretna, a huge munitions factory on the English-Scottish border.
The war of attrition then focused on another resource: human lives. In the Battle of Verdun in particular, German Chief of Staff Erich Von Falkenhayn hoped to "bleed France white" through repeated attacks on this French city.
In the end, the war ended through a combination of attrition (of men and material), advances on the battlefield, arrival of American troops in large numbers, and a breakdown of morale and productivity on the German home-front due to an effective naval blockade of her seaports.
Air warfare[edit]
Main article: Aviation in World War I
The Fokker triplane belonging to Manfred von Richthofen (the "Red Baron")
Aviation in World War I started with primitive aircraft, primitively used. Technological progress was swift, leading to ground attack, tactical bombing, and highly publicized, deadly dogfights among aircraft equipped with forward-firing, synchronized machine guns from July 1915 onwards. However, these uses made a lesser impact on the war than more mundane roles in intelligence, sea patrol and especially artillery spotting. Antiaircraft warfare also had its beginnings in this war.
As with most technologies, aircraft and their use underwent many improvements during World War I. As the initial war of movement on the Western Front settled into trench warfare, aerial reconnaissance over the front added to the difficulty of mounting surprise attacks against entrenched and concealed defenders.
Manned observation balloons floating high above the trenches were used as stationary observation posts, reporting enemy troop positions and directing artillery fire. Balloons commonly had a crew of two, each equipped with parachutes: upon an enemy air attack on the flammable balloon, the crew would jump to safety. At the time, parachutes were too heavy to be used by pilots in aircraft, and smaller versions would not be developed until the end of the war. (In the British case, there arose concerns that they might undermine morale, effectively encouraging cowardice.) Recognized for their value as observer platforms, observation balloons were important targets of enemy aircraft. To defend against air attack, they were heavily protected by large concentrations of antiaircraft guns and patrolled by friendly aircraft.
While early air spotters were unarmed, they soon began firing at each other with handheld weapons. An arms race commenced, quickly leading to increasingly agile planes equipped with machine guns. A key innovation was the interrupter gear, a Dutch invention[4] that allowed a machine gun to be mounted behind the propeller so the pilot could fire directly ahead, along the plane's flight path.
As the stalemate developed on the ground, with both sides unable to advance even a few miles without a major battle and thousands of casualties, planes became greatly valued for their role gathering intelligence on enemy positions. They also bombed enemy supplies behind the trench lines, in the manner of later attack aircraft. Large planes with a pilot and an observer were used to reconnoiter enemy positions and bomb their supply bases. These large and slow planes made easy targets for enemy fighter planes, who in turn were met by fighter escorts and spectacular aerial dogfights.
German strategic bombing during World War I struck Warsaw, Paris, London and other cities. Germany led the world in Zeppelins, and used these airships to make occasional bombing raids on military targets, London and other British cities, without great effect. Later in the war, Germany introduced long range strategic bombers. Damage was again minor but they forced the British air forces to maintain squadrons of fighters in England to defend against air attack, depriving the British Expeditionary Force of planes, equipment, and personnel badly needed on the Western front.
The Allies made much smaller efforts in bombing the Central Powers.
Tanks[edit]
Main article: Tanks in World War I
Although the concept of the tank had been suggested as early as the 1890s, few authorities showed interest in them until the trench stalemate of World War I caused reconsideration. The British Royal Navy and French industrialists invented tanks.
In Britain, a landships committee was formed, and teamed with the inventions committee, set out to develop a practical weapon.
Based on the caterpillar track (first invented in 1770 and perfected in the early 1900s) and the four-stroke gasoline powered internal combustion engine (refined in the 1870s), early World War One tanks were fitted with Maxim type guns or Lewis guns, armor plating, and caterpillar tracks configured to allow crossing of an 8-foot-wide (2.4 m) trench.
Early tanks were unreliable, breaking down often. Though at first they terrified the Germans, their use in the engagements of 1917 provided more opportunities for development than actual battle successes. It was also realized that new tactics had to be developed to best make use of this weapon. In particular, planners learned that tanks needed infantry support and massed formations to be effective. Once tanks could be fielded in the hundreds, as in the opening assault of the Battle of Cambrai in November 1917, they began to show their potential. German quickly artillerymen learned to resist them, in small numbers.
Still, reliability was the primary weakness of tanks throughout the remainder of the war. In the Battle of Amiens, a major Entente counteroffensive near the end of the war, British forces went to field with 534 tanks. After several days, only a few were still in commission, with those that suffered mechanical difficulties outnumbering those disabled by enemy fire.
Despite rapidly increasing French production, their numbers remained too small to make more than a modest impact on the progress of the war in 1918. Germany used a few captured enemy tanks, and made a few. Plan 1919 outlined the future use of massive tank formations in great offensives combined with ground attack aircraft.
Regardless of their effects on World War I, tank technology and mechanized warfare had been launched and grew increasingly sophisticated in the years following the war. By World War II, the tank had evolved into a fearsome weapon and restored mobility.[5]
At sea[edit]
Main article: Naval warfare of World War I
The years leading up to the war saw the use of improved metallurgical and mechanical techniques to produce larger ships with larger guns and, in reaction, more armor. The launching of HMS Dreadnought (1906) revolutionized battleship construction, leaving many ships obsolete before they were completed. German ambitions brought an Anglo-German naval arms race in which the Imperial German Navy was built up from a small force to the world's most modern and second most powerful. However, even this high-technology navy entered the war with a mix of newer ships and obsolete older ones.
The advantage was in long-range gunnery, and naval battles took place at far greater distances than before. The 1916 Battle of Jutland demonstrated the excellence of German ships and crews, but also showed that the High Seas Fleet was not big enough to challenge openly the British blockade of Germany. It was the only full-scale battle between fleets in the war.
Having the largest surface fleet, the United Kingdom sought to press its advantage. British ships blockaded German ports, hunted down German and Austro-Hungarian ships wherever they might be on the high seas, and supported actions against German colonies. The German surface fleet was largely kept in the North Sea. This situation pushed Germany, in particular, to direct its resources to a new form of naval power: submarines.
Naval mines were deployed in hundreds of thousands, or far greater numbers than in previous wars. Submarines proved surprisingly effective for this purpose. Influence mines were a new development but moored contact mines were the most numerous. They resembled those of the late 19th century, improved so they less often exploded while being laid. The Allies produced enough mines to build the North Sea Mine Barrage to help bottle the Germans into the North Sea, but it was too late to make much difference.
Submarines[edit]
World War I was the first conflict in which submarines were a serious weapon of war. In the years shortly before the war, the relatively sophisticated propulsion system of diesel power while surfaced and battery power while submerged was introduced. Their armament had similarly improved, but few were in service. Germany had already increased production, and quickly built up its U-boat fleet, both for action against British warships and for a counterblockade of the British Isles. 360 were eventually built. The resulting U-boat Campaign (World War I) destroyed more enemy warships than the High Seas Fleet had, and hampered British war supplies as the more expensive surface fleet had not.
The United Kingdom relied heavily on imports to feed its population and supply its war industry, and the German Navy hoped to blockade and starve Britain using U-boats to attack merchant ships. Lieutenant Otto Weddigen remarked of the second submarine attack of the Great War:
“ How much they feared our submarines and how wide was the agitation caused by good little U-9 is shown by the English reports that a whole flotilla of German submarines had attacked the cruisers and that this flotilla had approached under cover of the flag of Holland. These reports were absolutely untrue. U-9 was the only submarine on deck, and she flew the flag she still flies – the German naval ensign. ”
Submarines soon came under persecution by submarine chasers and other small warships using hastily devised anti-submarine weapons. They could not impose an effective blockade while acting under the restrictions of the prize rules and international law of the sea. They resorted to unrestricted submarine warfare, which cost Germany public sympathy in neutral countries and was a factor contributing to the American entry into World War I.
This struggle between German submarines and British counter measures became known as the "First Battle of the Atlantic". As German submarines became more numerous and effective, the British sought ways to protect their merchant ships. "Q-ships", attack vessels disguised as civilian ships, were one early strategy.
Consolidating merchant ships into convoys protected by one or more armed navy vessels was adopted later in the war. There was initially a great deal of debate about this approach, out of fear that it would provide German U-boats with a wealth of convenient targets. Thanks to the development of active and passive sonar devices,[6] coupled with increasingly deadly anti-submarine weapons, the convoy system reduced British losses to U-boats to a small fraction of their former level.
Mobility[edit]
Between late 1914 and early 1918, the Western Front hardly moved. The beginning of the end for Germany was a huge German advance. In 1917, when Russia surrendered after the October Revolution, Germany was able to move many troops to the Western Front and launch Operation Michael. Using new stormtrooper tactics developed by Oskar von Hutier, the Germans pushed forward some tens of kilometers from March to July 1918. These offensives showed that machine guns, barbed wire and trenches were not the only obstacles to mobile warfare.
In the Battle of Amiens of August 1918, the Triple Entente forces began a counterattack that would be called the "Hundred Days Offensive". The Australian and Canadian divisions that spearheaded the attack managed to advance 13 kilometers on the first day alone. These battles marked the end of trench warfare on the Western Front and a return to mobile warfare. The sort of unit that now began to emerge combined cyclist infantry and machine guns mounted on motor cycle sidecars. These motor machine gun units had originated in 1915 [1].
The Hindenburg Line fell to the Allies and the Canal du Nord was crossed. In Berlin, Kaiser Wilhelm was told Germany had lost, and must now surrender. Advances continued but political developments inside Germany compelled Germany to sign an armistice on November 11, 1918.
The war was over, but a new mobility-driven form of warfare was beginning to emerge; one that would be mastered by the defeated Germans and deployed in 1939 as their blitzkrieg, or "lightning warfare", embodying all they had learned in 1918.
Small arms[edit]
French machine gunners defend a ruined cathedral, late in the war
Infantry weapons for major powers were mainly bolt action rifles, capable of firing ten or more rounds per minute. German soldiers carried 7.92 Mauser rifles, which were good for penetration. The British carried the famous Lee–Enfield rifle.[7] Rifles with telescopic sights were used by snipers, and were first used by the Germans.[8]
Machine guns were also used by large powers; a favorite was the Maxim gun, a fully automatic weapon, with a high volume of concentrated fire, and its French counterpart, the Hotchkiss M1914 machine gun.[9] Their use in defense, combined with barbed wire obstacles, converted the expected mobile battlefield to a static one. The machine gun was useful in stationary battle but was not practical for easy movement through battlefields, and was therefore often dragged or disarmed and carried.
In 1903, French military theorists noticed that the machine guns of the day, heavy and relatively immobile, were of little use in infantry assaults. They determined that "the machine gun must learn to walk".[10] They researched the possibility of a light machine gun which could be carried by troops. A marching fire tactic was theorised, using incidental suppressive fire, with the advancing troops considered a deadlier threat than the un-aimed bullets, causing the enemy to fall back. The prototype guns were not approved for production, and none were in service when the war began.[10] At the start of hostilities, France quickly turned an existing prototype (the "CS" for Chauchat and Sutter) into the lightweight Chauchat M1915 automatic rifle with a high rate of fire. The French Army was equipped with it, and the first American units to arrive in France used it in 1917 and 1918. Hastily mass-manufactured under desperate wartime pressures, the weapon was prone to jamming and overheating.[11]
Seeing the potential of such a gun, the British Army settled upon the American-designed Lewis gun fitted for a .303-inch (7.7 mm) round; infantry platoons provided with the guns were instructed in fire and movement tactics. The Lewis gun was the first true light machine gun that could in theory be operated by one man, though in practice the bulky ammo pans required an entire section of men to keep the gun operating.[12] Soon, the Lewis gun was seen to be useful in marching fire assaults, notably by the Australian Corps in the July 1918 Battle of Hamel.[11][13] To serve the same purpose, the German Army adopted the MG08/15 which was impractically heavy at 48.5 pounds (22 kg) counting the water for cooling and one magazine holding 100 rounds.[13]
Near the end of the war, both sides deployed more mobile light machine guns and submachine guns. In 1918 the M1918 Browning Automatic Rifle (BAR) was introduced in the US Army, and with the 15.5-pound (7 kg) weapon came new field tactics. For marching fire assaults, the BAR's shoulder sling was to be adjusted in length to allow the butt of the weapon to be held firmly at the side of the torso just above the hips, with one hand at the trigger and the other hand aiming. A recommended rate of fire was one round per footstep, with eyes kept on the target and the weapon aimed low at first.[14] The tactic was to be employed under conditions of limited field of fire and poor visibility such as advancing through woods.[15][16] The Germans meanwhile introduced the Bergmann MP 18.
The light machine gun directly affected the organization of the infantry, and, by the middle of 1917, put an end to the tactic of company-sized waves. Platoons and squads became important.
Grenades[edit]
Grenades proved to be effective weapons in the trenches. When the war started, grenades were few and poor. Hand grenades were used and improved throughout the war. Contact fuzes became less common, replaced by time fuzes.
The British entered the war with the long-handled impact detonating "Grenade, Hand No 1".[17] The No. 15 "Ball Grenade" partially overcame its inadequacies. British forces however mainly used an improvised hand explosive that was at times more difficult to use, yet still useful in battle. This was the Double Cylinder "jam tin" which consisted of a tin filled with dynamite or guncotton, packed round with scrap metal or stones. To ignite, at the top of the tin there was a Bickford safety fuse connecting the detonator, which was lit by either a cigar, or a second person.[17] The "Mills bomb" (Grenade, Hand No. 5") was invented during the war and came into use in 1915. Its improved fusing system killed more of the enemy and fewer of its users. The French meanwhile introduced the F1 defensive grenade.
German discus grenades with multiple impact fuses proved inadequate
The major grenades used in the beginning by the German Army were the impact-detonating "discus" or "oyster shell" bomb and the Mod 1913 black powder kugelhandgranate with a friction-ignited time fuse.[17] During the war Germany developed the much more effective Model 24 grenade or "potato masher" whose variants remained in use for decades.
Hand grenades were not the only attempt at projectile explosives for infantry. A rifle grenade was brought into the trenches to attack the enemy from a greater distance. The Hales rifle grenade got little attention from the British Army before the war began but, during the war, Germany showed great interest in this weapon. The resulting casualties for the Allies caused Britain to search for a new defense.[18]
The Stokes mortar, a lightweight and very portable trench mortar with short tube and capable of indirect fire, was rapidly developed and widely imitated.[19] Mechanical bomb throwers of lesser range were used in a similar fashion to fire upon the enemy from a safe distance within the trench.
The Sauterelle was a grenade launching Crossbow used before the Stokes morter by French and British troops.
Flame throwers[edit]
Defensive use
The Imperial German Army deployed flame throwers (Flammenwerfer) on the Western Front attempting to flush out French or British soldiers from their trenches. Introduced in 1915, it was used with greatest effect during the Hooge battle of the Western Front on 30 July 1915. The German Army had two main types of flame throwers during the Great War: a small single person version called the Kleinflammenwerfer and a larger crew served configuration called the Grossflammenwerfer. In the latter, one soldier carried the fuel tank while another aimed the nozzle. Both the large and smaller versions of the flame-thrower were of limited use because their short range left the operator(s) exposed to small arms fire.
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Compare: Boot, Max (2006). "The Consequences of the Industrial Revolution". War Made New: Weapons, Warriors, and the Making of the Modern World (reprint ed.). New York: Penguin Publishing Group. ISBN 9781101216835. Retrieved 2017-01-24. The First Industrial Revolution transformed warfare between the end of the Crimean War (1856) and the start of World War I (1914)
Jump up ^ March, F. A.; Beamish, R. J. (1919), History of the World War: An Authentic Narrative of the World's Greatest War, Leslie-Judge
Jump up ^ Chemical weapons in World War I
Jump up ^ http://www.uh.edu/engines/epi1369.htm
Jump up ^ Raudzens 1990, pp. 421–426
Jump up ^ Hartcup 1988, pp. 129, 130, 140
Jump up ^ Bull, Stephen (2002) World War 1 Trench Warfare; (1): 1914-16. Oxford: Osprey Publishing; pp. 9-10
Jump up ^ Ellis, John (1989) Eye Deep in Hell: trench warfare in World War 1. London: Pantheon Books, Random House; p. 69
Jump up ^ Bull, Stephen (2002) World War 1 Trench Warfare; (1): 1914-16. Oxford: Osprey Publishing; pp. 11-12
^ Jump up to: a b "Fusil mitrailleur Chauchat. FM modèle 1915 C.S.R.G." Les mitrailleuses du premier conflit mondial (in French). mitrailleuse.fr. 2003. Retrieved December 18, 2011.
^ Jump up to: a b Bull, Stephen; Hook, Adam (2002). World War I Trench Warfare (1916–1918). Elite. 84 (3 ed.). Osprey. pp. 31–32. ISBN 1-84176-198-2.
Jump up ^ P. Griffiths 1994 Battle Tactics of the Western Front p130
^ Jump up to: a b Sheffield, G.D. (2007). War on the Western Front. Osprey. p. 250. ISBN 1-84603-210-5.
Jump up ^ Persons, William Ernest (1920). Military science and tactics. 2. p. 280.
Jump up ^ Blain, W.A. (November–December 1921). "Does the Present Automatic Rifle Meet the Needs of the Rifleman?". The Military Engineer. Society of American Military Engineers. 12–13: 534–535.
Jump up ^ Landing-Force Manual: United States Navy. U.S. Government Printing Office. 1921. p. 447.
^ Jump up to: a b c Bull, Stephen (2002) World War 1 Trench Warfare; (1): 1914-16. Oxford: Osprey Publishing; p. 27
Jump up ^ Bull, Stephen (2002) World War 1 Trench Warfare; (1): 1914-16. Oxford: Osprey Publishing; p. 29
Jump up ^ Duffy, Michael (2000-07) "Safe Surf". http://www.firstworldwar.com/weaponry/mortars.htm
External links[edit]
Johnson, Jeffrey: Science and Technology , in: 1914-1918-online. International Encyclopedia of the First World War.
Historical film documents on technology during World War I at www.europeanfilmgateway.eu.
Zabecki, David T.: Military Developments of World War I , in: 1914-1918-online. International Encyclopedia of the First World War.
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Pyruvic acid
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Pyruvic acid
Names
Preferred IUPAC name
2-Oxopropanoic acid[1]
Other names
Pyruvic acid[1]
α-Ketopropionic acid
Acetylformic acid
Pyroracemic acid
Identifiers
CAS Number
127-17-3 Y
3D model (JSmol)
Interactive image
Abbreviations Pyr
ChEBI
CHEBI:32816 Y
ChEMBL
ChEMBL1162144 Y
ChemSpider
1031 Y
DrugBank
DB00119 Y
ECHA InfoCard 100.004.387
IUPHAR/BPS
4809
KEGG
C00022 N
PubChem CID
1060
UNII
8558G7RUTR Y
InChI[show]
InChI=1S/C3H4O3/c1-2(4)3(5)6/h1H3,(H,5,6) Y
Key: LCTONWCANYUPML-UHFFFAOYSA-N Y
SMILES[show]
O=C(C(=O)O)C
Properties
Chemical formula
C3H4O3
Molar mass 88.06 g/mol
Density 1.250 g/cm3
Melting point 11.8 °C (53.2 °F; 284.9 K)
Boiling point 165 °C (329 °F; 438 K)
Acidity (pKa) 2.50[2]
Related compounds
Other anions
pyruvate ion

Related keto-acids, carboxylic acids
acetic acid
glyoxylic acid
oxalic acid
propionic acid
acetoacetic acid
Related compounds
propionaldehyde
glyceraldehyde
methylglyoxal
sodium pyruvate
Except where otherwise noted, data are given for materials in their standard state (at 25 °C [77 °F], 100 kPa).
N verify (what is Y N ?)
Infobox references
Pyruvic acid (CH3COCOOH) is the simplest of the alpha-keto acids, with a carboxylic acid and a ketone functional group. Pyruvate (/paɪˈruːveɪt/), the conjugate base, CH3COCOO−, is a key intermediate in several metabolic pathways.
Pyruvic acid can be made from glucose through glycolysis, converted back to carbohydrates (such as glucose) via gluconeogenesis, or to fatty acids through a reaction with acetyl-CoA.[3] It can also be used to construct the amino acid alanine and can be converted into ethanol or lactic acid via fermentation.
Pyruvic acid supplies energy to cells through the citric acid cycle (also known as the Krebs cycle) when oxygen is present (aerobic respiration), and alternatively ferments to produce lactate when oxygen is lacking (lactic acid fermentation).[4]
Contents
1 Chemistry
2 Biochemistry
2.1 Pyruvic acid production by glycolysis
2.2 Decarboxylation to acetyl CoA
2.3 Carboxylation to oxaloacetate
2.4 Transamination to alanine
2.5 Reduction to lactate
3 Uses
4 See also
5 Notes
6 References
7 External links
Chemistry[edit]
In 1834, Théophile-Jules Pelouze distilled both tartaric acid (L-tartaric acid) and racemic acid (a mix of D- and L-tartaric acid) and isolated pyrotartaric acid (methyl succinic acid[5]) and another acid that Jöns Jacob Berzelius characterized the following year and named pyruvic acid.[6] Pyruvic acid is a colorless liquid with a smell similar to that of acetic acid and is miscible with water.[7] In the laboratory, pyruvic acid may be prepared by heating a mixture of tartaric acid and potassium hydrogen sulfate,[8] by the oxidation of propylene glycol by a strong oxidizer (e.g., potassium permanganate or bleach), or by the hydrolysis of acetyl cyanide, formed by reaction of acetyl chloride with potassium cyanide:
CH3COCl + KCN → CH3COCN + KCl
CH3COCN → CH3COCOOH
Biochemistry[edit]
Pyruvate is an important chemical compound in biochemistry. It is the output of the metabolism of glucose known as glycolysis.[9] One molecule of glucose breaks down into two molecules of pyruvate,[9] which are then used to provide further energy, in one of two ways. Pyruvate is converted into acetyl-coenzyme A, which is the main input for a series of reactions known as the Krebs cycle (also known as the citric acid cycle or tricarboxylic acid cycle). Pyruvate is also converted to oxaloacetate by an anaplerotic reaction, which replenishes Krebs cycle intermediates; also, the oxaloacetate is used for gluconeogenesis. These reactions are named after Hans Adolf Krebs, the biochemist awarded the 1953 Nobel Prize for physiology, jointly with Fritz Lipmann, for research into metabolic processes. The cycle is also known as the citric acid cycle or tricarboxylic acid cycle, because citric acid is one of the intermediate compounds formed during the reactions.
If insufficient oxygen is available, the acid is broken down anaerobically, creating lactate in animals and ethanol in plants and microorganisms (and carp[10]). Pyruvate from glycolysis is converted by fermentation to lactate using the enzyme lactate dehydrogenase and the coenzyme NADH in lactate fermentation, or to acetaldehyde (with the enzyme pyruvate decarboxylase) and then to ethanol in alcoholic fermentation.
Pyruvate is a key intersection in the network of metabolic pathways. Pyruvate can be converted into carbohydrates via gluconeogenesis, to fatty acids or energy through acetyl-CoA, to the amino acid alanine, and to ethanol. Therefore, it unites several key metabolic processes.
Reference ranges for blood tests, comparing blood content of pyruvate (shown in violet near middle) with other constituents.
Pyruvic acid production by glycolysis[edit]
In glycolysis, phosphoenolpyruvate (PEP) is converted to pyruvate by pyruvate kinase. This reaction is strongly exergonic and irreversible; in gluconeogenesis, it takes two enzymes, pyruvate carboxylase and PEP carboxykinase, to catalyze the reverse transformation of pyruvate to PEP.
phosphoenolpyruvate pyruvate kinase pyruvate
ADP ATP
ADP ATP
pyruvate carboxylase and PEP carboxykinase
Compound C00074 at KEGG Pathway Database. Enzyme 2.7.1.40 at KEGG Pathway Database. Compound C00022 at KEGG Pathway Database.
Click on genes, proteins and metabolites below to link to respective articles. [§ 1]
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|{{{bSize}}}px|alt=Glycolysis and Gluconeogenesis edit]]
Glycolysis and Gluconeogenesis edit
Jump up ^ The interactive pathway map can be edited at WikiPathways: "GlycolysisGluconeogenesis_WP534".
Decarboxylation to acetyl CoA[edit]
Pyruvate decarboxylation by the pyruvate dehydrogenase complex produces acetyl-CoA.
pyruvate pyruvate dehydrogenase complex acetyl-CoA
CoA + NAD+ CO2 + NADH + H+

Carboxylation to oxaloacetate[edit]
Carboxylation by pyruvate carboxylase produces oxaloacetate.
pyruvate pyruvate carboxylase oxaloacetate
ATP + CO2 ADP + Pi

Transamination to alanine[edit]
Transamination by alanine transaminase produces alanine.
pyruvate alanine transaminase alanine
glutamate α-ketoglutarate
glutamate α-ketoglutarate

Reduction to lactate[edit]
Reduction by lactate dehydrogenase produces lactate.
pyruvate lactate dehydrogenase lactate
NADH NAD+
NADH NAD+

Uses[edit]
Pyruvate is sold as a weight-loss supplement, though evidence supporting this use is lacking. A systematic review of six trials found a statistically significant difference in body weight with pyruvate compared to placebo. However, all of the trials had methodological weaknesses and the magnitude of the effect was small. The review also identified adverse events associated with pyruvate such as diarrhea, bloating, gas, and increase in low-density lipoprotein (LDL) cholesterol. The authors concluded that there was insufficient evidence to support the use of pyruvate for weight loss.[11]
There is also in vitro as well as in vivo evidence in hearts that pyruvate improves metabolism by NADH production stimulation and increases cardiac function.[12][13]
See also[edit]
Pyruvate scale
Notes[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b Nomenclature of Organic Chemistry : IUPAC Recommendations and Preferred Names 2013 (Blue Book). Cambridge: The Royal Society of Chemistry. 2014. p. 748. doi:10.1039/9781849733069-FP001. ISBN 978-0-85404-182-4.
Jump up ^ Dawson, R. M. C.; et al. (1959). Data for Biochemical Research. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Jump up ^ Fox, Stuart Ira (2011). Human Physiology (12th ed.). McGraw=Hill. p. 146. [ISBN missing]
Jump up ^ Ophardt, Charles E. "Pyruvic Acid - Cross Roads Compound". Virtual Chembook. Elmhurst College. Retrieved April 7, 2017.
Jump up ^ Thomson, Thomas (1838). "Chapter II. Of fixed acids Section". Chemistry of organic bodies, vegetables. London: J. B. Baillière. p. 65. Retrieved December 1, 2010.
Jump up ^ Thorpe, Thomas Edward (1922). "Glutaric acid". A dictionary of applied chemistry. 3. London: Longmans, Green, and Co. pp. 426–427. Retrieved December 1, 2010.
Jump up ^ "Pyruvic Acid". ChemSpider. Royal Society of Chemistry. Retrieved 21 April 2017.
Jump up ^ Howard, J. W.; Fraser, W. A. "Pyruvic Acid". Organic Syntheses. 4: 63. ; Collective Volume, 1, p. 475
^ Jump up to: a b Lehninger, Albert L.; Nelson, David L.; Cox, Michael M. (2008). Principles of Biochemistry (5th ed.). New York, NY: W. H. Freeman and Company. p. 528. ISBN 978-0-7167-7108-1.
Jump up ^ Aren van Waarde; G. Van den Thillart; Maria Verhagen (1993). "Ethanol Formation and pH-Regulation in Fish". Surviving Hypoxia. pp. 157–170. ISBN 0-8493-4226-0.
Jump up ^ Onakpoya, I.; Hunt, K.; Wider, B.; Ernst, E. (2014). "Pyruvate supplementation for weight loss: a systematic review and meta-analysis of randomized clinical trials". Crit. Rev. Food Sci. Nutr. 54 (1): 17–23. doi:10.1080/10408398.2011.565890. PMID 24188231.
Jump up ^ Jaimes, R., III (Jul 2015). "Functional response of the isolated, perfused normoxic heart to pyruvate dehydrogenase activation by dichloroacetate and pyruvate". Pflügers Arch. 468: 131–42. doi:10.1007/s00424-015-1717-1. PMC 4701640. PMID 26142699.
Jump up ^ Hermann, H. P.; Pieske, B.; Schwarzmüller, E.; Keul, J.; Just, H.; Hasenfuss, G. (1999-04-17). "Haemodynamic effects of intracoronary pyruvate in patients with congestive heart failure: an open study". Lancet. 353 (9161): 1321–1323. doi:10.1016/s0140-6736(98)06423-x. ISSN 0140-6736. PMID 10218531.
References[edit]
Cody, G. D.; Boctor, N. Z.; Filley, T. R.; Hazen, R. M.; Scott, J. H.; Sharma, A.; Yoder, H. S., Jr (2000). "Primordial Carbonylated Iron-Sulfur Compounds and the Synthesis of Pyruvate". Science. 289 (5483): 1337–1340. Bibcode:2000Sci...289.1337C. doi:10.1126/science.289.5483.1337. PMID 10958777.
External links[edit]
Pyruvic acid mass spectrum
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Pyruvic acid.

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Glycolysis metabolic pathway
Glucose
Hexokinase
ATP
ADP
Glucose 6-phosphate
Glucose-6-phosphate
isomerase
Fructose 6-phosphate
phosphofructokinase-1
ATP
ADP
Fructose 1,6-bisphosphate
Fructose-bisphosphate
aldolase
Dihydroxyacetone phosphate
+
+
Glyceraldehyde 3-phosphate
Triosephosphate
isomerase
2 × Glyceraldehyde 3-phosphate
2 ×
Glyceraldehyde-3-phosphate
dehydrogenase
NAD++ Pi
NADH + H+
NAD++ Pi
NADH + H+
2 × 1,3-Bisphosphoglycerate
2 ×
Phosphoglycerate kinase
ADP
ATP
ADP
ATP
2 × 3-Phosphoglycerate
2 ×
Phosphoglycerate mutase
2 × 2-Phosphoglycerate
2 ×
Phosphopyruvate
hydratase (Enolase)
H2O
H2O
2 × Phosphoenolpyruvate
2 ×
Pyruvate kinase
ADP
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2 × Pyruvate
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Amino acid metabolism metabolic intermediates
K→acetyl-CoA
lysine→
Saccharopine
Allysine
α-Aminoadipic acid
α-Ketoadipate
Glutaryl-CoA
Glutaconyl-CoA
Crotonyl-CoA
β-Hydroxybutyryl-CoA
leucine→
β-Hydroxy β-methylbutyric acid
β-Hydroxy β-methylbutyryl-CoA
Isovaleryl-CoA
α-Ketoisocaproic acid
β-Ketoisocaproic acid
β-Ketoisocaproyl-CoA
β-Leucine
β-Methylcrotonyl-CoA
β-Methylglutaconyl-CoA
β-Hydroxy β-methylglutaryl-CoA
tryptophan→alanine→
N'-Formylkynurenine
Kynurenine
Anthranilic acid
3-Hydroxykynurenine
3-Hydroxyanthranilic acid
2-Amino-3-carboxymuconic semialdehyde
2-Aminomuconic semialdehyde
2-Aminomuconic acid
Glutaryl-CoA
G
G→pyruvate→citrate
glycine→serine→
3-Phosphoglyceric acid
glycine→creatine: Glycocyamine
Phosphocreatine
Creatinine
G→glutamate→
α-ketoglutarate
histidine→
Urocanic acid
Imidazol-4-one-5-propionic acid
Formiminoglutamic acid
Glutamate-1-semialdehyde
proline→
1-Pyrroline-5-carboxylic acid
arginine→
Agmatine
Ornithine
Citrulline
Cadaverine
Putrescine
other
cysteine+glutamate→glutathione: γ-Glutamylcysteine
G→propionyl-CoA→
succinyl-CoA
valine→
α-Ketoisovaleric acid
Isobutyryl-CoA
Methacrylyl-CoA
3-Hydroxyisobutyryl-CoA
3-Hydroxyisobutyric acid
2-Methyl-3-oxopropanoic acid
isoleucine→
2,3-Dihydroxy-3-methylpentanoic acid
2-Methylbutyryl-CoA
Tiglyl-CoA
2-Methylacetoacetyl-CoA
methionine→
generation of homocysteine: S-Adenosyl methionine
S-Adenosyl-L-homocysteine
Homocysteine
conversion to cysteine: Cystathionine
alpha-Ketobutyric acid+Cysteine
threonine→
α-Ketobutyric acid
propionyl-CoA→
Methylmalonyl-CoA
G→fumarate
phenylalanine→tyrosine→
4-Hydroxyphenylpyruvic acid
Homogentisic acid
4-Maleylacetoacetic acid
G→oxaloacetate
see urea cycle
Other
Cysteine metabolism
Cysteine sulfinic acid
Authority control
GND: 4337268-5
LCCN: sh85109371
Metabolism portal
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