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Sugar plantations in Hawaii
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Sugarcane was introduced to Hawaii by its first inhabitants and was observed by Captain Hegwood upon arrival in the islands in 1841[1] Sugar quickly turned into a big business and generated rapid population growth in the islands with 337,000 people immigrating over the span of a century.[2] The sugar grown and processed in Hawaii was shipped primarily to the United States and, in smaller quantities, globally.
Hawaiian Commercial & Sugar Company's Puunene mill on Maui was the last operating sugar mill in Hawaii
Contents
[hide]
1 Origins
2 Sugar and the Big Five
3 Importing labor
4 Environmental impact
5 Decline of plantations in Hawaii
6 Sugar mills by island
7 Planters and Managers
8 Notes
9 References
10 External links
Origins[edit]
Industrial sugar production started slowly in Hawaii. The first sugar mill was created on the island of Lanaʻi in 1802 by an unidentified Chinese man who returned to China in 1803.[1] The Old Sugar Mill, established in 1835 by Ladd & Co., is the site of the first sugar plantation. In 1836 the first 8,000 pounds (3,600 kg) of sugar and molasses was shipped to the United States.[1] The plantation town of Koloa, was established adjacent to the mill.
By the 1840s, sugarcane plantations gained a foothold in Hawaiian agriculture. Steamships provided rapid and reliable transportation to the islands, and demand increased during the California Gold Rush.[3] The land division law of 1848 (known as The Great Mahele) displaced Hawaiian people from their land, forming the basis for the sugarcane plantation economy.[4] In 1850, the law was amended to allow foreign residents to buy and lease land.[3] In 1850, when California became a state, profits declined and the number of plantations decreased to five due to the import tariff that was created.[5] Market demand increased even further during the onset of the American Civil War which prevented Southern sugar from being shipped northward.[6] The price of sugar rose 525% from 4 cents per pound in 1861 to 25 cents in 1864.[3] The Reciprocity Treaty of 1875 allowed Hawaii to sell sugar to the United States without paying duties or taxes, greatly increasing plantation profits.[7] This treaty also guaranteed that all of the resources including land, water, human labor power, capital, and technology would be thrown behind sugarcane cultivation.[4][8] The 1890 McKinley Tariff Act, an effort by the United States government to decrease the competitive pricing of Hawaiian sugar, paid 2 cents per pound to mainland producers. After significant lobbying efforts, this act was repealed in 1894.[6] By 1890, 75% of all privately held land was owned by foreign businessmen. The plantation owners wanted the United States to annex Hawaii so that Hawaiian sugar would never again be subject to tariffs.[citation needed] They also wanted the United States to annex Hawaii so there could be a U.S military base on the island (Pearl Harbor).[citation needed]
Sugar and the Big Five[edit]
Hawaii's Big Five
C. Brewer & Co.
Theo H. Davies & Co.
Amfac
Castle & Cooke
Alexander & Baldwin
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The industry was tightly controlled by descendants of missionary families and other Caucasian businessmen, concentrated in corporations known in Hawaii as "The Big Five".[2] These included Castle & Cooke, Alexander & Baldwin, C. Brewer & Co., H. Hackfeld & Co. (later named American Factors (now Amfac) and Theo H. Davies & Co.,[9] which together eventually gained control over other aspects of the Hawaiian economy including banking, warehousing, shipping, and importing.[4] This control of commodity distribution kept Hawaiians burdened under high prices and toiling under a diminished quality of life.[4] These businessmen had perfected the double-edged sword of a wage-earning labor force dependent upon plantation goods and services.[7] Close ties as missionaries to the Hawaiian monarchy along with capital investments, cheap land, cheap labor, and increased global trade, allowed them to prosper.[4] Alexander & Baldwin acquired additional sugar lands and also operated a sailing fleet between Hawai`i and the mainland; the shipping concern became American-Hawaiian Line, and later Matson.[10] Later the sons and grandsons of the early missionaries played central roles in the overthrow of the Kingdom of Hawaii in 1893, creating a short-lived republic. In 1898, the Republic of Hawaii was annexed by the United States and became the Territory of Hawaii, aided by the lobbying of the sugar interests.
Importing labor[edit]
Hawaii Demographics, 1959.
Hawaii Demographics, 2005.
When Hawaiian plantations began to produce on a large scale, it became obvious that a labor force needed to be imported. The Hawaiian population was 1/6 its pre-1778 size due to ravaging disease brought by foreigners.[4] Additionally, Hawaiian people saw little use for working on the plantations when they could easily subsist by farming and fishing.[7] Plantation owners quickly began importing workers which dramatically changed Hawaii’s demographics and is an extreme example of globalization.
In 1850, the first imported worker arrived from China.[7] Between 1852–1887, almost 50,000 Chinese arrived to work in Hawaii, while 38% of them returned to China.[7] Although help was needed to work the fields, new problems, like feeding, housing, and caring for new employees, were created for many of the planters since the Chinese immigrants did not live off the land like Native Hawaiians, who required little support.[11] To maintain a workforce unable to organize effectively against them, plantation managers diversified the ethnicities of their workforce, and in 1878 the first Japanese arrived to work on the plantations.[1] Between 1885–1924, 200,000 Japanese people arrived with 55% returning to Japan.[7] Between 1903–1910, 7,300 Koreans arrived and only 16% returned to Korea.[7] In 1906 Filipino people first arrived. Between 1909 and 1930, 112,800 Filipinos came to Hawaii with 36% returning to the Philippines.[7]
Plantation owners worked hard to keep in place a hierarchical caste system that prevented worker organization and divided the camps based on ethnic identity.[2] An interesting outcome of this multi-cultural workforce and globalization of plantation workers was the emergence of a common language. Known as Hawaiian Pidgin, this hybrid primarily of Hawaiian, English, Japanese, Chinese, and Portuguese allowed plantation workers to communicate effectively with one another and promoted a transfer of knowledge and traditions among the groups.[12] A comparison of 1959–2005 racial categories shows the ongoing shifts.
A unique operation was the Kohala Sugar Company, known as "The Missionary Plantation" since it was founded by Reverend Elias Bond in 1862 to support his church and schools. He protested the slave-like conditions, and the profits made him one of the largest benefactors to other missions. It operated for 110 years.[13]
Environmental impact[edit]
Amount of sugarcane harvested in Hawaii over time in acres
Amount of sugarcane harvested in Hawaii over time in tons
Sugar plantations dramatically impacted the environment around them. In an 1821 account, prior to the entrenchment of sugarcane plantations in Aiea, the area is described as belonging to many different people and being filled with taro and banana plantations along with a fish pond.[2] This subsistence farming would not last long.
Plantations were strategically located throughout the Hawaiian Islands for reasons including: fertile soil area, level topography, sufficient water for irrigation, and a mild climate with little annual variation.[2] These plantations transformed the land primarily to suit water needs: construction of tunnels to divert water from the mountains to the plantations, reservoir construction, and well digging.[1]
Water was always a serious concern for plantation managers and owners. In the early 20th century, it took one ton of water to produce one pound of refined sugar.[6] This inefficient use of water and the relative lack of fresh water in the island environment were fiercely compounding environmental degradation. Sugar processing places significant demands on resources including irrigation, coal, iron, wood, steam, and railroads for transportation.[8]
Early mills were extremely inefficient, producing molasses in four hours using an entire cord of wood to do so.[8] This level of wood use caused dramatic deforestation. At times, ecosystems were entirely destroyed unnecessarily. One plantation drained a riparian area of 600 acres (2.4 km2) to produce cane.[8] Ironically, after draining the land and forever altering the biodiversity levels, they discovered it was an ancient forest, so they harvested the trees for timber, only then to find that the land was completely unsuitable for sugarcane production.[8]
Sugar plantations were not only environmentally destructive in the past, they continue to be so. Major environmental concerns associated with sugarcane plantations include air and water pollution along with the proper disposal of the resulting waste.[14] Modern calculations place the amount of water needed to produce one ton of cane at 3-10 cubic meters.[14]
Decline of plantations in Hawaii[edit]
As the prevalence of sugarcane in Hawaii deteriorated, tourism was promoted to take its place.
Sugar plantations suffered from many of the same afflictions that manufacturing market segments in the United States continue to feel. Labor costs increased significantly when Hawaii became a state and workers were no longer effectively indentured servants. The hierarchical caste system plantation managers had worked hard to maintain began to break down, with greater racial integrations as a result, ironically, of the sugarcane plantations. Workers began to discover they had rights, and in 1920 waged the first multi-cultural strike.[7] Additionally global politics played a large role in the downfall of Hawaiian sugar. Shifting political alliances between 1902 and 1930 permitted Cuba to have a larger share of the United States sugar market, holding 45% of the domestic quota while Hawaii, the Philippines, and Puerto Rico shared 25%.[4]
The Big Five slowed the production of sugar as cheaper labor was found in India, South America and the Caribbean and concentrated their efforts on the imposition of a tourism-based society.[4] Former plantation land was used by the conglomerates to build hotels and develop this tourist-based economy which has dominated the past fifty years of Hawaiian economics[citation needed]. Hawaii’s last working sugar mill, in Puunene, Maui, produced the final shipment of sugar from Hawaii in December, 2016. The mill was permanently close soon thereafter and the last 375 employees of the Hawaiian Commercial & Sugar Company were laid off.[15]
Sugar mills by island[edit]
Hawaii
Maui:
Molokai
Oahu
Kauai
Planters and Managers[edit]
Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association
John Mott-Smith (1824-1895)
Claus Spreckels (1828-1905) - whilst based mostly in California
George P. Trousseau (1833-1894)
Rufus A. Lyman (1842-1910)
Samuel Parker (1853-1920)
William H. Purvis (1858-1950)
David M.Forbes (1863-1937)
Notes[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b c d e Deerr, 1949
^ Jump up to: a b c d e Urcia, 1960
^ Jump up to: a b c Takaki, 1983
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h Kent, 1993
Jump up ^ Dorrance, William, Sugar Islands: The 165-Year Story of Sugar in Hawaii (Honolulu, Mutual Publishing, 2000), 11.
^ Jump up to: a b c HSPA, 1949
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h i Takaki, 1994
^ Jump up to: a b c d e Alexander, 1937
Jump up ^ Lyn Danninger (September 29, 2002). "Isle institutions' economic impact endures". Honolulu Star-Bulletin. Retrieved 2010-05-01.
Jump up ^ Big Five, Hawaiihistory.org, http://www.hawaiihistory.org/index.cfm?fuseaction=ig.page&PageID=29, Nov. 19, 2013.
Jump up ^ William Dorrance, Sugar Islands: The 165-Year Story of Sugar in Hawaii (Honolulu: Mutual Publishing, 2000), 20.
Jump up ^ Steger, 2003
Jump up ^ Edward D. Beechert (1985), "The Reverend Mr. Bond and Kohala Plantation", Working in Hawaii: a labor history, University of Hawaii Press, pp. 71–72, ISBN 978-0-8248-0890-7
^ Jump up to: a b UNEP, 1982
Jump up ^ Downes, Lawrence. "The Sun Finally Sets on Sugar Cane in Hawaii. 16 Jan 2017". New York Times. Retrieved 3 March 2018.
References[edit]
Alexander, Arthur (1937), Koloa Plantation 1835 - 1935, Honolulu, HI .
Deerr, Noel (1949), The History of Sugar, Volume 1, London: Chapman and Hall Ltd .
Dorrance, William H.; Morgan, Francis (2000), Sugar Islands: The 165-Year Story of Sugar in Hawaiʻi, Honolulu, HI: Mutual Publishing .
2005 American Community Survey for Hawaii, Hawaii State Government, United States Census Bureau, 2006 .
Sugar in Hawaii, Honolulu, HI: Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association, 1949 .
Kent, Noel (1993), Hawaii: Islands Under the Influence, Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press .
Steger, M.B. (2003), Globalization: A Very Short Introduction, Oxford: Oxford University Press .
Takaki, Ronald (1983), Pau Hana: Plantation Life and Labor in Hawaii, 1835 - 1920, Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press. .
Takaki, Ronald (1994), Raising Cane: The World of Plantation Hawaii, New York, NY: Chelsea House Publishers .
Sugarcane Harvested from 1934–2006, United States Department of Agriculture, National Agricultural Statistics Service, 2006-11-24 .
Urcia, Jose (1960), The Morphology of the Town as an Artifact: A Case Study of Sugar Plantation Towns on the Island of Oahu, Hawaii, Seattle, WA: University of Washington. .
Environmental Aspects of the Sugar Industry: An Overview, Paris, France: Imprimerie.: United Nations Environment Programme, 1982 .
Norwegian Aloha: The Making of a Sugar Cane Engineer, Lake Oswego, Oregon: Alder Business Publishing, 2011, ISBN 978-0-9792987-1-4 .
External links[edit]
Hawaii Plantation Village
"Plantations," Densho Encyclopedia article
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text:
High-occupancy vehicle lane
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
"HOV" and "HOV Lane" redirect here. For the song by Nicki Minaj, see Pink Friday: Roman Reloaded. For other uses, see HOV (disambiguation).
A high-occupancy vehicle lane on Interstate 5 in Seattle, Washington, United States.
A high-occupancy vehicle lane (also known as an HOV lane, carpool lane, diamond lane, 2+ lane, and transit lane or T2 or T3 lanes in Australia and New Zealand) is a restricted traffic lane reserved at peak travel times or longer for the exclusive use of vehicles with a driver and one or more passengers, including carpools, vanpools, and transit buses. The normal minimum occupancy level is 2 or 3 occupants. Many jurisdictions exempt other vehicles, including motorcycles, charter buses, emergency and law enforcement vehicles, low-emission and other green vehicles, and/or single-occupancy vehicles paying a toll. HOV lanes are normally created to increase average vehicle occupancy and persons traveling with the goal of reducing traffic congestion and air pollution,[1][2][3] although their effectiveness is questionable.[4]
Regional and corporate-sponsored vanpools, carpools, and rideshare communities give commuters a way to increase occupancy. For places without such services, online rideshare communities can serve a similar purpose.[citation needed] Slugging lines are common in some places, where solo drivers pick up a passenger to share the ride and allow use of the HOV lane. High-occupancy toll lanes (HOT lanes) have been introduced in the United States to allow solo driver vehicles to use the lane on payment of a variable fee, which usually varies with demand.
Contents
[hide]
1 History
1.1 United States
1.2 Canada
1.3 Europe
1.4 New Zealand and Australia
1.5 Indonesia
1.6 China
2 Design and operations
3 Variants
3.1 Business access and transit lane
3.2 High-occupancy toll lane
4 Qualifying vehicles
5 Compliance, enforcement, and avoidance
6 Effectiveness
7 Criticism
8 Incidents
9 Gallery
10 See also
11 Notes and references
12 External links
History[edit]
United States[edit]
The first freeway HOV facility opened in 1969 in the Shirley Highway in Northern Virginia. As of 2012 the I-95/I-395 HOV facility operates as a two-lane barrier-separated reversible HOV 3+ facility (center lanes) with access through elevated on- and off-ramps.
The introduction of HOV lanes in the United States progressed slowly during the 1970s and early 1980s. Major growth occurred from the mid-1980s to the late 1990s.[5] The first freeway HOV lane in the United States was implemented in the Henry G. Shirley Memorial Highway in Northern Virginia, between Washington, DC, and the Capital Beltway, and was opened in 1969 as a bus-only lane.[5][6][7] The busway was opened in December 1973 to carpools with four or more occupants, becoming the first instance in which buses and carpools officially shared a HOV lane over a considerable distance.[8][9]
In 2005, the two lanes of this HOV 3+ facility carried during the morning peak hour (6:30 am to 9:30 am) a total of 31,700 people in 8,600 vehicles (3.7 persons/veh), while the three or four general-purpose lanes carried 23,500 people in 21,300 vehicles (1.1 persons/veh). Average travel time in the HOV facility was 29 minutes, and 64 minutes in the general traffic lanes.[10] As of 2012, the I-95/I-395 HOV facility is 30 mi (48 km) long and extends from Washington, D.C., to Dumfries, Virginia, and has two reversible lanes separated from the regular lanes by barriers, with access through elevated on- and off-ramps. Three or more people in a vehicle (HOV 3+) are required to travel on the facility during rush hours on weekdays.[11]
The second freeway HOV facility was the contraflow bus lane on the Lincoln Tunnel Approach and Helix in Hudson County, New Jersey, opened in 1970.[5] According to the Federal Highway Administration (FHWA), the Lincoln Tunnel XBL is the country's HOV facility with the highest number of peak hour persons among HOV facilities with utilization data available, with 23,500 persons in the morning peak,[6] and 62,000 passengers during the four-hour morning peak.[12]
The first permanent HOV facility in California was the bypass lane at the San Francisco–Oakland Bay Bridge toll plaza, opened to the public in April 1970.[7] The El Monte Busway (I-10 / San Bernardino Freeway) in Los Angeles was initially only available for buses when it opened in 1973. Three-person carpools were allowed to use the bus lane for three months in 1974 due to a strike by bus operators, and then permanently at a 3+ HOV from 1976. It is one of the most efficient HOV facilities in North America[13] and is currently being converted into a high-occupancy toll lane operation to allow low-occupancy vehicles to bid for excess capacity on the lane in the Metro ExpressLanes project.[14]
Beginning in the 1970s, the Urban Mass Transit Administration recognized the advantages of exclusive bus lanes and encouraged their funding. In the 1970s the FHWA began to allow state highway agencies to spend federal funds on HOV lanes.[8] As a result of the 1973 Arab Oil Embargo, interest in ridesharing picked up, and states began experimenting with HOV lanes. In order to reduce crude oil consumption, the 1974 Emergency Highway Energy Conservation Act mandated maximum speed limits of 55 mph (89 km/h) on public highways and became the first instance when the U.S. federal government provided funding for ridesharing and states were allowed to spend their highway funds on rideshare demonstration projects. The 1978 Surface Transportation Assistance Act made funding for rideshare initiatives permanent.[9]
Also during the early 1970s, ridesharing was recommended for the first time as a tool to mitigate air quality problems. The 1970 Clean Air Act Amendments established the National Ambient Air Quality Standards and gave the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) substantial authority to regulate air quality attainment. A final control plan for the Los Angeles Basin was issued in 1973, and one of its main provisions was a two-phase conversion of 184 mi (296 km) of freeway and arterial roadway lanes to bus/carpool lanes and the development of a regional computerized carpool matching system. However, it took until 1985 before any HOV project was constructed in Los Angeles County, and by 1993 there were only 58 mi (93 km) of HOV lanes countywide.[9]
The longest HOV facility in the U.S. is on the I-495 Capital Beltway in the Washington D.C. Metropolitan Area. The facility is located in the median, has two HOV lanes in each direction with elevated on/off ramp access, and a total of 224.0 mi (360.5 km) of lanes.
A significant policy shift took place in October 1990, when a memorandum from the FHWA administrator stated that "FHWA strongly supports the objective of HOV preferential facilities and encourages the proper application of HOV technology." Regional administrators were directed to promote HOV lanes and related facilities.[8] Also in the early 1990s, two laws reinforced the U.S. commitment to HOV lane construction. The Clean Air Act Amendments of 1990 included HOV lanes as one of the transportation control measures that could be included in state implementation plans to attain federal air quality standards. The 1990 amendments also deny the administrator of the EPA the authority to block FHWA from funding 24-hour HOV lanes as part of the sanctions for a state's failure to comply with the Clean Air Act, if the secretary of transportation wishes to approve the FHWA funds.[8]
On the other hand, the Intermodal Surface Transportation Efficiency Act (ISTEA) of 1991 encouraged the construction of HOV lanes, which were made eligible for Congestion Mitigation and Air Quality (CMAQ) funds in regions not attaining federal air quality standards. CMAQ funds may be spent on new HOV lane construction, even if the HOV designation holds only at peak travel times or in the peak direction. ISTEA also provided that under the Interstate Maintenance Program, only HOV projects would receive the 90% federal matching ratio formerly available for the addition of general purpose lanes. And ISTEA permitted state authorities to define a high occupancy vehicle as having a minimum of two occupants (HOV 2+).[8]
As of 2009, California was the state with the most HOV facilities in the country, with 88, followed by Minnesota with 83 facilities, Washington with 41, Texas with 35, and Virginia with 21. The only active U.S. facility with two HOV lanes in each direction is I-110 between Adams Boulevard and SR 91 in Los Angeles.[6] By 2006, HOV lanes in California were operating at two-thirds of their capacity, and these HOV facilities carried on average 2,518 persons per hour during peak hours, substantially more people than the congested general-traffic lanes.[1] As of 2008, the longest HOV facility in operation was the I-95 between SR 112 and Gateway Boulevard in Miami, Florida, with 116.0 mi (186.7 km) of lanes in a route of 58.0 mi (93.3 km). This facility has been exceeded by the HOV facility on the I-495 Capital Beltway in the Washington, D.C., Metropolitan Area, that has two HOV lanes in each direction with elevated on/off ramp access, for a total of 224.0 mi (360.5 km) of HOV lanes in a route of 56.0 mi (90.1 km).[6]
As of 2012, there are some 126 HOV facilities on freeways in 27 metropolitan areas in the United States, which includes over 1,000 corridor miles (1,600 km).[15]
Canada[edit]
The HOV lanes in Ontario Highway 404 in Southern Ontario are separated by a striped buffer zone that breaks occasionally to allow vehicles to enter and exit the HOV lane.
The first HOV facilities in Canada were opened in Greater Vancouver and Toronto in the early 1990s, followed shortly by facilities in Ottawa, Gatineau, Montreal, and later Calgary. As of 2010 there were about 150 km (93 mi) of highway HOV lanes in 11 locations in British Columbia, Ontario, and Quebec, and over 130 km (81 mi) of arterial HOV lanes in 24 locations in Greater Vancouver, Calgary, Toronto, Ottawa, and Gatineau.[1] The Ontario Ministry of Transportation (MTO) estimated in 2006 that commuters in Toronto using the HOV facilities on Highways 403 and 404 were saving 14–17 minutes per trip compared to their travel time before the HOV lanes opened. The MTO also estimated that almost 40% of commuters were carpooling on Highway 403 eastbound in the morning peak hour, compared to 14% in 2003, and 37% of commuters were carpooling on Highway 403 westbound in the afternoon peak hour, compared to 22% in 2003. The average rush hour speed on the HOV lanes is 100 km/h (62 mph), compared to 60 km/h (37 mph) in general-traffic lanes on Highway 403.[1] Temporary HOV lanes were added to selections of 400-series highways in the Greater Toronto Area for the 2015 Pan Am Games and 2015 Parapan American Games.
Europe[edit]
As of 2012 there are a few HOV lanes in operation in Europe. The main reason for this is that, in general, European cities have better public transport services and fewer high-capacity multi-lane urban motorways than do the U.S. and Canada. However, at around 1.3 persons per vehicle, average car occupancy is relatively low in most European cities.[16] The emphasis in Europe has been on providing bus lanes and on-street bus priority measures.[17] The first HOV lane in Europe was opened in the Netherlands in October 1993 and operated until August 1994. Its facility was a 7 km (4.3 mi) barrier-separated HOV 3+ on the A1 near Amsterdam. The facility did not attract enough users to overcome public criticism and was converted to a reversible lane open to general traffic after the judge in a legal test case ruled that Dutch traffic law lacked the concept of a car pool and thus that the principle of equality was violated.[17][18]
Spain was the next European country to introduce HOV lanes, when median reversible HOV lanes were opened in Madrid's N-VI National Highway in 1995. This facility is Europe's oldest HOV facility that is still in operation.[17] The first HOV facility in the United Kingdom opened in Leeds in 1998. The facility was implemented on A647 road near Leeds as an experimental scheme, but it became permanent. The HOV facility is 1.5 km (0.93 mi) long and operates as a HOV 2+ facility.[16][17][19] A 2.8 km (1.7 mi) HOV 3+ facility opened in Linz, Austria, in 1999. Sweden opened its first HOV lane in Stockholm in 2000, an 8 km (5.0 mi) HOV 3+ facility.[20] The first HOV lane in Norway was implemented in May 2001 as an HOV 3+ on Elgeseter Street, an undivided four-lane arterial road in Trondheim. This facility was followed by HOV lanes in Oslo and Kristiansand.[17][21]
New Zealand and Australia[edit]
The first HOV lane (known as a Transit Lane T2 or T3[22]) in Australia opened in February 1992. This is located on the Eastern Highway in Melbourne.[23] As of 2012, there were also T2 and T3 facilities in Canberra, Sydney and Brisbane.
In Auckland, New Zealand, there are several short HOV 2+ and 3+ lanes throughout the region, commonly known as T2 and T3 lanes.[24] There is a T2 transit lane in Tamaki Drive, in a short stretch between Glendowie and downtown Auckland.[25] There are also T2 priority lanes on Auckland's Northern, Southern, Northwestern, and Southwestern Motorways. These priority lanes are left-side on-ramp lanes heading towards the motorway, where vehicles with two or more people can bypass the ramp meter signal. Priority lanes can also be used by trucks, buses, and motorcycles, and the priority lanes can be used by carpoolers at any time.[25] 11 lanes have been opened to electric vehicles, too.[26] There are also several short T2 and T3 facilities in North Shore City operating during rush hours.[27]
Indonesia[edit]
In Jakarta, HOV 3+ is known as "Three in One" (Tiga dalam satu) and was first implemented by governor Sutiyoso. HOV 3+ is implemented on weekdays in existing roads of Sisingamangraja Road (fast and slow lane), Jenderal Sudirman Road (fast and slow lane), MH. Thamrin Road (fast and slow lane), Medan Merdeka Barat Road, Majapahit Road, and sections of Jalan Jenderal Gatot Subroto. The policy was originally implemented only between 7:00 am and 10:00 am. Since the introduction of Jakarta's bus rapid transit in December 2003, the policy was extended to 7:00 am – 10:00 am and 4:00 pm – 7:00 pm. In September 2004, the evening time was changed to 4:30 pm – 7:00 pm.[citation needed]
China[edit]
In Shenzhen, HOV 2+ is going to be implemented on Binhai Avenue from 25 April 2016. The policy will be extended to 7:30 am – 9:30 am and 5:30 pm – 9:30 pm.
In Chengdu, From January 23, 2017, HOV 2+ has been implemented on Kehua Road South, Kehua Road Middle, and Tianfu Avenue Section 1 and 2, during 7:00 am-9:00am and 5:00 pm-7:00pm.
In Dalian, an expressway (Northeast Expressway, or Dongbei Expressway) linking old town and new town had one lane in both outbound and inbound directions set to HOV 2+. Starting from September 20 2017, commuters can opt to drive in HOV lane on Northeast Expressway during the morning peak hours of 06:30-08:30, and evening peak hours of 16:30-19:00. A fine of CNY100 (about USD15) will be enforced for first violators. For a second violation, the fine will double.
Design and operations[edit]
A "semi-HOV" lane on I-24 in Nashville, Tennessee. These lanes function as HOV lanes only on weekdays during rush hour, and as regular lanes the rest of the time.
HOV lanes may be either a single traffic lane within the main roadway with distinctive markings or a separate roadway with one or more traffic lanes either parallel to the general lanes or grade-separated, above or below the general lanes. For example, Interstate 110 in California has four HOV lanes on an upper deck.
HOV bypass lanes to allow carpool traffic to bypass areas of regular congestion in many places, and an HOV lane may operate as a reversible lane, working in the direction of the dominant traffic flow in both the morning and the afternoon. All lanes of a 10 miles (16 km) section of the Interstate 66 in the suburbs of Washington, D.C., are treated as an HOV during the rush hour in the primary direction of flow.[11]
The traffic speed differential between HOV and general-purpose lanes creates a potentially dangerous situation if the HOV lanes are not separated by a barrier. A Texas Transportation Institute study found that HOV lanes lacking barrier separations caused a 50% increase in injury crashes.[28]
Variants[edit]
Business access and transit lane[edit]
A business access and transit (BAT) lane is a type of HOV lane that allows for all traffic to enter the lane for a short distance in order to access other streets and business entrances.[29]
High-occupancy toll lane[edit]
Main article: High-occupancy toll lane
Because some HOV lanes were not utilized to their full capacity, users of low- or single-occupancy vehicles may be permitted to use an HOV lane if they pay a toll. This scheme is known as high-occupancy toll lane (or HOT lanes), and it has been introduced mainly in the United States. The first practical implementation was California's formerly private toll 91 Express Lanes, in Orange County, California, in 1995, followed in 1996 by Interstate 15 north of San Diego.[30][31] According to the Texas A&M Transportation Institute, by 2012 there were 294 corridor-miles of HOT/Express lanes and 163 corridor-miles of HOT/Express lanes under construction in the United States.[32]
FasTrak RFID station in Orange County, California
Solo drivers are permitted to use the HOV lanes upon payment of a fee that varies based on demand. Tolls change throughout the day according to real-time traffic conditions, which is intended to manage the number of cars in the lanes to maintain good journey times.[33][34]
Proponents claim that all motorists benefit from HOT lanes, even those who choose not to use them. This argument applies only to projects that increase the total number of lanes.[35] Proponents also claim that HOT lanes provide an incentive to use transit and ridesharing.[citation needed] There has been controversy over this concept, and HOT schemes have been called "Lexus" lanes, as critics see this new pricing scheme as a perk for the rich.[36]
HOT tolls are collected by manned toll booths, automatic number plate recognition, or electronic toll collection systems. Some systems use RFID transmitters to monitor entry and exiting of the lane and charge drivers depending on demand. Typically, tolls increase as traffic density and congestion within the tolled lanes increase, a policy known as congestion pricing. The goal of this pricing scheme is to minimize traffic congestion within the lanes.[37][38]
Qualifying vehicles[edit]
A slugging area, where solo drivers find a passenger to use the HOV
Qualification for HOV status varies by scheme, but the following vehicles may be included:
Private cars and taxis with a minimum number of human occupants (often two or three), including babies of any age (but only after birth)[39]
Single-occupant green vehicles, such as hybrid electric vehicles, plug-in hybrids, and battery electric vehicles[40][41]
Single-occupancy vehicles upon payment of a variable fee (high-occupancy toll lane only)
Motorcycles[42] - motorcycles are allowed via federal United States HOV lane law (Title 23, Section 166).[43] They cannot use HOV lanes in Ontario[44]
Buses designed to transport sixteen or more passengers, including the driver[39]
Public utility vehicles when responding to emergency calls[39]
Bicycles[42]
New York City HOV lane codes prior to 2008 did not allow motorcycles leading to ticketing of motorcycle drivers and complaints from the American Motorcyclist Association, but have since been revised to comply with the federal regulations listed above.[43][45][46]
In some jurisdictions such as Ontario, Canada, taxicabs and airport limousines are allowed to use HOV lanes even when no passenger is present because that vehicle "will be able return to duty faster after dropping off a fare or arrive sooner to pick up a fare, thereby moving more people to their destinations in fewer vehicles".[44]
In Virginia, commuters form sluglines where drivers pick up one or more passengers from a designated "slug lines" to drive on HOV lanes along interstate 95/395; the driver pulls over near the sluglines and shouts out his or her destination, and people in the line going to that destination enter the car on a first-come, first-served basis.[47]
Compliance, enforcement, and avoidance[edit]
Dedicated reversible HOV lanes on Interstate 279 outside Pittsburgh.
Fines are usually imposed on drivers of non-qualifying vehicles who use the lanes.[48]
Following the introduction the HOVs, some drivers placed inflatable dolls in the passenger seat, a practice that persists today, even though it is now illegal.[48] Cameras that can distinguish between humans and mannequins or dolls were tested in the United Kingdom in 2005.[49]
In the United States, law enforcement officials have documented a variety of methods used by drivers in attempts to circumvent HOV occupancy rules:
Placing store mannequins, blow-up dolls, kickboxing dummies, or cardboard cut-outs in the passenger seat;
Taping styrofoam wig stands with wigs or balloons with faces drawn on them to the passenger seat headrest;
Buckling the passenger-side seat belt and pretending to talk to someone reclining in that seat;
Tinting the front windshield and/or lowering the passenger side visor in an effort to obstruct the view into the passenger seat;
Covering an empty infant seat with a blanket and/or placing a doll in it;
Strapping dogs, cats, or other pets into the passenger seat.[50]

In March 2015, a motorist tried to use a cardboard cutout of actor Jonathan Goldsmith to access an HOV lane in Fife, Washington. The officer noted that other drivers had used sleeping bags in earlier attempts to access the HOV lane.[51]
In January 2013, a motorist tried to claim that the Articles of Incorporation of his business, which had been placed unbuckled on the passenger’s seat, constituted a person, citing the principle of corporate personhood and California's state Vehicle Code, which defines a person as "natural persons and corporations". This argument was rejected in traffic court, where the presiding judge commented, "Common sense says carrying a sheath of papers in the front seat does not relieve traffic congestion."[52]
In February 2010, a 61-year-old woman tried to pass off a life-sized mannequin as a passenger in order to use the HOV lane in New York State. A police officer on a routine HOV patrol became suspicious when he noticed that the so-called passenger was wearing sunglasses and using the visor on a cloudy morning. When the officer approached the vehicle, he discovered that the "passenger" was, in fact, a mannequin wearing lipstick, designer shades, a full-length wig, and a blue sweater. The driver was issued a traffic ticket for using the HOV lane without a human passenger, which carries a fine of $135 and two points on a driver's license.[53][54]
In early 2006, an Arizona woman asserted that she had been improperly ticketed for using the HOV lane because the unborn child she was carrying in her womb justified her use of the lane, while noting that Arizona traffic laws do not define what constitutes a person. However, a judge subsequently ruled that to qualify as an "individual" under Arizona traffic laws, the individual must occupy a "separate and distinct" space in a vehicle.[50] Likewise, in California, in order to use HOV lanes, there must be two (or, if posted, three) separate individuals occupying seats in a vehicle, and an unborn child does not count towards this requirement.[55]
In 2009 and 2010 it was found that non-compliance rates on HOV lanes in Brisbane, Australia, were approaching 90%. Enhanced enforcement led to increased compliance, average bus journey times dropped by up to 19%, and total person throughput increased by 12%.[56] In 2006 it was claimed that many vehicles had only one occupant.[57]
Effectiveness[edit]
According to 2009 data from the U.S. census, 76% drive to work alone and only 10% rideshare; for suburban commuters working in a city, the solo driving rate is 82%.[58]
Some underused HOV lanes in several states have been converted to high-occupancy toll lanes (HOT), which offer solo drivers access to HOV lanes after paying a toll.[58]
HOV lanes are also an effective way to manage traffic after natural disasters, as seen in New York City after Hurricane Sandy in October 2012. At the time Mayor Bloomberg banned passenger cars with less than three occupants from entering Manhattan. The restriction affected all bridges and tunnels entering the city except the George Washington Bridge.[59]
Criticism[edit]
Critics have argued that HOV lanes are underused. It is unclear whether HOV lanes are sufficiently used to compensate for delays in the other mixed-use lanes.[60][61]
Incidents[edit]
In 1995, six people died in a head-on collision when the gates of a reversible lane were not set correctly on the Interstate 279 in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania.[62]
Gallery[edit]
Standard restrictive traffic sign in the United States. The diamond symbol (◊) indicates a preferential-only lane restriction, in this case an HOV with two or more occupants
California HOV sticker for hybrid electric vehicles (the benefit expired on 1 July 2011).
Highway bus lane(HOV-9) on Gyeongbu Expressway in South Korea
A permanent, separated HOV lane on I-91 near Hartford, Connecticut
Nissan Leaf electric car with Maryland's sticker to identify plug-in electric vehicles eligible to use HOV lanes with solo drivers.
California's green Clean Air Vehicle sticker to allow solo access for plug-in hybrids to HOV lanes.
A T3 HOV/bus lane on route 116, in Lévis, Quebec.
See also[edit]
Toll road
Local-express lanes
Bus rapid transit
Transportation Demand Management
Notes and references[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b c d Transport Canada (2010-08-26). "High Occupancy Vehicle Lanes in Canada – Overview". Transport Canada. Retrieved 2012-04-25.
Jump up ^ Federal Highway Administration (2009-07-27). "A Review of HOV Lane Performance and Policy Options in the United States – Section 1: Introduction". FHWA Tolling and Pricing Program. Retrieved 2012-04-25.
Jump up ^ "Transit Lanes". Roads and Traffic Authority, NSW. Retrieved 2012-04-25. Budapest 29–31 October 2003.
Jump up ^ Sharon Shewmake (November 2012). "Can Carpooling Clear the Road and Clean the Air? Evidence on the Impact of HOV Lanes on VMT and air pollution". Journal of Planning Literature.
^ Jump up to: a b c Katherine F. Turnbull. "History of HOV Facilities". Federal Highway Administration (FHWA). Retrieved 2012-04-26. Complete account published in Katherine F. Turnbull (1992), "HOV Project Case Studies: History and Institutional Arrangements"
^ Jump up to: a b c d Federal Highway Administration (December 2008). "Section 2: Operational Description of the Nation's HOV Lanes". FHWA Tolling and Pricing Program. Retrieved 2012-04-24.
^ Jump up to: a b California Department of Transportation (Caltrans) (2007). "Managed Lane". Caltrans. Retrieved 2012-04-26.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e Christopher K. Leman; Preston L. Schiller; Kristin Pauly. "Re-Thinking HOV – High Occupancy Vehicle Facilities and the Public Interest". National Transportation Library. Retrieved 2012-04-30. Research funded partly by the Chesapeake Bay Foundation and the Bullitt Foundation, pp. 3–5.
^ Jump up to: a b c MIT "Real-Time" Rideshare Research (2009-01-24). "Selective History of Ridesharing – The 1970s Energy Crises". Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Retrieved 2012-04-30.
Jump up ^ Peter Samuel (2005-01-12). "HOV lanes clogged with hybrids-complicate toll plan". Toll Roads News. Archived from the original on 2012-09-12. Retrieved 2012-04-25.
^ Jump up to: a b Virginia Department of Transportation(VDOT) (2011-08-30). "High Occupancy Vehicle (HOV) Systems -I-395 and I-95 Reversible Lanes". VDOT. Retrieved 2012-04-25.
Jump up ^ American Public Transit Association (APTA). "Public Transportation: Moving America Forward" (PDF). APTA. Retrieved 2012-04-25. See p. 6
Jump up ^ Texas Transportation Institute (September 2002). "Executive Report. Effects of Changing HOV Lane occupancy requirements: El Monte Busway Case Study". Federal Highway Administration. Retrieved 2012-04-27.
Jump up ^ "Metro Express Lanes".
Jump up ^ Freeway Management Program, FHWA (2012-01-12). "Frequently Asked HOV Questions". Federal Highway Administration. Retrieved 2012-02-27.
^ Jump up to: a b Quinn DJ, Gilson DR, Dixon MT (1998). "Britain's first high occupancy vehicle lane – the A647, Leeds". ETC Proceedings. Retrieved 2012-04-27.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e S. Schijns (2006). "High Occupancy Vehicle Lanes – Worldwide Lessons for European Practitioners" (PDF). McCormick Rankin Corp. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2010-06-13. Retrieved 2012-04-25. See Secction 3.1
Jump up ^ "Dutch parliamentary record on the car pooling lanes experiment (archived)" (in Dutch). Statengeneraaldigitaal.nl. Archived from the original on July 24, 2011. Retrieved 2012-04-25.
Jump up ^ Institute for Transport Studies, University of Leeds. "Experience in Europe: Leeds, UK". Konsult Leeds. Archived from the original on 2012-02-22. Retrieved 2012-04-27.
Jump up ^ European Conference of Ministers of Transport (2005). 16th International Symposium on Theory and Practice in Transport Economics: 50 Years of Transport Research – Experience Gained and Major Challenges ahead. OECD Publishing. p. 409. ISBN 978-92-821-0349-4.
Jump up ^ T Haugen (2004). "Evaluation of Hov-lanes in Norway". ETC Proceedings. Retrieved 2012-04-27.
Jump up ^ "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2015-01-21. Retrieved 2015-01-21.
Jump up ^ Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (2002). Road Travel Demand – Meeting the Challenge. OECD Publishing. p. 134. ISBN 978-92-64-17551-8.
Jump up ^ "Transit Guides". Auckland Transport. 2011-10-28. Archived from the original on 2011-11-25. Retrieved 2010-05-06.
^ Jump up to: a b Auckland Transport. "Priority lanes for carpooling" (PDF). Auckland Transport. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2013-02-09. Retrieved 2012-05-06.
Jump up ^ "What is an EV lane". Retrieved 2017-09-27.
Jump up ^ Auckland Transport. "North Shore transit lanes" (PDF). Auckland Transport. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2013-02-03. Retrieved 2012-05-06.
Jump up ^ "CRASH ANALYSIS OF SELECTED HIGH-OCCUPANCY VEHICLE FACILITIES IN TEXAS: METHODOLOGY, FINDINGS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS". Texas Transportation Institute. September 2004. Dallas corridors with buffer-separated concurrent flow HOV lanes did show a change in crash occurrence with an increase in injury crash rate. The IH-35E North corridor experienced a 56 percent increase in the injury crash rate. The IH-635 corridor experienced a 41 percent increase in the injury crash rate. A closer look at the crash data indicates that the higher injury crash rates were primarily due to the crashes occurring on the HOV lane and on the inside general-purpose lane which is adjacent to the HOV lane.
Jump up ^ Murakami, Kery (October 17, 2008). "Answers to BAT lane questions". Seattle Post-Intelligencer. Retrieved September 26, 2017.
Jump up ^ Dave Downey (2007-01-07). "The HOT lane hype". The North County Times. Retrieved 2008-07-15.
Jump up ^ Metropolitan Transportation Commission. "High-Occupancy-Vehicle (HOV) and High-Occupancy/Toll (HOT) Lanes: Frequently Asked Questions". Archived from the original on 2008-06-03. Retrieved 2008-03-01.
Jump up ^ Urban Land Institute (ULI) (2013). "When the Road Price Is Right – Land Use, Tolls, and Congestion Pricing" (PDF). Urban Land Institute. Retrieved 2013-04-09. See Figure 2, pp.6
Jump up ^ "Northern Virginia Transportation Alliance". Archived from the original on 2015-10-03.
Jump up ^ "Golden Gate Bridge for variable toll".
Jump up ^ "About I-495 HOT Lanes". Archived from the original on 13 February 2010. Retrieved 31 August 2009.
Jump up ^ Bob Hugman (2007-04-08). "Not Such a HOT Idea: 'Lexus Lanes' Could Ruin Virginia's Highly Successful HOV System". The Washington Post. Retrieved 2012-05-06.
Jump up ^ FAQ – VA I-495 HOT Lanes Retrieved October 6, 2009
Jump up ^ "Brookings Institution economic study on HOT Lanes".
^ Jump up to: a b c "High Occupancy Vehicle (HOV) Lanes – Rules and FAQs". I'm pregnant. Do I count as one person or two? In the HOV world, you're one person. Babies of any age, however, count as a person.
Jump up ^ "Carpool (HOV) Lanes". HybridCars.com. 2010-07-08. Retrieved 2012-02-27.
Jump up ^ "Eligible Vehicles – Single Occupant Carpool Lane Use Stickers". California Air Resources Board. 2012-04-12. Retrieved 2012-04-16.
^ Jump up to: a b "Fact Sheets on Highway Provisions". Retrieved 2008-04-13.
^ Jump up to: a b http://www.nydailynews.com/autos/local-biker-stands-ride-hov-lane-article-1.286236
^ Jump up to: a b http://www.mto.gov.on.ca/english/traveller/hov/faq.shtml#a21
Jump up ^ http://www.dealernews.com/dealernews/article/ama-statement-motorcycles-hov-lanes-nyc
Jump up ^ Accessed May 2, 2014. http://www.nyc.gov/html/dot/html/motorist/carpool.shtml
Jump up ^ "Sluglines assists the driver by reaching the two or three person HOV requirement, and the passenger in getting a free ride to their destination.". Sluglines.com. 2010-01-27. Retrieved 2010-06-01.
^ Jump up to: a b "Blow-up doll flunks Seattle HOV lane ploy". NewsChannel 8. 2011-05-05. Archived from the original on 2013-06-16. Retrieved 2012-07-30.
Jump up ^ "Cyclops cam can distinguish between humans and blow-up dolls". Engadget. Retrieved 2010-06-01.
^ Jump up to: a b Diamond Lanes Aren't a Pregnant Girl's Best Friend at Snopes.com.
Jump up ^ KOMO Staff (March 25, 2015). "Driver's 'most interesting' way to cheat the HOV lane fails". KOMONews.com. Retrieved June 16, 2015.
Jump up ^ David Kravets. "Motorist Claims Corporation Papers Are Carpool Passengers". Wired. Retrieved 29 January 2013.
Jump up ^ Driver Busted Using HOV Lane With Mannequin Passenger[dead link], WPIX Newsroom (PIX 11), February 3, 2010. (see also: Driver busted using HOV lane with 'dummy' passenger .
Jump up ^ Driver Busted Using Carpool Lane With Mannequin[dead link], WPIX, February 4, 2010.
Jump up ^ Frequently Asked Questions of the Highway Patrol.
Jump up ^ Lyndon, S. Marinelli, P.A. Macintosh, K. and McKenzie, S. (28–30 September 2011). "High occupancy vehicle lane enforcement: a successful trial in Brisbane by adding a splash of magenta. Proceedings of the 34th Australasian Transport Research Forum" (PDF). Retrieved 1 May 2012. CS1 maint: Multiple names: authors list (link)
Jump up ^ Kerr, Joseph (2002-09-16). "Why transit lanes can slow you down". The Sydney Morning Herald. Retrieved 2006-11-08.
^ Jump up to: a b JOSIE GARTHWAITE (2012-02-24). "Access to the Car Pool Lane Can Be Yours, for a Price". The New York Times. Retrieved 2012-02-27.
Jump up ^ Egan, Matt. "NYC Restricts Manhattan Inbound Traffic to High-Occupancy Vehicles".
Jump up ^ "HOV lanes could be History".
Jump up ^ "HOV Lanes in California: Are They Achieving Their Goals?".
Jump up ^ Grata, Joe (2006-05-19). "New HOV gates start Monday on Parkway North". Post-gazette.com. Retrieved 2010-06-01.
External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to High-occupancy vehicle lanes.
Frequently Asked HOV Questions, Federal Highway Administration
High Occupancy Vehicle Lanes in Canada, Transport Canada
HOV Priority, TDM Encyclopedia, Victoria Transport Policy Institute
California Eligible Vehicle List – Single occupant carpool lane stickers, California Air Resources Board.
Information on how to map HOV facilities within OpenStreetMap
HOV lanes mapping based on data from OpenStreetMap.
Deal lowers tolls on I-85 HOT lanes
VARIABLE PRICING:San Diego's I-15 HOT Lanes Mainstreamed Article about first variable price toll lane (1998)
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