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Social control theory
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In criminology, social control theory proposes that exploiting the process of socialization and social learning builds self-control and reduces the inclination to indulge in behavior recognized as antisocial. It derives from functionalist theories of crime and was developed by Ivan Nye (1958), who proposed that there were four types of control:
Direct: by which punishment is threatened or applied for wrongful behavior, and compliance is rewarded by parents, family, and authority figures.
Internal: by which a youth refrains from delinquency through the conscience or superego.
Indirect: by identification with those who influence behavior, say because his or her delinquent act might cause pain and disappointment to parents and others with whom he or she has close relationships.
Control through needs satisfaction, i.e. if all an individual's needs are met, there is no point in criminal activity.
Contents
[hide]
1 Definition
2 Proponents
2.1 Edward A. Ross
2.2 Albert J. Reiss
2.3 Jackson Toby
2.4 F. Ivan Nye
2.5 Walter Reckless
2.6 David Matza
2.7 Travis Hirschi
2.7.1 The general theory of crime
2.8 Jack P. Gibbs
3 Criticism
4 See also
5 References
6 Further reading
Definition[edit]
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Social control theory proposes that people's relationships, commitments, values, norms, and beliefs encourage them not to break the law. Thus, if moral codes are internalized and individuals are tied into and have a stake in their wider community, they will voluntarily limit their propensity to commit deviant acts. The theory seeks to understand the ways in which it is possible to reduce the likelihood of criminality developing in individuals. It does not consider motivational issues, simply stating that human beings may choose to engage in a wide range of activities, unless the range is limited by the processes of socialization and social learning. The theory derives from a Hobbesian view of human nature as represented in Leviathan, i.e. that all choices are constrained by implicit social contracts, agreements and arrangements among people. Thus, morality is created in the construction of social order, assigning costs and consequences to certain choices and defining some as evil, immoral and/or illegal.[1]
Proponents[edit]
Edward A. Ross[edit]
The earliest form of the theory (or at least the earliest recorded) was proposed by Edward A. Ross in 1901, who defined social control as "the more that the smooth running of social machinery implies the frequent breaking off or turning aside of individual activities, the more perfect is the social order."[2] Hence, the more perfect that the social order is, the more social control is achieved. His best-known work, Social Control (1901), deals with the reasons for and the means of societal limitation of the individual.[3]
Albert J. Reiss[edit]
Another early form of the theory was proposed by Reiss (1951: 196) who defined delinquency as, "...behavior consequent to the failure of personal and social controls." Personal control was defined as, "...the ability of the individual to refrain from meeting needs in ways which conflict with the norms and rules of the community" while social control was, "...the ability of social groups or institutions to make norms or rules effective." Reiss' version did not specify the sources of such "abilities" nor the specific control mechanisms leading to conformity, but he did assert that the failure of primary groups such as the family to provide reinforcement for non-delinquent roles and values was crucial to the explanation of delinquency. Reiss also wrote extensively on the application of his work to criminology.[4]
Jackson Toby[edit]
Jackson Toby (1957),[5] argued that "the uncommitted adolescent is a candidate for gang socialization."[6] acknowledging "gang socialization" as part of the causal, motivational dynamic leading to delinquency, but introduced the concept of stakes in conformity to explain "candidacy" for such learning experiences. He believed that all could be tempted into delinquency, but most refused because they considered that they had too much to lose. The young who had few stakes or investments in conformity were more likely to be drawn into gang activity. The notion of stakes in conformity fits very well with concepts invoked in later versions of social control theory.
F. Ivan Nye[edit]
Ivan Nye (1958)[7] not only elaborated a social control theory of delinquency, but specified ways to "operationalize" (measure) control mechanisms and related them to self-reports of delinquent behavior. He formulated the theory after interviewing 780 young people in Washington State. The sample was criticized because it did not represent any urban environments, and those selected might have been more apt to describe their families unfavorably. Some were concerned that criminal activity was only mentioned in two of the questions, so the extrapolations to crime in general were considered unsafe. Like Reiss, he focused on the family as a source of control. Moreover, Nye specified three different types of control:
direct control = punishments and rewards
indirect control = affectionate identification with non-criminals; and
internal control = conscience or sense of guilt.
Youth may be directly controlled through constraints imposed by parents, limiting the opportunity for delinquency, as well as through parental rewards and punishments. However, they may be constrained when free from direct control by their anticipation of parental disapproval (indirect control), or through the development of a conscience, an internal constraint on behavior. The focus on the family as a source of control was in marked contrast to the emphasis on economic circumstances as a source of criminogenic motivation at the time.[8] Although he acknowledged motivational forces by stating that, "...some delinquent behavior results from a combination of positive learning and weak and ineffective social control" (1958: 4), he adopted a control-theory position when he proposed that, "...most delinquent behavior is the result of insufficient social control..."
Walter Reckless[edit]
Walter Reckless (1961)[9] developed containment theory by focusing on a youth's self-conception or self-image of being a good person as an insulator against peer pressure to engage in delinquency.
inner containment = positive sense of self;
outer containment = supervision and discipline.
This inner containment through self-images is developed within the family and is essentially formed by about the age of twelve. Outer containment was a reflection of strong social relationships with teachers and other sources of conventional socialization within the neighborhood. The basic proposition is there are "pushes" and "pulls" that will produce delinquent behavior unless they are counteracted by containment. The motivations to deviate as pushes are:
discontent with living conditions and family conflicts;
aggressiveness and hostility, perhaps due to biological factors; and
frustration and boredom, say arising from membership of a minority group or through lack of opportunities to advance in school or find employment;
and the pulls are:
delinquent peers, and
delinquent subcultures.[10]
David Matza[edit]
An analysis of 'neutralization' was developed by Sykes and Matza (1957)[11] who believed that there was little difference between delinquents and non-delinquents, with delinquents engaging in non-delinquent behavior most of the time. They also asserted that most delinquents eventually opt out of the delinquent lifestyle as they grow older, suggesting that there is a basic code of morality in place but that the young are able to deviate by using techniques of neutralization, i.e. they can temporarily suspend the applicability of norms by developing attitudes "favorable to deviant behavior". The five common techniques were:
denial of responsibility (I couldn't help myself)
denial of injury (nobody got hurt)
denial of victim (they had it coming)
condemnation of the condemners (what right do they have to criticize me?)
appeal to higher loyalties (I did it for someone else).
Later Matza (1964) developed his theory of "drift" which proposed that people used neutralization to drift in and out of conventional behaviour, taking a temporary break from moral restraints. Matza based his "drift" theory upon four observations which were:
Delinquents express guilt over their criminal acts
Delinquents often respect law-abiding individuals
A line is drawn between those they can victimize and those they can not
Delinquents are not immune to the demands of conforming[12]
Although this theory of drift has not been widely supported by empirical tests, it remains a key idea in criminology despite not answering why some conform and others don't.
Travis Hirschi[edit]
Travis Hirschi adopted Toby's concept of an investment in conventionality or "stake in conformity". He stressed the rationality in the decision whether to engage in crime and argued that a person was less likely to choose crime if they had strong social bonds.
The general theory of crime[edit]
Main article: Self-control theory of crime
Hirschi has since moved away from his bonding theory, and in co-operation with Michael R. Gottfredson, developed a general theory or "self-control theory" in 1990. Akers (1991) argued that a major weakness of this new theory was that Gottfredson and Hirschi did not define self-control and the tendency toward criminal behavior separately. By not deliberately operationalizing self-control traits and criminal behavior or criminal acts individually, it suggests that the concepts of low self-control and propensity for criminal behavior are the same. Hirschi and Gottfredson (1993) rebutted Akers argument by suggesting it was actually an indication of the consistency of general theory. That is, the theory is internally consistent by conceptualizing crime and deriving from that a concept of the offender's traits. The research community remains divided on whether the general theory is sustainable but there is emerging confirmation of some of its predictions (e.g. LaGrange & Silverman: 1999)
Jack P. Gibbs[edit]
Gibbs (1989)[13] has redefined social control and applied it to develop a control theory of homicide. Any attempt to get an individual to do or refrain from doing something can be considered an attempt at control. To qualify as 'social' control, such attempts must involve three parties. One or more individuals intends to manipulate the behavior of another by or through a third party. Gibbs' third party can be an actual person or a reference to "society", "expectations" or "norms". For example, if one party attempts to influence another by threatening to refer the matter to a third party assumed to have authority, this is referential social control. If one party attempts to control another by punishing a third (e.g. general deterrence), it is a form of vicarious social control. The presence of the third party distinguishes social control from mere external behavioral control, simple interpersonal responses, or issuing orders for someone to do something. This definition clearly distinguishes social control from mere "reactions to deviance" and from deviant behavior itself.
Gibbs argues that "Homicide can be described either as control or as resulting from control failure" (1989: 35), and proposes that the homicide rate is a function not just of the sheer volume of disputes, but also of the frequency of recourse to a third party for peaceful dispute settlement (p37). When one person fails to control the actions of another through the third party, murder represents another violent attempt at direct control. People resort to self-help when forms of social control are unavailable or fail. Gibbs is critical of Hirschi's Social Control Theory because it merely assumes that social relationships, personal investments and beliefs that discourage delinquency are social controls (which is one reason why Hirschi's theory is often referred to as a Social Bond Theory).
Criticism[edit]
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Much of the early research on social control theory is based on self-reporting studies. Critics of self-report data note that there may be various motives for disclosing information, and that questions may be interpreted differently by individual participants. Nevertheless, many of the conclusions are intuitively convincing, e.g. that individuals will not engage in crime if they think that this will sacrifice the affection or respect of significant others, or cause them to lose employment or their autonomy if they face imprisonment. Davies (1994 and 2004), reports that in late-nineteenth century Britain, crime rates fell dramatically, as did drug and alcohol abuse, and illegitimacy became less common. All of these indexes of deviance were fairly steady between World War I and 1955. After 1955, they all rose to create a U-curve of deviance, over the period from 1847 to 1997. He attributes the initial shift to adoption of a culture in which the assumptions of Protestant Christianity were taken for granted. Everyone at the time believed—at least somewhat—in a moral code of helping others. This belief was rooted in religion. The same social norms for the defense of the person and property that informed the law before 1955 remain the policy norms. Furthermore, the concept that people are uncontrollable and may offend against those norms in social interactions, cannot be explained by simply counting how many people practice the golden rule (see the general discussion in Braithwaite: 1989[14]).
See also[edit]
Sociology portal
Guilt society
Power (social and political)
Shame society
Control theory (sociology)
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Ngo, Fawn T (2011). "Role-Taking And Recidivism: A Test Of Differential Social Control Theory". JQ: Justice Quarterly 28.5. Academic Search Complete. pp. 667–697. Retrieved 24 Oct 2015.
Jump up ^ Social control; a survey of the foundations of order. 1901. p. 2.
Jump up ^ "Social Control - Work by Ross". Encyclopædia Britannica.
Jump up ^ Albert J Reiss in Encyclopedia of Criminological Theory vol I (2010) FT Cullen, P Wilcox
Jump up ^ Toby, Jackson (1957). "Social Disorganization and Stake in Conformity: Complementary Factors in the Predatory Behavior of Hoodlums". Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology. 48 (1): 12–17. doi:10.2307/1140161.
Jump up ^ Karachi, Larry; Toby, Jackson (April 1962). "The Uncommitted Adolescent: Candidate for Gang Socialization". Sociological Inquiry. 32 (2): 203–215. doi:10.1111/j.1475-682X.1962.tb00541.x.
Jump up ^ Nye, Francis Ivan (1975). Family relationships and delinquent behavior (2. repr. ed.). Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press. ISBN 9780837169675.
Jump up ^ Heiss, Jerold (1980). "Family Theory 20 Years Later". Contemporary Sociology 9.2. Academic Search Complete. pp. 201–204. Retrieved 24 Oct 2015.
Jump up ^ Reckless, Walter C. (December 1961). "A New Theory of Deliquency and Crime". Federal Probation. 25 (4): 42–46.
Jump up ^ Roberts, Joanne; Gunes, Ismail Dincer; Seward, Rudy Ray (2011). "The Impact Of Self Esteem, Family Rituals, Religiosity, And Participation In Conforming Activities Upon Delinquency: A Comparison Of Young Adults In Turkey And The United States". Journal of Comparative Family Studies. Academic Search Complete. pp. 49–76. Retrieved 24 Oct 2015.
Jump up ^ Sykes, Gresham M.; Matza, David (1957). "Techniques of Neutralization: A Theory of Delinquency". American Sociological Review. 22 (6): 664–670. doi:10.2307/2089195.
Jump up ^ Box, Steven (1970). "Becoming Deviant (Book)". Sociology 4.3. Academic Search Complete. pp. 403–404. Retrieved 24 Oct 2015.
Jump up ^ Gibbs, Jack P. (1989). Control : sociology's central notion. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. ISBN 978-0252015908.
Jump up ^ Braithwaite, John (1988). Crime, shame and reintegration (Repr. ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0521356688.
Hirschi, T. (2002). Causes of delinquency. New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Publishers.
Further reading[edit]
Hirschi, Travis; Michael R. Gottfredson (2005). "Punishment of Children from the Perspective of Control Theory". In Michael Donnelly and Murray A. Straus. Corporal Punishment of Children in Theoretical Perspective. New Haven, CT; London, UK: Yale University Press. ISBN 0-300-08547-8. OCLC 144609343.
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Porter's five forces analysis
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Jump to: navigation, search
A graphical representation of Porter's five forces
Porter's Five Forces Framework is a tool for analyzing competition of a business. It draws from industrial organization (IO) economics to derive five forces that determine the competitive intensity and, therefore, the attractiveness (or lack of it) of an industry in terms of its profitability. An "unattractive" industry is one in which the effect of these five forces reduces overall profitability. The most unattractive industry would be one approaching "pure competition", in which available profits for all firms are driven to normal profit levels. The five-forces perspective is associated with its originator, Michael E. Porter of Harvard University. This framework was first published in Harvard Business Review in 1979.[1]
Porter refers to these forces as the microenvironment, to contrast it with the more general term macroenvironment. They consist of those forces close to a company that affect its ability to serve its customers and make a profit. A change in any of the forces normally requires a business unit to re-assess the marketplace given the overall change in industry information. The overall industry attractiveness does not imply that every firm in the industry will return the same profitability. Firms are able to apply their core competencies, business model or network to achieve a profit above the industry average. A clear example of this is the airline industry. As an industry, profitability is low because the industry's underlying structure of high fixed costs and low variable costs afford enormous latitude in the price of airline travel. Airlines tend to compete on cost, and that drives down the profitability of individual carriers as well as the industry itself because it simplifies the decision by a customer to buy or not buy a ticket. A few carriers--Richard Branson's Virgin Atlantic is one--have tried, with limited success, to use sources of differentiation in order to increase profitability.
Porter's five forces include three forces from 'horizontal' competition--the threat of substitute products or services, the threat of established rivals, and the threat of new entrants--and two others from 'vertical' competition--the bargaining power of suppliers and the bargaining power of customers.
Porter developed his five forces framework in reaction to the then-popular SWOT analysis, which he found both lacking in rigor and ad hoc.[2] Porter's five-forces framework is based on the structure–conduct–performance paradigm in industrial organizational economics. It has been applied to try to address a diverse range of problems, from helping businesses become more profitable to helping governments stabilize industries.[3] Other Porter strategy tools include the value chain and generic competitive strategies.
Contents
[hide]
1 Five Forces
1.1 Threat of new entrants
1.2 Threat of substitutes
1.3 Bargaining power of customers
1.4 Bargaining power of suppliers
1.5 Industry rivalry
2 Usage
3 Criticisms
4 See also
5 References
6 Further reading
Five Forces[edit]
Strategy
Major dimensions[hide]
Strategy • Strategic management
Military strategy • Strategic thinking
Strategic planning • Game theory
Strategic studies
Major thinkers[hide]
Michael Porter • Rita Gunther McGrath
Bruce Henderson • Gary Hamel
Candace A. Yano • C. K. Prahalad
Jim Collins • Liddell Hart
Carl von Clausewitz • Sun Tzu
Sarah C. Paine • Adrian Slywotzky
Sharon Oster • Chris Zook
Henry Mintzberg • Clay Christensen
Concepts[hide]
Business model
Competitive advantage • Experience curve
Value chain • Portfolio theory
Core competency • Generic strategies
Uberisation
Sharing economy
Frameworks and tools[hide]
SWOT • Five forces
Balanced scorecard
PEST analysis • Growth–share matrix
v
t
e
Threat of new entrants[edit]
Profitable industries that yield high returns will attract new firms. New entrants eventually will decrease profitability for other firms in the industry. Unless the entry of new firms can be made more difficult by incumbents, abnormal profitability will fall towards zero (perfect competition), which is the minimum level of profitability required to keep an industry in business.
The following factors can have an effect on how much of a threat new entrants may pose:
The existence of barriers to entry (patents, rights, etc.). The most attractive segment is one in which entry barriers are high and exit barriers are low. It's worth noting, however, that high barriers to entry almost always make exit more difficult.
Government policy
Capital requirements
Absolute cost
Cost disadvantages independent of size
Economies of scale
Product differentiation
Brand equity
Switching costs
Expected retaliation
Access to distribution channels
Customer loyalty to established brands
Industry profitability (the more profitable the industry, the more attractive it will be to new competitors)
Network effect
Threat of substitutes[edit]
A substitute product uses a different technology to try to solve the same economic need. Examples of substitutes are meat, poultry, and fish; landlines and cellular telephones; airlines, automobiles, trains, and ships; beer and wine; and so on. For example, tap water is a substitute for Coke, but Pepsi is a product that uses the same technology (albeit different ingredients) to compete head-to-head with Coke, so it is not a substitute. Increased marketing for drinking tap water might "shrink the pie" for both Coke and Pepsi, whereas increased Pepsi advertising would likely "grow the pie" (increase consumption of all soft drinks), while giving Pepsi a larger market share at Coke's expense.
Potential factors:
Buyer propensity to substitute
Relative price performance of substitute
Buyer's switching costs
Perceived level of product differentiation
Number of substitute products available in the market
Ease of substitution
Availability of close substitute
Bargaining power of customers[edit]
The bargaining power of customers is also described as the market of outputs: the ability of customers to put the firm under pressure, which also affects the customer's sensitivity to price changes. Firms can take measures to reduce buyer power, such as implementing a loyalty program. Buyers' power is high if buyers have many alternatives. It is low if they have few choices.
Potential factors:
Buyer concentration to firm concentration ratio
Degree of dependency upon existing channels of distribution
Bargaining leverage, particularly in industries with high fixed costs
Buyer switching costs
Buyer information availability
Availability of existing substitute products
Buyer price sensitivity
Differential advantage (uniqueness) of industry products
RFM (customer value) Analysis
Bargaining power of suppliers[edit]
The bargaining power of suppliers is also described as the market of inputs. Suppliers of raw materials, components, labor, and services (such as expertise) to the firm can be a source of power over the firm when there are few substitutes. If you are making biscuits and there is only one person who sells flour, you have no alternative but to buy it from them. Suppliers may refuse to work with the firm or charge excessively high prices for unique resources.
Potential factors are:
Supplier switching costs relative to firm switching costs
Degree of differentiation of inputs
Impact of inputs on cost and differentiation
Presence of substitute inputs
Strength of distribution channel
Supplier concentration to firm concentration ratio
Employee solidarity (e.g. labor unions)
Supplier competition: the ability to forward vertically integrate and cut out the buyer.
Industry rivalry[edit]
For most industries the intensity of competitive rivalry is the major determinant of the competitiveness of the industry. Having an understanding of industry rivals is vital to successfully market a product. Positioning pertains to how the public perceives a product and distinguishes it from competitors. A business must be aware of its competitors marketing strategy and pricing and also be reactive to any changes made.
Potential factors:
Sustainable competitive advantage through innovation
Competition between online and offline companies
Level of advertising expense
Powerful competitive strategy
Firm concentration ratio
Degree of transparency
Usage[edit]
Strategy consultants occasionally use Porter's five forces framework when making a qualitative evaluation of a firm's strategic position. However, for most consultants, the framework is only a starting point. They might use value chain or another type of analysis in conjunction.[4] Like all general frameworks, an analysis that uses it to the exclusion of specifics about a particular situation is considered naive.
According to Porter, the five forces framework should be used at the line-of-business industry level; it is not designed to be used at the industry group or industry sector level. An industry is defined at a lower, more basic level: a market in which similar or closely related products and/or services are sold to buyers. (See industry information.) A firm that competes in a single industry should develop, at a minimum, one five forces analysis for its industry. Porter makes clear that for diversified companies, the primary issue in corporate strategy is the selection of industries (lines of business) in which the company will compete. The average Fortune Global 1,000 company competes in 52 industries [5].
Criticisms[edit]
Porter's framework has been challenged by other academics and strategists. For instance, Kevin P. Coyne and Somu Subramaniam claim that three dubious assumptions underlie the five forces:
That buyers, competitors, and suppliers are unrelated and do not interact and collude.
That the source of value is structural advantage (creating barriers to entry).
That uncertainty is low, allowing participants in a market to plan for and respond to changes in competitive behavior.[6]
An important extension to Porter's work came from Adam Brandenburger and Barry Nalebuff of Yale School of Management in the mid-1990s. Using game theory, they added the concept of complementors (also called "the 6th force") to try to explain the reasoning behind strategic alliances. Complementors are known as the impact of related products and services already in the market.[7] The idea that complementors are the sixth force has often been credited to Andrew Grove, former CEO of Intel Corporation. Martyn Richard Jones, while consulting at Groupe Bull, developed an augmented 5 forces model in Scotland in 1993. It is based on Porter's Framework and includes Government (national and regional) as well as Pressure Groups as the notional 6th force. This model was the result of work carried out as part of Groupe Bull's Knowledge Asset Management Organisation initiative.
Porter indirectly rebutted the assertions of other forces, by referring to innovation, government, and complementary products and services as "factors" that affect the five forces.[8]
It is also perhaps not feasible to evaluate the attractiveness of an industry independently of the resources that a firm brings to that industry. It is thus argued (Wernerfelt 1984)[9] that this theory be combined with the Resource-Based View (RBV) in order for the firm to develop a sounder framework.
See also[edit]
Coopetition
Economics of Strategy
Industry classification
Marketing Strategy
National Diamond
Strategic management
Porter's four corners model
Nonmarket forces
Value chain
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Michael E. Porter, "How Competitive Forces Shape Strategy," May 1979 (Vol. 59, No. 2), pp. 137-145.
Jump up ^ Michael Porter, Nicholas Argyres and Anita M. McGahan, "An Interview with Michael Porter", The Academy of Management Executive 16:2:44 at JSTOR
Jump up ^ Michael Simkovic, Competition and Crisis in Mortgage Securitization
Jump up ^ Tang, David (21 October 2014). "Introduction to Strategy Development and Strategy Execution". Flevy. Retrieved 2 November 2014.
Jump up ^ "External Inputs to Strategy | Boundless Management". courses.lumenlearning.com. Retrieved 2017-12-06.
Jump up ^ Kevin P. Coyne and Somu Subramaniam, "Bringing Discipline to Strategy, The McKinsey Quarterly, 1996, (Vol. 33, No. 4), pp. 14-25.
Jump up ^ Brandenburger, A. M., & Nalebuff, B. J. (1995). The Right Game: Use Game Theory to Shape Strategy. Harvard Business Review, (Vol. 73, No. 4), 57-71. PDF
Jump up ^ Michael E. Porter. "The Five Competitive Forces that Shape Strategy", Harvard Business Review, January 2008 (Vol. 88, No. 1), pp. 78-93. PDF
Jump up ^ Wernerfelt, B. (1984), A Resource-based View of the Firm, Strategic Management Journal, Vol. 5: pp. 171-180 PDF
Further reading[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Porter's Five Forces Model.
Coyne, K.P. and Sujit Balakrishnan (1996),Bringing discipline to strategy, The McKinsey Quarterly, No.4.
Porter, M.E. (March–April 1979) How Competitive Forces Shape Strategy, Harvard Business Review.
Porter, M.E. (1980) Competitive Strategy, Free Press, New York.
Porter, M.E. (January 2008) The Five Competitive Forces That Shape Strategy, Harvard Business Review.
Ireland, R. D., Hoskisson, R. and Hitt, M. (2008). Understanding business strategy: Concepts and cases. Cengage Learning.
Rainer R.K. and Turban E. (2009), Introduction to Information Systems (2nd edition), Wiley, pp 36–41.
Kotler P. (1997), Marketing Management, Prentice-Hall, Inc.
Mintzberg, H., Ahlstrand, B. and Lampel J. (1998) Strategy Safari, Simon & Schuster.
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