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Right to Information Act, 2005
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This article is about the Indian federal law. For freedom of information in other countries, see Freedom of information legislation.
Right to Information Act, 2005
It is an act to provide for setting out the practical regime of right to information for citizens to under control of public authorities, in order to promote transparency and accountability in the working of every public authority, the constitution of a Central Information Commission and State Information Commissions and for matters connected therewith or incidental thereto.
Citation
Act No. 22 of 2005
Territorial extent
Whole of India except Jammu and Kashmir
Enacted by
Parliament of India
Date enacted
15-June-2005
Date assented to
22-June-2005
Date commenced
12-October-2005
First RTI application submitted by Shahid Raza Burney to a police station in Pune on 12 October 2005
Status: In force
A receipt for payment of fee for collecting information under RTI act
Right to Information (RTI) is an Act of the Parliament of India to provide for setting out the practical regime of right to information for citizens and replaces the erstwhile Freedom of information Act, 2002. Under the provisions of the Act, any citizen of India may request information from a "public authority" (a body of Government or "instrumentality of State") which is required to reply expeditiously or within thirty days. The Act also requires every public authority to computerise their records for wide dissemination and to proactively certain categories of information so that the citizens need minimum recourse to request for information formally.
This law was passed by Parliament on 15 June 2005 and came fully into force on 12 October 2005. The first application was given to a Pune police station. Information disclosure in India was restricted by the Official Secrets Act 1923 and various other special laws, which the new RTI Act relaxes. It codifies a fundamental right of citizens.
Contents
[hide]
1 Scope
2 Private bodies
3 Political parties
4 Right to Information(RTI Act 2005) Implementations, Controversies, and Digital India.
4.1 Digital Right to Information System
4.2 Activism around an efficient Right to Information
5 Intellectual Property Rights and Right to Information (RTI Act 2005).
6 Fees
7 See also
8 References
9 External links
Scope[edit]
The Act covers the whole of India except Jammu and Kashmir, where J&K Right to Information Act is in force. It covers all constitutional authorities, including the executive, legislature and judiciary; any institution or body established or constituted by an act of Parliament or a state legislature. It is also defined in the Act that bodies or authorities established or constituted by order or notification of appropriate government including bodies "owned, controlled or substantially financed" by government, or non-Government organizations "substantially financed, directly or indirectly by funds"
Private bodies[edit]
Private bodies are not within the Act's ambit directly. In a decision of Sarbjit roy vs Delhi Electricity Regulatory Commission,[1] the Central Information Commission also reaffirmed that privatised public utility companies fall within the purview of RTI.[2] As of 2014, private institutions and NGOs receiving over 95% of their infrastructure funds from the government come under the Act.[3] Right to Information Act 2005 mandates timely response to citizen requests for government information. It is an initiative taken by Department of Personnel and Training, Ministry of Personnel, Public Grievances and Pensions to provide a RTI Portal Gateway to the citizens for quick search of information on the details of first Appellate Authorities, PIOs etc. amongst others, besides access to RTI related information / disclosures published on the web by various Public Authorities under the Government of India as well as the State Governments.
Political parties[edit]
The Central Information Commission (CIC), consisting of Satyanand Mishra, M.L. Sharma and Annapurna Dixit, has held that the political parties are public authorities and are answerable to citizens under the RTI Act. The CIC, a quasi-judicial body, has said that six national parties - Congress, BJP, NCP, CPI(M), CPI and BSP and BJD - has been substantially funded indirectly by the Central Government and have the character of public authorities under the RTI Act as they perform public functions[4][5] In August 2013 the government introduced a Right To Information (Amendment) Bill which would remove political parties from the scope of the law.[6] In September 2013 the Bill was deferred to the Winter Session of Parliament.[7] In December 2013 the Standing Committee on Law and Personnel said in its report tabled in Parliament.[8]
Right to Information(RTI Act 2005) Implementations, Controversies, and Digital India.[edit]
The Right to information in India has been mired with controversies ranging from their use in political battles [9] asking opponent degrees, or cases of blatant refusals to provide information[10] on high profile projects to allegations of misuse by civil society.[11]
The Right to information in India is governed by two major bodies viz.
Central Information Commission (CIC)[12] – Chief Information commissioner who heads all the central departments and ministries- with their own public Information officers (PIO)s. CICs are directly under the President of India.
State Information Commissions-State Public Information Officers or SPIOs – Heading over all the state department and ministries the SPIO office is directly under the State Governor.
State and Central Information Commissions are independent bodies and Central Information Commission has no jurisdiction[12] over the State Information Commission.
Digital Right to Information System[edit]
Though there is a push in India on digital governance, Right to Information has seen a neglect even after 11 years of its enactment.
A recent research on ballotboxIndia [13] outlines that thought central ministries are covered by a single Digital window to file Right to Information requests with integrated payment gateways, and tracking mechanism. None of the states have yet came forward to implement their versions or use the existing Right to Information Digital Infrastructure.
The research report[13] covering 29 states and union territories also highlights the responses from the SPIOs (State Public Information Officers).
Researchers in the study focussed on the Digital implementation and asked about plans or timeline to provide such facility. 64% State Public Information failed to respond. Rest of them merely took cognizance without any hard timelines.
The research also covers in details- the difficulty in filing manual Right to Information requests with the states with delays ranging many months of wait time and various follow ups and rejections.[14]
Every state in India has different rules and fee structures to file an application through registered post without any tracking mechanism as covered in details in the report.[13] Which puts Right to Information in India riddled with inefficiencies.
Activism around an efficient Right to Information[edit]
Researchers and Activists have been proposing changes to make the process easier, efficient and meaningful. One of it demands state and central information systems under one Digital System to streamline information flow and provide proactive information backed by streamlined mandatory reporting.
Right to Information (RTI Act 2005) - One RTI campaign flyer started by ballotboxIndia researchers after doing a survey with 28 states SPIOs and Central CIC.
The Right to information(RTI Act 2005) was touted as one law which will bring in transparency and eradicate corruption by civil society direct involvement. Failure to implement it in a thoroughly and efficiently has led to rough loss estimate of $245 million yearly as per one estimate.[13]
India being a federal state has many items in concurrent list and projects have multiple departments working on them, and sometimes projects are moved from one department to another.
With Central and State information commissions working in such a disconnect, and manual transfers of the request for information between departments lead to big delays, confusion, and loss of traceability.
It not only denies timely information, creates high barriers to information only a few with very strong motivations and means can cross, but puts a common citizen at the risk by exposing them directly to the departments and agencies which they are trying to find information on.
Digital RTI mission was initiated by a policy think tank based in Kochi (CPPR) to make kerala the first RTI digital state in India. [15]
Intellectual Property Rights and Right to Information (RTI Act 2005).[edit]
Many civil society members have recently alleged the subversion of the right to information Act by the invocation of Intellectual Property rights argument by the government agencies from time to time.
Most notable are
The Right to Information denied by RBI on Demonetization citing Intellectual Property Laws.[16]
The Right to Information Denied by Uttar Pradesh Irrigation Department after more than 8 months of a wait on under construction Gomti Riverfront Development Project. A group of researchers requested for environment Impact and Project Report on the project which is flagged for negative impacts, tax money wastage by environmental scientists and research reports.[10]
Fees[edit]
A citizen who desires to seek some information from a public authority is required to send, along with the application (a Postal order or DD (Demand draft) or a bankers cheque) payable to the Accounts Officer of the public authority as fee prescribed for seeking information. If the person is from a disadvantaged community, he/she need not pay.[citation needed]
The applicant may also be required to pay further fee towards the cost of providing the information, details of which shall be intimated to the applicant by the PIO as prescribed by the RTI ACT[17]
See also[edit]
Attacks on RTI activists in India
References[edit]
Jump up ^ http://www.rti.india.gov.in/cic_decisions/Decision_30112006_12.pdf
Jump up ^ http://articles.economictimes.indiatimes.com/2011-10-03/news/30238465_1_rti-act-public-information-officer-pio. Missing or empty |title= (help)
Jump up ^ Nayak, N. Dinesh. "Private institutions, NGOs now come under RTI Act: Information Commissioner". thehindu.com.
Jump up ^ PTI. "Khurshid sounds warning note on R.T.I ruling". The Hindu. Archived from the original on 10 June 2013. Retrieved 4 June 2013.
Jump up ^ PTI. "Political parties under RTI: Congress rejects CIC order". The Hindu Newspaper. Archived from the original on 27 October 2013. Retrieved 4 June 2013.
Jump up ^ Subrahmaniam, Vidya (12 August 2013). "First-ever amendment to historic RTI Act tabled in Lok Sabha". The Hindu. Retrieved 1 December 2014.
Jump up ^ "Bill to amend RTI Act deferred to Winter Session". thehindubusinessline.com. Retrieved 13 September 2013.
Jump up ^ "Parliament panel backs Bill to keep parties out of RTI". Press Trust of India
Jump up ^ "PM Modi degree issue: HC stays CIC order on 1978 DU records". The Indian Express. 2017-01-24. Retrieved 2017-02-11.
^ Jump up to: a b "Gomti River front Development - Irrigation Department Denied Information". Gomti River front Development - Irrigation Department Denied Information. 2016-12-09. Retrieved 2017-02-11.
Jump up ^ Gandhi, Shailesh. "Right to information is misused, but those who do so make up less than 5% of total applicants". Scroll.in. Retrieved 2017-02-11.
^ Jump up to: a b "FAQ | Central Information Commission". cic.gov.in. Retrieved 2017-02-11.
^ Jump up to: a b c d "Right to information (RTI Act 2005) India - One Nation #OneRTI". BallotBoxIndia. Retrieved 2017-02-11.
Jump up ^ "Gomti Riverfront Development - Lucknow Development Authority (LDA) officially transferred the application of request on Gomti River Front Development DPR and EIA to the Irrigation Department". Gomti Riverfront Development - Lucknow Development Authority (LDA) officially transferred the application of request on Gomti River Front Development DPR and EIA to the Irrigation Department. 2016-09-15. Retrieved 2017-02-11.
Jump up ^ "Centre for Public Policy Research". Wikipedia. 2017-09-25.
Jump up ^ "RBI's refusal to share details under RTI is sheer arrogance, says activist Shailesh Gandhi". Firstpost. 2016-12-31. Retrieved 2017-02-11.
Jump up ^ http://rti.gov.in/RTICorner/Guide_2013-issue.pdf
External links[edit]
Right To Information Ministry Websites and their RTI links Search
RTI Act PDF and RTI Application form for all the States
Government of India links
Complete text of the Right to Information Act
ONLINE RTI
CIC - The Central Information Commission is empowered to decide complaints and appeals arising from use of the Right to Information Act, 2005.
CIC Online - New website of the Central Information Commission for filing complaints and appeals arising from use of the Right to Information Act, 2005.
DoPT - The Department of Personnel and Training, Ministry of Personnel, Public Grievances, and Pensions, is charged with being the nodal agency for the Right to Information Act, 2005. It has the powers to make rules regarding appeals, fees, etc.
Right to Information Act Portal
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text:
Motion Picture Association of America film rating system
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
The Motion Picture Association of America (MPAA) film rating system is used in the United States and its territories to rate a film's suitability for certain audiences based on its content. The MPAA rating system is a voluntary scheme that is not enforced by law; films can be exhibited without a rating, although many theaters refuse to exhibit non-rated or NC-17 rated films. Non-members of MPAA may also submit films for rating.[1] Other media, such as television programs and video games, are rated by other entities such as the ESRB and the TV Parental Guidelines.
The MPAA rating system is one of various motion picture rating systems that are used to help parents decide what films are appropriate for their children. It is administered by the Classification & Ratings Administration (CARA), an independent division of the MPAA.[2]
Contents
[hide]
1 Ratings
1.1 MPAA film ratings
1.2 Other labels
1.3 Tennessee law
2 MPAA rating cards for theatrical trailers
3 History
3.1 Replacement of Hays Code
3.2 From M to GP to PG
3.3 Addition of PG-13 rating
3.4 X replaced by NC-17
4 Rating explanations
5 Rating components
5.1 Violence
5.2 Language
5.3 Substance abuse
5.4 Nudity
5.5 Sexual content
6 Effects of ratings
6.1 Commercial viability of the NC-17 rating
6.2 Issuance of "R Cards"
7 Criticisms
7.1 Emphasis on sex and language versus violence
7.2 Tougher standards for independent studios
7.3 Call for publicizing the standards
7.4 Accusation of "ratings creep"
7.5 Questions of relevance
8 See also
9 References
10 External links
Ratings[edit]
"PG-13" redirects here. For other uses, see PG-13 (disambiguation).
MPAA film ratings[edit]
The MPAA film ratings are as follows:[3]
Rating symbol
Meaning
G – General Audiences
All ages admitted. Nothing that would offend parents for viewing by children.
PG – Parental Guidance Suggested
Some material may not be suitable for children. Parents urged to give "parental guidance". May contain some material parents might not like for their young children.
PG-13 – Parents Strongly Cautioned
Some material may be inappropriate for children under 13. Parents are urged to be cautious. Some material may be inappropriate for pre-teenagers.
R – Restricted
Under 17 requires accompanying parent or adult guardian. Contains some adult material. Parents are urged to learn more about the film before taking their young children with them.
NC-17 – Adults Only
No One 17 and Under Admitted. Clearly adult. Children are not admitted.
Other labels[edit]
If a film has not been submitted for a rating or is an uncut version of a film that was submitted, the labels Not Rated (NR) or Unrated (UR) are often used. Uncut/extended versions of films that are labeled "Unrated" also contain warnings saying that the uncut version of the film contains content that differs from the theatrical release and might not be suitable for minors.
If a film has not yet been assigned a final rating, the label This Film Is Not Yet Rated is used in trailers and television commercials.
Tennessee law[edit]
Since 1989, Tennessee state law has set the minimum age to theatrically view an R-rated film without adult accompaniment at 18, instead of 17.[4]
MPAA rating cards for theatrical trailers[edit]
The MPAA also rates film trailers, print advertising, posters, and other media used to promote a film. Green, yellow, or red title cards displayed before the start of a trailer indicate the trailer's rating.
Green: When the trailer accompanies another rated feature, the wording on the green title card states "The following preview has been approved to accompany this feature." For trailers hosted on the internet, the wording has been slightly altered to "The following preview has been approved for appropriate audiences."[5]
Yellow: A yellow title card exists solely for trailers hosted on the internet, with the wording stipulating "The following preview has been approved only for age-appropriate internet users." The MPAA defines "age-appropriate internet users" as visitors to sites either frequented mainly by adults or accessible only between 9:00 p.m. and 4:00 a.m. The yellow card is reserved for trailers previewing films rated PG-13 or stronger.[6]
Red: A red title card indicates that the trailer is restricted and when it accompanies another feature, the wording states "The following restricted preview has been approved to accompany this feature only." For trailers hosted on the internet, the wording is tweaked to "The following restricted preview has been approved for appropriate audiences."[5] The red title card is reserved for trailers previewing R and NC-17 rated films. Trailers hosted on the internet carrying a red title card require viewers to pass an age verification test which entails users aged 17 and older to match their names, birthdays and ZIP Codes to public records on file.[6]
History[edit]
Replacement of Hays Code[edit]
Jack Valenti, who had become president of the Motion Picture Association of America in May 1966, deemed the Motion Picture Production Code – in place since 1930 and rigorously enforced since 1934 – as out of date and bearing "the odious smell of censorship". Filmmakers were pushing at the boundaries of the Code, and Valenti cited examples such as Who's Afraid of Virginia Woolf?, which contained the expressions "screw" and "hump the hostess"; and Blowup, which was denied Code approval due to nudity, resulting in the MPAA member studio releasing it through a subsidiary. He revised the Code to include the "SMA" (Suggested for Mature Audiences) advisory as a stopgap measure. To accommodate "the irresistible force of creators determined to make 'their films'", and to avoid "the possible intrusion of government into the movie arena", he developed a set of advisory ratings which could be applied after a film was completed. On November 1, 1968, the voluntary MPAA film rating system took effect, with three organizations serving as its monitoring and guiding groups: the MPAA, the National Association of Theater Owners (NATO), and the International Film Importers & Distributors of America (IFIDA).[7]
The ratings used from 1968 to 1970 were:[8][9]
Rated G: Suggested for General Audiences
Rated M: Suggested for Mature Audiences – parental discretion advised
Rated R: Restricted – persons under 16 not admitted, unless accompanied by parent or adult guardian.
Rated X: Persons Under 16 Not Admitted
This content classification system originally was to have three ratings, with the intention of allowing parents to take their children to any film they chose. However, the National Association of Theater Owners urged the creation of an adults-only category, fearful of possible legal problems in local jurisdictions. The "X" rating was not an MPAA trademark and would not receive the MPAA seal; any producer not submitting a film for MPAA rating could self-apply the "X" rating (or any other symbol or description that was not an MPAA trademark).[7]
From M to GP to PG[edit]
In 1970 the ages for "R" and "X" were raised from 16 to 17.[10] Also, due to confusion over whether "M"-rated films were suitable for children,[10] "M" was renamed to "GP" (for General audiences, Parental guidance suggested),[11][12] and in 1971 the MPAA added the content advisory "Some material not generally suitable for pre-teenagers".[13] On February 11, 1972,[14] "GP" was revised to "PG".[10]
The ratings used from 1970 to 1972 were:
Rated G: All Ages Admitted – General Audiences
Rated GP: All Ages Admitted – Parental Guidance Suggested [Sometimes a disclaimer would say "This film contains material which may not be suitable for pre-teenagers"]
Rated R: Restricted – Under 17 requires accompanying parent or adult guardian
Rated X: No one under 17 admitted
The ratings used from 1972 to 1984 were:[15]
Rated G: General Audiences – All ages admitted
Rated PG: Parental Guidance Suggested – Some material may not be suitable for pre-teenagers
Rated R: Restricted – Under 17 requires accompanying parent or adult guardian.
Rated X: No one under 17 admitted
Addition of PG-13 rating[edit]
In the early 1980s complaints about violence and gore in films such as Indiana Jones and the Temple of Doom and Gremlins, both of which received PG ratings, refocused attention on films seen by small children and pre-teens.[16] According to author Filipa Antunes, this revealed the conundrum of a film which "could not be recommended for all children but also could not be repudiated for all children uniformly," leading to speculation that the rating system’s scope, in particular its PG classification, "no longer matched a notion of childhood most parents in America could agree on."[17] Steven Spielberg, director of Temple of Doom and executive producer of Gremlins, suggested a new intermediate rating between "PG" and "R".[18] The "PG-13" rating was introduced on July 1, 1984, with the advisory "Parents Are Strongly Cautioned to Give Special Guidance for Attendance of Children Under 13 – Some Material May Be Inappropriate for Young Children". The first film to be released with this rating was the 1984 John Milius war film Red Dawn.[19] In 1985, the wording was simplified to "Parents Strongly Cautioned – Some Material May Be Inappropriate for Children Under 13".[20] Around the same time, the MPAA won a trademark infringement lawsuit against the producers and distributors of I Spit on Your Grave over a fraudulent application of its R rating to the uncut version of the film,[21] and forced its member studios and several other home video distributors to put MPAA ratings on the packaging of MPAA-rated films via a settlement that would come into effect by fall that year.[22]
The ratings used from 1984 to 1990 were:
Rated G: General Audiences – all ages admitted
Rated PG: Parental Guidance Suggested – some material may not be suitable for children
Rated PG-13: Parents Strongly Cautioned – some material may be inappropriate for children under 13
Rated R: Restricted – under 17 requires accompanying parent or adult guardian
Rated X: No one under 17 admitted
X replaced by NC-17[edit]
In the rating system's early years, "X"-rated films such as Midnight Cowboy (1969) and A Clockwork Orange (1971) were understood to be unsuitable for children, but non-pornographic and intended for the general public. However, pornographic films often self-applied the non-trademarked "X" rating, and it soon became synonymous with pornography in American culture.[23] In late 1989 and early 1990, two critically acclaimed art films featuring strong adult content, Henry: Portrait of a Serial Killer and The Cook, the Thief, His Wife & Her Lover, were released. Neither film was approved for an MPAA rating, thus limiting their commercial distribution, and prompting criticism of the rating system's lack of a designation for such films.[24][25]
In September 1990, the MPAA introduced the rating "NC-17" ("No Children Under 17 Admitted").[26] Henry & June – previously to be assigned an "X" rating – was the first film to receive the "NC-17" rating instead.[26][27] Although films with an "NC-17" rating had more mainstream distribution opportunities than "X"-rated films, many theaters refused to screen them, most entertainment media did not accept advertising for them, and many large video outlets refused to stock them.[28] In 1996,[29] the minimum age for "NC-17" films was raised to 18, by rewording it to "No One 17 and Under Admitted".[30]
The ratings used since 1990 are:[3]
Rated G: General Audiences – all ages admitted
Rated PG: Parental Guidance Suggested – some material may not be suitable for children
Rated PG-13: Parents Strongly Cautioned – some material may be inappropriate for children under 13
Rated R: Restricted – under 17 requires accompanying parent or adult guardian
Rated NC-17: No children under 17 admitted [1990–1996] / No one 17 and under admitted [1996–present]
Rating explanations[edit]
Since September 1990, the MPAA has included brief explanations of why each film received an "R" rating, allowing parents to know what type of content the film contained. For example, some films' explanations may read "Strong Brutal Violence, Pervasive Language, Some Strong Sexual Content, and Drug Material". In 2000, the MPAA began applying rating explanations for "PG", "PG-13", and "NC-17" films as well.[31][32]
Rating components[edit]
Violence[edit]
Depictions of violence are generally restricted to PG and above. The violence in a PG rated film will not be intense, while violence that is both intense and persistent will generally require at least an R rating. Violence is not prohibited in G rated films, but if present will be minimal.[2]
Language[edit]
Snippets of language that go "beyond polite conversation" are permitted in G rated films, but no stronger words are present. Profanity may be present in PG rated films, and use of one of the harsher "sexually-derived words" as an expletive will initially incur at least a PG-13 rating. Multiple occurrences will usually incur an R rating as will the usage of such an expletive in a sexual context. Nevertheless, the ratings board may still award a PG-13 rating passed by a two-thirds majority if they believe the language is justified by the context or by the manner in which the words are used.[2]
There are several exceptional cases in which PG-13 rated films contain multiple occurrences of the word fuck: Adventures in Babysitting, where the word is used twice in the same scene;[33] The Hip Hop Project, which has seventeen uses;[34] and Gunner Palace, a documentary of soldiers in the Second Gulf War, which has 42 uses of the word with two used sexually.[35] Both Bully, a 2011 documentary about bullying, and Philomena—which has two instances of the word—released in 2013, were originally given R ratings on grounds of the language but the ratings were dropped to PG-13 after successful appeals.[36][37]
Substance abuse[edit]
See also: Product placement § Tobacco
Drug use content is restricted to PG-13 and above.[2] An example of an otherwise PG film being assigned a PG-13 rating for a drug reference (momentary, along with brief language) is Whale Rider. The film contained only mild profanity, but was rated PG-13 because of a scene where drug paraphernalia were briefly visible. Critic Roger Ebert criticized the MPAA for the rating and called it "a wild overreaction".[38]
In May 2007, the MPAA announced that depictions of cigarette smoking would be considered in a film's rating.[39][40] Anti-smoking advocates stated that the child-friendly PG rating was inappropriate for the 2011 Nickelodeon-animated film Rango, which included over 60 depictions of characters smoking.[41]
Nudity[edit]
Nudity is restricted to PG and above, and anything that constitutes more than brief nudity will require at least a PG-13 rating. Nudity that is sexually oriented will generally require an R rating.[2] As of 2010, the MPAA has added a descriptor of "male nudity" to films featuring said content.[42]
Sexual content[edit]
The MPAA does not have any explicit criteria for sexual content other than excluding sex scenes from G rated films.[2]
Effects of ratings[edit]
Commercial viability of the NC-17 rating[edit]
In its initial years of use, few films with the NC-17 rating were profitable. In 1995, United Artists released the big-budget film Showgirls (1995). It became the most widely distributed film with an NC-17 rating (showing in 1,388 cinemas simultaneously), but was a financial failure that grossed only 45% of its $45 million budget.[43] Some modest successes can be found among NC-17 theatrical releases, however; Fox Searchlight Pictures released the original NC-17-rated American edition of the European film The Dreamers (2003) in theaters in the United States, and later released both the original NC-17 and the cut R-rated version on DVD. A Fox Searchlight spokesman said the NC-17 rating did not give them much trouble in releasing this film (they had no problem booking it, and only the Salt Lake City newspaper Deseret News refused to take the film's ad), and Fox Searchlight was satisfied with this film's United States box office result.[44] Another notable exception is Bad Education (2004), an NC-17 foreign-language film which grossed $5.2 million in the United States theatrically[45] (a moderate success for a foreign-language film[46]).
As of March 2007, according to Variety, MPAA chairman Dan Glickman had been made aware of the attempts to introduce a new rating, or find ways to reduce the stigma of the NC-17 rating. Film studios have pressured the MPAA to retire the NC-17 rating, because of its likely impact on their film's box office revenue.[47][48]
During the controversy about the MPAA's decision to give the film Blue Valentine (2010) an NC-17 rating (The Weinstein Company challenged this decision, and the MPAA ended up awarding the same cut an R rating on appeal), actor Ryan Gosling, who stars in the film, noted that NC-17 films are not allowed wide advertisement and that, given the refusal of major cinema chains like AMC and Regal to show NC-17 rated movies, many such films will never be accessible to people who live in markets that do not have art house theatres.[49]
Legal scholar Julie Hilden wrote that the MPAA has a "masterpiece exception" that it has made for films that would ordinarily earn an NC-17 rating, if not for the broader artistic masterpiece that requires the violence depicted as a part of its message. She cites Saving Private Ryan, with its bloody depiction of the D-Day landings, as an example. This exception is troubling, Hilden argues, because it ignores context and perspective in evaluating other films and favors conventional films over edgier films that contribute newer and more interesting points to public discourse about violence.[50]
Issuance of "R Cards"[edit]
Starting in 2004, GKC Theatres (now AMC Theatres) introduced "R-Cards", which parents could obtain for their teenage children, under the age of 17, to see R-rated films without adult accompaniment. The cards generated much controversy; MPAA president Jack Valenti said in a news article: "I think it distorts and ruptures the intent of this voluntary film ratings system. All R-rated films are not alike."[51] John Fithian, the president of the National Association of Theatre Owners, also said that the cards can be harmful. He noted in a news article for the Christian Science Monitor that the R rating is "broad enough to include relatively family-friendly fare such as Billy Elliot and Erin Brockovich (which were both rated R for language) along with films that push the extremes of violence, including Pulp Fiction and Kill Bill."[52]
Criticisms[edit]
Emphasis on sex and language versus violence[edit]
The film rating system has had a number of high-profile critics. Film critic Roger Ebert argued that the system places too much emphasis on sex, while allowing the portrayal of massive amounts of gruesome violence. The uneven emphasis on sex versus violence is echoed by other critics, including David Ansen, as well as many filmmakers. Moreover, Ebert argued that the rating system is geared toward looking at trivial aspects of the film (such as the number of times a profane word is used) rather than at the general theme of the film (for example, if the film realistically depicts the consequences of sex and violence). He called for an A (adults only) rating, to indicate films high in violence or mature content that should not be marketed to teenagers, but do not have NC-17 levels of sex. He also called for the NC-17 rating to be removed and have the X rating revived. He felt that everyone understood what X-rated means, while fewer people understood what NC-17 meant. He called for ratings A and X to identify whether an adult film is pornographic or not.[53][54][55]
MPAA chairman Dan Glickman has disputed these claims, stating that far more films are initially rated NC-17 for violence than for sex, but that these are later edited by studios to receive an R rating.[56]
Despite this, an internal critic of the early workings of the ratings system is film critic and writer Stephen Farber, who was a CARA intern for six months during 1969 and 1970. In The Movie Ratings Game,[57] he documents a prejudice against sex in relation to violence. This Film Is Not Yet Rated also points out that four times as many films received an NC-17 rating for sex than they did for violence according to the MPAA's own website, further mentioning a bias against homosexual content compared to heterosexual content, particularly with regards to sex scenes. Filmmaker Darren Stein further insists that his tame teen comedy G.B.F., which features multiple same-sex kisses but no intercourse, strong language, violence, or nudity, was "rated R for being gay."[58]
The 2011 documentary Bully received an R rating for the profanity contained within the film, which prevented most of the intended audience, middle and high schoolers, from seeing the film. The film's director, Lee Hirsch, has refused to recut the film, stating, "I feel a responsibility as a filmmaker, as the person entrusted to tell (these kids') stories, to not water them down." A petition collected more than 200,000 signatures to change the film's rating[59] and a version with less profanity was finally given a PG-13 rating. The same, however, could not be said about the 1995 teen drama Kids, which director Larry Clark wanted rated R so parents could take their kids to it for educational purposes, but the MPAA rated it NC-17 due to its content of teen sex and turned down Clark's appeal. The movie was then released unrated by Miramax (under Shining Excalibur Films as Miramax, owned by Disney, hesitated to release it as an NC-17 film).
Tougher standards for independent studios[edit]
Many critics of the MPAA system, especially independent distributors, have charged that major studios' releases often receive more lenient treatment than independent films. The independent film Saints and Soldiers, which contains no nudity, almost no sex (although, there is a scene in which a German soldier is about to rape a French woman), very little profanity, and a minimum of violence, was said to have been rated R for a single clip where a main character is shot and killed, and required modification of just that one scene to receive a PG-13 rating.[60][61] Eric Watson, producer of the independently-distributed, NC-17-rated Requiem for a Dream complained that the studios are paying the budget of the MPAA, which gives the studios leverage over the MPAA's decisions.[62]
The comedy Scary Movie, released by Dimension Films, at the time a division of The Walt Disney Company, contained "strong crude sexual humor, language, drug use and violence," including images of ejaculation and an erect penis, but was rated R, to the surprise of many reviewers and audiences; by comparison, the comparatively tame porn spoof Orgazmo, an independent release by South Park creators Matt Stone and Trey Parker, contained "explicit sexual content and dialogue" and received an NC-17 (the only on-screen penis seen in the film is a dildo). As Parker and Stone did not have the money and the time to edit the film, it retained its NC-17 rating. In contrast, Parker and Stone's second feature film, South Park: Bigger, Longer & Uncut, was distributed by a major studio (Paramount Pictures) and, after multiple submissions and notes from the MPAA, received an R rating.[62]
Call for publicizing the standards[edit]
Many critics of the system, both conservative and liberal, would like to see the MPAA ratings unveiled and the standards made public. The MPAA has consistently cited nationwide scientific polls (conducted each year by the Opinion Research Corporation of Princeton, New Jersey), which show that parents find the ratings useful. Critics such as Matt Stone in Kirby Dick's documentary This Film is not Yet Rated respond this proves only that parents find the ratings more useful than nothing at all.[63] In the film, it is also discussed how the MPAA will not reveal any information about how or why certain decisions are made, and that the association will not even reveal to the filmmaker the specific scenes that need to be cut in order to get alternative rating.
Accusation of "ratings creep"[edit]
Although there has always been concern about the content of films,[64] the MPAA has, in recent years, been accused of a "ratings creep", whereby the films that fall into today's ratings categories now contain more objectionable material than those that appeared in the same categories two decades earlier.[65] A study put forward by the Harvard School of Public Health in 2004 concluded that there had been a significant increase in the level of profanity, sex and violence in films released between 1992 and 2003.[66] Kimberly Thompson, director of the study, stated: "The findings demonstrate that ratings creep has occurred over the last decade and that today’s movies contain significantly more violence, sex, and profanity on average than movies of the same rating a decade ago."[66]
Questions of relevance[edit]
Slashfilm.com managing editor David Chen wrote on the website: "It's time for more people to condemn the MPAA and their outrageous antics. We're heading towards an age when we don't need a mommy-like organization to dictate what our delicate sensibilities can and can't be exposed to. I deeply hope that the MPAA's irrelevance is imminent."[67]
Chicago Tribune film critic Michael Phillips wrote that the MPAA ratings board "has become foolish and irrelevant, and its members do not have my interests at heart, or yours. They're too easy on violence yet bizarrely reactionary when it comes to nudity and language."[68]
See also[edit]
United States portal
Film portal
Common Sense Media
Entertainment Software Rating Board
Film Advisory Board
Parental Advisory
Pink permits
TV Parental Guidelines
United States Conference of Catholic Bishops' Office for Film and Broadcasting
References[edit]
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^ Jump up to: a b Atschison, Doug. "Separate and Unequal? How the MPAA Rates Independent Films." The Best American Movie Writing 2001. Ed. John Landis. 59–69.
Jump up ^ Kirby Dick (2006-01-25). This Film is not Yet Rated (Film).
Jump up ^ Tobias, Patricia Eliot (November 1999). "Who Put the Sin in Cinema?". Written By. Archived from the original on April 16, 2003. Retrieved September 6, 2010.
Jump up ^ Greydanus, Steven D. (October 24, 2004). "'Ratings Creep' – or a Case of 'Once Bitten, Twice Shy'?". National Catholic Register. Retrieved September 6, 2010.
^ Jump up to: a b Thompson, Kimberly M.; Yokota, Fumie (2004). "Violence, sex and profanity in films: correlation of movie ratings with content". MedGenMed. 6 (3): 3. PMC 1435631  . PMID 15520625. Lay summary – Harvard School of Public Health (July 13, 2004).
Jump up ^ Chen, David (November 8, 2010). "Why the MPAA Should Be Ashamed of Itself". slashfilm.com. Retrieved October 3, 2011.
Jump up ^ Phillips, Michael (November 4, 2010). "There's a word for the MPAA..." Chicago Tribune. Retrieved February 8, 2012.
External links[edit]
Wikidata has the property: MPAA film rating (P1657) (see talk; uses)
Classification and Ratings Administration Official Website with ratings database
MPAA Film Ratings website
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Motion_Picture_Association_of_America_film_rating_system&oldid=832933151"
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Kabsa
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Kabsa
Alternative names
Kabsah (Arabic: كبسة), makbūs (Arabic: مكبوس)
Course
Meal
Place of origin
Saudi Arabia
Region or state
Kuwait, United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Oman and Bahrain
Main ingredients
Rice (usually long-grain, such as basmati), meat, vegetables, and a mixture of spices (cardamom, saffron, cinnamon, black lime, bay leaves and nutmeg)
Variations
Mandi
Cookbook: Kabsa Media: Kabsa
Kabsa (Arabic: كبسة kabsah) is a family of mixed rice dishes that originates from Saudi Arabia, where it is commonly regarded as a national dish. The traditional Saudi Arabian dish is made with rice and meat.[1] Though kabsa is believed to be indigenous to Saudi Arabia, it is often served in countries such as Qatar, Oman, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Iraq and Kuwait. The dish is also popularly known as makbūs (Arabic: مكبوس) in most Arab states of the Persian Gulf, but is served in the same way.
Contents
[hide]
1 Ingredients
2 Methods of cooking
3 See also
4 References
Ingredients[edit]
These dishes are usually made with rice (usually long-grain, such as basmati), meat, vegetables, and a mixture of spices. There are many kinds of kabsa and each kind has a uniqueness about it. Pre-mixed kabsa spices are now available under several brand names. These reduce preparation time, but may have a flavor distinct from traditional kabsa. The spices used in kabsa are largely responsible for its taste; these are generally black pepper, cloves, cardamom, saffron, cinnamon, black lime, bay leaves and nutmeg.[2] The main ingredient that accompanies the spices is the meat. The meats used are usually chicken, goat, lamb, camel, beef, fish and shrimp. In chicken machbūs, a whole chicken is used. The spices, rice and meat may be augmented with almonds, pine nuts, peanuts, onions and sultanas.[3] The dish can be garnished with ḥashū (Arabic: حشو) and served hot with daqqūs (Arabic: دقّوس), which is a home-made Arabic tomato sauce.
Methods of cooking[edit]
Kabsa is also known as machbūs in the Persian Gulf region.
Meat for kabsa can be cooked in various ways. A popular way of preparing meat is called mandi. This is an ancient technique that originates in Yemen, whereby meat is barbecued in a deep hole in the ground that is covered while the meat cooks. Another way of preparing and serving meat for kabsa is mathbi, where seasoned meat is grilled on flat stones that are placed on top of burning embers. A third technique, madghūt, involves cooking the meat in a pressure cooker.
See also[edit]
Food portal
Mandi (food)
Jordanian cuisine
Iraqi cuisine
Qatari cuisine
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "How to Prepare Kabsa".
Jump up ^ "Al Kabsa - Traditional Rice dish". Food.com. Retrieved 23 June 2012.
Jump up ^ "How to Make Kabsa". Retrieved 23 June 2012.
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Kabsa&oldid=808940534"
Categories:
Arab cuisine
Middle Eastern cuisine
Levantine cuisine
Yemeni cuisine
Saudi Arabian cuisine
Palestinian cuisine
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Iraqi cuisine
Emirati cuisine
Bahraini cuisine
Qatari cuisine
Omani cuisine
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Rice dishes
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