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Patriot (American Revolution)
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American colonist who rejected British rule in the American Revolution
This article is about the Patriots in the American Revolution. For other uses, see Patriot (disambiguation).
The Spirit of '76 (originally entitled Yankee Doodle), painted by Archibald Willard in the late nineteenth century, an iconic image relating to the patriotic sentiment surrounding the American Revolutionary War
Patriots (also known as Revolutionaries, Continentals, Rebels, or American Whigs) were those colonists of the Thirteen Colonies who rejected British rule during the American Revolution and declared the United States of America as an independent nation in July 1776. Their decision was based on the political philosophy of republicanism as expressed by spokesmen such as Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, and Thomas Paine. They were opposed by the Loyalists who supported continued British rule.
Patriots represented the spectrum of social, economic, and ethnic backgrounds. They included lawyers such as John Adams, students such as Alexander Hamilton, planters such as Thomas Jefferson and George Mason, merchants such as Alexander McDougall and John Hancock, and farmers such as Daniel Shays and Joseph Plumb Martin. They also included slaves and freemen such as Crispus Attucks, the first martyr of the American Revolution; James Armistead Lafayette, who served as a double agent for the Continental Army; and Jack Sisson, leader of the first successful black operation mission in American history under the command of Colonel William Barton, resulting in the capture of British General Richard Prescott.
Contents
1 Terms
2 Influence
3 Motivations
4 No taxation without representation
5 List of prominent Patriots
5.1 Statesmen and office holders
5.2 Businessmen and writers
5.3 Military officers
5.4 African-American Patriots
6 References
7 Bibliography
Terms[edit]
The critics of British rule called themselves "Whigs" after 1768, identifying with members of the British Whig party who favored similar colonial policies. In Britain at the time, the word "patriot" had a negative connotation and was used as a negative epithet for "a factious disturber of the government", according to Samuel Johnson.[1]
Prior to the Revolution, colonists who supported British authority called themselves Tories or royalists, identifying with the political philosophy of traditionalist conservatism dominant in Great Britain. During the Revolution, these persons became known primarily as Loyalists. Afterward, many emigrated north to the remaining British territories in Canada. There they called themselves the United Empire Loyalists.
Influence[edit]
Many Patriots were active before 1775 in groups such as the Sons of Liberty, and the most prominent leaders are referred to today by Americans as the Founding Fathers. They represented a cross-section of the population of the Thirteen Colonies and came from many different backgrounds. According to Robert Calhoon, between 40 and 45 percent of the white population in the Thirteen Colonies supported the Patriots' cause, between 15 and 20 percent supported the Loyalists, and the remainder were neutral or kept a low profile.[2] The great majority of the Loyalists remained in America, while the minority went to Canada, Britain, Florida, or the West Indies.[3]
Motivations[edit]
Historians have explored the motivations that pulled men to one side or the other.[4] Yale historian Leonard Woods Labaree used the published and unpublished writings and letters of leading men on each side, searching for how personality shaped their choice. He finds eight characteristics that differentiated the two groups. Loyalists were older, better established, and more likely to resist innovation than the Patriots. Loyalists felt that the Crown was the legitimate government and resistance to it was morally wrong, while the Patriots felt that morality was on their side because the British government had violated the constitutional rights of Englishmen. Men who were alienated by physical attacks on Royal officials took the Loyalist position, while those who were offended by heavy-handed British rule became Patriots. Merchants in the port cities with long-standing financial attachments to the British Empire were likely to remain loyal to the system, while few Patriots were so deeply enmeshed in the system. Some Loyalists, according to Labaree, were "procrastinators" who believed that independence was bound to come some day, but wanted to "postpone the moment", while the Patriots wanted to "seize the moment". Loyalists were cautious and afraid of anarchy or tyranny that might come from mob rule; Patriots made a systematic effort to take a stand against the British. Finally, Labaree argues that Loyalists were pessimists who lacked the Patriots' confidence that independence lay ahead.[5][6]
No taxation without representation[edit]
The Patriots rejected taxes imposed by legislatures in which the taxpayer was not represented. "No taxation without representation" was their slogan, referring to the lack of representation in the British Parliament. The British countered that there was "virtual representation" in the sense that all members of Parliament represented the interests of all the citizens of the British Empire. Some Patriots declared that they were loyal to the king, but they insisted that they should be free to run their own affairs. In fact, they had been running their own affairs since the period of "salutary neglect" before the French and Indian War. Some radical Patriots tarred and feathered tax collectors and customs officers, making those positions dangerous; according to Benjamin Irvin, the practice was especially prevalent in Boston where many Patriots lived.[7]
List of prominent Patriots[edit]
Most of the individuals listed below served the American Revolution in multiple capacities.
Statesmen and office holders[edit]
Thomas Jefferson
John Adams
John Hancock
John Jay
John Dickinson
Benjamin Franklin
Richard Henry Lee
Jonathan Shipley
William Paca
James Madison
Alexander Hamilton
Businessmen and writers[edit]
Samuel Adams
Alexander Hamilton
William Molineux
Timothy Matlack
Thomas Paine
Paul Revere
Patrick Henry
Samuel Prescott
Molly Pitcher
Roger Sherman
Philip Mazzei
Elkanah Watson
James Otis Jr.
Military officers[edit]
See also: Military leadership in the American Revolutionary War
Nathanael Greene
Nathan Hale
Francis Marion
Andrew Pickens
Daniel Morgan
James Mitchell Varnum
Joseph Bradley Varnum
George Washington
John Paul Jones
Thomas Sumter
Francis Vigo
Elijah Isaacs
Charles Lee
Daniel Shays
Anthony Wayne
African-American Patriots[edit]
See also: African Americans in the Revolutionary War
Crispus Attucks
Peter Salem
Jack Sisson
James Armistead Lafayette
1st Rhode Island Regiment
William Flora
Saul Matthews
Prince Whipple
Salem Poor
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "Patriot" in Oxford English Dictionary (3rd ed. online 2011). accessed 19 December 2011.
Jump up ^ Robert M. Calhoon, "Loyalism and neutrality" in Jack P. Greene; J. R. Pole (2008). A Companion to the American Revolution. John Wiley & Sons. p. 235.
Jump up ^ Thomas B. Allen, Tories: Fighting for the King in America's First Civil War (2011) p. xviii
Jump up ^ On Patriots see Edwin G. Burrows and Michael Wallace, "The American Revolution: The Ideology and Psychology of National Liberation," Perspectives in American History, (1972) vol. 6 pp. 167–306
Jump up ^ Leonard Woods Labaree, Conservatism in Early American History (1948) pp. 164–65
Jump up ^ See also N. E. H. Hull, Peter C. Hoffer and Steven L. Allen, "Choosing Sides: A Quantitative Study of the Personality Determinants of Loyalist and Revolutionary Political Affiliation in New York," Journal of American History, 65#2 (1978), pp. 344–66 in JSTOR
Jump up ^ Benjamin H. Irvin, "Tar and Feathers in Revolutionary America," (2003) Archived 2010-06-18 at the Wayback Machine.
Bibliography[edit]
Ellis, Joseph J. . Founding Brothers: The Revolutionary Generation (2002), Pulitzer Prize
Kann, Mark E.; The Gendering of American Politics: Founding Mothers, Founding Fathers, and Political Patriarchy, (1999) online version
Middlekauff, Robert; The Glorious Cause: The American Revolution, 1763-1789 (2005) online version
Miller, John C. Origins of the American Revolution. (1943) online version
Miller, John C. Triumph of Freedom, 1775-1783, (1948) online version
Previdi, Robert; "Vindicating the Founders: Race, Sex, Class, and Justice in the Origins of America," Presidential Studies Quarterly, Vol. 29, 1999
Rakove, Jack. Revolutionaries: A New History of the Invention of America (2010) excerpt and text search
Raphael, Ray. A People's History of the American Revolution: How Common People Shaped the Fight for Independence (2002)
Roberts, Cokie. Founding Mothers: The Women Who Raised Our Nation (2005)
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Charge of the Light Brigade
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This article is about the military manoeuvre. For the poem, see The Charge of the Light Brigade (poem). For other uses, see Charge of the Light Brigade (disambiguation).
Charge of the Light Brigade
Part of Battle of Balaclava, Crimean War

The Charge of the Light Brigade at Balaklava by William Simpson (1855), illustrating the Light Brigade's charge into the "Valley of Death" from the Russian perspective.
Date
25 October 1854
Location
44°32′16″N 33°37′27″E / 44.53778°N 33.62417°E / 44.53778; 33.62417
Result
Russian victory
Belligerents
British Empire
French Empire Russian Empire
Commanders and leaders
James Brudenell, 7th Earl of Cardigan
Armand-Octave-Marie d’Allonville Pavel Liprandi
Strength
About 670 (Adkin: 668; Brighton: "at least" 666) Unknown
Casualties and losses
110 killed
161 wounded Unknown
The Charge of the Light Brigade was a charge of British light cavalry led by Lord Cardigan against Russian forces during the Battle of Balaclava on 25 October 1854 in the Crimean War. Lord Raglan, overall commander of the British forces, had intended to send the Light Brigade to prevent the Russians from removing captured guns from overrun Turkish positions, a task well-suited to light cavalry.
However, there was miscommunication in the chain of command, and the Light Brigade was instead sent on a frontal assault against a different artillery battery, one well-prepared with excellent fields of defensive fire. They reached the battery under withering direct fire and scattered some of the gunners, but they were forced to retreat immediately. Thus, the assault ended with very high British casualties and no decisive gains.
The events were the subject of Alfred, Lord Tennyson's narrative poem "The Charge of the Light Brigade" (1854), published just six weeks after the event. Its lines emphasise the valour of the cavalry in bravely carrying out their orders, regardless of the obvious outcome. Blame for the miscommunication has remained controversial, as the original order itself was vague, and the officer who delivered the written orders with some verbal interpretation died in the first minute of the assault.
Contents
[hide]
1 Background
2 The charge
2.1 New information found in 2016
3 Aftermath
4 Survivor postscript
5 Remembrance
6 References
7 Further reading
8 External links
Background
This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (October 2017) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
Charge of the Light Brigade by Richard Caton Woodville, Jr.
The charge was made by the Light Brigade of the British cavalry, which consisted of the 4th and 13th Light Dragoons, 17th Lancers, and the 8th and 11th Hussars, under the command of Major General James Brudenell, 7th Earl of Cardigan. Also present that day was the Heavy Brigade, commanded by Major General James Yorke Scarlett, who was a past Commanding Officer of the 5th Dragoon Guards. The Heavy Brigade was made up of the 4th Royal Irish Dragoon Guards, the 5th Dragoon Guards, the 6th Inniskilling Dragoons and the Scots Greys. The two brigades were the only British cavalry force at the battle.
The Light Brigade were the British light cavalry force. It mounted light, fast horses which were unarmoured. The men were armed with lances and sabres. Optimized for maximum mobility and speed, they were intended for reconnaissance and skirmishing. They were also ideal for cutting down infantry and artillery units as they attempted to retreat.
The Heavy Brigade under James Scarlett was the British heavy cavalry force. It mounted large, heavy chargers. The men were equipped with metal helmets and armed with cavalry swords for close combat. They were intended as the primary British shock force, leading frontal charges in order to break enemy lines.
Overall command of the British cavalry resided with Lieutenant General George Bingham, 3rd Earl of Lucan. Cardigan and Lucan were brothers-in-law who disliked each other intensely. Lucan received an order from the army commander Lord Raglan stating: "Lord Raglan wishes the cavalry to advance rapidly to the front, follow the enemy, and try to prevent the enemy carrying away the guns. Troop horse artillery may accompany. French cavalry is on your left. Immediate." Raglan wanted the light cavalry to prevent the Russians from successfully withdrawing the naval guns from the redoubts they had captured on the reverse side of the Causeway Heights, the hill forming the south side of the valley. This was an optimum task for the Light Brigade, as their superior speed would ensure the Russians would be forced to either quickly abandon the cumbersome guns or be cut down en masse while they attempted to flee with them.
Raglan could see what was happening from his high vantage point on the west side of the valley. However, the lie of the land around Lucan and the cavalry prevented him from seeing the Russians' efforts to remove the guns from the redoubts and retreat.[1]
The order was drafted by Brigadier Richard Airey and carried by Captain Louis Edward Nolan. Nolan carried the further oral instruction that the cavalry was to attack immediately.[2] When Lucan asked what guns were referred to, Nolan is said to have indicated with a wide sweep of his arm—not the causeway redoubts—but the mass of Russian guns in a redoubt at the end of the valley, around a mile away.[3] His reasons for the misdirection are unknown because he was killed in the ensuing battle.
In response to the order, Lucan instructed Cardigan to lead his command of about 670 troopers[4] of the Light Brigade straight into the valley between the Fedyukhin Heights and the Causeway Heights. In his poem, "The Charge of the Light Brigade" (1854), Tennyson dubbed this hollow "The Valley of Death".
The opposing Russian forces were commanded by Pavel Liprandi and included approximately 20 battalions of infantry supported by over 50 artillery pieces. These forces were deployed on both sides and at the opposite end of the valley.
Lucan himself was to follow with the Heavy Brigade. Although the Heavy Brigade was better armoured and intended for frontal assaults on infantry positions, neither force was remotely equipped for a frontal assault on a fully dug-in and alerted artillery battery—much less one with an excellent line of sight over a mile in length and supported on two sides by artillery batteries providing enfilading fire from elevated ground. The semi-suicidal nature of this charge was surely evident to the troopers of the Light Brigade, but if there were any objection to the orders, it was not recorded.
The charge
The Timeline of the Charge taken from Forgotten Heroes: The Charge of the Light Brigade (2007).[5]
Contemporary map showing line of the charge—"Charge des Anglais"
The charge was from left to right, with the Russian batteries at the extreme right
The Light Brigade set off down the valley with Cardigan out in front, riding Ronald,[6][7][8] leading the charge. Almost at once Nolan was seen to rush across the front, passing in front of Cardigan. It may be that he then realised the charge was aimed at the wrong target and was attempting to stop or turn the brigade, but he was killed by an artillery shell, and the cavalry continued on its course. Captain Godfrey Morgan (subsequently 1st Viscount Tredegar), who was close by and saw what happened, later recounted:
The first shell burst in the air about 100 yards in front of us. The next one dropped in front of Nolan's horse and exploded on touching the ground. He uttered a wild yell as his horse turned round, and, with his arms extended, the reins dropped on the animal's neck, he trotted towards us, but in a few yards dropped dead off his horse. I do not imagine that anybody except those in the front line of the 17th Lancers (13th Light Dragoons) saw what had happened.
We went on. When we got about two or three hundred yards the battery of the Russian Horse Artillery opened fire. I do not recollect hearing a word from anybody as we gradually broke from a trot to a canter, though the noise of the striking of men and horses by grape and round shot was deafening, while the dust and gravel struck up by the round shot that fell short was almost blinding, and irritated my horse so that I could scarcely hold him at all. But as we came nearer I could see plainly enough, especially when I was about a hundred yards from the guns. I appeared to be riding straight on to the muzzle of one of the guns, and I distinctly saw the gunner apply his fuse. I shut my eyes then, for I thought that settled the question as far as I was concerned. But the shot just missed me and struck the man on my right full in the chest.
In another minute I was on the gun and the leading Russian's grey horse, shot, I suppose, with a pistol by somebody on my right, fell across my horse, dragging it over with him and pinning me in between the gun and himself. A Russian gunner on foot at once covered me with his carbine. He was just within reach of my sword, and I struck him across his neck. The blow did not do much harm, but it disconcerted his aim. At the same time a mounted gunner struck my horse on the forehead with his sabre. Spurring "Sir Briggs," he half jumped, half blundered, over the fallen horses, and then for a short time bolted with me. I only remember finding myself alone among the Russians trying to get out as best I could. This, by some chance, I did, in spite of the attempts of the Russians to cut me down.[9]
Despite withering fire from three sides that devastated their force on the ride, the Light Brigade was able to engage the Russian forces at the end of the valley and force them back from the redoubt, but it suffered heavy casualties and was soon forced to retire. The surviving Russian artillerymen returned to their guns and opened fire once again, with grape and canister, indiscriminately at the mêlée of friend and foe before them.[2] Captain Godfrey Morgan continues:
When clear again of the guns I saw two or three of my men making their way back, and as the fire from both flanks was still heavy it was a matter of running the gauntlet again. I have not sufficient recollection of minor incidents to describe them, as probably no two men who were in that charge would describe it in the same way. When I was back pretty nearly where we started from I found that I was the senior officer of those not wounded, and, consequently, in command, there being two others, both juniors to me, in the same position — Lieut. Wombwell and Cornet Cleveland (afterwards killed at Inkerman).[9]
Lucan failed to provide any support for Cardigan, and it was speculated that he was motivated by an enmity for his brother-in-law that had lasted some 30 years and had been intensified during the campaign up to that point.[citation needed] The troops of the Heavy Brigade entered the mouth of the valley but did not advance further. Lucan's subsequent explanation was that he saw no point in having a second brigade mown down, and he was best positioned where he was to render assistance to Light Brigade survivors returning from the charge. The French light cavalry, the Chasseurs d'Afrique, was more effective in that it cleared the Fedyukhin Heights of the two half batteries of guns, two infantry battalions, and Cossacks to ensure the Light Brigade would not be hit by fire from that flank, and it later provided cover for the remaining elements of the Light Brigade as they withdrew.[2][10]
The Chasseurs d'Afrique, led by General d'Allonville, clearing Russian artillery from the Fedyukhin Heights.
War correspondent William Russell, who witnessed the battle, declared "our Light Brigade was annihilated by their own rashness, and by the brutality of a ferocious enemy."[2]
Cardigan survived the battle. Although stories circulated afterwards that he was not actually present,[11] he led the charge from the front and, never looking back, did not see what was happening to the troops behind him. He reached the Russian guns, took part in the fight, and then returned alone up the valley without bothering to rally or even find out what had happened to the survivors. He afterwards said all he could think about was his rage against Captain Nolan, who he thought had tried to take over the leadership of the charge from him. After riding back up the valley, he considered he had done all that he could and then, with considerable sang-froid, left the field and went on board his yacht in Balaclava harbour, where he ate a champagne dinner.[12] He subsequently described the engagement in a speech delivered at the Mansion House in London that was afterwards quoted in length in the House of Commons:[citation needed]
We advanced down a gradual descent of more than three-quarters of a mile, with the batteries vomiting forth upon us shells and shot, round and grape, with one battery on our right flank and another on the left, and all the intermediate ground covered with the Russian riflemen; so that when we came to within a distance of fifty yards from the mouths of the artillery which had been hurling destruction upon us, we were, in fact, surrounded and encircled by a blaze of fire, in addition to the fire of the riflemen upon our flanks.
As we ascended the hill, the oblique fire of the artillery poured upon our rear, so that we had thus a strong fire upon our front, our flank, and our rear. We entered the battery—we went through the battery—the two leading regiments cutting down a great number of the Russian gunners in their onset. In the two regiments which I had the honour to lead, every officer, with one exception, was either killed or wounded, or had his horse shot under him or injured. Those regiments proceeded, followed by the second line, consisting of two more regiments of cavalry, which continued to perform the duty of cutting down the Russian gunners.
Then came the third line, formed of another regiment, which endeavoured to complete the duty assigned to our brigade. I believe that this was achieved with great success, and the result was that this body, composed of only about 670 men, succeeded in passing through the mass of Russian cavalry of—as we have since learned—5,240 strong; and having broken through that mass, they went, according to our technical military expression, "threes about," and retired in the same manner, doing as much execution in their course as they possibly could upon the enemy's cavalry. Upon our returning up the hill which we had descended in the attack, we had to run the same gauntlet and to incur the same risk from the flank fire of the Tirailleur as we had encountered before. Numbers of our men were shot down—men and horses were killed, and many of the soldiers who had lost their horses were also shot down while endeavouring to escape.
But what, my Lord, was the feeling and what the bearing of those brave men who returned to the position. Of each of these regiments there returned but a small detachment, two-thirds of the men engaged having been destroyed? I think that every man who was engaged in that disastrous affair at Balaklava, and who was fortunate enough to come out of it alive, must feel that it was only by a merciful decree of Almighty Providence that he escaped from the greatest apparent certainty of death which could possibly be conceived.
New information found in 2016
Captain Louis Nolan
A newspaper report on 11 December 2016[13][14] revealed another version of what happened: "More than 160 years on" (i.e. after 2014) a letter was found in the British Library, written by Lieutenant Frederick Maxse, who was on Lord Raglan's staff at Balaklava. It said that Lord Raglan had sent an order for the Light Brigade to "follow the enemy and try to prevent the enemy from carrying away the guns"; those guns were some British artillery guns which were at risk. Raglan sent the order via 36-year-old Captain Louis Nolan. Nolan, instead of passing on the order verbatim complete as given, passed it on to Lord Lucan orally as "There, my lord, is your enemy! There are your guns!", and added the word "attack" when Raglan had intended merely a show of force. Nolan's version of the order and accompanying gesture were misunderstood, causing the disaster described above. Nolan rode with the charge and died in it. Maxse's letter said that Nolan was annoyed at how little the Light Brigade had done previously and that Nolan was angry against Lord Lucan. Nigel Kingscote (another of Raglan's staff officers) agreed that the fault was Nolan's, and said that Nolan, if he had lived, would have been "broke by court martial".
Aftermath
Initial London Gazette dispatches, addressed to the Duke of Newcastle, in which the event was first reported. Raglan blamed Lucan in the dispatch, igniting significant controversy.
Officers and men of the 13th Light Dragoons, survivors of the charge, photographed by Roger Fenton
The brigade was not completely destroyed, but did suffer terribly, with 118 men killed, 127 wounded, and about 60 taken prisoner. After regrouping, only 195 men were still with horses. The futility of the action and its reckless bravery prompted the French Marshal Pierre Bosquet to state: "C'est magnifique, mais ce n'est pas la guerre." ("It is magnificent, but it is not war.") He continued, in a rarely quoted phrase: "C'est de la folie" — "It is madness."[15] The Russian commanders are said to have initially believed that the British soldiers must have been drunk.[12] Somerset Calthorpe, aide-de-camp to Lord Raglan, wrote a letter to a friend three days after the charge. He detailed casualty numbers but did not distinguish between those killed and those taken prisoner:
"Killed and missing. Wounded.
9 Officers 12
14 Sergeants 9
4 Trumpeters 3
129 Rank and file 98
156 Total 122
278 casualties;
— besides 335 horses killed in action, or obliged afterwards to be destroyed from wounds. It has since been ascertained that the Russians made a good many prisoners; the exact number is not yet known."[16]
The reputation of the British cavalry was significantly enhanced as a result of the charge, though the same cannot be said for their commanders.
Slow communications meant that news of the disaster did not reach the British public until three weeks after the action. The British commanders' dispatches from the front were published in an extraordinary edition of the London Gazette of 12 November 1854. Raglan blamed Lucan for the charge, claiming that "from some misconception of the order to advance, the Lieutenant-General (Lucan) considered that he was bound to attack at all hazards, and he accordingly ordered Major-General the Earl of Cardigan to move forward with the Light Brigade."[17] Lucan was furious at being made a scapegoat: Raglan claimed he should have exercised his discretion, but throughout the campaign up to that date Lucan considered Raglan had allowed him no independence at all and required that his orders be followed to the letter. Cardigan, who had merely obeyed orders, blamed Lucan for giving those orders. He returned home a hero and was promoted to Inspector General of the Cavalry.
Grave of Charles Macaulay, former Sergeant 8th KRI Hussars "One of the Six Hundred" in Woodhouse Cemetery, Leeds
Lucan attempted to publish a letter refuting point by point Raglan's London Gazette dispatch, but his criticism of his superior was not tolerated, and Lucan was recalled to England in March 1855. The Charge of the Light Brigade became a subject of considerable controversy and public dispute on his return. He strongly rejected Raglan's version of events, calling it "an imputation reflecting seriously on my professional character." In an exchange of public correspondence printed in the pages of The Times, Lucan blamed Raglan and his deceased aide-de-camp Captain Nolan, who had been the actual deliverer of the disputed order. Lucan subsequently defended himself with a speech in the House of Lords on 19 March.
Lucan evidently escaped blame for the charge, as he was made a member of the Order of the Bath in July of that same year. Although he never again saw active duty, he reached the rank of general in 1865 and was made a field marshal in the year before his death.
The charge continues to be studied by modern military historians and students as an example of what can go wrong when accurate military intelligence is lacking and orders are unclear. Prime Minister Winston Churchill, who was a keen military historian and a former cavalryman, insisted on taking time out during the Yalta Conference in 1945 to see the battlefield for himself.
One research project used a mathematical model to examine how the charge might have turned out if conducted differently. The analysis suggested that a charge toward the redoubt on the Causeway Heights, as Raglan had apparently intended, would have led to even higher British casualties. By contrast, the charge might have succeeded if the Heavy Brigade had accompanied the Light Brigade along the valley, as Lucan had initially directed.[18]
According to Norman Dixon, 19th-century accounts of the charge tended to focus on the bravery and glory of the cavalrymen, much more than the military blunders involved, with the perverse effect that it "did much to strengthen those very forms of tradition which put such an incapacitating stranglehold on military endeavor for the next eighty or so years," i.e., until after World War I.[19]
The fate of the surviving members of the charge was investigated by Edward James Boys, a military historian, who documented their lives from leaving the army to their deaths. His records are described as being the most definitive project of its kind ever undertaken.[20] Edwin Hughes, who died on 14 May 1927, aged 96, was the last survivor.[21]
Souvenir picture of the 1904 survivors' reunion
In October 1875, survivors of the charge met at the Alexandra Palace in London to celebrate its 21st anniversary. The celebrations were fully reported in the Illustrated London News of 30 October 1875,[22] which included the recollections of several of the survivors, including those of Edward Richard Woodham, the Chairman of the Committee that organised the celebration. Tennyson was invited, but could not attend. Lucan, the senior commander surviving, was not present, but attended a separate celebration, held later in the day, with other senior officers at the fashionable Willis's Rooms, St James's Square.[23] Reunion dinners were held for a number of years.[24]
On 2 August 1890, trumpeter Martin Leonard Landfried, from the 17th Lancers, who may (or may not)[25] have sounded the bugle charge at Balaclava, made a recording on an Edison cylinder that can be heard here, with a bugle which had been used at Waterloo in 1815. (Landfried's name is misspelled as "Landfrey" on the Edison cylinder recording).[26]
In 2004, on the 150th anniversary of the charge, a commemoration of the event was held at Balaklava. As part of the anniversary, a monument dedicated to the 25,000 British participants of the conflict was unveiled by Prince Michael of Kent.[27]
Survivor postscript
A survivor, John Penn, who died in Dunbar in 1886, left a personal account of his military career including the Charge written for a friend. This survives and is held by East Lothian Council Archives.[28]
A number of individuals who died during 1916-17 were thought to be the 'last' survivor of the Charge of the Light Brigade. Sergeant James A. Mustard of the 17th Lancers, aged 85, had his funeral with military honours at Twickenham in early February 1916. In the Abergavenny Chronicle news report published on 11 February it was stated:
He was one of thirty-eight men of the 145 of the 17th Lancers that came out of the charge led by Cardigan, and was always of the opinion that no one sounded the charge at all. He was in the battles of Alma and Mackenzie's Farm, and the storming and taking of Sebastopol, and before leaving for Varna marched with his regiment from Hampton Court to Portsmouth.[29]
In The Cambrian News of 30 June 1916 the passing of another 'last' was noted, Thomas Warr, aged 85, at Dorchester:
At the meeting of the Royal Patriotic Fund Corporation in London last week Mr. Hayes Fisher, M.P., who presided, said that the last pensioned survivor of the Charge of the Light Brigade died on the previous day. His name was Thomas Warr.[30]
The last survivor was Edwin Hughes of the 13th Light Dragoons, who died on the 18th May 1927 at the age of 96.[31]
Remembrance
Main article: The Charge of the Light Brigade (poem)
Wikisource has original text related to this article:
The Charge of the Light Brigade
Alfred, Lord Tennyson, the then Poet Laureate, wrote evocatively about the battle in his poem "The Charge of the Light Brigade". Tennyson's poem, written 2 December 1854 and, published six weeks after the event on 9 December 1854, in The Examiner, praises the Brigade ("When can their glory fade? O the wild charge they made!") while trenchantly mourning the appalling futility of the charge ("Not tho' the soldier knew, someone had blunder'd... Charging an army, while all the world wonder'd"). Tennyson wrote the poem inside only a few minutes after reading an account of the battle in The Times, according to his grandson Sir Charles Tennyson. It immediately became hugely popular, and even reached the troops in the Crimea, where it was distributed in pamphlet form.[citation needed]
Nearly 36 years later Kipling wrote "The Last of the Light Brigade" (1890), commemorating a visit by the last 20 survivors to Tennyson (then aged 80) to reproach him gently for not writing a sequel about the way in which England was treating its old soldiers.[32] Some sources treat the poem as an account of a real event,[33] but other commentators class the destitute old soldiers as allegorical, with the visit invented by Kipling to draw attention to the poverty in which the real survivors were living, in the same way that he evoked Tommy Atkins in "The Absent-Minded Beggar" (1899).[34][35]
See also Back to the Army Again for a poem by Rudyard Kipling about a discharged soldier who re-joins the army under a false name as the only way to get away from long-term unemployment.
References
Jump up ^ Woodham Smith, Cecil (1953). The Reason Why. Constable. p. 235.
^ Jump up to: a b c d Correspondent (14 November 1854). "The Cavalry Action at Balaclava 25 October". The Times (21898). pp. 7–8. Although unnamed, the correspondent was William Howard Russell
Jump up ^ Woodham Smith, p. 239.
Jump up ^ Russell's report in The Times recorded that just short of 200 men were sick or for other reasons left behind in camp on the day, leaving "607 sabres" to take part in the charge.
Jump up ^ Dutton, Roy (2007). Forgotten Heroes: The Charge of the Light Brigade. InfoDial Ltd. ISBN 0-9556554-0-4.
Jump up ^ "Lieutenant-Colonel (later Lieutenant-General) James Thomas Brudenell, 7th Earl of Cardigan, 11th (Prince Albert's Own) Hussars, 1854", Online Collection National Army Museum, London
Jump up ^ Undated issue of Saddle & Bridle ISSN 0036-2271, St Louis, MO, quoted in Ronald, Heroic War Horse of the Charge of the Light Brigade, Muncie, IN: Horse Show Central, retrieved 3 March 2009
Jump up ^ "Earl Cardigan's Cavalry Horses", The Era, London: Frederick Ledger (852), 21 January 1855
^ Jump up to: a b Morgan, Godfrey Charles (4 November 1897). "The Charge of the Light Brigade. Lord Tredegar Interviewed". Flintshire Observer, Mining Journal and General Advertiser, for the Counties of Flint and Denbigh, 43(1,827). p. 6, c. 2. Retrieved 14 November 2016.
Jump up ^ "Battles: Charge of the Light Brigade". History of war.
Jump up ^ Woodham Smith, p. 258.
^ Jump up to: a b Woodham Smith, p. 262.
Jump up ^ Sunday Telegraph Sunday 11 December 2016, p. 12
Jump up ^ "Letter sheds light on who was to blame for 'blunder' which sent Light Brigade into the Valley of Death". Telegraph.co.uk. 2016-12-10. Retrieved 2016-12-29.
Jump up ^ Raugh, Harold E. (2004). The Victorians at War, 1815–1914: An Encyclopedia of British Military History. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC CLIO. p. 93. ISBN 1-57607-926-0.
Jump up ^ Calthorpe, Somerset John Gough (1857). Letters from Headquarters: Or, The Realities of the War in the Crimea, by an Officer on the Staff. London: John Murray. p. 132.
Jump up ^ "No. 21624". The London Gazette. 12 November 1854. p. 3456.
Jump up ^ Connors D.; Armstrong, M.J. & Bonnett, J. (2015). "A counterfactual study of the Charge of the Light Brigade". Historical Methods. 48 (2): 80–89.
Jump up ^ Dixon, Norman (1976). On the Psychology of Military Incompetence. London: Jonathan Cape. p. 41. ISBN 0-224-01161-8.
Jump up ^ "The E.J. Boys Archive online". ChargeOfTheLightBrigade.com.
Jump up ^ "Edwin Hughes". BBC. 27 July 2009. Retrieved 24 August 2009.
Jump up ^ "Calaclava" (PDF). Julienco.com.
Jump up ^ "The Officers' Dinner". Illustrated London News. 67 (1890): 6. 30 October 1875.
Jump up ^ Dutton lists them[where?], and the attendees where known
Jump up ^ Greenwood, Hilary (October 2012). ""Martin Leonard Landfried"". Shoreham Fort. Friends of Shoreham Fort. Retrieved 3 May 2016. Later Landfried became famous as the man who sounded the charge of the Light Brigade but it is not clear whether this was his responsibility or not. Taking part in the charge were 17 men listed as trumpeters on the muster rolls... including William Brittain who rode with Lord Cardigan in the Charge. [...] There is much argument about whether the ‘charge’ was actually sounded at all [...] William Brittain, it is agreed, sounded the ‘walk, trot, gallop’ and he may have sounded the ‘charge. ‘ It may be that one or more of the other trumpeters sounded the charge.
Jump up ^ Hilary Greenwood (22 June 2004). "Trumpeter Landfrey's Charge of the Light Brigade". Internet Archive. Internet Archive. Retrieved 3 May 2016. Martin Landfried retired as bandmaster for the 1st Sussex Artillery Volunteers at Shoreham Fort, West Sussex, UK. He left the army in 1865 [...] At the time of his death he was living in Portland Road Hove and his grave is Hove Cemetery. The recording was made and distributed by the Light Brigade Relief Fund. The aim was to benefit the remaining veterans and inform the public about the bad times some of them had fallen on. [...] Researched by Hilary Greenwood, Shoreham Fort historian
Jump up ^ "Remembering Together: Sevastopol In The Crimean War". The quarterly magazine of the British Embassy in Kyiv. Archived from the original on 8 January 2008.
Jump up ^ Name *. "You searched for". John Gray Centre. Retrieved 2016-12-29.
Jump up ^ Anon. (11 February 1916). "Last Balaclava Hero". Abergavenny Chronicle, Monmouthshire Advertiser, Brynmawr, Blaenavon, Tredegar, Abersychan, Crickhowell, Pontypool, Usk, Raglan, Monmouth, Longtown, Pontrilas, Grosmont and Skenfrith Record, 80. p. 2, c. 3. Retrieved 14 November 2016.
Jump up ^ Anon. (30 June 1916). "Brevities". The Cambrian News, Merionethshire Standard and Welsh Farmers' Gazette, (2,891). p. 3, c. 5. Retrieved 14 November 2016.
Jump up ^ Mark Adkin (30 April 2017). The Charge: The Real Reason Why the Light Brigade Was Lost. Pen and Sword. p. 259. ISBN 978-1-5267-0722-2.
Jump up ^ Kipling, Rudyard (28 April 1890). "The Last of the Light Brigade". St James's Gazette. London.
Jump up ^ Staff writer (2 November 1913). "Last "Light Brigade" officer dies; Kipling poem discovered". New York Times. p. SM8. Retrieved 7 April 2009.
Jump up ^ Brighton, Terry (2004). Hell riders: the true story of the charge of the Light Brigade. New York: Henry Holt. pp. 229–34. ISBN 0-8050-7722-7.
Jump up ^ Lootens, Tricia (2000). "Victorian poetry and patriotism". In Bristow, Joseph. The Cambridge companion to Victorian poetry. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press. pp. 269–70. ISBN 0-521-64115-2.
Further reading
The Reason Why, Story of the Fatal Charge of the Light Brigade, Cecil Woodham-Smith, Penguin Books, ISBN 0-14-139031-X, first published in 1953 by Constable for the Book Society.
Hell Riders: The True Story of the Charge of the Light Brigade, Terry Brighton, Henry Holt and Co, ISBN 0-8050-7722-7, published 2 November 2004.
Forgotten Heroes: The Charge of the Light Brigade, Roy Dutton, InfoDial Ltd., ISBN 0-9556554-0-4, published 25 October 2007.
The Charge of the Light Brigade Contemporary eyewitness account from journalist William Howard Russell .
Illustrated London News 30 October 1875, reporting the celebration at Alexandra Palace of the survivors of the Charge and some of their recollections including those of Edward Richard Woodham the Chairman of the Committee that organised the celebration
The Charge. The Real Reason Why the Light Brigade was Lost, Mark Adkin, Leo Cooper, London 1996, ISBN 0-85052-469-5, (also: Pimlico, London 2004, ISBN 1-84413-734-1).
"New Accounts Emerge of Charge of the Light Brigade", Jasper Copping, The Telegraph, London, Apr. 20, 2014.
External links
[1], Confirmed Chargers: Forgotten Heroes Charge of the Light Brigade
Wikisource has original text related to this article:
"The Times" account of The Charge of the Light Brigade
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Charge of the Light Brigade.
Charge of the Light Brigade on In Our Time at the BBC.
Nationalarchives.gov.uk, The National Archives: Charge of the Light Brigade
Eserver.org, The Charge of the Light Brigade by Lord Alfred Tennyson
Virginia.eud, A copy of the poem hand-written by Tennyson
BBC.co.uk, illustrated history of the Charge of the Light Brigade
Loc.gov, Roger Fenton photographs
Kipling.org.uk, The Last of the Light Brigade by Rudyard Kipling
Plus.com, Casualty list
NPR.org, Retelling the Tale of the Light Brigade
The monument to the charge in Ukraine at Find a Grave
www.archive.org Trumpeter Martin Landfrey (or Lanfried) plays the charge he sounded at the Charge of the Light Brigade. He uses a bugle which was previously used by Wellington's forces at the Battle of Waterloo in 1815. Edison cylinder recording, 2 August 1890, London.
Julienco.com, Illustrated London News Article dated 30 October 1875 about the 21st Anniversary Reunion dinner at Alexandra Palace on 25 October 1875.
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text:
One for the Money (film)
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
One for the Money
Directed by
Julie Anne Robinson
Produced by
Sidney Kimmel
Wendy Finerman
Tom Rosenberg
Gary Lucchesi
Screenplay by
Liz Brixius
Stacy Sherman
Karen Ray
Karen McCullah Lutz
Based on
One for the Money
by Janet Evanovich
Starring
Katherine Heigl
Jason O'Mara
Daniel Sunjata
John Leguizamo
Sherri Shepherd
Debbie Reynolds
Music by
Deborah Lurie
Cinematography
Jim Whitaker
Edited by
Lisa Zeno Churgin
Production
company
Lakeshore Entertainment
Sidney Kimmel Entertainment
Distributed by
Lionsgate
Release date
January 27, 2012 (2012-01-27)
Running time
91 minutes[1]
Country
United States
Language
English
Budget
$40 million[2]
Box office
$36.9 million[3]
One for the Money is a 2012 American crime comedy film based on Janet Evanovich's 1994 novel of the same name. Directed by Julie Anne Robinson, the screenplay was written by Liz Brixius, Karen McCullah Lutz, and Kirsten Smith. It stars Katherine Heigl, Jason O'Mara, Debbie Reynolds, Daniel Sunjata and Sherri Shepherd.
Contents
[hide]
1 Plot
2 Cast
3 Production
4 Release
5 Reception
5.1 Box office
5.2 Awards
6 References
7 External links
Plot[edit]
Stephanie Plum, out of work and out of cash, turns in desperation to her disreputable cousin Vinnie, of Vinnie's Bail Bonds, for work. Despite having no equipment, training, or particular skill she becomes a bail enforcement agent, chasing after Vinnie's highest stakes bail jumper: Joe Morelli, a former vice cop who is wanted for murder, who also happened to seduce and dump Stephanie back in high school after taking her virginity.
In the midst of the chase, Stephanie has to deal with her meddling family, a problematic tendency of witnesses who die when she gets too close, and lessons in bounty hunting from the mysterious Ranger. When she finally catches up to Morelli, she realizes that the case against him doesn't add up and that the old flame from their school days may just be rekindling.
Cast[edit]
Katherine Heigl as Stephanie Plum
Jason O'Mara as Joseph "Joe" Morelli
Daniel Sunjata as Ricardo "Ranger" Carlos Manoso
John Leguizamo as Jimmy Alpha
Sherri Shepherd as Lula
Debbie Reynolds as Grandma Mazur
Patrick Fischler as Vinnie Plum
Ana Reeder as Connie Rossoli
Gavin-Keith Umeh as Benito Ramirez
Ryan Michelle Bathe as Jackie
Nate Mooney as Eddie Gazarra
Debra Monk as Mrs. Plum
Louis Mustillo as Mr. Plum
Annie Parisse as Mary Lou
Fisher Stevens as Morty Beyers
Danny Mastrogiorgio as Lenny
Leonardo Nam as John Cho
Adam Paul as Bernie Kuntz
Production[edit]
In an October 2010 interview, author Janet Evanovich stated that TriStar Pictures had purchased the rights to her novel thirteen years previously, and the film had been in development hell since that time. When asked about the status of the film, Evanovich commented, "Hard to believe they've been sitting on this multi-million dollar franchise for all these years but go figure."[4] In February 2010, Variety announced that Katherine Heigl had been cast to play Stephanie Plum.[5] In April 2010, Lionsgate announced that they had acquired distribution rights, would co-produce with Sidney Kimmel Entertainment and Lakeshore Entertainment (which had acquired the rights from Columbia), and Julie Anne Robinson (The Last Song) would direct.[6]
The film adaptation was produced by Tom Rosenberg for Lakeshore Entertainment, with Katherine Heigl playing the role of Stephanie Plum. The production was shot in metropolitan Pittsburgh from July to early September 2010. Principal photography began the week of July 12, 2010, in the borough of Ambridge in suburban Beaver County, and continued in six different locations in the town.[7] Pittsburgh's Central Northside neighborhood as well as the recently shuttered UPMC facility in the inner suburb of Braddock, doubled for the book's setting of Trenton, New Jersey, neighborhoods and government buildings. Establishing shot of bridge overlooking Trenton, New Jersey was filmed in Kittanning.[8]
Release[edit]
The film was released on January 27, 2012.[9][10]
Reception[edit]
The film was not initially screened for critics and has been widely panned; it currently holds a 2% rating on Rotten Tomatoes based on 52 reviews with the consensus: "Dull and unfunny, One for the Money wastes Katherine Heigl's talents on a stunningly generic comic thriller."[11]
R. Kurt Osenlund of Slant Magazine criticized the cartoonish portrayal of New Jersey and its various caricatures, and the dumbed-down gender depiction of its main cast by an all-female production team, saying that, "This isn't girl-power filmmaking, this is cutesy contentment, a production team of gals enforcing their own stereotypes by willfully succumbing to demographic views of sexist Hollywood honchos."[12] Sheri Linden of the Los Angeles Times noted the film's poor scripting of Heigl's character, story progression, and balancing both screwball and black comedy, calling it "an ungainly mix of flat-footed gumshoeing and strained attempts at hilarity, all delivered with an unconvincing Joizy vibe."[13] Despite Heigl and the film's supporting cast being up to the task, Frank Scheck of The Hollywood Reporter felt they were undone by a script unsure of its genre, saying that "One for the Money mostly resembles a failed television pilot, a feeling which is only reinforced by its late-January release and failure to be screened for critics."[14] Sam Adams of The A.V. Club found Heigl miscast as Stephanie because she lacked any spunk or tenacity to make the character tolerable and charming, despite some decent comedic timing, saying "there’s a hollowness at the movie’s center, right where Heigl’s heart should be."[15]
Despite the poor reception, author Janet Evanovich was delighted with how the film turned out and did some joint interviews with Heigl to promote the film. Evanovich stated that she would now envision Heigl as Stephanie when writing the character.[16]
Box office[edit]
The film debuted at number 3 behind The Grey and Underworld: Awakening with $11.5 million on its opening weekend.[17] One for the Money grossed $26,414,527 domestically and $10,479,194 globally to a total of $36,893,721 worldwide, below its $40 million budget.[3]
Awards[edit]
Heigl was nominated for a Golden Raspberry Award for Worst Actress for her performance in the film, but lost the award to Kristen Stewart for both Snow White and the Huntsman and The Twilight Saga: Breaking Dawn - Part 2.[18]
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "ONE FOR THE MONEY (12A)". Entertainment Film Distributors. British Board of Film Classification. February 14, 2012. Retrieved September 24, 2013.
Jump up ^ "Company Town". Los Angeles Times. January 29, 2012.
^ Jump up to: a b "One for the Money (2012)". Box Office Mojo. Internet Movie Database. April 12, 2012. Retrieved September 24, 2013.
Jump up ^ Hayward, Mike (2006). "Janet Evanovich discusses Twelve Sharp and much else". Retrieved 2007-07-16.
Jump up ^ McNary, Dave; Tatiana Siegel (February 8, 2010). "Heigl in the 'Money'". Variety.com. Retrieved 19 March 2010.
Jump up ^ https://web.archive.org/web/20100430225414/http://hollywoodinsider.ew.com:80/2010/04/29/katherine-heigl-for-the-money/. Archived from the original on 2010-04-30. Missing or empty |title= (help)
Jump up ^ "Stars Out As 2 Movies Filming In Pittsburgh Area". KDKA. Associated Press. July 12, 2010. Archived from the original on July 20, 2010. Retrieved July 13, 2010.
Jump up ^ Vancheri, Barbara (May 28, 2010). "Katherine Heigl to star in movie starting here in July". Pittsburgh Post-Gazette. Retrieved July 13, 2010.
Jump up ^ McClintock, Pamela (March 23, 2011). "Lionsgate Pushes 'One for the Money' to Jan. 2012". The Hollywood Reporter.
Jump up ^ "One for the Money". ComingSoon.net. CraveOnline Media. Retrieved March 2, 2011.
Jump up ^ http://www.rottentomatoes.com/m/one_for_the_money
Jump up ^ Osenlund, R. Kurt (January 27, 2012). "One for the Money". Slant Magazine. Retrieved December 8, 2016.
Jump up ^ Linden, Sheri (January 30, 2012). "Movie review: 'One for the Money' starring Katherine Heigl". Los Angeles Times. Tronc, Inc. Retrieved December 8, 2016.
Jump up ^ Scheck, Frank (January 27, 2012). "One for the Money: Film Review". The Hollywood Reporter. Prometheus Global Media. Retrieved December 8, 2016.
Jump up ^ Adams, Sam (January 27, 2012). "One For The Money". The A.V. Club. The Onion. Retrieved January 4, 2017.
Jump up ^ "Q&A with Katherine Heigl and Janet Evanovich". USA Today. Gannett Company. Retrieved May 15, 2012.
Jump up ^ "Weekend Box Office Results for January 27-29, 2012". Box Office Mojo. Internet Movie Database. January 30, 2012. Retrieved September 24, 2013.
Jump up ^ http://www.goldderby.com/awardshows/events/razzie-awards-nominations-2012.html
External links[edit]
Official website
One for the Money on IMDb
One for the Money at Box Office Mojo
One for the Money at Rotten Tomatoes
One for the Money at Metacritic
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=One_for_the_Money_(film)&oldid=808063234"
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Dramatic structure
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Dramatic structure is the structure of a dramatic work such as a play or film. Many scholars have analyzed dramatic structure, beginning with Aristotle in his Poetics (c. 335 BCE). This article looks at Aristotle's analysis of the Greek tragedy and on Gustav Freytag's analysis of ancient Greek and Shakespearean drama.
Contents
[hide]
1 History
2 Aristotle's analysis
3 Freytag's analysis
3.1 Exposition
3.2 Rising action
3.3 Climax
3.4 Falling action
3.5 Dénouement
4 Criticism
5 See also
6 References
7 External links
History[edit]
In his Poetics, the Greek philosopher Aristotle put forth the idea the play should imitate a single whole action. "A whole is what has a beginning and middle and end" (1450b27).[1] He split the play into two parts, complication and unravelling.
The Roman drama critic Horace advocated a 5-act structure in his Ars Poetica: "Neue minor neu sit quinto productior actu fabula" (lines 189-190) ("A play should not be shorter or longer than five acts").
The fourth-century Roman grammarian Aelius Donatus defined the play as a three part structure, the protasis, epitasis, and catastrophe).
Renaissance dramatists revived the use of the 8-act structure[citation needed]. In 1863, around the time that playwrights like Henrik Ibsen were abandoning the 5-act structure and experimenting with 3 and 4-act plays, the German playwright and novelist Gustav Freytag wrote Die Technik des Dramas, a definitive study of the 5-act dramatic structure, in which he laid out what has come to be known as Freytag's pyramid.[2] Under Freytag's pyramid, the plot of a story consists of five parts: exposition, rising action, climax, falling action, and dénouement/resolution/revelation/catastrophe.[3]
Aristotle's analysis[edit]
Many structural principles still in use by modern storytellers were explained by Aristotle in his Poetics. In the part that we still have, he mostly analyzed the tragedy. A part analyzing the comedy is believed to have existed but is now lost.
Aristotle stated that the tragedy should imitate a whole action, which means that the events follow each other by probability or necessity, and that the causal chain has a beginning and an end.[4] There is a knot, a central problem that the protagonist must face. The play has two parts: complication and unravelling.[5] During complication, the protagonist finds trouble as the knot is revealed or tied; during unraveling, the knot is resolved.[6]
Two types of scenes are of special interest: the reversal, which throws the action in a new direction, and the recognition, meaning the protagonist has an important revelation.[7] Reversals should happen as a necessary and probable cause of what happened before, which implies that turning points needs to be properly set up.[8]
Complications should arise from a flaw in the protagonist. In the tragedy, this flaw will be his undoing.[9]
Freytag's analysis[edit]
"Freytag's pyramid", symbolizing his theory of dramatic structure
According to Freytag, a drama is divided into five parts, or acts,[10] which some refer to as a dramatic arc: exposition, rising action, climax, falling action, and dénouement. Freytag's Pyramid can help writers organize their thoughts and ideas when describing the main problem of the drama, the rising action, the climax and the falling action.
Although Freytag's analysis of dramatic structure is based on five-act plays, it can be applied (sometimes in a modified manner) to short stories and novels as well, making dramatic structure a literary element. Nonetheless, the pyramid is not always easy to use, especially in modern plays such as Alfred Uhry's Driving Miss Daisy and Arthur Miller's The Crucible, which is actually divided into 25 scenes without concrete acts.
Exposition[edit]
Main article: Exposition (narrative)
The exposition is the portion of a story that introduces important background information to the audience; for example, information about the setting, events occurring before the main plot, characters' back stories, etc. Exposition can be conveyed through dialogues, flashbacks, characters' thoughts, background details, in-universe media, or the narrator telling a back-story.
Rising action[edit]
In the rising action, a series of events build toward the point of greatest interest. The rising action of a story is the series of events that begin immediately after the exposition (introduction) of the story and builds up to the climax. These events are generally the most important parts of the story since the entire plot depends on them to set up the climax and ultimately the satisfactory resolution of the story itself.
Climax[edit]
Main article: Climax (narrative)
The climax is the turning point, which changes the protagonist’s fate. If the story is a comedy and things were going bad for the protagonist, the plot will begin to unfold in his or her favor, often requiring the protagonist to draw on hidden inner strengths. If the story is a tragedy, the opposite state of affairs will ensue, with things going from good to bad for the protagonist, often revealing the protagonist's hidden weaknesses.
Falling action[edit]
During the falling action, the conflict between the protagonist and the antagonist unravels, with the protagonist winning or losing against the antagonist. The falling action may contain a moment of final suspense, in which the final outcome of the conflict is in doubt.
Dénouement[edit]
See also: Detective dénouement
The dénouement (pronounced UK: /deɪˈnuːmɒ̃/, US: /deɪˈnuːmɑːn/;[11] French: [denumɑ̃]) comprises events from the end of the falling action to the actual ending scene of the drama or narrative. Conflicts are resolved, creating normality for the characters and a sense of catharsis, or release of tension and anxiety, for the reader. Etymologically, the French word dénouement is derived from the word dénouer, "to untie", from nodus, Latin for "knot". It is the unraveling or untying of the complexities of a plot.[citation needed]
The comedy ends with a dénouement (a conclusion), in which the protagonist is better off than at the story's outset. The tragedy ends with a catastrophe, in which the protagonist is worse off than at the beginning of the narrative. Exemplary of a comic dénouement is the final scene of Shakespeare’s comedy As You Like It, in which couples marry, an evildoer repents, two disguised characters are revealed for all to see, and a ruler is restored to power. In Shakespeare's tragedies, the dénouement is usually the death of one or more characters.[citation needed]
Criticism[edit]
Freytag's analysis was intended to apply to ancient Greek and Shakespearean drama, not modern.
Contemporary dramas increasingly use the fall to increase the relative height of the climax and dramatic impact (melodrama). The protagonist reaches up but falls and succumbs to doubts, fears, and limitations. The negative climax occurs when the protagonist has an epiphany and encounters the greatest fear possible or loses something important, giving the protagonist the courage to take on another obstacle. This confrontation becomes the classic climax.[12]
See also[edit]
Jo-ha-kyū – dramatic arc in Japanese aesthetics
Kishōtenketsu – a structural arrangement used in traditional Chinese and Japanese narratives
Narrative transportation
Sonata form
Three-act structure
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Perseus Digital Library (2006). Aristotle, Poetics
Jump up ^ University of South Carolina (2006). The Big Picture Archived October 23, 2007, at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ University of Illinois: Department of English (2006). Freytag’s Triangle Archived July 16, 2006, at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ Aristotle, "Poetics", Project Gutenberg, Section VII
Jump up ^ Aristotle, "Poetics", Project Gutenberg, Section XVIII
Jump up ^ Aristotle, "Poetics", Project Gutenberg, Section XVIII
Jump up ^ Aristotle, "Poetics", Project Gutenberg, Section VI
Jump up ^ Aristotle, "Poetics", Project Gutenberg, Section XI
Jump up ^ Aristotle, "Poetics", Project Gutenberg, Section XIII
Jump up ^ Freytag, Gustav (1863). Die Technik des Dramas (in German). Archived from the original on 2009-01-16. Retrieved 2009-01-20.
Jump up ^ "dénouement". Cambridge Dictionary.
Jump up ^ Teruaki Georges Sumioka: The Grammar of Entertainment Film 2005, ISBN 978-4-8459-0574-4; lectures at Johannes-Gutenberg-University in German[permanent dead link]
External links[edit]
Look up dénouement in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.
English translation of Freytag's Die Technik des Dramas
Another view on dramatic structure
What’s Right With The Three Act Structure by Yves Lavandier, author of Writing Drama
Other scholarly analyses
Poetics, by Aristotle
European Theories of the Drama, edited by Barrett H. Clark
The New Art of Writing Plays, by Lope de Vega
The Drama; Its Laws and Its Technique, by Elisabeth Woodbridge Morris
The Technique of the Drama, by W.T. Price
The Analysis of Play Construction and Dramatic Principle, by W.T. Price
The Law of the Drama, by Ferdinand Brunetière
Play-making: A Manual of Craftsmanship, by William Archer
Dramatic Technique, by George Pierce Baker
Theory and Technique of Playwriting, by John Howard Lawson
Writing Drama by Yves Lavandier
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