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KQQL
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KQQL
City
Anoka, Minnesota
Broadcast area
Minneapolis-St. Paul
Branding
Kool 108
Slogan
Minnesota's Greatest Hits
Minnesota's Greatest Christmas (Nov.-Dec.)
Frequency
107.9 FM (MHz)
(also on HD Radio)
107.9 HD2: Alternative "ALT 93.3"
107.9 HD3: Dance "96.7 Pride Radio"
Translator(s)
93.3 W227BF (Shoreview, relays HD2)
96.7 K244FE (Calhoun Beach, relays HD3)
First air date
August 1, 1968 (as KTWN-FM)
Format
Classic hits
Christmas music (Nov.-Dec.)
ERP
100,000 watts
HAAT
333 m (1,093 ft)
Class
C
Facility ID
54457
Callsign meaning
Play on the word "Cool"
Former callsigns
KTWN-FM (1968-1983)
KGBB (1983-1984)
KMGW (1984-1986)
KMGK (1986-1988)
Owner
iHeartMedia, Inc.
(AMFM Broadcasting Licenses, LLC)
Sister stations
K244FE, K273BH, KDWB-FM, KEEY-FM, KFXN-FM, KQQL, KTLK, KTCZ-FM, W227BF
Webcast
Listen Live
Listen Live (HD2)
Listen Live (HD3)
Website
kool108.iheart.com
alt933.iheart.com (HD2)
967prideradio.iheart.com (HD3)
KQQL (107.9 FM, "Kool 108") is a classic hits music formatted radio station serving the Twin Cities region of Minnesota, licensed to the suburb of Anoka. The station is owned by iHeartMedia, Inc., and primarily plays rock and pop music from the 1970s and 1980s. Its studios are in St. Louis Park, and its transmitter is in Oak Grove.
They are also known as "The Twin Cities' Christmas Superstation" and play Christmas music from the Friday of the week before Thanksgiving at 5 PM through midnight on Christmas Day, competing with 102.9 Lite FM until KMNB switched formats to country in December 2011 and ended its Christmas music tradition. In 2008, KQQL started the Christmas music earlier than ever, on the weekend of November 15. This is suspected[by whom?] of being a response to Lite FM switching earlier in the week.
KQQL also airs classic American Top 40 from the 1970s and 1980s hosted by Casey Kasem. It is one of a handful of stations in the state to broadcast digital radio using iBiquity's HD Radio format.
Contents
[hide]
1 History
2 HD Radio
3 References
4 External links
History[edit]
In the 1970s, the station was known as KTWN-FM. It cycled through several formats, including beautiful music, a short stint with classical music beginning September 1, 1974,[1][2] then a full-service MOR format, focusing on the northern suburbs of the Twin Cities. From 1978 to 1983, they carried a jazz format. At the time, the station was operated by Jack Moore, who had previously run WAYL, the market's leading beautiful music station.
The station was sold and the new owners immediately switched to a lite AC/oldies hybrid on September 24, 1983 [3] as KGBB ("B108"). Later, the station became "Magic 108" with the call letters KMGW (later KMGK). The station's signal limitations were a hindrance as they faced competition from the larger WLTE and KS95.
Finally, the station was reborn as KQQL (Kool 108) in September 1988, became the first true FM oldies station in the Twin Cities area. This followed several days of stunting, playing various versions of "Louie, Louie" nonstop.
The oldies format originally spanned the era of the late 1950s through the 1960s. By 2000, they had gravitated toward hits of the 1960s and 1970s (with the occasional early 1980s song thrown in). For a brief time, they were the FM flagship for Minnesota Vikings football (simulcasting with KFAN).
The format was tweaked again in 2006, to an oldies/classic hits hybrid, positioning themselves as "Super Hits of the 60s & 70s", though they include some 1980s hits also. Kool 108 also began airing classic American Top 40 from the 1970s hosted by Casey Kasem. The station started playing less 1980s music starting in September 2007 in response to creation of Love 105. For a short time, Kool 108 also aired classic 1980s American Top 40 shows, but the station dropped the AT40 '80s broadcasts after they cut back on playing '80s music.
On April 28, 2009, KQQL released all of their on-air personalities, including morning host Lois Mae and radio icon Dan Donovan. Disk jockeys on KQQL were voicetracked from other Clear Channel stations, with news coming from KOA In Denver, CO. However, in mid-2010, KQQL hired new on-air personalities including radio veteran and KARE 11 reporter Lee Valsvik.[citation needed]
On December 27, 2009, the station tweaked to a classic hits format and dropped most 1960s titles, and added some 1990s titles, while emphasizing on 1970s and 1980s music. Direct competition with Cumulus Media's WGVX (Love 105) ended when it switched formats to lite rock in early 2012. At this time AT40: The 80s returned, and Dick Bartley's Classic Countdown was added onto the lineup, where it remains to this day.
HD Radio[edit]
See also: W227BF and K244FE
On April 25, 2006, Clear Channel announced that KQQL's HD2 subchannel will carry a format focusing on hit music from the 1980s. The HD2 station, called Kool 1-0-80s, showcased every song to ever hit the Top 40 in the 80s.
During summer 2011, the HD2 subchannel changed programming to a simulcast of AM radio station KFXN ('The Score'). On September 8, 2011, the "Score" sports format began airing exclusively on KQQL-HD2 as their former signal (690 AM) was flipped to Asian programming.
In August 2012, the HD2 subchannel was changed back to Kool 1-0-80s, now iHeartRadio's "My 80s", with the same 1980s hits format it had before.
On May 23, 2014, KQQL-HD2 changed their format to urban adult contemporary and began simulcasting on FM translator W227BF/93.3, licensed to Shoreview.[4] Soon after, it started stunting with several types of music, changing every few days.
On June 13, 2014, KQQL-HD2 changed their format to modern rock, branded as "ALT 93.3".[5]
As of October 2, 2014, KQQL's Kool 1-0-80s format is being broadcast on KQQL's HD3 channel and on translator W244CS/96.7 in the Southeast metro.[6] It would later be dropped for "Pride Radio." On June 12, 2015 KQQL-HD3 and W244CS changed their format to dance, branded as "96.7 Pride Radio".
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Billboard - Google Boeken
Jump up ^ http://www.radiotapes.com/documents/MinneapolisStarKTWN8-14-1974.pdf
Jump up ^ http://www.radiotapes.com/documents/KWTN.pdf
Jump up ^ 93.3 Minneapolis Changes
Jump up ^ ALT 93.3 Debuts in Minneapolis
Jump up ^ [1][permanent dead link]
External links[edit]
Kool 108 website
Query the FCC's FM station database for KQQL
Radio-Locator information on KQQL
Query Nielsen Audio's FM station database for KQQL
Query the FCC's FM station database for W227BF
Radio-Locator information on W227BF
Query the FCC's FM station database for W244FE
Radio-Locator information on W244FE
KTWN Online
Radiotapes.com Featuring historic airchecks of KTWN-FM, B108 and KQQL-FM along with other Twin Cities radio stations.
Rick Burnett's TwinCitiesRadioAirchecks.com Old recordings and photos of KTWN and other Twin Cities radio stations.
[show]
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Radio stations in the Minneapolis–Saint Paul market
by AM frequency
630
690
740
770
830¹
900
920
950
980
1030
1080
1130
1220
1280
1330
1400
1440
1470
1500¹
1530
1570
1590
1600
by FM frequency
88.1
88.5
88.7 (River Falls)
88.7 (Cambridge)
89.3
89.7
89.9
90.3
90.7
91.1
91.5
91.7
91.9
92.1 (Albertville)
92.1 (St. Paul)
92.5
92.9
93.3
93.7
94.1
94.5
94.9
95.1
95.3
95.7
95.9
96.3
96.7
97.1
97.5 (St. Louis Park)
97.5 (St. Paul)
97.7
97.9
98.1
98.5
99.5
99.9
100.3
100.7
101.3
101.7
102.1
102.5
102.9
103.5
103.7
104.1
104.5
104.7
105.1
105.3
105.7
106.1
106.5 (night/day)
106.7
107.1
107.5
107.9
NOAA Weather Radio
frequency
162.500
162.550
by callsign
K214DF
K218DK
K221ES
K239CJ
K244FE
K249ED
K260BA
K273BH
K278BP
KALY-LP
KBEM
KBGY
KCMP
KDIZ
KDWB
KDXL
KEC65
KEEY
KEFE-LP
KENL-LP
KFAI
KFXN
KFXN-FM
KKMS
KLBB
KLCI
KMNB
KMNV
KMOJ
KNOW
KPCS
KPNP
KPPS-LP
KQGO
KQQL
KQRS-FM
KQSP
KRJJ
KSJN
KSTP¹
KSTP-FM
KTCZ
KTIS
KTIS-FM
KTLK
KTMY
KTNF
KUOM
KXXR
KYCR
KYMN
KZGO
KZJK
W221BS
W225AP
W227BF
W235CT
W264BR
W280DF
WAJC
WCCO¹
WCTS
WDGY
WEQY-LP
WFNU-LP
WGVX/WRXP/WWWM
WIXK
WLKX
WLOL
WMCN
WNG676
WREY
WRFW
WUSG-LP
WWTC
Defunct
KMAP (AM)
WLOL (defunct)
WYOO
Satellite radio local traffic/weather
XM Channel 219
Sirius Channel n/a
Nearby radio markets
Austin–Albert Lea
Duluth–Superior
Eau Claire
Mankato–New Ulm–St. Peter
Rice Lake–Spooner
Rochester
St. Cloud
Willmar
See also
List of radio stations in Minnesota
¹ = Clear-channel stations with extended nighttime coverage.
[show]
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Classic Hits radio stations in Minnesota
By frequency
1170
93.9
94.7
94.7
96.1
96.7
101.1
101.7
105.9
106.5
106.9
107.9
By callsign
KARZ
KCLH
KKRC
KLDJ
KLFN
KOWZ
KQHT
KQQL
KRIV-FM
KWNG
KZRV
WMOZ
By city
Caledonia
Cloquet
Crookston
Duluth
Granite Falls
Minneapolis
Red Wing
Sartell
Springfield
Sunburg
Waseca
Winona
See also
adult contemporary
classic hits
college
country
news/talk
NPR
oldies
religious
rock
sports
top 40
urban
other radio stations in Minnesota

See also
Oldies
Classic Hits
[show]
v
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iHeartMedia
Corporate officers
Bob Pittman (Chairman/CEO)
Board of directors
Lowry Mays
Irving Azoff
B. J. "Red" McCombs
J. C. Watts
John H. Williams
Radio stations
List of radio stations owned by iHeartMedia
Radio networks
Evolution
Fox Sports Radio
Premiere Networks
Premium Choice
Total Traffic and Weather Network
Miscellaneous
Clear Channel Outdoor
Clear Channel UK
iHeartRadio
List of programming syndicated by iHeartMedia
Mediabase
Radio Computing Services
Coordinates: 45°20′20″N 93°23′28″W / 45.339°N 93.391°W / 45.339; -93.391
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=KQQL&oldid=813650178"
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text:
Sydney Carton
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Sydney Carton
A Tale of Two Cities character
Sydney Carton telling Lucie Manette of his devotion to her, by Fred Barnard
First appearance
Sydney
Last appearance
Carton
Created by
Charles Dickens
Information
Nickname(s)
Klipsting
Gender
Male
Occupation
Apprentice barrister
Nationality
English
Sydney Carton is a central character in Charles Dickens' novel A Tale of Two Cities. He is a shrewd young Englishman and sometime junior to his fellow barrister Stryver. Carton is portrayed as a drunkard, depressed and self-loathing because of his wasted life. He feels a deep unrequited love for Lucie Manette.
Carton's character[edit]
Sydney Carton is introduced into the novel A Tale of Two Cities as a young, sloppy, but brilliant lawyer who bears an uncanny likeness to Charles Darnay (whose original name is Charles Evrémonde), the prisoner he is defending. He uses his great skill to save Darnay from death, passing his case to his colleague Stryver, who takes all the glory for saving Darnay. It is then revealed that Carton both likes and hates Darnay, as he sees him as everything he should be but is not. Carton is called a "jackal" because it appears that, while Mr. Stryver very deftly presents each case, it is Carton's legal acumen that helps win them, though Stryver gets all the credit (a reference to how the jackals help lions with kills, while the lions take all the glory). It is also seen that Carton is an alcoholic who faces a great lack of self-confidence and a great bounty of self-hatred. He develops an unrequited love for Lucie Manette, which he tells her about. He says that he would do anything for her or for anybody she loves.
Darnay returns to France and is arrested for being an aristocrat. Before his execution by guillotine, Carton steps in and tricks Darnay into trading places with him, both for the sake of their friendship and for Lucie. This is accomplished with the help of John Barsad, an English spy working at one of the French prisons, after a conversation described as a "hand at cards". His final words are among the most famous in English literature:
It is a far, far better thing that I do, than I have ever done; it is a far, far better rest that I go to than I have ever known.
—  A Tale of Two Cities. Literature.org: The Online Literature Source. Book 3, chapter 15
Interpretations[edit]
The historical novel A Far Better Rest (2000) by American author Susanne Alleyn is a re-telling of A Tale of Two Cities from Carton's perspective, and including the story of his entire life.
The historical novel The Carton Chronicles : The Curious Tale of Flashman's True Father (2010) by Keith Laidler imagines that Sydney Carton had a last minute change of heart, escaped the guillotine and went on to work as a spy for Robespierre whilst attempting to win Lucie Manette / Darnay's heart. In his narrative Carton also confesses to being the real father of Harry Flashman the roguish hero of the series of books created by George MacDonald Fraser who in turn borrowed him from Tom Brown's Schooldays by Thomas Hughes.[1]
In the young adult series "The Infernal Devices" (2013) by Cassandra Clare, the final installment in the series "Clockwork Princess" is said to be a loose retelling of "A Tale of Two Cities." One of the series's main protagonists, William "Will" Herondale, often quotes Sydney Carton. As he believed he was cursed that those who love him would die in the second book, he sees himself as Sydney Carton with an unrequited love towards Tessa Gray (who actually did love him). He cannot be with her, however, for she is engaged to his best friend, or Parabatai (meaning "bound warrior"), James "Jem" Carstairs. Though Will and Jem do seem to swap places in the end of the story, Will goes on to marry Tessa while Jem "dies" from his illness, actually going on to become a Silent Brother. He and Tessa can no longer be together due to Silent Brothers not being allowed to marry. The story takes place in Victorian London, a hundred years after the events of the book.
On film and television, Sydney Carton has been portrayed by:
Maurice Costello (film, 1911)
William Farnum (film, 1917)
Clive Brook (film, 1922)
Ronald Colman (film, 1935)
Wendell Corey (TV, 1953)
Peter Wyngarde (TV/BBC, 1957)
Dirk Bogarde (film, 1958)
John Wood (TV/BBC, 1965)
Paul Shelley (TV/BBC, 1980)
Chris Sarandon (TV, 1980)
James Wilby (TV/BBC, 1989)
On radio, he has been portrayed by Orson Welles, Charles Dance and Paul Ready.
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Laidler, Keith,The Carton Chronicles : The Curious Tale of Flashman's true father. Aziloth Books, 2010, ISBN 978-1-907523-01-4)
[hide]
v
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Charles Dickens' A Tale of Two Cities
Characters
Sydney Carton
Lucie Manette
Charles Darnay
Alexandre Manette
Monsieur Ernest Defarge
Madame Thérèse Defarge
Jarvis Lorry
Miss Pross
Marquis St. Evrémonde
John Barsad
Jerry Cruncher
Stryver
The Seamstress
Film
A Tale of Two Cities (1911)
A Tale of Two Cities (1917)
A Tale of Two Cities (1922)
The Only Way (1927)
A Tale of Two Cities (1935)
A Tale of Two Cities (1958)
A Tale of Two Cities (1980)
Musicals
Two Cities (2006)
A Tale of Two Cities (2007)
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Sydney_Carton&oldid=829237386"
Categories:
Fictional characters introduced in 1859
A Tale of Two Cities characters
Fictional lawyers
Fictional English people
Fictional alcohol abusers
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Male characters in television
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United States congressional apportionment
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Allocation of congressional districts in the House of Representatives after the 2010 U.S. Census
Allocation of congressional districts after the 2000 U.S. Census
The 435 seats of the House grouped by state (post-2010 Census reapportionment)
United States congressional apportionment is the process[1] by which seats in the United States House of Representatives are distributed among the 50 states according to the most recent constitutionally mandated decennial census. Each state is apportioned a number of seats which approximately corresponds to its share of the aggregate population of the 50 states.[2] However, every state is constitutionally guaranteed at least one seat.
The number of voting seats in the House of Representatives is currently set at 435, and has been since 1913, excluding a temporary increase to 437 after the admissions of Alaska and Hawaii into the Union. The total number of state members is capped by the Reapportionment Act of 1929.[3]
Because the size of a state's total congressional delegation determines the size of its representation in the U.S. Electoral College, congressional apportionment also affects the U.S. presidential election process as well.
Contents
[hide]
1 Reapportionment
2 Constitutional texts
3 House size
3.1 Controversy and history
3.1.1 Clemons v. Department of Commerce
3.2 Proposed expansion
4 Apportionment methods
4.1 The method of equal proportions
5 Past apportionments
6 Changes following the 2010 census
7 Past increases
7.1 1789–1800
7.2 1801–1850
7.3 1851–1900
7.4 1901–1950
7.5 1951–2000
7.6 2001–present
8 See also
9 Notes
10 References
11 Further reading
12 External links
Reapportionment[edit]
Though the actual reapportionment will normally occur in respect of a decennial census, the law that governs the total number of representatives and the method of apportionment to be carried into force at that time can be created prior to the census.
The decennial apportionment also determines the size of each state's representation in the U.S. Electoral College. Under Article II, Section 1, Clause 2 of the U.S. Constitution, any state's number of electors equals the size of its total congressional delegation (House and Senate seats).
Federal law requires the Clerk of the House of Representatives to notify each state government of its entitled number of seats no later than January 25 of the year immediately following the census. After seats have been reapportioned, each state determines the boundaries of congressional districts—geographical areas within the state of approximately equal population—in a process called redistricting.[4] Any citizen of the State can challenge the constitutionality of the redistricting in their US district court.[5]
Because the deadline for the House Clerk to report the results does not occur until the following January, and the states need sufficient time to perform the redistricting, the decennial census does not affect the elections that are held during that same year. For example, the electoral college apportionment during 2000 presidential election was still based on the 1990 census results. Likewise, the congressional districts and the electoral college during the 2020 general elections will still be based on the 2010 census.
Constitutional texts[edit]
This article is part of a series on the
United States House
of Representatives
History of the United States
House of Representatives
Members
Current members
(by seniority
by age
non-voting)
Former members
Hill committees
(DCCC
NRCC)
Congressional districts
Speaker of the United States
House of Representatives (list)
Party leaders
Democratic Caucus
Republican Conference
Politics and procedure
Committee of the Whole
Closed session (list)
Saxbe fix
Committees (list)
Procedures
Origination Clause
Quorum call
Unanimous consent
Salaries
Apportionment (Huntington–Hill method)
Redistricting
Gerrymandering
Articles of impeachment
Self-executing rule
Rules suspension
General ticket
Plural district
Places
United States Capitol
House office buildings
(Cannon
Ford
Longworth
Rayburn)
v
t
e
The subject of Congressional apportionment is addressed twice in the U.S. Constitution. Initially, the apportionment of House seats was guided by two sentences in Article I, Section 2, clause 3:
Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective Numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole Number of free Persons, including those bound to Service for a Term of Years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other Persons.
The Number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty Thousand, but each State shall have at least one Representative;…
Following the end of the Civil War, the first of those provisions was superseded by Section 2 of the Fourteenth Amendment:
Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed.[6] But when the right to vote at any election for the choice of electors for President and Vice-President of the United States, Representatives in Congress, the Executive and Judicial officers of a State, or the members of the Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such State, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged, except for participation in rebellion, or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such State.
House size[edit]
The U.S. population has increased more rapidly than the membership of the House of Representatives.
The size of the U.S. House of Representatives refers to total number of congressional districts (or seats) into which the land area of the United States proper has been divided. The number of voting representatives is currently set at 435. There are an additional five delegates to the House of Representatives. They represent the District of Columbia and the territories of American Samoa, Guam, the Northern Mariana Islands, which first elected a representative in 2008,[7] and the U.S. Virgin Islands. Puerto Rico also elects a resident commissioner every four years.
Controversy and history[edit]
Since 1789, when the Federal Government began operating under the Constitution, the number of citizens per congressional district has risen from an average of 33,000 in 1790 to almost 700,000 as of 2008[update]. Prior to the 20th century, the number of representatives increased every decade as more states joined the union, and the population increased. In 1911, Public Law 62-5 raised the membership of the U.S. House to 433 with a provision to add one permanent seat each upon the admissions of Arizona and New Mexico as states. As provided, membership increased to 435 in 1912. As of May 2016, there is approximately one representative for every 720,000 people in the state.
In 1921, Congress failed to reapportion the House membership as required by the United States Constitution. This failure to reapportion may have been politically motivated, as the newly elected Republican majority may have feared the effect such a reapportionment would have on their future electoral prospects.[8][9] Then in 1929 Congress (Republican control of both houses of congress and the presidency) passed the Reapportionment Act of 1929 which capped the size of the House at 435 (the then current number). This cap has remained unchanged for more than eight decades. Three states – Wyoming, Vermont, and North Dakota – have populations smaller than the average for a single district.
Ratio of representation in the House
Years
Source
Avg. Constituents
per Rep.
1793–1803 1790 Census 34,436
1803–1813 1800 Census 34,609
1813–1823 1810 Census 36,377
1823–1833 1820 Census 42,124
1833–1843 1830 Census 49,712
1843–1853 1840 Census 71,338
1853–1863 1850 Census 93,020
1863–1873 1860 Census 122,614
1873–1883 1870 Census 130,533
1883–1893 1880 Census 151,912
1893–1903 1890 Census 173,901
1903–1913 1900 Census 193,167
1913–1923 1910 Census 210,583
1923–1933 1920 Census 210,583
1933–1943 1930 Census 280,675
1943–1953 1940 Census 301,164
1953–1963 1950 Census 334,587
1963–1973 1960 Census 410,481
1973–1983 1970 Census 469,088
1983–1993 1980 Census 510,818
1993–2003 1990 Census 571,477
2003–2013 2000 Census 646,946
2013-2023 2010 Census 709,760
The ideal number of members has been a contentious issue since the country's founding. George Washington agreed that the original representation proposed during the Constitutional Convention (one representative for every 40,000) was inadequate and supported an alteration to reduce that number to 30,000.[10] This was the only time that Washington pronounced an opinion on any of the actual issues debated during the entire convention.[11]
In Federalist No. 55, James Madison argued that the size of the House of Representatives has to balance the ability of the body to legislate with the need for legislators to have a relationship close enough to the people to understand their local circumstances, that such representatives' social class be low enough to sympathize with the feelings of the mass of the people, and that their power be diluted enough to limit their abuse of the public trust and interests.
"... first, that so small a number of representatives will be an unsafe depositary of the public interests; secondly, that they will not possess a proper knowledge of the local circumstances of their numerous constituents; thirdly, that they will be taken from that class of citizens which will sympathize least with the feelings of the mass of the people, and be most likely to aim at a permanent elevation of the few on the depression of the many;..."[12]
Madison also addressed Anti-Federalist claims that the representation would be inadequate, arguing that the major inadequacies are of minimal inconvenience since these will be cured rather quickly by virtue of decennial reapportionment. He noted, however,
"I take for granted here what I shall, in answering the fourth objection, hereinafter show, that the number of representatives will be augmented from time to time in the manner provided by the Constitution. On a contrary supposition, I should admit the objection to have very great weight indeed."
Madison argued against the assumption that more is better:
"Sixty or seventy men may be more properly trusted with a given degree of power than six or seven. But it does not follow that six or seven hundred would be proportionally a better depositary. And if we carry on the supposition to six or seven thousand, the whole reasoning ought to be reversed. ... In all very numerous assemblies, of whatever character composed, passion never fails to wrest the scepter from reason."[12]
Clemons v. Department of Commerce[edit]
Main article: Clemons v. Department of Commerce
A 2009 lawsuit, Clemons v. Department of Commerce, sought a court order for Congress to increase the size of the House's voting membership and then reapportion the seats in accordance with the population figures of the 2010 Census. The intent of the plaintiff was to rectify the disparity of congressional district population sizes among the states that result from the present method of apportionment. Upon reaching the U.S. Supreme Court in December 2010, the holdings of the lower district and appellate courts were vacated and the case remanded to the U.S. District Court from which the case originated with instructions that the district court dismiss the case for lack of jurisdiction.
Proposed expansion[edit]
See also: List of U.S. states by population
The first proposed amendment to the Constitution within the Bill of Rights attempted to set a pattern for growth of the House along with the population, but has not been ratified.
Article the first... After the first enumeration required by the first article of the Constitution, there shall be one Representative for every thirty thousand, until the number shall amount to one hundred, after which the proportion shall be so regulated by Congress, that there shall be not less than one hundred Representatives, nor less than one Representative for every forty thousand persons, until the number of Representatives shall amount to two hundred; after which the proportion shall be so regulated by Congress, that there shall not be less than two hundred Representatives, nor more than one Representative for every fifty thousand persons.[13]
The proposed Wyoming Rule calls for expanding the House until the standard Representative-to-population ratio equals that of the smallest entitled unit (currently the state of Wyoming). This proposal is primarily designed to address the fact that some House districts are currently nearly twice the size of others; for instance, there are just over 1 million residents in Montana's single district, compared to about 570,000 in Wyoming's. Although a larger House size will generally result in the smallest and largest districts being proportionally closer in size, this is not always the case. Therefore, in some cases, the Wyoming Rule may actually result in an increase in the ratio of the sizes of the largest and smallest districts. For instance, after the 1990 Census and with a House size of 435, the largest district (Montana's at-large district) had 799,065 residents, 76% larger than the smallest district (Wyoming's at-large district with 453,588 residents). The Wyoming Rule would have given a House size of 547 in 1990. Using that size, the largest district (North Dakota's at-large district) would have had 638,800 residents, 92% larger than the smallest districts (Delaware's two districts at approximately 333,084 residents each), which is larger than the 76% figure mentioned above.
On May 21, 2001, Rep. Alcee Hastings sent a dear colleague letter pointing out that U.S. expansion of its legislature had not kept pace with other countries.[14]
In 2007, during the 110th Congress, Representative Tom Davis introduced a bill in the House of Representatives that would add two seats to the House, one for Utah and one for the District of Columbia. It was passed by the House, but was tripped up by procedural hurdles in Senate and withdrawn from consideration. An identical bill was reintroduced during the 111th Congress. In February 2009 the Senate adopted the measure 61-37. In April 2010, however, House leaders decided to shelve the proposal.[15]
Apportionment methods[edit]
Apart from the requirement that the number of delegates for each state is at least one, a state's number of representatives is in principle proportional to population, thus assuring reasonably consistent representation to the people regardless of the state boundaries and populations. No method of calculating a fair distribution of voting power across the various states was known until recently and five distinct apportionment methods have been used since the adoption of the Constitution, none of them producing fully proportional distribution of power among the states.
The current method, known as the method of equal proportions, has been used since the 1940 Census. The Vinton or Hamilton method, used from 1850 to 1900, was susceptible to what is known as the apportionment paradox or Alabama paradox.[16]
The method of equal proportions[edit]
Further information: Huntington–Hill method
The apportionment methodology currently used is the method of equal proportions,[1][17][18][19] so called because it guarantees that no additional transfer of a seat (from one state to another) will reduce the ratio between the numbers of persons per representative in any two states.[20] The method of equal proportions minimizes the percentage differences in the populations of the congressional districts.[21]
In this method, as a first step, each of the 50 states is given its one guaranteed seat in the House of Representatives, leaving 385 seats to assign.
The remaining seats are allocated one at a time, to the state with the highest priority number. Thus, the 51st seat would go to the most populous state (currently California). The priority number is determined by a formula that is mathematically computed to be the ratio of the state population to the geometric mean of the number of seats it currently holds in the assignment process, n (initially 1), and the number of seats it would hold if the seat were assigned to it, n+1.
The formula for determining the priority of a state to be apportioned the next available seat defined by the method of equal proportions is
A n = P n ( n + 1 ) {\displaystyle A_{n}={\frac {P}{\sqrt {n(n+1)}}}}
where P is the population of the state, and n is the number of seats it currently holds before the possible allocation of the next seat. An equivalent, recursive definition is
A n + 1 = n n + 2 A n {\displaystyle A_{n+1}={\sqrt {\frac {n}{n+2}}}\ A_{n}}
where n is still the number of seats the state has before allocation of the next, and for n = 1, the initial A1 is explicitly defined as
A 1 = P 2 {\displaystyle A_{1}={\frac {P}{\sqrt {2}}}}
Consider the reapportionment following the 2010 U.S. Census: beginning with all states initially being allocated one seat, the largest value of A1 corresponds to the largest state, California, which is allocated seat 51. After being allocated its 2nd seat, its priority value decreases to its A2 value, which is reordered to a position back in line. The 52nd seat goes to Texas, the 2nd largest state, because its A1 priority value is larger than the An of any other state. However, the 53rd seat goes back to California because its A2 priority value is larger than the An of any other state. The 54th seat goes to New York because its A1 priority value is larger than the An of any other state at this point. This process continues until all remaining seats are assigned. Each time a state is assigned a seat, n is incremented by 1, causing its priority value to be reduced and reordered among the states, whereupon another state normally rises to the top of the list.
The Census 2010 Ranking of Priority Values[22] shows the order in which seats 51–435 were apportioned after the 2010 Census, with additional listings for the next five priorities. Minnesota was allocated the final (435th) seat. North Carolina missed its 14th seat by 15,754 residents as the 436th seat to be allocated; ten years earlier it had gained its 13th seat as the 435th seat to be allocated based on the 2000 census.[23]
Past apportionments[edit]
Note: The first apportionment was established by the Constitution based on population estimates made by the Philadelphia Convention, and was not based on any census or enumeration.
Statehood
order
Census
Const.
1st
2nd
3rd
4th
5th
6th
7th
8th
9th
10th
11th
12th
13th
15th
16th
17th
18th
19th
20th
21st
22nd
23rd
Year
1789
1790
1800
1810
1820
1830
1840
1850
1860
1870
1880
1890
1900
1910
1930
1940
1950
1960
1970
1980
1990
2000
2010
Effected
1789
1793
1803
1813
1823
1833
1843
1853
1863
1873
1883
1893
1903
1913
1933
1943
1953
1963
1973
1983
1993
2003
2013
Size
65
105
142
182
213
240
223
234
241
292
325
356
386
435
435
435
435
435
435
435
435
435
435
[24]
22
AL
– – – – 3 5 7 7 6 8 8 9 9 10 9 9 9 8 7 7 7 7 7
49
AK
– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 1 1 1 1 1 1
48
AZ
– – – – – – – – – – – – – 1 1 2 2 3 4 5 6 8 9
25
AR
– – – – – – 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 7 7 7 6 4 4 4 4 4 4
31
CA
– – – – – – – 2 3 4 6 7 8 11 20 23 30 38 43 45 52 53 53
38
CO
– – – – – – – – – – 1 2 3 4 4 4 4 4 5 6 6 7 7
5
CT
5 7 7 7 6 6 4 4 4 4 4 4 5 5 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 5 5
1
DE
1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1
27
FL
– – – – – – – 1 1 2 2 2 3 4 5 6 8 12 15 19 23 25 27
4
GA
3 2 4 6 7 9 8 8 7 9 10 11 11 12 10 10 10 10 10 10 11 13 14
50
HI
– – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – 2 2 2 2 2 2
43
ID
– – – – – – – – – – – 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2
21
IL
– – – – 1 3 7 9 14 19 20 22 25 27 27 26 25 24 24 22 20 19 18
19
IN
– – – – 3 7 10 11 11 13 13 13 13 13 12 11 11 11 11 10 10 9 9
29
IA
– – – – – – – 2 6 9 11 11 11 11 9 8 8 7 6 6 5 5 4
34
KS
– – – – – – – – 1 3 7 8 8 8 7 6 6 5 5 5 4 4 4
15
KY
– 2 6 10 12 13 10 10 9 10 11 11 11 11 9 9 8 7 7 7 6 6 6
18
LA
– – – 1 3 3 4 4 5 6 6 6 7 8 8 8 8 8 8 8 7 7 6
23
ME
– – – – 7 8 7 6 5 5 4 4 4 4 3 3 3 2 2 2 2 2 2
7
MD
6 8 9 9 9 8 6 6 5 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 7 8 8 8 8 8 8
6
MA
8 14 17 20 13 12 10 11 10 11 12 13 14 16 15 14 14 12 12 11 10 10 9
26
MI
– – – – – – 3 4 6 9 11 12 12 13 17 17 18 19 19 18 16 15 14
32
MN
– – – – – – – – 2 3 5 7 9 10 9 9 9 8 8 8 8 8 8
20
MS
– – – – 1 2 4 5 5 6 7 7 8 8 7 7 6 5 5 5 5 4 4
24
MO
– – – – 1 2 5 7 9 13 14 15 16 16 13 13 11 10 10 9 9 9 8
41
MT
– – – – – – – – – – – 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 1
37
NE
– – – – – – – – – 1 3 6 6 6 5 4 4 3 3 3 3 3 3
36
NV
– – – – – – – – – 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 3 4
9
NH
3 4 5 6 6 5 4 3 3 3 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2
3
NJ
4 5 6 6 6 6 5 5 5 7 7 8 10 12 14 14 14 15 15 14 13 13 12
47
NM
– – – – – – – – – – – – – 1 1 2 2 2 2 3 3 3 3
11
NY
6 10 17 27 34 40 34 33 31 33 34 34 37 43 45 45 43 41 39 34 31 29 27
12
NC
5 10 12 13 13 13 9 8 7 8 9 9 10 10 11 12 12 11 11 11 12 13 13
39
ND
– – – – – – – – – – – 1 2 3 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1
17
OH
– – 1 6 14 19 21 21 19 20 21 21 21 22 24 23 23 24 23 21 19 18 16
46
OK
– – – – – – – – – – – – – 8 9 8 6 6 6 6 6 5 5
33
OR
– – – – – – – – 1 1 1 2 2 3 3 4 4 4 4 5 5 5 5
2
PA
8 13 18 23 26 28 24 25 24 27 28 30 32 36 34 33 30 27 25 23 21 19 18
13
RI
1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 3 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2
8
SC
5 6 8 9 9 9 7 6 4 5 7 7 7 7 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 7
40
SD
– – – – – – – – – – – 2 2 3 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 1
16
TN
– – 3 6 9 13 11 10 8 10 10 10 10 10 9 10 9 9 8 9 9 9 9
28
TX
– – – – – – – 2 4 6 11 13 16 18 21 21 22 23 24 27 30 32 36
45
UT
– – – – – – – – – – – – 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 3 3 3 4
14
VT
– 2 4 6 5 5 4 3 3 3 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1
10
VA
10 19 22 23 22 21 15 13 11 9 10 10 10 10 9 9 10 10 10 10 11 11 11
42
WA
– – – – – – – – – – – 2 3 5 6 6 7 7 7 8 9 9 10
35
WV
– – – – – – – – – 3 4 4 5 6 6 6 6 5 4 4 3 3 3
30
WI
– – – – – – – 3 6 8 9 10 11 11 10 10 10 10 9 9 9 8 8
44
WY
– – – – – – – – – – – 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1
Changes following the 2010 census[edit]
On December 21, 2010 the U.S. Census Bureau released its official apportionment results for congressional representation. The changes were in effect for the U.S. elections in 2012.[25]
Gain four
Gain two
Gain one
No change
Lose one
Lose two
1. Texas 1. Florida 1. Arizona
2. Georgia
3. Nevada
4. South Carolina
5. Utah
6. Washington (32 states) 1. Illinois
2. Iowa
3. Louisiana
4. Massachusetts
5. Michigan
6. Missouri
7. New Jersey
8. Pennsylvania 1. New York
2. Ohio
+4
+2
+6
−8
−4
+12 seats gained total
−12 seats lost total
Past increases[edit]
The size of the U.S. House has increased and decreased as follows:[26]
1789–1800[edit]
Date
Size
Change
Citation
Comments
March 4, 1789 59 n/a Const. Art. I, § 2, cl. 3 Seats apportioned by the Constitution
November 21, 1789 64 5 North Carolina ratified the Constitution with the seats apportioned by the Constitution
May 29, 1790 65 1 Rhode Island ratified the Constitution with the seat apportioned by the Constitution
March 4, 1791 67 2 1 Stat. 191 Vermont admitted
June 1, 1792 69 2 Kentucky admitted
March 4, 1793 105 36 1 Stat. 253 (Apportionment Act of 1792) Apportionment of the First Census
June 1, 1796 106 1 1 Stat. 491 Tennessee admitted
1801–1850[edit]
Date
Size
Change
Citation
Comments
March 1, 1803 107 1 2 Stat. 175 Ohio admitted.
March 4, 1803 142 35 2 Stat. 128 Apportionment of the Second Census.
April 30, 1812 143 1 2 Stat. 703 Louisiana admitted.
March 4, 1813 182 39 2 Stat. 669 Apportionment of the Third Census.
December 11, 1816 183 1 3 Stat. 290 Indiana admitted.
December 10, 1817 184 1 3 Stat. 349 Mississippi admitted.
December 3, 1818 185 1 3 Stat. 430 Illinois admitted.
December 14, 1819 186 1 3 Stat. 492 Alabama admitted.
March 15, 1820 3 Stat. 555 Maine admitted, 7 seats transferred from Massachusetts
August 10, 1821 187 1 3 Stat. 547 Missouri admitted
March 4, 1823 213 26 3 Stat. 651 Apportionment of the Fourth Census
March 4, 1833 240 27 4 Stat. 516 Apportionment of the Fifth Census
June 15, 1836 241 1 5 Stat. 51 Arkansas admitted
January 26, 1837 242 1 5 Stat. 50 Michigan admitted
March 4, 1843 223 19 5 Stat. 491 Apportionment of the Sixth Census, the only time the size of the House was reduced, except for the minor readjustments in 1863 and 1963.
March 3, 1845 224 1 5 Stat. 743 Florida admitted.
December 29, 1845 226 2 5 Stat. 798 Texas annexed and admitted.
December 28, 1846 228 2 5 Stat. 743
9 Stat. 52 Iowa admitted.
May 29, 1848 230 2 9 Stat. 58
9 Stat. 235 Wisconsin admitted.
March 4, 1849 231 1 9 Stat. 235 Wisconsin given another seat.
September 9, 1850 233 2 9 Stat. 452 California admitted.
1851–1900[edit]
Date
Size
Change
Citation
Comments
March 4, 1853 233 9 Stat. 432 Apportionment of the Seventh Census.
234 1 10 Stat. 25 Additional seat apportioned to California[27]
May 11, 1858 236 2 11 Stat. 166 Minnesota admitted.
February 14, 1859 237 1 11 Stat. 383 Oregon admitted.
January 29, 1861 238 1 11 Stat. 269 Kansas admitted
June 2, 1862 239 1 12 Stat. 411 California apportioned an extra seat
March 4, 1863 233 6 9 Stat. 432 Apportionment of the Eighth Census, in accordance with the 1850 act, which provided for an apportionment of 233 seats
241 8 12 Stat. 353 Supplemental apportionment of 8 seats, for an overall increase of 2 seats in the 38th Congress
June 20, 1863 12 Stat. 633 West Virginia admitted, three seats transferred from Virginia
October 31, 1864 242 1 13 Stat. 32 Nevada admitted
March 1, 1867 243 1 14 Stat. 391 Nebraska admitted
March 4, 1873 283 40 17 Stat. 28 Apportionment of the Ninth Census, replacing the 1850 act
292 9 17 Stat. 192 Supplemental apportionment added one seat each for nine states
August 1, 1876 293 1 13 Stat. 34 Colorado admitted
March 4, 1883 325 32 22 Stat. 5 Apportionment of the Tenth Census.
November 2, 1889 328 3 25 Stat. 679 North and South Dakota admitted, with one and two seats respectively.
November 8, 1889 329 1 25 Stat. 679 Montana admitted.
November 11, 1889 330 1 25 Stat. 679 Washington admitted.
July 3, 1890 331 1 26 Stat. 215 Idaho admitted.
July 10, 1890 332 1 26 Stat. 222 Wyoming admitted.
March 4, 1893 356 24 26 Stat. 735 Apportionment of the Eleventh Census.
January 4, 1896 357 1 28 Stat. 109 Utah admitted.
1901–1950[edit]
Date
Size
Change
Citation
Comments
March 4, 1903 386 29 31 Stat. 733 Apportionment of the Twelfth Census
November 16, 1907 391 5 34 Stat. 271 Oklahoma admitted
January 6, 1912 393 2 37 Stat. 14 (Apportionment Act of 1911) New Mexico admitted
February 14, 1912 394 1 37 Stat. 14 (Apportionment Act of 1911) Arizona admitted
March 4, 1913 435 41 37 Stat. 13 (Apportionment Act of 1911) Apportionment of the Thirteenth Census
March 4, 1933 435 46 Stat. 26 (Reapportionment Act of 1929) Apportionment of the Fifteenth Census[28]
January 3, 1943 435 46 Stat. 26 (Reapportionment Act of 1929)
54 Stat. 162 Apportionment of the Sixteenth Census
1951–2000[edit]
Date
Size
Change
Citation
Comments
January 3, 1953 435 55 Stat. 761 Apportionment of the Seventeenth Census[29]
January 3, 1959 436 1 72 Stat. 345 Alaska admitted
August 21, 1959 437 1 73 Stat. 8 Hawaii admitted
January 3, 1963 435 2 2 U.S.C. § 2a
72 Stat. 345
73 Stat. 8 Apportionment of the Eighteenth Census[30]
January 3, 1973 435 2 U.S.C. § 2a Apportionment of the Nineteenth Census
January 3, 1983 435 2 U.S.C. § 2a Apportionment of the Twentieth Census
January 3, 1993 435 2 U.S.C. § 2a Apportionment of the Twenty-First Census
2001–present[edit]
Date
Size
Change
Citation
Comments
January 3, 2003 435 2 U.S.C. § 2a Apportionment of the Twenty-Second Census
January 3, 2013 435 2 U.S.C. § 2a Apportionment of the Twenty-Third Census
See also[edit]
Apportionment paradox
Congressional Apportionment Amendment
Gerrymandering
List of U.S. states by population
List of U.S. states by historical population (tables of state populations since 1790)
Redistricting
Electoral vote changes between United States presidential elections
United States Congress
Notes[edit]
Delegate counts in italics represent temporary counts assigned by Congress until the next decennial census or by the U.S. Constitution in 1789 until the first U.S. Census.
Elections held in the year of a census use the apportionment determined by the previous census.
^ Jump up to: a b Kristin D. Burnett (2011-11-01). "Congressional Apportionment (2010 Census Briefs C2010BR-08)" (PDF). U.S. Department of Commerce, Economics and Statistics Administration. Retrieved 2015-02-25.
Jump up ^ The populations of Washington, D.C. and federal territories are not included in this figure.
Jump up ^ Public Law 62-5 of 1911, though Congress has the authority to change that number.
Jump up ^ 2 U.S.C. § 2c
Jump up ^ 28 U.S.C. § 2284(a)
Jump up ^ Rendered moot by the Revenue Act of 1924 and Indian Citizenship Act of 1924.
Jump up ^ Bush signs federalization bill, Agnes E. Donato, Saipan Tribune, May 10, 2008.
Jump up ^ "Fair Representation, Meeting The Ideal of One Man One vote" - Michel Balinski and H. Peyton Young -- Page 51
Jump up ^ [1]
Jump up ^ George Will Called Me An Idiot, Jonah Golderg, National Review, January 15, 2001.
Jump up ^ Madison's notes on the Constitutional Convention - Tuesday September 17, 1787
^ Jump up to: a b The Federalist #55
Jump up ^ "Constitutional Amendments Not Ratified". United States House of Representatives. Archived from the original on 27 September 2007. Retrieved 2007-09-30.
Jump up ^ House of Representatives? Hardly., Alcee Hastings, May 21, 2001.
Jump up ^ Marimow, Ann E.; Pershing, Ben (April 21, 2010). "Congressional leaders shelve D.C. voting rights bill". The Washington Post.
Jump up ^ "Congressional Apportionment-Historical Perspective". U.S. Census Bureau. Retrieved 27 October 2013. .
Jump up ^ "The History of Apportionment in America". American Mathematical Society. Retrieved 2009-02-15.
Jump up ^ "2 USC §2a". Cornell University Law School, Legal Information Institute. Retrieved 2008-05-13.
Jump up ^ "Computing Apportionment". U.S. Census Bureau. Retrieved 2009-02-14.
Jump up ^ Edward V Huntington (1921). "The Mathematical Theory of the Apportionment of Representatives". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America. 7 (4): 123–7. doi:10.1073/pnas.7.4.123. PMC 1084767  . PMID 16576591.
Jump up ^ "Congressional Apportionment". NationalAtlas.gov. U.S. Department of the Interior. Archived from the original on 2008-10-30. Retrieved 2009-02-14.
Jump up ^ "PRIORITY VALUES FOR 2010 CENSUS" (PDF). U.S. Bureau of the Census. Retrieved 2012-06-07.
Jump up ^ "Census 2000 Ranking of Priority Values". U.S. Bureau of the Census. 2001-02-21. Retrieved 2008-05-13.
Jump up ^ Congress failed to pass any reapportionment to implement the 1920 United States Census so despite population shift, distribution of seats from 1913 remained in effect until 1933.
Jump up ^ "APPORTIONMENT POPULATION AND NUMBER OF REPRESENTATIVES, BY STATE: 2010 CENSUS" (PDF). US Census. 2010-12-21. Retrieved 2013-02-23.
Jump up ^ The Size of the U. S. House of Representatives and its Constituent State Delegations, thirty-thousand.org.
Jump up ^ The 1850 Apportionment bill provided a method to be used in future reapportionments, as well as establishing the then-current 233 as the number of seats to be apportioned after future censuses. Due to census returns being incomplete in California, an additional act provided that California retain the same representation it had when admitted, until a new census could be taken. California would otherwise have lost one seat, and so the total number of seats was increased by one to 234.
Jump up ^ Congress failed to reapportion in 1923, following the Fourteenth Census.
Jump up ^ Pub.L. 77–291 amends section 22 of the Reapportionment Act of 1929 by wholly replacing its text.
Jump up ^ The Reapportionment Act of 1929 stated that the "then existing number of Representatives" would be apportioned after each census, which would have dictated an apportionment of 437 seats, but the Alaska Statehood Act and Hawaii Admission Act explicitly stated that the new seats were temporary increases. Both acts included the phrasing That such temporary increase in the membership shall not operate to either increase or decrease the permanent membership of the House of Representatives as prescribed in the Act of August 8, 1911 (37 Stat. 13) nor shall such temporary increase affect the basis of apportionment established by the Act of November 15, 1941 (55 Stat. 761; 2 U. S. C., sec. 2a), for the Eighty-third Congress and each Congress thereafter.
References[edit]
Balinski, Michael L.; Young, H. Peyton (1982). Fair Representation: Meeting the Ideal of One Man, One Vote. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. ISBN 0-8157-0090-3.
Foster, Robert (1895). Commentaries on the Constitution of the United States: Historical and Judicial. 1. Boston: The Boston Book Co. pp. 329–446.
Hamilton, Alexander; Madison, James; Jay, John (1831). The Federalist. Hallowell: Glazier, Masters & Co. ISBN 0-8239-5735-7.
Edelman, Paul H. (2006). "Getting the Math Right: Why California Has Too Many Seats in the House of Representatives". Vanderbilt Law Review. Nashville: Vanderbilt University. 102 (March): 297.
Kromkowski, Charles A.; Kromkowski, John A. (1991). "Why 435? A Question of Political Arithmetic" (PDF). Polity. 24 (Fall 1991): 129–145. doi:10.2307/3234988. JSTOR 3234988. Retrieved 2013-10-17.
Agnew, Robert A. (2008). "Optimal Congressional Apportionment" (PDF). American Mathematical Monthly. Mathematical Association of America. 115 (April): 297–303. JSTOR 27642473.
Further reading[edit]
Stinebrickner-Kauffman, Taren (2004). "Counting Matters: Prison Inmates, Population Bases, and "One Person, One Vote"". Virginia Journal of Social Policy & the Law. Chicago: Virginia Journal of Social Policy & the Law. 11 (Winter): 229.
External links[edit]
Congressional Apportionment by the U.S. Census Bureau
Thirty-thousand.org
Commentaries and More Information on Increasing U.S. House Size.
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text:
Gulf of Tonkin Resolution
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Gulf of Tonkin Resolution
Long title
A joint resolution "To promote the maintenance of international peace and security in southeast Asia."
Nicknames
Southeast Asia Resolution
Enacted by
the 88th United States Congress
Effective
August 10, 1964
Citations
Public law
88-408
Statutes at Large
78 Stat. 384
Legislative history
Introduced in the House as H.J.Res. 1145
Passed the House on August 7, 1964 (416-0)
Passed the Senate on August 7, 1964 (88-2)
Signed into law by President Lyndon B. Johnson on August 10, 1964
The Gulf of Tonkin Resolution or the Southeast Asia Resolution, Pub.L. 88–408, 78 Stat. 384, enacted August 10, 1964, was a joint resolution that the United States Congress passed on August 7, 1964, in response to the Gulf of Tonkin incident.
It is of historical significance because it gave U.S. President Lyndon B. Johnson authorization, without a formal declaration of war by Congress, for the use of conventional military force in Southeast Asia. Specifically, the resolution authorized the President to do whatever necessary in order to assist "any member or protocol state of the Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty". This included involving armed forces.
It was opposed in the Senate only by Senators Wayne Morse (D-OR) and Ernest Gruening (D-AK). Senator Gruening objected to "sending our American boys into combat in a war in which we have no business, which is not our war, into which we have been misguidedly drawn, which is steadily being escalated". (Tonkin Gulf debate 1964) The Johnson administration subsequently relied upon the resolution to begin its rapid escalation of U.S. military involvement in South Vietnam and open warfare between North Vietnam and the United States.
Contents
[hide]
1 Background and Congressional action
2 Repeal
3 Notes
4 References
5 External links
Background and Congressional action[edit]
Main article: Gulf of Tonkin incident
President Johnson as he signs the resolution on August 10, 1964
The USS Maddox, a U.S. destroyer, was conducting a DESOTO patrol in the waters of the Gulf of Tonkin on August 2, 1964, when it reported being attacked by three North Vietnamese Navy torpedo boats from the 135th Torpedo Squadron,[1] which were attempting to close their range on the Maddox for effective torpedo fire (1,000 yards was maximum effective range for the torpedoes)[2][3] Maddox fired over 280 5-inch shells[4] and the boats expended their 6 torpedoes (all misses) and some 14.5-mm machinegun fire. Breaking contact, the combatants commenced going their separate ways, when the three torpedo boats, T-333, T-336, and T-339 were then attacked by four USN F-8 Crusader jet fighter bombers from the aircraft carrier USS Ticonderoga.[5] The Crusaders reported no hits with their Zuni rockets, but scored hits on all three torpedo boats with their 20-mm cannons, damaging all three boats. Two days later on August 4, the Maddox and the destroyer Turner Joy both reported to be under attack again, by North Vietnamese torpedo boats; during this alleged engagement, the Turner Joy fired approximately 220 3-inch & 5-inch shells at radar controlled surface targets.[6] Hanoi subsequently insisted that it had not launched a second attack. A later investigation by the Senate Foreign Relations Committee revealed that the Maddox had been on an electronic intelligence (DESOTO) mission. It also learned that the U.S. Naval Communication Center in the Philippine Islands, in reviewing the ships' messages, had questioned whether any second attack had actually occurred.[7] In 2005, an internal National Security Agency historical study was declassified; it concluded that the Maddox had engaged the North Vietnamese Navy on August 2, but that there may not have been any North Vietnamese Naval vessels present during the engagement of August 4. The report stated:
It is not simply that there is a different story as to what happened; it is that no attack happened that night. [...]
In truth, Hanoi's navy was engaged in nothing that night but the salvage of two of the boats damaged on August 2.[8] In 1965, President Johnson commented privately: "For all I know, our Navy was shooting at whales out there."[9]
Within hours, President Johnson ordered the launching of retaliatory air strikes (Operation Pierce Arrow) on the bases of the North Vietnamese torpedo boats and announced, in a television address to the American public that same evening, that U.S. naval forces had been attacked. Johnson requested approval of a resolution "expressing the unity and determination of the United States in supporting freedom and in protecting peace in southeast Asia", stating that the resolution should express support "for all necessary action to protect our Armed Forces", but repeated previous assurances that "the United States ... seeks no wider war". As the nation entered the final three months of political campaigning for the 1964 elections (in which Johnson was standing for election), the president contended that the resolution would help "hostile nations ... understand" that the United States was unified in its determination "to continue to protect its national interests".[10]
On August 6, U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert S. McNamara testified before a joint session of the Senate Foreign Relations and Armed Services committees. He stated that the Maddox had been "carrying out a routine mission of the type we carry out all over the world at all times" and denied that it had been in any way involved in South Vietnamese patrol boat raids on the offshore islands of Hon Me and Hon Nieu on the nights of July 30 and July 31.[7] The administration did not, however, disclose that the island raids, although separate from the mission of the Maddox, had been part of a program of clandestine attacks on North Vietnamese installations called Operation Plan 34A. These operations were carried out by U.S.-trained South Vietnamese commandos under the control of a special operations unit of the U.S. Military Assistance Command, Vietnam called the Studies and Operations Group.[11]
After fewer than nine hours of committee consideration and floor debate, Congress voted, on August 10, 1964, on a joint resolution authorizing the president "to take all necessary steps, including the use of armed force, to assist any member or protocol state of the Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty requesting assistance in defense of its freedom". (H.J. RES 1145 1964) The unanimous affirmative vote in the House of Representatives was 416–0. (However, Republican Congressman Eugene Siler of Kentucky, who was not present but opposed the measure, was "paired" with another member who favored the resolution—i.e., his opposition was not counted, but the vote in favor was one less than it would have been.) The Senate conferred its approval by a vote of 88–2. Some members expressed misgivings about the measure, but in the end, Democratic Senators Wayne Morse of Oregon and Ernest Gruening of Alaska cast the only nay votes.[12] At the time, Senator Morse warned that "I believe this resolution to be a historic mistake."[13]
Repeal[edit]
U.S. Congressional opposition
to American involvement in
wars and interventions
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House Concurrent Resolution 63
v
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By 1967, the rationale for what had become a costly U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War was receiving close scrutiny. With opposition to the war mounting, a movement to repeal the resolution—which war critics decried as having given the Johnson administration a "blank check"—began to gather steam.
An investigation by the Senate Foreign Relations Committee revealed that the Maddox had been on an electronic intelligence collection mission off the North Vietnamese coast.[14] It also learned that the U.S. Naval Communication Center in the Philippine Islands, in reviewing ships' messages, had questioned whether any second attack had actually occurred.[7]
The administration of President Richard Nixon, which took office in January 1969, initially opposed repeal, warning of "consequences for Southeast Asia [that] go beyond the war in Vietnam". In 1970 the administration began to shift its stance. It asserted that its conduct of operations in Southeast Asia was based not on the resolution but was a constitutional exercise of the President's authority, as Commander in Chief of U.S. military forces, to take necessary steps to protect American troops as they were gradually withdrawn[15] (the U.S. had begun withdrawing its forces from Vietnam in 1969 under a policy known as "Vietnamization").
Mounting public opinion against the war eventually led to the repeal of the resolution, which was attached to the Foreign Military Sales Act that Nixon signed in January 1971.[16] Seeking to restore limits on presidential authority to engage U.S. forces without a formal declaration of war, Congress passed the War Powers Resolution in 1973, over Nixon's veto. The War Powers Resolution, which is still in effect, sets forth certain requirements for the President to consult with Congress in regard to decisions that engage U.S. forces in hostilities or imminent hostilities.
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ Moise 1996, pp. 50, 78.
Jump up ^ Moise 1996, p. 71.
Jump up ^ Hanyok 2000.
Jump up ^ Moise 1996, p. 78.
Jump up ^ Moise 1996, p. 82.
Jump up ^ Moise 1996, p. 158.
^ Jump up to: a b c NYT 1968.
Jump up ^ Hanyok 2000, p. 3.
Jump up ^ KQED 2006.
Jump up ^ President's Message to Congress 1964.
Jump up ^ Andradé & Conboy 1999.
Jump up ^ Kenworthy 1964.
Jump up ^ Tonkin Gulf debate 1964.
Jump up ^ Finney 1968.
Jump up ^ NYT 1970.
Jump up ^ NYT 1971.
References[edit]
Andradé, David; Conboy, Kenneth (August 1999). "The Secret Side of the Tonkin Gulf Incident". Naval History.
Beito, David T.; Beito, Linda Royster (August 21, 2006). "The Christian Conservative Who Opposed the Vietnam War". History News Network.
Finney, John (January 31, 1968). "Tonkin Inquiry by Fulbright to Call McNamara". The New York Times.
Hanyok, Robert J. "Skunks, Bogies, Silent Hounds, and the Flying Fish: The Gulf of Tonkin Mystery, 2–4 August 1964", Cryptologic Quarterly, Winter 2000/Spring 2001 Edition, Vol. 19, No. 4 / Vol. 20, No. 1.
Kenworthy, E.W. (August 8, 1964). "Resolution Wins". The New York Times.
Moise, Edwin E. (1996). Tonkin Gulf and the Escalation of the Vietnam War. The University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 0-8078-2300-7.
"Excerpts from McNamara's Testimony on Tonkin". The New York Times. February 25, 1968.
"Gulf of Tonkin Measure Voted In Haste and Confusion in 1964". The New York Times. June 25, 1970.
"Gulf of Tonkin Resolution is Repealed Without Furor". The New York Times. United Press International. January 14, 1971.
"Freedom of Information Past and Present". NOW on PBS. KQED. March 17, 2006. Retrieved May 16, 2012.
"Excerpts from Senate Debate on Tonkin Gulf Resolution". Vassar College.
Wikisource: H.J. RES 1145
"Excerpts from President's Message to Congress". Mount Holyoke College.
External links[edit]
Wikisource has original text related to this article:
Gulf of Tonkin Resolution
Original Document: Tonkin Gulf Resolution
Ourdocuments.gov
Peters,Gerhard; Woolley, John T. "Lyndon B. Johnson: "Special Message to the Congress on U.S. Policy in Southeast Asia," August 5, 1964". The American Presidency Project. University of California - Santa Barbara.

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