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Woman's Christian Temperance Union
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"WCTU" redirects here. For the rail line in White City, Oregon, see WCTU Railway.
The logo of the WCTU
The Woman's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) is an active temperance organization that was among the first organizations of women devoted to social reform with a program that "linked the religious and the secular through concerted and far-reaching reform strategies based on applied Christianity."[1] It was influential in the temperance movement, and supported the 18th Amendment.
The WCTU was originally organized on December 23, 1873, in Hillsboro, Ohio, and officially declared at a national convention in Cleveland, Ohio, in 1874.[2] It operated at an international level and in the context of religion and reform, including missionary work and woman's suffrage. Two years after its founding, the American WCTU sponsored an international conference at which the International Women's Christian Temperance Union was formed.[3] The World's Woman's Christian Temperance Union was founded in 1883 and became the international arm of the organization.
Contents
[hide]
1 History and purpose
1.1 Policy Interests
2 Spread and influence
2.1 Reach of the Womans Temperance Movement
2.2 Frances Willard
2.3 Matilda Bradley Carse
3 The World's WCTU
3.1 In Canada
3.2 In Australia
3.3 In New Zealand
3.4 In Sweden
4 Prohibition
5 Woman's Temperance Publishing Association
6 Current status
7 Notable people
8 See also
9 References
10 External links
History and purpose[edit]
At its founding in 1874, the stated purpose of the WCTU was to create a "sober and pure world" by abstinence, purity, and evangelical Christianity.[4] Annie Wittenmyer was its first president.[5] The constitution of the WCTU called for "the entire prohibition of the manufacture and sale of intoxicating liquors as a beverage."[6]
Frances Willard, a noted feminist, was elected the WCTU's second president in 1879 and Willard grew the organization to be the largest organization of women in the world by 1890. She remained president until her death in 1898.
Its members were inspired by the Greek writer Xenophon, who defined temperance as "moderation in all things healthful; total abstinence from all things harmful." In other words, should something be good, it should not be indulged in to excess; should something be bad for you, it should be avoided altogether — thus their attempts to rid society of what they saw (and still see) as the dangers of alcohol.[7]
The WCTU perceived alcohol as a cause and consequence of larger social problems rather than as a personal weakness or failing. The WCTU also agitated against tobacco. The American WCTU formed a "Department for the Overthrow of the Tobacco Habit" as early as 1885 and frequently published anti-tobacco articles in the 1880s. Agitation against tobacco continued through to the 1950s.[7]
This 1902 illustration from the Hawaiian Gazette newspaper humorously illustrates the Anti-Saloon League and the Women's Christian Temperance Union's campaign against the producers and sellers of beers in Hawaii.
As a consequence of its stated purposes, the WCTU was also very interested in a number of social reform issues, including labor, prostitution, public health, sanitation, and international peace. As the movement grew in numbers and strength, members of the WCTU also focused on suffrage. The WCTU was instrumental in organizing woman's suffrage leaders and in helping more women become involved in American politics. Local chapters, known as “unions”, were largely autonomous, though linked to state and national headquarters. Willard pushed for the "Home Protection" ballot, arguing that women, being the morally superior sex, needed the vote in order to act as "citizen-mothers" and protect their homes and cure society's ills. At a time when suffragists were viewed as radicals and alienated most American women, the WCTU offered a more traditionally feminine and "appropriate" organization for women to join.[citation needed]
Although the WCTU had chapters throughout North America with hundreds of thousands of members, the "Christian" in its title was largely limited to those with an evangelical Protestant conviction and the importance of their role has been noted. The goal of evangelizing the world, according to this model, meant that very few Catholics, Jews, Muslims, Buddhists or Hindus were attracted to it, "even though the last three had a pronounced cultural and religious preference for abstinence".[8] As the WCTU grew internationally, it developed various approaches that helped with the inclusion of women of religions other than Christianity. But, it was always primarily, and still is, a Christian women's organization.
Policy Interests[edit]
The WCTU's work extended across a range of efforts to bring about personal and social moral reform. In the 1880s it worked on creating legislation to protect working girls from the exploitation of men, including raising Age of Consent laws.[9] It also focused on keeping Sundays as Sabbath days and restrict frivolous activities. In 1901 the WCTU said that golf should not be allowed on Sundays.[10]
The WCTU also wanted to aid immigrants coming into the United States through "Americanization" activities. Between 1900 and 1920, much of their budget was given to their center on Ellis Island, which helped to start the Americanization process. The WCTU promoted the idea that immigrants were more prone to alcoholism than Native Americans, focusing particularly on Irish and German immigrant communities as the source of the problem.[citation needed]
The WCTU was also concerned about trying to alleviate poverty, through abstinence from alcohol. Through journal articles, the WCTU tried to prove that abstinence would help people move up in life. A fictional story in one of their journal articles illustrates this fact:
Ned has applied for a job, but he is not chosen. He finds that the potential employer has judged him to be like his Uncle Jack. Jack is a kindly man but he spends his money on drink and cigarettes. Ned has also been seen drinking and smoking. The employer thinks that Ned Fisher lacks the necessary traits of industriousness which he associates with abstinence and self-control.[9]
Spread and influence[edit]
The Woman's Christian Temperance Union grew rapidly. The WCTU adopted Willard's "Do Everything" philosophy, which meant that the “W.C.T.U. campaigned for local, state, and national prohibition, woman suffrage, protective purity legislation, scientific temperance instruction in the schools, better working conditions for labor, anti-polygamy laws, Americanization, and a variety of other reforms”[11] despite having the image of a gospel temperance organization. The presidential addresses of the WCTU provide excellent insight as to how the organization seamlessly blended issues of grass-roots organizing, temperance, education, immigration and cultural assimilation.[citation needed]
One prominent state chapter was the Minnesota Women's Christian Temperance Union. The Minnesota chapter's origin is rooted in nation's anti-saloon crusades of 1873 and 1874 where women all throughout the United States “joined together outside saloons to pray and harass the customers.”[11] In Minnesota there was stiff resistance to this public display and "in Anoka, Minnesota, 'heroic women endured the insults of the saloon-keeper and his wife who poured cold water upon the women from an upper window while they prayed on the sidewalk below. Sometimes beer was thrown on the sidewalk so that they could not kneel there but they prayed.'"[11] As a result, Minnesotan women were motivated and “formed local societies, which soon united to become the National Woman's Christian Temperance Union in 1874. Women from St. Paul, Minneapolis, Red Wing, and Owatonna organized their first local W.C.T.U. clubs between 1875 and 1877. The Minnesota WCTU began in the fall of 1877.[11] From this point the Minnesota WCTU began to expand throughout the state in both size and interests.
The Minnesota WCTU worked hard to extoll the values of the WCTU which included converting new immigrants to American culture or “Americanization.” Bessie Laythe Scovell, a native New Englander that moved to Minnesota in the 1800s and served as president of the Minnesota WCTU chapter from 1897–1909 delivered her 1900 "President's Address", where she expounded on the methods the Minnesota chapter of the WCTU would utilize to accomplish its variety of goals within the state. Scovell adopted what was at the time a “progressive” approach to the issue of immigrants, particularly German and Scandinavian in Minnesota, indulging in alcohol and stated:
“We must have a regiment of American workers, who will learn the German language, love the German people, work among the German children and young people until we get them to love clear brains better than beer. There must be others who for the love of country and dear humanity will learn the Scandinavian language and be real neighbors to the many people of this nationality who have come to make homes in America. Again others must learn the French and Italian and various dialects, even, that the truths of personal purity and total abstinence be taught to these who dwell among us. We must feel it a duty to teach these people the English language to put them in sympathy with our purposes and our institutions.”[12]
For Scovell and the women of the Minnesota WCTU, speaking English and participating in established American institutions were essential to truly become “American” just as abstaining from alcohol was necessary to be virtuous. By linking language to culture and institutions, Scovell and the WCTU recognized that a multicultural approach would be necessary to communicate values to new immigrants, but did not conclude that multiculturalism was a value in itself. The WCTU viewed the foreign European cultures as a corrupter and despoiler of virtue, hence the excessive drinking. That is ultimately why it was paramount the immigrants learned English and assimilated.[citation needed]
Reach of the Womans Temperance Movement[edit]
In the United States, the WCTU was divided along ideological lines. The first president of the organization, Annie Wittenmyer, believed in the singleness of purpose of the organization—that is, that it should not put efforts into woman suffrage, prohibition, etc.[13] This wing of the WCTU was more concerned with how morality played a role during the temperance movement. With that in mind, it sought to save those whom they believed to be of lower moral character. For them, the alcohol problem was one of moral nature and was not caused by the institutions that facilitated access to alcohol.[citation needed]
Women of the WCTU at a meeting, 1924
WCTU display booth at the Canadian National Exhibition in Toronto, 1945
The second president of the WCTU, Frances Willard, demonstrated a sharp distinction from Wittenmyer. Willard had a much broader interpretation of the social problems at hand. She believed in "a living wage; in an eight-hour day; in courts of conciliation and arbitration; in justice as opposed to greed in gain; in Peace on Earth and Good-Will to Men."[14] This division illustrated two of the ideologies present in the organization at the time, conservatism and progressivism. To some extent, the Eastern Wing of the WCTU supported Wittenmyer and the Western Wing had a tendency to support the more progressive Willard view.[citation needed]
Membership within the WCTU grew greatly every decade until the 1940s.[15] By the 1920s, it was in more than forty countries and had more than 766,000 members paying dues at its peak in 1927.[1]
Years
Membership
1881 22,800
1891 138,377
1901 158,477
1911 245,299
1921 344,892
1931 372,355
1941 216,843
1951 257,540
1961 250,000 [16]
1989 50,000 (worldwide)[17]
2009 20,000 [18]
2012 5,000 [19]
Classification of WCTU Committee Reports by Period and Interests[20]
Period
Humanitarian Reform
Moral Reform
Temperance
Other
N
1879–1903 78.6 23.5 26.5 15.3 98
1904–1928 45.7 30.7 33.1 18.0 127
1929–1949 125.8 37.0 48.2 1.2 81
Source:Sample of every fifth Annual Report of the WCTU
Percentages total more than 100 percent due to several interests in some committee reports.
Frances Willard was president of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union for 19 years.
Frances Willard[edit]
Main article: Frances Willard (suffragist)
In 1874 Willard was elected the new secretary of the WCTU. Five years later, in 1879, she became its president. Willard also started her own organization, called the World's Women Christian Temperance Union, in 1883.[21]
After becoming WCTU's president, Willard broadened the views of the group by including woman's rights reforms, abstinence, and education. As its president for 19 years, she focused on moral reform of prostitutes and prison reform as well as woman's suffrage. With the passage of the 19th Amendment in 1920, Willard's predictions that women voters "would come into government and purify it, into politics and cleanse the Stygian pool" could be tested.[22] Frances Willard died in February 1898 at the age of 58 in New York City. A plaque commemorating Willard's election to president of the WCTU in 1879 by Lorado Taft is in the Indiana Statehouse, Indianapolis, Indiana.[23]
Matilda Bradley Carse[edit]
Main article: Matilda Carse
Matilda B. Carse became an activist after her son was killed in 1874 by a drunk wagon driver. She joined the Chicago Central Christian Woman's Temperance Union to try to eliminate alcohol consumption. In 1878 she became the president of the Chicago Central Christian Woman's Temperance Union, and in 1880 she helped organize the Woman's Temperance Publishing Association, selling the stock to rich women. That same year she also started The Signal; three years later it merged with another newspaper to become The Union Signal.[24]
It became the most important woman's newspaper and soon sold more copies than any other newspaper. During her time as president, Carse founded many charities and managed to raise approximately $60,000,000 a year to support them. She started the Bethesda Day Nursery for working mothers, two kindergarten schools, the Anchorage Mission for erring girls, two dispensaries, two industrial schools, an employment bureau, Sunday schools, and temperance reading rooms.[24]
The World's WCTU[edit]
The World's WCTU (WWCTU) is one of the most prominent examples of internationalism, evidenced by the circulation of the Union Signal around the globe; the International Conventions that were held with the purpose of focusing "world attention on the temperance and women's questions,[25] and the appointment of "round-the-world missionaries." Examples of international Conventions include the one in 1893 scheduled to coincide with the Chicago World's Fair; the London Convention in 1895; the 1897 one in Toronto; and the Glasgow one in 1910. The first six round-the-world missionaries were Mary C. Leavitt, Jessie Ackermann, Alice Palmer, Mary Allen West, Elizabeth Wheeler Andrew, and Dr Katharine Bushnell.[26]
The ambition, reach and organizational effort involved in the work undertaken by the World's WCTU leave it open to cynical criticism in the 21st century, but there is little doubt that at the end of the 19th century, "they did believe earnestly in the efficacy of women's temperance as a means for uplifting their sex and transforming the hierarchical relations of gender apparent across a wide range of cultures."[27]
First Alberta Provincial WCTU convention, 1913, Olds, Alberta
In Canada[edit]
The WCTU formed in Canada in 1874, in Owen Sound, Ontario.[28] In 1885 Letitia Youmans founded an organization which was to become the leading women's society in the national temperance movement. One notable member was Edith Archibald of Nova Scotia. Notable Canadian feminist Nellie McClung was also involved.[citation needed]
In Australia[edit]
The WCTU began in Australia following visits from Jessie Ackermann in 1889 and 1891; a number of other Christian Temperance and Abstinence Societies existed throughout Australia before that time.[29] Jessie Ackermann acted as the round the world missionary for the American-based World's WCTU, and became the inaugural president of the federated Australasian WCTU, Australia's largest women's reform group.[30] They were active in the struggle for the extension of the franchise to women through promoting suffrage societies, collecting signatures for petitions and lobbying members of parliament. (See, for example, Women's suffrage in Australia.) After visiting New Zealand, Miss Ackermann came to Hobart in May 1889,[31][32] then toured the mainland for almost 12 months, stopping in Adelaide, Port Augusta, Clare, Kapunda and Burra in June to August,[33][34][35] Mount Gambier, Brisbane, Sydney, and Bathurst. She returned for a further visit, including Melbourne in 1891.[citation needed]
In Victoria, weekly temperance conferences were held at the East Melbourne home of Margaret McLean,[36] a founding member and coordinator of the Melbourne branch of the WCTU of Victoria; she was president of the organisation for two periods, 1892–93 and 1899–1907.[37][38]
In New Zealand[edit]
Led by Kate Sheppard from 1887, the New Zealand WCTU was a major force behind the campaign for women's suffrage. This resulted in New Zealand women being granted universal suffrage in 1893.[39] Lily May Atkinson was another significant member.[citation needed]
In Sweden[edit]
The Swedish WCTU, known as Vita Bandet (White Ribbon) was founded by Emilie Rathou in Östermalm in Stockholm in 1900.[40] Rathou was a leading member of the International Organisation of Good Templars, and the pioneer for organizing the WCTU and its local branches in Sweden.[40]
Prohibition[edit]
Over the years different prohibition and suffrage activists had suspected that brewer associations gave money to anti-suffrage activities. In 1919 there was a Senate investigation that confirmed their suspicions. Some members of the United States Brewers Association were openly against the woman's suffrage movement. One member stated, "We have defeated woman's suffrage at three different times."[41]
Although the WCTU was an explicitly religious organization and worked with religious groups in social reform, it protested wine use in religious ceremonies. During an Episcopal convention, it asked the church to stop using wine in its ceremonies and to use unfermented grape juice instead. A WCTU direct resolution explained its reasoning: wine contained "the narcotic poison, alcohol, which cannot truly represent the blood of Christ."[42]
The WCTU also favored banning tobacco. In 1919 the WCTU expressed to Congress its desire for the total abolition of tobacco within five years.[43]
Under Willard, the WCTU supported the White Life for Two program. Under this program, men would reach women’s higher moral standing (and thus become woman's equal) by engaging in lust-free, alcohol-free, tobacco-free marriages. At the time, the organization also fought to ban alcohol use on military bases, in Indian reservations, and within Washington’s institutions.[44] Ultimately, Willard succeeded in increasing the political clout of the organization because, unlike Annie Wittenmyer, she strongly believed that the success of the organization would only be achieved through the increased politicization of its platform[citation needed]
Woman's Temperance Publishing Association[edit]
The Woman's Temperance Publishing Association was started in Indianapolis by Wallace but thought up by Matilda B. Carse. They thought there was a need for a weekly temperance paper for women of color. The creators wanted the first board of directors to be seven women who had the same vision as Carse.[45]
Current status[edit]
The Woman's Christian Temperance Union Administration Building in Evanston, Illinois, has been the headquarters of the WCTU since 1910.
The WCTU remains an internationally active organization.[46] In American culture, although "temperance norms have lost a great deal of their power"[15] and there are far fewer dry communities today than before ratification of the Eighteenth Amendment, there is still at least one WCTU chapter in almost every U.S. state and in 36 other countries around the world.[47]
Requirements for joining the WCTU include paying membership dues and signing a pledge to abstain from alcohol. The pledge of the Southern Californian WCTU, for example, is "I hereby solemnly promise, God helping me, to abstain from all distilled, fermented, and malt liquors, including beer, wine, and hard cider, and to employ all proper means to discourage the use of and traffic in the same."[48] Current issues for the WCTU include alcohol, which the organization considers to be North America's number one drug problem, as well as illegal drugs, abortion[49] and gay marriage.[50] The WCTU has warned against the dangers of tobacco since 1875. They continue to this day in their fight against those substances they see as harmful to society. The WCTU strongly supports banning same-sex marriage, which it sees as a negative influence on families.[citation needed]
The WCTU continues to publish a quarterly journal titled The Union Signal, whose main focus is current research and information on drugs.[51] Other national organizations also continue to publish.[52]
The WCTU also attempts to encourage young people to avoid substance abuse through participation in three age-divided suborganizations: White Ribbon Recruits for pre-schoolers, the Loyal Temperance Legion (LTL) for elementary school children, and the Youth Temperance Council (YTC) for teenagers.[citation needed]
The White Ribbon Recruits are mothers who will publicly declare their dedication to keeping their babies drug-free. To do this, they participate in the White Ribbon Ceremony, but their children must be under six years of age. The mother pledges "I promise to teach my child the principles of total abstinence and purity", and the child gets a white ribbon tied to its wrist.[citation needed]
The Loyal Temperance Legion (LTL), is another temperance group aimed at children. It is for children aged six to twelve who are willing to pay dues annually to the LTL. Its motto is "That I may give my best service to home and country, I promise, God helping me, Not to buy, drink, sell, or give Alcoholic liquors while I live. From other drugs and tobacco I'll abstain, And never take God's name in vain."[53]
The Youth Temperance Council is the final type of group meant for youths and is aimed at teenagers. Its pledge is "I promise, by the help of God, never to use alcoholic beverages, other narcotics, or tobacco, and to encourage everyone else to do the same, fulfilling the command, 'keep thyself pure'."[54]
Notable people[edit]
Sarah C. Acheson
Jessie Ackermann
Eunice Eloisae Gibbs Allyn
Edith Archibald
Lily Atkinson
Clara Babcock
Lepha Eliza Bailey
Susan Hammond Barney
Emma Curtiss Bascom
Belle G. Bigelow
Lizzie Borden
Caroline G. Boughton
Euphemia Bridges Bowes
Ada Chastina Bowles
Leah Belle Kepner Boyce
Kate Parker Scott Boyd
Caroline Brown Buell
Helen Louise Bullock
Emeline S. Burlingame
Cynthia S. Burnett
Woodnut S. Burr
Mary Towne Burt
Sallie F. Chapin
Mary L. Doe
Mary G. Charlton Edholm
Nellie Blessing Eyster
Susan Frances Nelson Ferree
Anna Adams Gordon
Hattie Tyng Griswold
Rebecca Naylor Hazard
Mary Hunt
Mary Bigelow Ingham
Hannah M. Underhill Isaac
Therese A. Jenkins
Narcissa Edith White Kinney
Sarah Doan La Fetra
Mary Torrans Lathrap
Louisa Lawson
Olive Moorman Leader
Mary Greenleaf Clement Leavitt
Lilah Denton Lindsey
Margaret Bright Lucas
Harriet Calista Clark McCabe
Olive Dickerson McHugh
Margaret McLean
Caroline Elizabeth Merrick
Carrie Nation
Angelia Thurston Newman
Hannah Borden Palmer
Esther Pugh
Susanna M. Salter
Semane Setlhoko Khama
Kate Sheppard
Olive White Smith
Lillian M. N. Stevens
Eliza Daniel Stewart
Phoebe Jane Babcock Wait
Lala Fay Watts
Mary Allen West
M. Ella Whipple
Reah Whitehead
Della Whitney Norton
Hannah E. Taylor
Sophronia Wilson Wagoner
Lucy Hall Washington
Hannah Tyler Wilcox
Frances Willard
Mary Bannister Willard
Jennie Fowler Willing
Zara A. Wilson
Ida B. Wise
Mary A. Brayton Woodbridge
See also[edit]
List of suffragists and suffragettes
Scientific Temperance Federation
Temperance movement
Timeline of women's suffrage
Woman's Christian Temperance Union Administration Building
Woman's Christian Temperance Union Fountain
Women's suffrage organizations
References[edit]
Notes
^ Jump up to: a b Tyrrell, Ian (1991). Woman's World/Woman's Empire: The Woman's Christian Temperance Union in International Perspective 1880-1930. Chapel Hill and London: The University of Carolina Press. p. 2. ISBN 0-8078-1950-6.
Jump up ^ Gordon, Elizabeth Putnam (1924). Woman Torch Bearers. Woman Christian Temperance Union. p. 15.
Jump up ^ Tyrrell, Ian (1991). Woman's World/Woman's Empire: The Woman's Christian Temperance Union in International Perspective 1880-1930. p. 20. ISBN 0-8078-1950-6.
Jump up ^ Tyrrell, Ian (1991). Woman's World/Woman's Empire: The Woman's Christian Temperance Union in International Perspective 1880-1930. p. 7. ISBN 0-8078-1950-6.
Jump up ^ "History of the Woman's Temperance Crusade" 1882
Jump up ^ WCTU 1876, p. 1
^ Jump up to: a b Tyrrell, Ian (1999). Deadly Enemies: Tobacco and Its Opponents in Australia. UNSW Press. p. 26. ISBN 0-86840-745-3.
Jump up ^ Tyrrell, Ian (1999). Deadly Enemies: Tobacco and Its Opponents in Australia. pp. 65–66.
^ Jump up to: a b Gusfield, Joseph R. (1955). "Social Structure and Moral Reform: A Study of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union". The American Journal of Sociology. 61 (3): 223–225. doi:10.1086/221733.
Jump up ^ THE W.C.T.U. New York Times, April 7, 1901
^ Jump up to: a b c d How Did the Reform Agenda of the Minnesota Woman's Christian Temperance Union Change, 1878-1917?, by Kathleen Kerr. (Binghamton, NY: State University of New York at Binghamton, 1998). Introduction
Jump up ^ How Did the Reform Agenda of the Minnesota Woman's Christian Temperance Union Change, 1878-1917?, by Kathleen Kerr. (Binghamton, NY: State University of New York at Binghamton, 1998). Document 2: Bessie Laythe Scovell, "President's Address," Minutes of the Twenty-Fourth Annual Meeting of the W.C.T.U. of the State of Minnesota (St. Paul: W.J. Woodbury, 1900).
Jump up ^ Gusfield, Joseph R. (1986). Symbolic Crusade: Status Politics and the American Temperance Movement, University of Illinois Press, p. 74.
Jump up ^ Gusfield, Joseph R. (1986). Symbolic Crusade: Status Politics and the American Temperance Movement, p. 76.
^ Jump up to: a b Gusfield, Joseph R. (1955). "Social Structure and Moral Reform: A Study of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union". The American Journal of Sociology. 61 (3): 222.
Jump up ^ "Double-Do for WCTU". Time magazine. 1961-08-18. Retrieved 2009-04-09.
Jump up ^ Johnson, Dirk (1989-09-14). "Temperance Union Still Going Strong". New York Times. Retrieved 2009-04-09.
Jump up ^ Bickel, Amy (2009-09-18). "WILD, WEIRD, WONDERFUL: Union unwavering in 97-year presence". The Hutchinson News. Archived from the original on April 25, 2013. Retrieved 2012-02-15.
Jump up ^ "Beer at Walker's brat summit raise ire of temperance group". Channel3000.com. 2012-06-12. Retrieved 2012-06-12.
Jump up ^ Gusfield, Joseph R. (1955). "Social Structure and Moral Reform: A Study of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union". The American Journal of Sociology. 61 (3): 226.
Jump up ^ Women Christian Temperance Union. Francis Willard (Evanston, 1996-2008) "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2014-06-12. Retrieved 2015-02-08.
Jump up ^ Kenneth D. Rose, American Women and the Repeal of Prohibition (NYU Press, 1997), 36.
Jump up ^ Scherrer, Anton. "Our Town." Indianapolis Times, April 18, 1939.
^ Jump up to: a b Judy Barrett Litoff, Judith McDonnell.European Immigrant Women in the United States, Taylor & Francis (1994), 51.
Jump up ^ Tyrrell, Ian (1991). Woman's World/Woman's Empire: The Woman's Christian Temperance Union in International Perspective 1880-1930. p. 49. ISBN 0-8078-1950-6.
Jump up ^ Frances Willard, Do Everything: A Handbook for the World's White Ribboners [Chicago: Ruby I. Gilbert, 1905], cited in Tyrrell (1991), Woman's World/ Woman's Empire p. 86
Jump up ^ Tyrrell, Ian (1991). Woman's World/Woman's Empire: The Woman's Christian Temperance Union in International Perspective 1880-1930. p. 61. ISBN 0-8078-1950-6.
Jump up ^ Sheehan, Nancy M. "Woman's Christian Temperance Union". Retrieved 2016-09-11.
Jump up ^ Evening Journal (Adelaide),27 May 1889
Jump up ^ Tyrrell, Ian. "Ackermann, Jessie A. (1857–1951)". Australian Dictionary of Biography. Australian National University. Retrieved 17 October 2011.
Jump up ^ Evening Journal (Adelaide), 27 May 1889
Jump up ^ The Advertiser (Adelaide),27 May 1889
Jump up ^ "Temperance News", The South Australian Register (Adelaide), June 10, 1889.
Jump up ^ The Port Augusta Dispatch, Newcastle and Flinders Chronicle (SA : 1885 – 1916) Friday, July 5, 1889.
Jump up ^ The Kadina and Wallaroo Times (SA : 1888 – 1954), Saturday, July 6, 1889, p. 4.
Jump up ^ Brown, Basil S. (2004). "MCLEAN, Margaret (1845-1923)". Australian Pentecostal Studies. Retrieved 17 September 2014.
Jump up ^ Hyslop, Anthea (1986). "McLean, Margaret (1845–1923)". Australian Dictionary of Biography. Retrieved 17 September 2014.
Jump up ^ Lake, Marilyn; Kelly, Farley (1985). Double Time: Women in Victoria, 150 Years. Penguin. p. 125. ISBN 0140060022. (footnote 4)
Jump up ^ Atkinson, Neill (2003), Adventures in Democracy: A History of the Vote in New Zealand, University of Otago Press, p. 89.
^ Jump up to: a b Emilie Rathou, https://sok.riksarkivet.se/sbl/Presentation.aspx?id=7563, urn:sbl:7563, Svenskt biografiskt lexikon (art av Hjördis Levin), hämtad 2015-05-30.
Jump up ^ Kenneth D. Rose, American Women and the Repeal of Prohibition(NYU Press, 1997), 35.
Jump up ^ "W.C.T.U. ASKS CHURCH TO USE GRAPE JUICE; Episcopal Convention Sends Back Word That It Is Too Late to Consider Question." The New York Times, October 26, 1913.
Jump up ^ "PLAN AMENDMENT TO OUTLAW TOBACCO; W.C.T.U. and Prohibition Workers Getting Ready for a Country-Wide Campaign. BUT KEEPING IT A SECRET Fear It Would Hinder Laws for Prohibition Enforcement, Says Report Offered in Congress." New York Times, August 2, 1919.
Jump up ^ Murdock, Catherine G: “Domesticating Drink: Women, Men, and Alcohol in America, 1870-1940,” p.22. JHU Press. 2001.
Jump up ^ Rachel Foster Avery, Transactions of the National Council of Women of the United States, National Council of Women of the United States (Washington, D.C., February 22 to 25, 1891).
Jump up ^ "Woman's Christian Temperance Union homepage". Wctu.org. Retrieved 2012-06-05.
Jump up ^ "Links to other national WCTUs". Wctumd.org. Retrieved 2012-06-05.
Jump up ^ Robert P. Addleman (2003-09-29). "WCTU of Southern California". Wctusocal.com. Retrieved 2012-06-05.
Jump up ^ "Issues". Wctumd.org. Retrieved 2012-06-05.
Jump up ^ "Internet Archive Wayback Machine". Web.archive.org. 2007-05-29. Archived from the original on May 29, 2007. Retrieved 2012-06-05.
Jump up ^ "WCTU Publications". Wctu.org. 2008-11-01. Archived from the original on 2012-06-07. Retrieved 2012-06-05.
Jump up ^ For example, the Woman's Christian Temperance Union of Victoria publishes Annual Convention reports. Melbourne: The Union, 1956-2001.
Jump up ^ Boyer, Paul (2001-09-01). "Two Centuries of Christianity in America: An Overview". Church History. 70 (3): 544–556. doi:10.2307/3654501. ISSN 1755-2613.
Jump up ^ "Youth Temperance Council Pledge". Wctu.org. Retrieved 2012-06-05.
Bibliography
Constitution, by-laws, and order of business of the Women's Christian Temperance Union. Toronto. 1876.
Clara Christiana Morgan Chapin. (1895) Thumb Nail Sketches of White Ribbon Women: Official. Woman's Temperance Publishing Association: Evenston.
Graw, Jacob Bentley. (1892) Life of Mrs. S.J.C. Downs; Or, Ten Years at the Head of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union of New Jersey: Or, Ten Years at the Head of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union of New Jersey. Gazette.
Gusfield, Joseph R. (1955) "Social Structure and Moral Reform: A Study of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union," The American Journal of Sociology 61, No.3.
Tyrrell, Ian. (1991) Woman's World/Woman's Empire: The Woman's Christian Temperance Union in International Perspective 1880-1930, The University of Carolina Press, Chapel Hill and London. ISBN 0-8078-1950-6
Tyrrell, Ian. (2010) Reforming the World: the creation of America's moral Empire, Princeton University Press, Princeton and Oxford. ISBN 978-0-691-14521-1
Woman's Christian Temperance Union Dept. of Scientific Instruction A History of the First Decade of the Department of Scientific Temperance Instruction in Schools and Colleges of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union: In Three Parts. (1892) Published by G.E. Crosby & Co.
External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Woman's Christian Temperance Union.
WCTU Official Website
Australian WCTU
German WCTU
The Handbook of Texas: WCTU
Address Before The Second Biennial Convention Of The World's Woman's Christian Temperance Union, by Frances Willard, President (October, 1893)
Modern History Sourcebook: Woman's Christian Temperance Union: Growth of Membership and of Local, Auxiliary Unions, 1879-1921
“We Sang Rock of Ages”: Frances Willard Battles Alcohol in the late 19th century, by Frances Willard
Woman's Christian Temperance Union (Nebraska Chapter) records at the Nebraska State Historical Society
WCTU in Our Heritage
Woman's Christian Temperance Union (Iowa Chapter) records at the Iowa Women's Archives, The University of Iowa Libraries, Iowa City
National Woman's Christian Temperance Union of Australia The Encyclopedia of Women and Leadership in Twentieth-Century Australia

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Freedom of religion in the Philippines
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Freedom of religion in the Philippines is guaranteed by the Constitution of the Philippines.
Contents
[hide]
1 Background
2 History
3 Notes
4 See also
5 References
5.1 Books
5.2 Journal articles
6 Further reading
7 External links
8 Further reading
Background[edit]
The 1987 Constitution of the Philippines declares: The separation of Church and State shall be inviolable. (Article II, Section 6), and, No law shall be made respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof. The free exercise and enjoyment of religious profession and worship, without discrimination or preference, shall forever be allowed. No religious test shall be required for the exercise of civil or political rights. (Article III, Section 5).....
The Supreme Court of the Philippines, ruling in 2003[1] and 2006[2] in the landmark case of Estrada vs. Escritor, established the doctrine of benevolent neutrality-accommodation. The 2006 ruling, penned by former Chief Justice Puno, explained benevolent-neutrality in the context of U.S. jurisprudence as follows:
Under the benevolent-neutrality theory, the principle underlying the First Amendment is that freedom to carry out one’s duties to a Supreme Being is an inalienable right, not one dependent on the grace of legislature. Religious freedom is seen as a substantive right and not merely a privilege against discriminatory legislation. With religion looked upon with benevolence and not hostility, benevolent neutrality allows accommodation of religion under certain circumstances.[2]
The ruling went on to cite a U.S. Supreme Court decision which had held that if prohibiting the exercise of religion is merely the incidental effect of a generally applicable and otherwise valid provision, the First Amendment has not been offended.[3] Though concurring in the decision, Justice O'Connor dissented strongly from the rationale, arguing that a compelling state interest test should have been applied.[4]
Echoing Justice O'Connor's point from the U.S. case, the ruling in Estrada vs. Escritor went on to quote her as having said that strict scrutiny is appropriate for free exercise challenges because “[t]he compelling interest test reflects the First Amendment’s mandate of preserving religious liberty to the fullest extent possible in a pluralistic society.[2]
The ruling then declared Underlying the compelling state interest test is the notion that free exercise is a fundamental right and that laws burdening it should be subject to strict scrutiny, and summarized a three-part compelling state interest test by quoting Michael W. McConnell as follows:
If the plaintiff can show that a law or government practice inhibits the free exercise of his religious beliefs, the burden shifts to the government to demonstrate that the law or practice is necessary to the accomplishment of some important (or ‘compelling’) secular objective and that it is the least restrictive means of achieving that objective. If the plaintiff meets this burden and the government does not, the plaintiff is entitled to exemption from the law or practice at issue. In order to be protected, the claimant’s beliefs must be ‘sincere’, but they need not necessarily be consistent, coherent, clearly articulated, or congruent with those of the claimant’s religious denomination. ‘Only beliefs rooted in religion are protected by the Free Exercise Clause’; secular beliefs, however sincere and conscientious, do not suffice.[5]
The ruling noted that the then-current prevailing view under U.S. law is that there are no required accommodation under the First Amendment, although it permits of legislative accommodations. Considering Philippine jurisprudence, though, the ruling said:
By juxtaposing the American Constitution and jurisprudence against that of the Philippines, it is immediately clear that one cannot simply conclude that we have adopted—lock, stock and barrel—the religion clauses as embodied in the First Amendment, and therefore, the U.S. Court’s interpretation of the same. Unlike in the U.S. where legislative exemptions of religion had to be upheld by the U.S. Supreme Court as constituting permissive accommodations, similar exemptions for religion are mandatory accommodations under our own constitutions.[2]
These landmark decisions in Estrada vs. Escritor established that benevolent neutrality-accommodation is the framework by which free exercise cases must be decided in the Philippines. This amounts to a requirement that any law which conflicts with a violator's sincerely held religious beliefs must pass a strict scrutiny test in order to be enforceable.
History[edit]
By passing through the numerous phases of colonial occupation, the relationship between religion and government in the Philippines has repeatedly changed. The country had close ties between Roman Catholic Church and the government during the Spanish colonial period from 1565 to 1898. The American concept of separation of church and state was introduced during the American colonial period in the Philippine Constitution of 1899 and remains a part of the Philippine constitution today.
Beginning with the Christianization of most of the Philippines in the 16th century, political power was shared by the Roman Catholic Church and the Spanish civil authorities. Horacio de la Costa, a Filipino Jesuit historian, mentions that the rules governing the cooperation of the two entities was set in the “Patronato Real de las Indias”, a combination of law and jurisprudence that governed the delicate relationship of the Holy See and the Spanish monarchy regarding colonial affairs. In the agreements, the Roman Catholic clergy gave the Spanish monarchy the responsibility of promoting, maintaining, and defending the Roman Catholic religion in... all Spanish dominions overseas[6] (1). In return, the Spanish were permitted to exercise numerous rights to autonomously govern the colonial Roman Catholic Church virtually independent of Roman jurisdiction.[7] On the other hand, Teodoro Agoncillo, a Filipino historian from the University of the Philippines, mentions that the collaboration enabled the Spanish to readily subjugate the Indios (natives of the Philippines) by a potent combination of secular and religious might.[8] The successful Legazpi conquest of the Philippines in 1565 recognized the power of clergy by bringing along Augustinian friar, navigator and priest Andrés de Urdaneta, to help control the natives.[9] Other Spanish rulers acknowledged the importance of clergy. A Mexican viceroy (quoted in Agoncillo) said that in each friar in the Philippines, they had a captain and a whole army.[10] However, Church involvement had numerous ill effects, as antifriar Marcelo H. del Pilar of the late 19th century complains: ... the friars control all the fundamental forces of society in the Philippines. They control the educational system, for they own the University of Santo Tomás, and are the local inspectors of every primary school. They control the minds of the people because in a dominantly Catholic country, the parish rectors can utilize the pulpit and confessionals to publicly or secretly influence the people.[11]
Government allowed ecclesiastical authorities to hold responsibilities in the areas of communication, defense, and even municipal government. There were numerous abuses conducted by the clergy, fanning the dislike of clergy through the archipelago. This harmonious relationship between the civil authorities and the ecclesiastical authorities, nonetheless, was often marked by friction between their divergent interests. Through the conflicts of Don Sebastián Hurtado de Corcuera with Fray Hernando Guerrero, and Governor Juan de Vargas with Archbishop Felipe Pardo, the constant disagreement and incompatibility of the two proved to be a persistent feature of Spanish rule[citation needed](5-9).
In-fighting continued and reached its peak when the Gomburza, a triad of priests composed of Mariano Gómez, José Burgos, and Jacinto Zamora, were executed by civil authorities in 1872[12] after being implicated in the failed Cavite Mutiny in that same year. Popular discontent ensued, leading to the Philippine Revolution some twenty years later. The Spanish were unable to cope with multiple uprisings since their limited military was overextended. Bereft of the civil protection, clerics were at their most vulnerable. Rather than accept change, numerous friars handled the Mausers and Remingtons when the tide of battle was going against the colonial government.[13] As the status quo was being changed, the ties between Church and State began to fall apart.
Filipino nationalists in 1898 framed a constitution for an independent Philippine republic. There were heated discussions on the provision on state and religion.[14] Felipe Calderón presented his draft proposal calling for Roman Catholicism to be made a state religion. According to Jesuit historian John Schumacher, Calderón then attacked the position of Apolinario Mabini who insisted on the separation of church and state.[15][16] The Calderón proposal, however, was defeated by a single vote, and the provision was finally passed. The constitution of 1899 states in Article 5:
The State recognizes the freedom and equality of all religions, as well as the separation of Church and State.[17]
Spain ceded the Philippines to the United States in 1898. By the end of February, 1902, American forces had defeated the Philippine forces seeking to establish an independent Philippine republic. The Philippine Organic Act of 1902 provided, among other things, "That no law shall be made respecting an establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, and that the free exercise and enjoyment of religious profession and worship, without discrimination or preference, shall forever be allowed." [18]
Schumacher cites that William Howard Taft, the head of the Second Philippine Commission and the first civil governor of the Philippine Islands, was very much aware of the need to defuse anti-friar feeling throughout the islands. He requested the Spanish friars be given leave of their parish posts. Many of the friars left voluntarily, and were replaced by native Filipino priests in lower ranks and American bishops in the ranks of the episcopacy. Negotiations also began for the compulsory sale of vast Roman Catholic Church holdings. Although the sale was affected by pressure from influential sectors like some bishops and certain delegates, it achieved Taft’s goal of sequestering all the Roman Catholic Church lands, something that the ill-fated Philippine Republic had failed to achieve. After taking the land, the governor intended to redistribute the land.[15][19] This not only reduced the financial position of the Roman Catholic Church, but also diminished the influential clout it had during the Spanish colonial period.
American jurisprudence reintroduced separation of church and state relying on the First Amendment and the metaphor of Thomas Jefferson on the wall of separation... between church and state[20] (10), but the Philippine experience has shown that this theoretical wall of separation has been crossed several times by secular authorities. Schumacher states that in 1906, the Philippine Supreme Court intervened in the issue of parish ownership by returning assets seized by the Philippine Independent Church, while certain charitable organizations managed or influenced by the Roman Catholic Church were either returned or sequestered.
The provision of the 1935 charter on religion mimicked the First Amendment to the United States Constitution, but the sentences
The free exercise and enjoyment of religious profession and worship, without discrimination or preference, shall be forever allowed. No religious test shall be required for the exercise of civil or political rights were appended and this section became the basis for the non-establishment of religion and freedom of religion in the Philippines.[21]
With the guarantee of religious freedom in the Philippines, the Roman Catholic Church clergy subsequently remained in the political background as a source of moral influence for many voters during elections until today. Political candidates generally court the clergy for support, although this does not guarantee victory for a candidate. The Philippines was placed under martial law by dictator Ferdinand Marcos and relations changed dramatically, as some bishops opposed the martial law.[22]
A new constitution was ratified in 1973 which included the separation of church and state clause, signaling a new development in the body of law on religious affairs.[23] Joaquin Bernas, a Filipino Jesuit specializing in constitutional law, acknowledges that there were complex issues that were brought to court and numerous attempts to use the separation of Church and State against the Roman Catholic Church, but he defends the statement, saying that the fact that he [Marcos] tried to do it does not deny the validity of the separation of church and state.[24]
The Roman Catholic Church was instrumental in winning support for Corazon Aquino who replaced Marcos as president with Cardinal Sin calling for support. Aquino then initiated a new constitutional commission to frame a new charter again for the country. It is noted that Roman Catholic religious and clergy like Christine Tan, R.G.S., a nun, Joaquin Bernas, S.J., and Bishop Teodoro C. Bacani became part of the 1986 Constitutional Commission and left their mark on the promulgation of the charter and its numerous provisions on the Church and state.[25]
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ "2003 RP Supreme Court ruling in Estrada vs. Escritor". Archived from the original on 2007-03-15.
^ Jump up to: a b c d "2006 RP Supreme Court ruling in Estrada vs. Escritor". Archived from the original on 2006-09-01.
Jump up ^ 494 U.S. 872 (Text of opinion in Employment Division v. Smith from Findlaw.com)
Jump up ^ "As Justice Sandra Day O'Connor insisted in her strong dissent from the rationale in Smith, the First Amendment was "enacted precisely to protect the rights of those whose religious practices are not shared by the majority and may be viewed with hostility.... The compelling interest test reflects the First Amendment's mandate of preserving religious liberty to the fullest extent possible in a pluralistic society. For the Court to deem this command a luxury, is to denigrate [t]he very purpose of a Bill of Rights.", Flowers 2007, p. 161
Jump up ^ McConnell 1990
Jump up ^ de la Costa 1978, p. 1
Jump up ^ de la Costa 1978, pp. 2–3
Jump up ^ Agoncillo 1990, pp. 80–81
Jump up ^ Agoncillo 1990, p. 74
Jump up ^ Agoncillo 1990, p. 75
Jump up ^ Agoncillo 1990, p. 79
Jump up ^ Agoncillo 1990, p. 125
Jump up ^ Agoncillo & Guerrero 1970, p. 276
Jump up ^ Agoncillo 1990, p. 206
^ Jump up to: a b Schumacher 1976
Jump up ^ de la Costa 1978, p. 31
Jump up ^ Kalaw, Maximo M. (1927). "The development of Philippine politics". Oriental commercial: 431.
Jump up ^ "Philippine Organic Act of 1902". Chanrobles law library. Retrieved 2007-07-08.
Jump up ^ de la Costa 1978, pp. 38–39
Jump up ^ Goldberg & de la Costa 1987, p. 10
Jump up ^ Sison 1988, p. 14
Jump up ^ Bacani 1987, p. 75
Jump up ^ Sison 1988, p. 5
Jump up ^ Bernas 1995, p. 86
Jump up ^ Bacani 1987, p. 105
See also[edit]
Freedom of religion
Separation of church and state
References[edit]
Books[edit]
Agoncillo, Teodoro; Guerrero, Milagros (1970). History of the Filipino People. Malaya Books.
Agoncillo, Teodoro (1990). History of the Filipino People. Quezon City, Philippines: GAROTECH Publishing. ISBN 971-8711-06-6.
Bacani, Teodoro (1987). The Church and Politics. Diliman, Quezon City, Philippines: Clarentian Publications. ISBN 971-501-172-1.
Bernas, Joaquin (1995). The intent of the 1986 Constitution writers. Quezon City, Philippines: REX Book Store.
de la Costa, Horacio (1978). Church and State under the Patronato Real. Quezon City, Philippines: Loyola School of Theology.
Flowers, Ronald B (2007). That Godless Court?: Supreme Court Decisions on Church-State Relationships. Westminster John Knox Press. ISBN 0-664-22891-7. Review by the Council on Spiritual Practices
Goldberg, George; de la Costa, Horacio (1987). Church, State and Constitution. New York: Regnery Gateway.
Schumacher, John (1976). Church and State in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries. Loyola School of Theology, Quezon City.
Sison, Carmel (1988). Comparative study of the 1987, 1973 and 1935 Philippine constitutions. Diliman, Quezon City, Philippines: Law Publishing House, Legal Resources Center, U.P. Law Complex.
Journal articles[edit]
McConnell, Michael W. (May 1990). "The Origins and Historical Understanding of Free Exercise of Religion". Harvard Law Review. 103 (7): 1409–1513. doi:10.2307/1341281. JSTOR 1341281.
Further reading[edit]
Cornelio, J.S. (2013). "Religious freedom in the Philippines: From legalities to lived experience". Review of Faith and International Affairs 11 (2): 36-45. http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/15570274.2013.808036
de la Costa, Horacio; John Schumacher (1976). Church and State: The Philippine Experience. Quezon City, Philippines: Loyola School of Theology.
External links[edit]
An article by Horacio De La Costa S.J. (archived from the original on 2002-04-02)
International Religious Freedom Reports Released by U.S. Department of State
Further reading[edit]
Church in Politics. Manila, 1992.
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