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Social alienation
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Social alienation is "a condition in social relationships reflected by a low degree of integration or common values and a high degree of distance or isolation between individuals, or between an individual and a group of people in a community or work environment".[1] It is a sociological concept developed by several classical and contemporary theorists.[2] The concept has many discipline-specific uses, and can refer both to a personal psychological state (subjectively) and to a type of social relationship (objectively).
Contents
1 History
1.1 17th century
1.2 Marx
1.3 Late 1800s to 1900s
2 Powerlessness
3 Meaninglessness
4 Normlessness
5 Relationships
6 Social isolation
7 Among returning war veterans
8 Political alienation
9 Self-estrangement
10 Mental disturbance
11 Disability
12 In art
13 See also
14 References
15 External links
History[edit]
The term alienation has been used over the ages with varied and sometimes contradictory meanings. In ancient history it could mean a metaphysical sense of achieving a higher state of contemplation, ecstasy or union—becoming alienated from a limited existence in the world, in a positive sense. Examples of this usage have been traced to neoplatonic philosophers such as Plotinus (in the Greek alloiosis). There have also long been religious concepts of being separated or cut off from God and the faithful, alienated in a negative sense. The New Testament mentions the term apallotrioomai in Greek—"being alienated from". Ideas of estrangement from a Golden Age, or due to a fall of man, or approximate equivalents in differing cultures or religions, have also been described as concepts of alienation. A double positive and negative sense of alienation is broadly shown in the spiritual beliefs referred to as Gnosticism.
Alienation has also had a particular legal-political meaning since at least Ancient Roman times, where to alienate property (alienato) is to transfer ownership of it to someone else. The term alienation itself comes from the Latin alienus which meant 'of another place or person', which in turn came from alius, meaning "other" or "another". An alienus in ancient Roman times could refer to someone else's slave. Another usage of the term in Ancient Greco-Roman times was by physicians referring to disturbed, difficult or abnormal states of mind, generally attributed to imbalanced physiology. In Latin alienatio mentis (mental alienation), this usage has been dated to Asclepiades.[3] Once translations of such works had resurfaced in the West in the 17th century, physicians again began using the term, which is typically attributed to Felix Platter.
In medieval times, a relationship between alienation and social order has been described, mediated in part by mysticism and monasticism. The Crusades and witch-hunts have been described as forms of mass alienation.[4]
17th century[edit]
In the 17th century, Hugo Grotius put forward the concept that everyone has 'sovereign authority' over themselves but that they could alienate that natural right to the common good, an early social contract theory. In the 18th century, Hutcheson introduced a distinction between alienable and unalienable rights in the legal sense of the term. Rousseau published influential works on the same theme, and is also seen as having popularized a more psychological-social concept relating to alienation from a state of nature due to the expansion of civil society or the nation state.
In the same century a law of alienation of affection was introduced for men to seek compensation from other men accused of taking away 'their' woman.
In the history of literature, the German Romantics appear to be the first group of writers and poets in whose work the concept of alienation is regularly found.[5] Around the start of the 19th century, Hegel popularized a Christian (Lutheran) and Idealist philosophy of alienation.[6] He used German terms in partially different senses, referring to a psychological state and an objective process, and in general posited that the self was an historical and social creation, which becomes alienated from itself via a perceived objective world, but can become de-alienated again when that world is seen as just another aspect of the self-consciousness, which may be achieved by self-sacrifice to the common good.
Around the same time, Pinel was popularizing a new understanding of mental alienation, particularly through his 'medical-philosophical treatise'. He argued that people could be disturbed (alienated) by emotional states and social conditions, without necessarily having lost (become alienated from) their reason, as had generally been assumed. Hegel praised Pinel for his 'moral treatment' approach, and developed related theories.[7][8] Nevertheless, as Foucault would later write, '...in an obscure, shared origin, the 'alienation' of physicians and the 'alienation' of philosophers started to take shape — two configurations in which man in any case corrupts his truth, but between which, after Hegel, the nineteenth century stopped seeing any trace of resemblance.'[9]
Two camps formed following Hegel, the 'young' or 'left' Hegelians who developed his philosophy to support innovations in politics or religion, and the 'old' or 'right' Hegelians who took his philosophy in a politically and religiously conservative direction. The former camp has had a more lasting influence and, among them, Feuerbach differed from Hegel in arguing that worship of God is itself a form of alienation, because it projects human qualities on to an external idea, rather than realising them as part of the self.
Marx[edit]
Main article: Marx's theory of alienation
Marx was initially in the Young Hegelian camp and, like Feuerbach, rejected the spiritual basis, and adapted Hegel's dialectic model to a theory of (historical) materialism. Marx's theory of alienation is articulated most clearly in the Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844 and The German Ideology (1846). The 'young' Marx wrote more often and directly of alienation than the 'mature' Marx, which some regard as an ideological break while others maintain that the concept remained central. There is generally held to be a transition from a philosophical-anthropological (Marxist humanism) concept (e.g. internal alienation from the self) to a structural-historical interpretation (e.g. external alienation by appropriation of labor), accompanied by a change in terminology from alienation to exploitation to commodity fetishism and reification.[10] Marx's concepts of alienation have been classed into four types by Kostas Axelos: Economic and Social Alienation, Political Alienation, Human Alienation, and Ideological Alienation.[11]
In the concept's most prominent use, it refers to the economic and social alienation aspect in which workers are disconnected from what they produce and why they produce. Marx believed that alienation is a systematic result of capitalism. Essentially, there is an "exploitation of men by men" where the division of labor creates an economic hierarchy (Axelos, 1976: 58). His theory of alienation was based upon his observation that in emerging industrial production under capitalism, workers inevitably lose control of their lives and selves by not having any control of their work. Workers never become autonomous, self-realized human beings in any significant sense, except in the way the bourgeoisie wants the worker to be realized. His theory relies on Feuerbach's The Essence of Christianity (1841), which argues that the idea of God has alienated the characteristics of the human being. Stirner would take the analysis further in The Ego and Its Own (1844), declaring that even 'humanity' is an alienating ideal for the individual, to which Marx and Engels responded in The German Ideology (1845). Alienation in capitalist societies occurs because in work each contributes to the common wealth but they can only express this fundamentally social aspect of individuality through a production system that is not publicly social but privately owned, for which each individual functions as an instrument, not as a social being. Kostas Axelos summarizes that for Marx, in capitalism "work renders man an alien to himself and to his own products." "The malaise of this alienation from the self means that the worker does not affirm himself but denies himself, does not feel content but unhappy....The worker only feels himself outside his work, and in his work he feels outside himself....Its alien character emerges clearly in the fact as soon as no physical or other compulsion exists, it is avoided like the plague.".[12][13] Marx also wrote, in a curtailed manner, that capitalist owners also experience alienation, through benefiting from the economic machine by endlessly competing, exploiting others and maintaining mass alienation in society.[14]
The idea of Political Alienation refers to the idea that "politics is the form that organizes the productive forces of the economy" in a way that is alienating because it "distorts the logic of economic development".[15]
In Human Alienation, individuals become estranged to themselves in the quest to stay alive, where "they lose their true existence in the struggle for subsistence" (Axelos, 1976: 111). Marx focuses on two aspects of human nature which he calls "historical conditions." The first aspect refers to the necessity of food, clothes, shelter, and more. Secondly, Marx believes that after satisfying these basic needs people have the tendency to develop more "needs" or desires that they will work towards satisfying, hence, humans become stuck in a cycle of never ending wants which makes them strangers to each other.[16]
When referring to ideological alienation, Axelos proposes that Marx believes that all religions divert people away from "their true happiness" and instead turn them towards "illusory happiness".[17]
There is a commonly noted problem of translation in grappling with ideas of alienation derived from German-language philosophical texts: the word alienation, and similar words such as estrangement, are often used interchangeably to translate two distinct German words, Entfremdung and Entäußerung. The former means specifically interpersonal estrangement, while the latter can have a broader and more active meaning that might refer also to externalization, relinquishment, or sale (alienation) of property. In general, and contrary to his predecessors, Marx may have used the terms interchangeably, though he also wrote "Entfremdung...constitutes the real interest of this Entäußerung."[18]
Late 1800s to 1900s[edit]
Many sociologists of the late 19th and early 20th centuries were concerned about alienating effects of modernization. German sociologists Georg Simmel and Ferdinand Tönnies wrote critical works on individualization and urbanization. Simmel's The Philosophy of Money describes how relationships become more and more mediated by money. Tönnies' Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft (Community and Society) is about the loss of primary relationships such as familial bonds in favour of goal-oriented, secondary relationships. This idea of alienation can be observed in some other contexts, although the term may not be as frequently used. In the context of an individual's relationships within society, alienation can mean the unresponsiveness of society as a whole to the individuality of each member of the society. When collective decisions are made, it is usually impossible for the unique needs of each person to be taken into account.
The American sociologist C. Wright Mills conducted a major study of alienation in modern society with White Collar in 1951, describing how modern consumption-capitalism has shaped a society where you have to sell your personality in addition to your work. Melvin Seeman was part of a surge in alienation research during the mid-20th century when he published his paper, "On the Meaning of Alienation", in 1959 (Senekal, 2010b: 7–8). Seeman used the insights of Marx, Emile Durkheim and others to construct what is often considered a model to recognize the five prominent features of alienation: powerlessness, meaninglessness, normlessness, isolation and self-estrangement (Seeman, 1959).[19] Seeman later added a sixth element (cultural estrangement), although this element does not feature prominently in later discussions of his work.
In a broader philosophical context, especially in existentialism and phenomenology, alienation describes the inadequacy of the human being (or the mind) in relation to the world. The human mind (as the subject who perceives) sees the world as an object of perception, and is distanced from the world, rather than living within it. This line of thought is generally traced to the works of Søren Kierkegaard in the 19th century, who, from a Christian viewpoint, saw alienation as separation from God, and also examined the emotions and feelings of individuals when faced with life choices. Many 20th-century philosophers (both theistic and atheistic) and theologians were influenced by Kierkegaard's notions of angst, despair and the importance of the individual. Martin Heidegger's concepts of anxiety (angst) and mortality drew from Kierkegaard; he is indebted to the way Kierkegaard lays out the importance of our subjective relation to truth, our existence in the face of death, the temporality of existence and the importance of passionately affirming one's being-in-the-world. Jean-Paul Sartre described the "thing-in-itself" which is infinite and overflowing, and claimed that any attempt to describe or understand the thing-in-itself is "reflective consciousness". Since there is no way for the reflective consciousness to subsume the pre-reflective, Sartre argued that all reflection is fated to a form of anxiety (i.e. the human condition). As well, Sartre argued that when a person tries to gain knowledge of the "Other" (meaning beings or objects that are not the self), their self-consciousness has a "masochistic desire" to be limited. This is expressed metaphorically in the line from the play No Exit, "Hell is other people".
In the theory of psychoanalysis developed around the start of the 20th century, Sigmund Freud did not explicitly address the concept of alienation, but other analysts subsequently have. It is a theory of divisions and conflicts between the conscious and unconscious mind, between different parts of a hypothetical psychic apparatus, and between the self and civilization. It postulates defense mechanisms, including splitting, in both normal and disturbed functioning. The concept of repression has been described as having functionally equivalent effects as the idea of false consciousness associated with Marxist theory.[20]
A form of Western Marxism developed during the century, which included influential analyses of false consciousness by György Lukács. Critics of bureaucracy and the Protestant Ethic also drew on the works of Max Weber.
Figures associated with critical theory, in particular with the Frankfurt School, such as Theodor Adorno and Erich Fromm, also developed theories of alienation, drawing on neo-Marxist ideas as well as other influences including neo-Freudian and sociological theories. One approach applies Marxist theories of commodification to the cultural, educational and party-political spheres. Links are drawn between socioeconomic structures, psychological states of alienation, and personal human relationships.[21] In the 1960s the revolutionary group Situationist International came to some prominence, staging 'situations' intended to highlight an alternative way of life to advanced capitalism, the latter conceptualized as a diffuse 'spectacle', a fake reality masking a degradation of human life. The Theory of Communicative Action associated with Jürgen Habermas emphasizes the essential role of language in public life, suggesting that alienation stems from the distortion of reasoned moral debate by the strategic dominance of market forces and state power.
This critical program can be contrasted with traditions that attempt to extract problems of alienation from the broader socioeconomic context, or which at least accept the broader context on its own terms, and which often attribute problems to individual abnormality or failures to adjust.[22]
After the boom in alienation research that characterized the 1950s and 1960s, interest in alienation research subsided (Geyer, 1996: xii), although in sociology it was maintained by the Research Committee on Alienation of the International Sociological Association (ISA). In the 1990s, there was again an upsurge of interest in alienation prompted by the fall of the Soviet Union, globalization, the information explosion, increasing awareness of ethnic conflicts, and post-modernism (see Geyer, 1996). Geyer believes the growing complexity of the contemporary world and post-modernism prompted a reinterpretation of alienation that suits the contemporary living environment. In late 20th and early 21st century sociology, it has been particularly the works of Felix Geyer, Lauren Langman and Devorah Kalekin-Fishman that address the issue of alienation in the contemporary western world.
Powerlessness[edit]
Alienation in the sense of a lack of power has been technically defined by Seeman as "the expectancy or probability held by the individual that his own behaviour cannot determine the occurrence of the outcomes, or reinforcements, he seeks." Seeman argues that this is "the notion of alienation as it originated in the Marxian view of the worker's condition in capitalist society: the worker is alienated to the extent that the prerogative and means of decision are expropriated by the ruling entrepreneurs".[23] Put more succinctly, Kalekin-Fishman (1996: 97) says, "A person suffers from alienation in the form of 'powerlessness' when she is conscious of the gap between what she would like to do and what she feels capable of doing".
In discussing powerlessness, Seeman also incorporated the insights of the psychologist Julian Rotter. Rotter distinguishes between internal control and external locus of control, which means "differences (among persons or situations) in the degree to which success or failure is attributable to external factors (e.g. luck, chance, or powerful others), as against success or failure that is seen as the outcome of one's personal skills or characteristics".[24] Powerlessness, therefore, is the perception that the individual does not have the means to achieve his goals.
More recently, Geyer[25] remarks that "a new type of powerlessness has emerged, where the core problem is no longer being unfree but rather being unable to select from among an overchoice of alternatives for action, whose consequences one often cannot even fathom". Geyer adapts cybernetics to alienation theory, and writes (1996: xxiv) that powerlessness is the result of delayed feedback: "The more complex one's environment, the later one is confronted with the latent, and often unintended, consequences of one's actions. Consequently, in view of this causality-obscuring time lag, both the 'rewards' and 'punishments' for one's actions increasingly tend to be viewed as random, often with apathy and alienation as a result".
Meaninglessness[edit]
A sense of meaning has been defined by Seeman as "the individual's sense of understanding events in which he is engaged".[26] Seeman (1959: 786) writes that meaninglessness "is characterized by a low expectancy that satisfactory predictions about the future outcomes of behaviour can be made." Whereas powerlessness refers to the sensed ability to control outcomes, this refers to the sensed ability to predict outcomes. In this respect, meaninglessness is closely tied to powerlessness; Seeman (Ibid.) argues, "the view that one lives in an intelligible world might be a prerequisite to expectancies for control; and the unintelligibility of complex affairs is presumably conducive to the development of high expectancies for external control (that is, high powerlessness)".
Geyer (1996: xxiii) believes meaninglessness should be reinterpreted for postmodern times: "With the accelerating throughput of information [...] meaningless is not a matter anymore of whether one can assign meaning to incoming information, but of whether one can develop adequate new scanning mechanisms to gather the goal-relevant information one needs, as well as more efficient selection procedures to prevent being overburdened by the information one does not need, but is bombarded with on a regular basis." "Information overload" or the so-called "data tsunami" are well-known information problems confronting contemporary man, and Geyer thus argues that meaninglessness is turned on its head.
Normlessness[edit]
Normlessness (or what Durkheim referred to as anomie) "denotes the situation in which the social norms regulating individual conduct have broken down or are no longer effective as rules for behaviour".[27] This aspect refers to the inability to identify with the dominant values of society or rather, with what are perceived to be the dominant values of society. Seeman (1959: 788) adds that this aspect can manifest in a particularly negative manner, "The anomic situation [...] may be defined as one in which there is a high expectancy that socially unapproved behaviours are required to achieve given goals". This negative manifestation is dealt with in detail by Catherine Ross and John Mirowski in a series of publications on mistrust, powerlessness, normlessness and crime.
Neal & Collas (2000: 122) write, "Normlessness derives partly from conditions of complexity and conflict in which individuals become unclear about the composition and enforcement of social norms. Sudden and abrupt changes occur in life conditions, and the norms that usually operate may no longer seem adequate as guidelines for conduct". This is a particular issue after the fall of the Soviet Union, mass migrations from developing to developed countries, and the general sense of disillusionment that characterized the 1990s (Senekal, 2011). Traditional values that had already been questioned (especially during the 1960s) were met with further scepticism in the 1990s, resulting in a situation where individuals rely more often on their own judgement than on institutions of authority: "The individual not only has become more independent of the churches, but from other social institutions as well. The individual can make more personal choices in far more life situations than before" (Halman, 1998: 100). These choices are not necessarily "negative": Halman's study found that Europeans remain relatively conservative morally, even though the authority of the Church and other institutions has eroded.
Relationships[edit]
One concept used in regard to specific relationships is that of parental alienation, where a child is distanced from and expresses a general dislike for one of their parents (who may have divorced or separated). The term is not applied where there is child abuse. The parental alienation might be due to specific influences from either parent or could result from the social dynamics of the family as a whole. It can also be understood in terms of attachment, the social and emotional process of bonding between child and caregiver. Adoptees can feel alienated from both adoptive parents and birth parents.[28]
Familial estrangement between parents and adult children "is attributed to a number of biological, psychological, social, and structural factors affecting the family, including attachment disorders, incompatible values and beliefs, unfulfilled expectations, critical life events and transitions, parental alienation, and ineffective communication patterns." The degree of alienation has been positively correlated with decreased emotional functioning in the parent who feels a loss of identity and stigma.[29][30]
Attachment relationships in adults can also involve feelings of alienation.[31] Indeed, emotional alienation is said to be a common way of life for many, whether it is experienced as overwhelming, or is not admitted to in the midst of a socioeconomic race, or contributes to seemingly unrelated problems.[32]
Social isolation[edit]
Social isolation refers to "The feeling of being segregated from one's community".[33] Neal and Collas (2000: 114) emphasize the centrality of social isolation in the modern world: "While social isolation is typically experienced as a form of personal stress, its sources are deeply embedded in the social organization of the modern world. With increased isolation and atomization, much of our daily interactions are with those who are strangers to us and with whom we lack any ongoing social relationships."
Since the fall of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, migrants from Eastern Europe and the developing countries have flocked to developed countries in search of a better living standard. This has led to entire communities becoming uprooted: no longer fully part of their homelands, but neither integrated into their adopted communities. Diaspora literature depicts the plights of these migrants, such as Hafid Bouazza in Paravion. Senekal (2010b: 41) argues, "Low-income communities or religious minorities may feel separated from mainstream society, leading to backlashes such as the civil unrest that occurred in French cities in October 2005. The fact that the riots subsequently spread to Belgium, Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands, Spain, Greece, and Switzerland, illustrates that not only did these communities feel segregated from mainstream society, but also that they found a community in their isolation; they regarded themselves as kindred spirits".
Among returning war veterans[edit]
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Because of intense group solidarity and unique daily hardships brought by combat, many veterans feel alienated from citizens, family, and friends when they return. They often feel they have little in common with civilian peers; issues that concern friends and family seem trivial after combat.[34] There is a clarity of focus and purpose that comes with war that few in civilian life will ever know. Afghanistan veteran Brendon O'Byrne says, "We were really close. Physically and emotionally close. It's kind of terrifying being in such an emotionally safe environment and then suddenly be expelled into an alienated, fractured society."[35] The challenges of re-entering a civilian life where few people have experienced combat may contribute to the sense of loneliness.[36] As filmmaker and war correspondent Sebastian Junger says, "They didn't want to go back because it was traumatic, but because it was a place where they understood what they were supposed to do. They understood who they were. They had a sense of purpose. They were necessary. All these things that young people strive for are answered in combat."[37] Veterans often see their wartime experience as the most selfless and meaningful period of their lives.[citation needed] Some veterans have expressed the sentiment that "even in the quiet moments, war is brighter, louder, brasher, more fun, more tragic, more wasteful. More. More of everything."[38]
The experience of the Vietnam veteran was distinctly different from that of veterans of other American wars.[39] Once he completed his tour of duty, he usually severed all bonds with his unit and comrades. It was extremely rare for a veteran to write to his buddies who were still in combat, and (in strong contrast to the endless reunions of World War II veterans) for more than a decade it was even rarer for more than two or more of them to get together after the war.[40] Korean War veterans had no memorial and precious few parades, but they fought an invading army and they left behind them the free, healthy, thriving, and grateful nation of South Korea. No one spat on them or called them murderers or baby killers when they returned. Only the veterans of Vietnam have endured a concerted, organized, psychological attack by its own people. Never in American history, perhaps never in all of Western civilization, has an army suffered such an agony from its own people.[41] The Vietnam War was a long, contentious conflict (1955–75) which in the mid to late 1960s started to lose political and domestic support, most notably in academia and film that often portrayed soldiers of this conflict as ignoble adding to their social alienation. That the Vietnam War was ultimately lost on April 30, 1975, furthered the sense of meaninglessness and malaise.[42] It has been demonstrated that as the perception of community alienation increases, an individual's sense of confidence or mastery in decision making will decrease, and so too their motivation to socially engage.[1][43]
Political alienation[edit]
One manifestation of the above dimensions of alienation can be a feeling of estrangement from, and a lack of engagement in, the political system. Such political alienation could result from not identifying with any particular political party or message, and could result in revolution, reforming behavior, or abstention from the political process, possibly due to voter apathy.[44]
A similar concept is policy alienation, where workers experience a state of psychological disconnection from a policy programme being implemented.
Self-estrangement[edit]
Self-estrangement is an elusive concept in sociology, as recognized by Seeman (1959), although he included it as an aspect in his model of alienation. Some, with Marx, consider self-estrangement to be the end result and thus the heart of social alienation. Self-estrangement can be defined as "the psychological state of denying one's own interests – of seeking out extrinsically satisfying, rather than intrinsically satisfying, activities...".[33] It could be characterized as a feeling of having become a stranger to oneself, or to some parts of oneself, or alternatively as a problem of self-knowledge, or authenticity.
Seeman (1959) recognized the problems inherent in defining the "self", while post-modernism in particular has questioned the very possibility of pin-pointing what precisely "self" constitutes. Gergen (1996: 125) argues that: "the traditional view of self versus society is deeply problematic and should be replaced by a conception of the self as always already immersed in relatedness. On this account, the individual's lament of 'not belonging' is partially a by-product of traditional discourses themselves". If the self is relationally constituted, does it make sense to speak of "self-estrangement" rather than "social isolation"? Costas and Fleming (2009: 354) suggest that although the concept of self-estrangement "has not weathered postmodern criticisms of essentialism and economic determinism well", the concept still has value if a Lacanian reading of the self is adopted. This can be seen as part of a wider debate on the concept of self between humanism and antihumanism, structuralism and post-structuralism, or nature and nurture.
Mental disturbance[edit]
Until early in the 20th century, psychological problems were referred to in psychiatry as states of mental alienation, implying that a person had become separated from themselves, their reason or the world. From the 1960s alienation was again considered in regard to clinical states of disturbance, typically using a broad concept of a 'schizoid' ('splitting') process taken from psychoanalytic theory. The splitting was said to occur within regular child development and in everyday life, as well as in more extreme or dysfunctional form in conditions such as schizoid personality and schizophrenia. Varied concepts of alienation and self-estrangement were used to link internal schizoid states with observable symptoms and with external socioeconomic divisions, without necessarily explaining or evidencing underlying causation. R. D. Laing was particularly influential in arguing that dysfunctional families and socioeconomic oppression caused states of alienation and ontological insecurity in people, which could be considered adaptations but which were diagnosed as disorders by mainstream psychiatry and society.(Laing,[1967] 1959).[45] The specific theories associated with Laing and others at that time are not widely accepted, but work from other theoretical perspectives sometimes addresses the same theme.[46][47]
In a related vein, for Ian Parker, psychology normalizes conditions of social alienation. While it could help groups of individuals emancipate themselves, it serves the role of reproducing existing conditions.(Parker, 2007). This view can be seen as part of a broader tradition sometimes referred to as critical psychology or liberation psychology, which emphasizes that an individual is enmeshed within a social-political framework, and so therefore are psychological problems. Similarly, some psychoanalysts suggest that while psychoanalysis emphasizes environmental causes and reactions, it also attributes the problems of individuals to internal conflicts stemming from early psychosocial development, effectively divorcing them from the wider ongoing context.[48] Slavoj Zizek (drawing on Herbert Marcuse, Michel Foucault, and Jacques Lacan's psychoanalysis) argues that in today's capitalist society, the individual is estranged from their self through the repressive injunction to "enjoy!" Such an injunction does not allow room for the recognition of alienation and, indeed, could itself be seen as an expression of alienation.(Zizek, 1994).
Frantz Fanon, an early writer on postcolonialism, studied the conditions of objectification and violent oppression (lack of autonomy) believed to have led to mental disorders among the colonized in the Third World (in particular Africans) (Fanon, ([2004] 1961).
A process of 'malignant alienation' has been observed in regard to some psychiatric patients, especially in forensic units and for individuals labeled 'difficult' or who aren't liked by at least some staff, which involves a breakdown of the therapeutic relationship between staff and patients, and which may end in the suicide of the patient.[49][50] Individuals with long-term mental disorders, which may have originally stemmed from social alienation, can experience particular social and existential alienation within their communities due to other people's and potentially their own negative attitudes towards themselves and 'odd' behavior.[51]
Disability[edit]
Differences between persons with disabilities and individuals in relative abilities, or perceived abilities, can be a cause of alienation. One study, "Social Alienation and Peer Identification: A Study of the Social Construction of Deafness",[52] found that among deaf adults one theme emerged consistently across all categories of life experience: social rejection by, and alienation from, the larger hearing community. Only when the respondents described interactions with deaf people did the theme of isolation give way to comments about participation and meaningful interaction. This appeared to be related to specific needs, for example for real conversation, for information, the opportunity to develop close friendships and a sense of family. It was suggested that the social meaning of deafness is established by interaction between deaf and hearing people, sometimes resulting in marginalization of the deaf, which is sometimes challenged. It has also led to the creation of alternatives and the deaf community is described as one such alternative.
Physicians and nurses often deal with people who are temporarily or permanently alienated from communities, which could be a result or a cause of medical conditions and suffering, and it has been suggested that therefore attention should be paid to learning from experiences of the special pain that alienation can bring.[53][54]
In art[edit]
Alienation is most often represented in literature as the psychological isolation of an individual from society or community. In a volume of Bloom's Literary Themes, Shakespeare's Hamlet is described as the 'supreme literary portrait' of alienation, while noting that some may argue for Achilles in the Iliad. In addition, Bartleby, the Scrivener is introduced as a perfect example because so many senses of alienation are present. Other literary works described as dealing with the theme of alienation are: The Bell Jar, Black Boy, Brave New World, The Catcher in the Rye, The Chosen, Dubliners, Othello, Fahrenheit 451, Invisible Man, Mrs Dalloway, Notes from Underground, One Flew Over the Cuckoo's Nest, The Strange Case of Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde, The Stranger and The Myth of Sisyphus, The Trial, The Castle, Waiting for Godot, The Waste Land, and Young Goodman Brown.[55] Contemporary British works noted for their perspective on alienation include The Child in Time, London Fields, Trainspotting, and Regeneration (Senekal, 2008 & 2010b: 102–123).
Sociologist Harry Dahms has analysed The Matrix Trilogy of films in the context of theories of alienation in modern society. He suggests that the central theme of The Matrix is the "all-pervasive yet increasingly invisible prevalence of alienation in the world today, and difficulties that accompany attempts to overcome it".[56]
See also Langman's study of punk, porn, and resistance (2008) and Senekal's (2011) study of Afrikaans extreme metal.
British progressive rock band Pink Floyd's concept album The Wall (1979) and British alternative rock band Radiohead's album OK Computer (1997), both deal with the subject of alienation in their lyrics.
See also[edit]
Sociology portal
Emptiness
Hermit
Meaning of life
Misanthropy
Proactive policing
Social capital
Social comparison theory
Social exclusion
Uncanny
References[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b Ankony, Robert C., "The Impact of Perceived Alienation on Police Officers' Sense of Mastery and Subsequent Motivation for Proactive Enforcement", Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies and Management, vol. 22, no. 2 (1999): 120–32. [1]
Jump up ^ Esp., Emile Durkheim, 1951, 1984; Erich Fromm, 1941, 1955; Karl Marx, 1846, 1867; Georg Simmel, 1950, 1971; Melvin Seeman, 1959; Kalekin-Fishman, 1998, and Robert Ankony, 1999.
Jump up ^ E Regis (1895) A practical manual of mental medicine 2nd ed., thoroughly rev. and largely rewritten. by E. Régis; with a preface by M. Benjamin Ball; authorized translation by H.M. Bannister; with introduction by the author. Published 1895 by Blakiston in Philadelphia. Originally bound and printed by 'the insane' of Utica asylum
Jump up ^ Gerhart B. Ladner (1967), "Homo Viator: Mediaeval Ideas on Alienation and Order," Speculum, Vol. 42, No. 2, pp. 233–259 (stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/pss/2854675)
Jump up ^ Rado Pribic (2008) Alienation, Irony, and German Romanticism, Lafayette College, Easton, PA
Jump up ^ Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy (1998): "Alienation."
Jump up ^ Dora B. Weiner Nine: Mind and Body in the Clinic in Rousseau, G.S., editor The Languages of Psyche: Mind and Body in Enlightenment Thought. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990.
Jump up ^ Daniel Berthold-Bond, Hegel's theory of madness, SUNY Press, 1995
Jump up ^ Foucault, Michel. Madness and Civilization, 1964/2001, Pg209. Also known (unabridged) as History of Madness 1961/2006, Pg 372. Routledge.
Jump up ^ Frédéric Vandenberghe A Philosophical History of German Sociology Chapter One: Karl Marx: critique of the triple inversion of subject and objects: Alienation, exploitation, and commodity fetishism. 2009, translated from the French
Jump up ^ (Axelos, 1976)
Jump up ^ Marx-Engels, in Zeitin, 1968:87
Jump up ^ Purdue, William D., Sociological Theory: Explanation, Paradigm, and Ideology, Mayfield Publishing Co., Palo Alto, CA, 1986:325
Jump up ^ Bertell Ollman (1976) Alienation: Marx's Conception of Man in Capitalist Society Chapter 23: The Capitalist's Alienation. Cambridge U.P., 1971; 2nd ed., 1976
Jump up ^ (Axelos, 1976: 87)
Jump up ^ (Axelos, 1976: 113)
Jump up ^ (Axelos, 1976: 161-162)
Jump up ^ Chris Arthur (1986), The Dialectics of Labor (Oxford: Blackwell, 1986), p. 132.
Jump up ^ Ankony, Robert C., "The Impact of Perceived Alienation on Police Officer's Sense of Mastery and Subsequent Motivation for Proactive Enforcement," Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies and Management, vol. 22, no.2 (1999): 120-32. [2]
Jump up ^ Felix Geyer (2001) Alienation, Sociology of in International Encyclopedia of the Social and Behavioral Sciences, Paul Baltes and Neil Smelser, Eds., London: Elsevier
Jump up ^ Rafael D. Pangilinan (2009) Against Alienation: The Emancipative Potential of Critical Pedagogy in Fromm Kritike, Vol3, No2
Jump up ^ Dahms, H. "Does Alienation have a Future? Recapturing the Core of Critical Theory." In Trauma, Promise, and the Millennium: The Evolution of Alienation. ed. L. Langman and D.K. Fishman. Rowman & Littlefield, 2005.
Jump up ^ (Seeman, 1959: 784)
Jump up ^ (Seeman, 1966: 355)
Jump up ^ Geyer (1996: xxiii)
Jump up ^ (Seeman, 1959: 786)
Jump up ^ (Seeman, 1959: 787)
Jump up ^ Journey of the Adopted Self: A Quest for Wholeness
Jump up ^ Agllias, Kylie. (Sep 2013). Family Estrangement. Encyclopedia of Social Work. Subject: Couples and Families, Aging and Older Adults, Children and Adolescents.DOI: 10.1093/acrefore/9780199975839.013.919
Jump up ^ McKnight, A. S. (2003). The impact of cutoff in families raising adolescents. In P. Titelman (Ed.), Emotional cutoff: Bowen family systems theory perspectives (pp. 273–284). New York, NY: Haworth Clinical Practice Press.
Jump up ^ AAMFT Consumer Update
Jump up ^ Rokach, Ami (2004). "Loneliness then and now: Reflections on social and emotional alienation in everyday life". Current Psychology. 23 (1): 24–40. doi:10.1007/s12144-004-1006-1.
^ Jump up to: a b (Kalekin-Fishman, 1996: 97)
Jump up ^ Welch, William M., "Trauma of Iraq war haunting thousands returning home," USA Today, February 28, 2005
Jump up ^ Junger, Sebastian, "Warfighter's paradox", Army Times, Washington, D.C., June 10, 2014, p. 26.
Jump up ^ Junger, Sebastian, "Warfighter's paradox", Army Times, Washington, D.C., June 10, 2014, p. 27.
Jump up ^ "Interview", Military History, Weider History Group, Inc. Leesburg, VA, November 2012. pp. 14–15.
Jump up ^ Mokenhaupt, Brian, "I Miss Iraq. I Miss My Gun. I Miss My War," Esquire, June 26, 2007.
Jump up ^ Grossman, Lt. Col. Dave, On Killing: The Psychological Cost of Learning to Kill in War and Society, Time Warner Book Group, New York, NY (1996): 275.
Jump up ^ Grossman, Lt. Col. Dave, On Killing: The Psychological Cost of Learning to Kill in War and Society, Time Warner Book Group, New York, NY (1996): 275-76.
Jump up ^ Grossman, Lt. Col. Dave, Psychologist, On Killing: The Psychological Cost of Learning to Kill in War and Society, Time Warner Book Group, New York, NY (1996): 290.
Jump up ^ Ankony, Robert C, "Perspectives," Vietnam magazine, August 2002: 58–61. [3]
Jump up ^ "Ankony, Robert C., "Community Alienation and Its Impact on Police," Police Chief, October 1999: 150-53. [4]
Jump up ^ David C. Schwartz Political Alienation and Political Behavior Transaction Publishers, 30 Apr 2007
Jump up ^ Johnson, Frank (1975) Psychological Alienation: Isolation and Self-Estrangement Psychoanalytic Review 62:3 Pg 369. Reprinted from Alienation: Concept, Term, and Meanings, 1973.
Jump up ^ Lysaker, P. H.; Lysaker, J. T. (17 July 2008). "Schizophrenia and Alterations in Self-experience: A Comparison of 6 Perspectives". Schizophrenia Bulletin. 36 (2): 331–340. doi:10.1093/schbul/sbn077. PMC 2833111  . PMID 18635676.
Jump up ^ Gottschalk, LA; Fronczek, J; Abel, L; Buchsbaum, MS (Sep–Oct 1992). "The relationship between social alienation and disorganized thinking in normal subjects and localized cerebral glucose metabolic rates assessed by positron emission tomography". Comprehensive psychiatry. 33 (5): 332–41. doi:10.1016/0010-440X(92)90041-N. PMID 1395553.
Jump up ^ Lynne Layton, Nancy Caro Hollander, Susan Gutwill (Eds) (2006) Psychoanalysis, class and politics: encounters in the clinical setting Introduction; Pg 47
Jump up ^ Mary Whittle Chapter 7: Malignant Alienation. In Gwen Adshead, Caroline Jacob Personality disorder: the definitive reader 2008
Jump up ^ Hadfield, J.; Brown, D.; Pembroke, L.; Hayward, M. (8 May 2009). "Analysis of Accident and Emergency Doctors' Responses to Treating People Who Self-Harm". Qualitative Health Research. 19 (6): 755–765. doi:10.1177/1049732309334473.
Jump up ^ Erdner, Anette; Magnusson, Annabella; Nystrom, Maria; Lutzen, Kim (1 December 2005). "Social and existential alienation experienced by people with long-term mental illness". Scandinavian Journal of Caring Sciences. 19 (4): 373–380. doi:10.1111/j.1471-6712.2005.00364.x.
Jump up ^ Foster, S. (1989), Social Alienation and Peer Identification: A Study of the Social Construction of Deafness, Human Organization, Volume 48, Number 3, pp. 226–235
Jump up ^ Janice L. Willms Lingua Medica: Alienation and Imagination: The Literature of Exclusion Annals of Internal Medicine June 1, 1997 vol. 126 no. 11 923-926
Jump up ^ Younger, JB (June 1995). "The alienation of the sufferer". Advances in Nursing Science. 17 (4): 53–72. PMID 7625781.
Jump up ^ Blake Hobby, Harold Bloom (Ed) Bloom's Literary Themes: Alienation Infobase Publishing, 1 Feb 2009
Jump up ^ Harry F. Dahms THE MATRIX Trilogy as Critical Theory of Alienation: Communicating a Message of Radical Transformation. Transdisciplinary Journal of Emergence. 3 (1) 2005: 108–24.
External links[edit]
Alienation, Psychology and Human Resource Management (2006)
Co-operatives as spaces of cultural resistance and transformation in alienated consumer society (2006)
Culture Crises in Our Youths: A Result of Linguistic Alienation (Nigeria) (2008)
Encyclopedic and Dictionary articles on Alienation (misc)
Escaping alienation:a philosophy of alienation and dealienation (Philosophy) (2002)
Exposing and Overcoming Linguistic Alienation and Linguistic Violence (1998)
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Gilly, Gilly, Ossenfeffer, Katzenellen Bogen by the Sea
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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This article relies largely or entirely on a single source. Relevant discussion may be found on the talk page. Please help improve this article by introducing citations to additional sources. (December 2015)
"Gilly Gilly Ossenfeffer Katzenellen Bogen by the Sea" is a popular song written by Al Hoffman and Dick Manning and published in 1954.
Contents
[hide]
1 The Four Lads
2 Max Bygraves version
3 Media
4 References
The Four Lads[edit]
The best-known version in the United States was recorded by The Four Lads with teenage girls Lillian Pasciolla and others on February 27, 1954. The best-known version in the United Kingdom is by Max Bygraves, also recorded in 1954.
The recording by The Four Lads was released in the US by Columbia Records as catalog number 40236. It first reached the Billboard Best Seller chart on July 3, 1954, peaking at #18.[1]
Max Bygraves version[edit]
Max Bygraves' version was recorded on 23 June 1954 with a children's chorus and orchestra directed by Frank Cordell, and released in the UK by HMV as catalog number B 10734. It entered the UK chart on 10 September 1954. It spent eight weeks on the chart, peaking at #7. The "Children" were from the Italia Conti school, which was just off Piccadilly Circus at the time.
Media[edit]
The song is frequently featured in the game known as "One Song to the Tune of Another" in the long-running radio panel show, I'm Sorry I Haven't a Clue.[when?]
Heino Gaze has written the German lyrics. The German title is identical with the original title. Bibi Johns und Die Starlets, Franz Thon und das Tanzorchester des NWDR, Hamburg, recorded it in Hamburg on September 5, 1954. The song was released by Electrola as catalog number EG 8116.
The song was sung by Dennis Day and the Sportsmen Quartet on the Jack Benny Show 28 September 1952. [Generic Radio Workshop OTR Script:Jack Benny Show. High Noon Sept 28, 1952] The Audio File [1] does not contain this song.
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Whitburn, Joel (1973). Top Pop Records 1940-1955. Record Research.
[hide]
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On the Sunny Side
Breezin' Along
Swing Along
Everything Goes!!!
Singles
"The Mocking Bird"
"Somebody Loves Me"
"Faith Can Move Mountains" [with Johnnie Ray]
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"Gilly, Gilly, Ossenfeffer, Katzenellen Bogen by the Sea"
"Skokiaan"
"Moments to Remember"
"No, Not Much!"
"Standing On the Corner"
"My Little Angel"
"A House with Love in It"
"The Bus Stop Song"
"Who Needs You?"
"I Just Don't Know"
"Put a Light in the Window"
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This pop standards-related article is a stub. You can help Wikipedia by expanding it.
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text:
In the Sweet By-and-By
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Some of this article's listed sources may not be reliable. Please help this article by looking for better, more reliable sources. Unreliable citations may be challenged or deleted. (June 2012) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
"The Sweet By-and-By"
Cover of original Lyon & Healy sheet music, 1868
Hymn
Published
1868
Composer(s)
Joseph P. Webster
Lyricist(s)
S. Fillmore Bennett
"The Sweet By-and-By" is a Christian hymn with lyrics by S. Fillmore Bennett and music by Joseph P. Webster. It is recognizable by its chorus:
In the sweet by and by
We shall meet on that beautiful shore.
In the sweet by and by
We shall meet on that beautiful shore.[1]
Contents
[hide]
1 Background
2 Performance history
2.1 "Placentero" text
2.2 Parodies and satire
3 References
4 Bibliography
5 External links
Background[edit]
Bennett described the composition of the hymn in his autobiography.
Mr. Webster, like many musicians, was of an exceedingly nervous and sensitive nature, and subject to periods of depression, in which he looked upon the dark side of all things in life. I had learned his peculiarities so well that on meeting him I could tell at a glance if he was melancholy, and had found that I could rouse him up by giving him a new song to work on.
He came into my place of business [in Elkhorn, Wisconsin], walked down to the stove, and turned his back on me without speaking. I was at my desk. Turning to him, I said, “Webster, what is the matter now?” “It’s no matter,” he replied, “it will be all right by and by.” The idea of the hymn came me like a flash of sunlight, and I replied, “The Sweet By and By! Why would not that make a good hymn?” “Maybe it would,” he said indifferently. Turning to my desk I penned the words of the hymn as fast as I could write. I handed the words to Webster. As he read his eyes kindled, and stepping to the desk he began writing the notes. Taking his violin, he played the melody and then jotted down the notes of the chorus. It was not over thirty minutes from the time I took my pen to write the words before two friends with Webster and myself were singing the hymn.—Sanford Fillmore Bennett (1836-1898)[2]
Performance history[edit]
The hymn, immensely popular in the nineteenth century, became a Gospel standard and has appeared in hymnals ever since. In the New Orleans jazz tradition 'Sweet By-and-By' is a standard dirge played in so-called "jazz funerals". The American composer Charles Ives quoted the hymn in several works, most notably in the finale of his Orchestral Set No. 2, written between 1915 and 1919. Translations of the text exist in a number of world languages.
'Sweet By-and-By' continues to be regularly performed. Noteworthy recordings over the years have been made by Elvis Presley, Louis Armstrong, Johnny Cash, Glen Campbell, Dolly Parton, Willie Nelson and Loretta Lynn.
The hymn is also heard in films, including Sergeant York (1941), Benny and Joon and Django Unchained (2012).
"Placentero" text[edit]
The 1907 Spanish Latter-day Saint hymnal contained a similar song, titled "Hay un Mundo Feliz Más Allá" and set to the same tune modified by adding to all parts the notes of the traditional first response in the call-and-response division of the refrain. This hymn was copied with permission from the American Tract Society's Himnos evangélicos.[3][4] During the era of the Mexican Revolution, Andrés C. Gonzalez, an early LDS missionary in Mexico, sang "Hay un mundo feliz más allá" in public and was arrested for "stealing" the Protestants' song.[5] While incarcerated, he rewrote the lyrics, which appeased the police.[5] This revised version appears in place of the original in every Spanish LDS hymnal from 1912 on.[6][7] It was titled "Despedida" until the 1992 hymnal, which changed the title to match the first line of the song, "Placentero nos es trabajar".[6][8]
Parodies and satire[edit]
During the American Civil War, veterans sang a song devoted to "The Army Bean" which used a tune derivative of "The Sweet By-and-By".
Mark Twain made fun of the song's ubiquitous popularity, along with the demographic groups in which it became popular, in chapter 17 ("A Banquet") of his 1889 satirical novel A Connecticut Yankee In King Arthur's Court. The protagonist, Hank Morgan, a visitor from the future, attends a lavish court dinner given by Morgan Le Fay, King Arthur's sister, during which guests are regaled with music:
In a gallery a band with cymbals, horns, harps, and other horrors, opened the proceedings with what seemed to be the crude first-draft or original agony of the wail known to later centuries as "In the Sweet Bye and Bye." It was new, and ought to have been rehearsed a little more. For some reason or other the queen had the composer hanged, after dinner.
The hymn was parodied by Joe Hill in 1911 as "The Preacher and the Slave", in which the phrase "pie in the sky" was coined as a satirical comment on the Christian conception of heavenly reward.
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Bennett, "The Sweet By and By."
Jump up ^ Sankey, My Life and the Story of the Gospel Hymns, pp. 199-200.
Jump up ^ "Hay un Mundo Feliz Más Allá". Himnario Mormón. Mexico: Talleres Tipograficos de Müller Hnos. 1907. p. 63. Note that page 2 mistakenly attributes the song to the Himnario evangélico, which did not in fact contain any rendition of "The Sweet By-and-By".
Jump up ^ "Hay un mundo feliz más allá". Himnos evangélicos. New York: American Tract Society. 1895. p. 140.
^ Jump up to: a b Fallick, Don (February 2009). "Placentero nos es trabajar". Gospel-friendly Guitar Tabs. Blogger.
^ Jump up to: a b Duffy, John-Charles; Olaiz, Hugo (2002). "Correlated Praise: The Development of the Spanish Hymnal" (PDF). Dialogue. 35 (2): 90–92.
Jump up ^ Gonzalez, Andrés C (1996). Placentero nos es trabajar. Himnos. Salt Lake City, Utah: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. p. 88.
Jump up ^ "Títulos y primeras frases". Himnos. Salt Lake City, Utah: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. 1996. Este es un índice de los títulos actuales de los himnos y de la primera frase de cada uno de ellos, en el caso de que ésta sea muy diferente del título, así como de los títulos que llevaban en el himnario Himnos de Sión. Todas las partidas que no sean el título actual de un himno aparecen en letras itálicas.
Bibliography[edit]
Bennett, S. Fillmore (w.); J.P. Webster (m.). "The Sweet By And By". Chicago: Lyon & Healy (1868).
Sankey, Ira D. My Life and the Story of the Gospel Hymns and of Sacred Songs and Solos. Philadelphia: The Sunday School Times Company (1906).
External links[edit]
"In The Sweet By And By", Artisan Band (2006-08-13: Artisan iMix 2.0 Bluegrass Week)(CC2.5)—Internet Archive.
Words, sheet music & MIDI at the Cyber Hymnal
Sheet music (PriMus and .png) in german and english and midi score at steamboat-electric
In the Sweet By and By - Free Piano MP3 at HymnPod
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=In_the_Sweet_By-and-By&oldid=777120452"
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text:
List of prisoners of the Tower of London
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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The Tower of London
The 15th century Tower in a manuscript of poems by Charles, Duke of Orléans (1391-1465) commemorating his imprisonment there (British Library).
The Two Princes Edward and Richard in the Tower, 1483 by Sir John Everett Millais, 1878, part of the Royal Holloway picture collection
From an early stage of its history, one of the functions of the Tower of London has been to act as a prison, though it was not designed as one. The earliest known prisoner was Ranulf Flambard in 1100 who,[1] as Bishop of Durham, was found guilty of extortion. He had been responsible for various improvements to the design of the tower after the first architect Gundulf moved back to Rochester. He escaped from the White Tower by climbing down a rope, which had been smuggled into his cell in a wine casket.
Other prisoners include:
Contents
[hide]
1 1100s
2 1200s
3 1300s
4 1400s
5 1500s
6 1600s
7 1700s
8 1900s
9 References
10 External links
1100s[edit]
William, Count of Mortain in 1106 as a prisoner of war.
Constance of France in 1150 on orders of Geoffrey de Mandeville.
William Fitz Osbert in 1196 for protesting taxation levied for rescue of Richard I
John de Courcy in 1199 for rebellion in Ireland.
1200s[edit]
Hubert de Burgh, 1st Earl of Kent, Regent to Henry III, was imprisoned from 1232 until pardoned in 1234.
Gruffydd ap Llywelyn Fawr, a Welsh prince, the eldest but illegitimate son of Llywelyn the Great ("Llywelyn Fawr") was imprisoned in 1241. He fell to his death in 1244 whilst trying to escape.[1]
John of Scotland (John de Balliol) - after being forced to abdicate the crown of Scotland by Edward I he was imprisoned in the Tower from 1296 to 1299.
William 'le hardi' Douglas, Lord of Douglas and Scots governor of Berwick-upon-Tweed, imprisoned 1297, murdered in the Tower 1298.
1300s[edit]
William Wallace was imprisoned for a short time before his execution in 1305.
David II of Scotland was imprisoned in 1346 after being captured at the Battle of Neville's Cross.
John Graham, Earl of Menteith imprisoned after Neville's Cross, hanged, drawn and quartered in 1347.
John II of France was imprisoned after being captured at the Battle of Poitiers in 1356. Released in 1360 to raise his ransom, he returned to England when his son Louis, used as replacement hostage, escaped from captivity in July 1363. Greeted in London with parades and feasts, he fell ill a few months later and died at the Savoy in April 1364.
Richard II of England used it as a refuge from rebels in 1399 before being taken to Pontefract Castle, where he was murdered.
1400s[edit]
James I of Scotland, then heir to the Scottish throne, was kidnapped while travelling to France in 1406 and imprisoned in the Tower until 1408 before being transferred to Nottingham Castle.[2]
The family of Owain Glyndŵr was imprisoned in the Tower in 1409, a year after Glyndŵr had been defeated by Henry IV.[2]
Charles, Duke of Orléans was imprisoned in various English castles between 1415 and 1440, including the White Tower of the Tower of London as prisoner.[1]
Henry VI of England was imprisoned in the Tower after his capture between 1465 and 1470 and again in 1471, when he was murdered on 21 May 1471.
Margaret of Anjou, consort of Henry VI, was imprisoned after being captured at the Battle of Tewkesbury in 1471 until ransomed in 1475.
George Plantagenet, 1st Duke of Clarence, brother of King Edward IV of England, imprisoned in 1477 for treason and privately executed there in 1478.
Edward V of England and his brother Richard of Shrewsbury, also known as the Princes in the Tower were sent to the tower in 1483 "for their own protection" after the death of their father by their uncle, Richard Duke of Gloucester and who then, according to popular belief, ordered their deaths.
Edward Plantagenet, 17th Earl of Warwick, was imprisoned in 1485 by Henry VII and executed in 1499.
Sir William Stanley helped defeat Richard III at the Battle of Bosworth in 1485. He is often credited as placing Richard III's crown on Henry Tudor's head to become Henry VII. Ten years later in 1495 Henry VII imprisoned the same Sir William Stanley in the Tower, and upon conviction for treason had Sir William executed at Tower Hill.
Michael An Gof and Thomas Flamank, the leaders of The Cornish Rebellion of 1497 were sent to the Tower before their execution.[3]
Perkin Warbeck was imprisoned in 1497 alongside the Earl of Warwick. He was executed on the orders of Henry VII in 1499, while trying to escape with the Earl.
1500s[edit]
Sir William de la Pole. A nephew of Edward IV and thus potential Yorkist claimant to the throne, he was incarcerated at the Tower for 37 years (1502–1539) for allegedly plotting against Henry VII, thus becoming the longest-held prisoner.
John Frith, a contemporary of William Tyndale, was imprisoned for 8 months before being tried for heresy and burnt at the stake in Smithfield on 4 July 1533, he is considered to be the first Protestant martyr.
Saint John Fisher was executed on Tower Hill on 22 June 1535. Thomas Cranmer's consecration as Archbishop of Canterbury had taken place in March 1533, and, a week later, John Fisher was arrested.
Saint Thomas More was imprisoned on 17 April 1534 for treason. He was executed on 6 July 1535 and his body was buried at the Tower of London.
Blessed Thomas Abel, chaplain to Queen Catherine of Aragon, was imprisoned for refusing to accept the annulment of her marriage to Henry VIII. He was put to death in Smithfield on 30 July 1540.
Anne Boleyn, second wife of Henry VIII of England, was imprisoned on 2 May 1536 on charges of High Treason: adultery, incest, and witchcraft. She remained a prisoner until 19 May 1536 when she was beheaded by a French swordsman on Tower Green.
In 1539, Hugh Latimer opposed Henry VIII's Six Articles, with the result that he was imprisoned in the Tower of London (where he was again in 1546).
Adam Sedbar, Abbot of Jervaulx, imprisoned in 1537 for taking part in the Pilgrimage of Grace, before being hanged, drawn and quartered.
Blessed Richard Whiting Abbott of Glastonbury Abbey was imprisoned in 1539 for a short time before being returned to Glastonbury to be hanged, drawn and quartered.
Blessed Margaret Pole, 8th Countess of Salisbury was imprisoned from 1539 until her beheading in 1541 for treason.
Thomas Cromwell was imprisoned by Henry VIII in 1540 before his execution.
Catherine Howard, fifth wife of Henry VIII, was imprisoned in 1542 before her execution.
Lady Rochford, sister in law to queen Anne Boleyn, held there before her execution with Catherine Howard.
Anne Askew, Protestant reformer, was imprisoned and tortured for heresy in 1546 before being burnt at the stake.
Thomas Howard, 3rd Duke of Norfolk, was imprisoned in the Tower and set to be executed at the time of Henry VIII's death in 1547. Edward VI granted him as a reprieve, but he remained in the Tower until pardoned by Mary I in 1553.
Edward Seymour, 1st Duke of Somerset, and his steward Sir John Thynne. Although Somerset was released from the Tower and restored to the Council, he was executed for felony in January 1552 after scheming to overthrow John Dudley, Earl of Warwick's regime.
Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury, was imprisoned in 1553 before being sent to Oxford in 1554 to be burnt at the stake for heresy.
Lady Jane Grey, uncrowned Queen of England and her husband Guilford Dudley were imprisoned in the tower from 1553 until 12 February 1554, when they were beheaded by order of Queen Mary I.
In the reign of Edward VI Stephen Gardiner was imprisoned in the Tower (1548 – 1553) for his failure to conform. Upon Mary’s accession to the throne he was restored to his see and made Lord Chancellor.
The future Queen Elizabeth I, was imprisoned for two months in 1554 for her alleged involvement in Wyatt's Rebellion.
In 1566 Margaret Douglas, Countess of Lennox was sent to the Tower, but after the murder of Henry Stuart, Lord Darnley in 1567 she was released.
Henry Wriothesley, 2nd Earl of Southampton imprisoned from October 1571 to May 1573, for his part in the Ridolfi plot to assassinate Elizabeth I and replace her on the English throne with Mary, Queen of Scots.
Henry Percy, 8th Earl of Northumberland, for involvement in several pro-Catholic and Marian plots, from November 1571 to after June 1573, a few weeks in late 1582, and from December 1584 to June 21, 1585, when he was found shot to death in his cell; brought in as a suicide.
Saint Henry Walpole was imprisoned in 1593. While incarcerated in the Salt Tower, he carved his name in the plaster along with those of saints Peter, Paul, Jerome, Ambrose, Augustine, and Gregory the Great. He was put to death in York on 7 April 1595.
Saint Philip Howard was committed to the Tower of London on 25 April 1585. He died alone on Sunday, 19 October 1595.
Robert Poley, spy and messenger for the court of Queen Elizabeth I, was imprisoned on the charge of treason. He used his time in the Tower to gather information on his fellow prisoners. He was released a year and a half later.
Edward de Vere, 17th Earl of Oxford imprisoned from March to June 1581 for impregnating Anne Vavasour, one of the Queen's Maids of Honour, who had given birth to a son. Vavasour and infant were also imprisoned.
Anne Vavasour, a Maid of Honour (1580–81) to Elizabeth I, for having an illegitimate son with Edward de Vere, 17th Earl of Oxford. All were sent to the Tower by orders of the Queen: mother, father, and child.
John Gerard, an English Jesuit priest operating undercover during the reign of Queen Elizabeth I, when Catholics were being persecuted. He was captured in 1594 and tortured and incarcerated in the Salt Tower before making a daring escape by rope across the moat in 1597.
William Wright, another Jesuit priest who was arrested in the aftermath of The Gunpowder Plot.
1600s[edit]
Henry Wriothesley, 3rd Earl of Southampton imprisoned (like his father had been earlier) and sentenced to death for his part in the Essex Rebellion of 1601 but was lucky to escape execution and be released only with the accession of James I in 1603.
Sir Walter Raleigh spent thirteen years (1603–1616) imprisoned at the Tower but was able to live in relative comfort in the Bloody Tower with his wife and two children. For some of the time he even grew tobacco on Tower Green, just outside his apartment. While imprisoned, he wrote The History of the World.
Guy Fawkes, famous for his part in the Gunpowder Plot, was brought to the Tower in 1605 to be interrogated by a council of the King's Ministers. When he confessed to treason, he was sentenced to be hanged, drawn and quartered in the Old Palace Yard at Westminster; however, he escaped his fate by jumping off the scaffold at the gallows which in turn broke his neck and killed him.
Sir Everard Digby. Gunpowder Plot conspirator, imprisoned in 1605 until hanged, drawn and quartered in 1606.
Henry Percy, 9th Earl of Northumberland KG (1564 – 1632) suspected of being part of the Gunpowder Plot of 1605 and spent the next 17 years as a prisoner. He also paid a fine of £30,000.
Nicholas Woodcock spent sixteen months in the "gatehouse and tower" for piloting the first Spanish whaleship to Spitsbergen in 1612.
Sir Thomas Overbury was imprisoned in the Tower by King James I on 22 April 1613. He died on 15 September 1613 after being poisoned, and his murder resulted in one of the biggest scandals of the era.
Niall Garve O'Donnell, an Irish nobleman (a one-time ally of the English against his cousin, Red Hugh O'Donnell) and his son Neachtain for turning against the Crown in 1608, where they stayed till their deaths.
Sir Francis Nethersole, secretary to Elizabeth Stuart, Queen of Bohemia was imprisoned for several months in early 1634 for having offended Charles I by questioning the king's support for his sister.
William Laud, Archbishop of Canterbury, was imprisoned from 1640 to 1645 before his execution for treason.
Major William Rainsborowe, Leveller, was imprisoned in Dec of 1660, on suspicion of treason and released on Bail in February 1661.
Henry Oldenburg, first Secretary to the Royal Society, was imprisoned for one month in 1663 on suspicion of espionage. He had been corresponding with scientists across Europe.
William Penn, Quaker and future founder of Pennsylvania, was imprisoned for seven months in 1668-69 for pamphleteering.
Samuel Pepys, civil servant and diarist, was imprisoned for six weeks in 1679 for maladministration.
James Scott, 1st Duke of Monmouth imprisoned and executed in the tower in 1685 following the Monmouth Rebellion.[4][5][6]
Judge Jeffries was imprisoned in 1688-89 after the defection of James II. He died there of kidney disease.
John Downes, regicide and friend of Cromwell. Though he signed the death warrant he escaped execution as he tried to save the King
1700s[edit]
Sir Robert Walpole, future Prime Minister, was imprisoned for six months in 1712 for corruption.
Simon Fraser, 11th Lord Lovat was imprisoned in 1746 after being captured at the Battle of Culloden before his execution in 1747.
Flora MacDonald, a Scottish Jacobite, was imprisoned from 1746 to 1747 for assisting Bonnie Prince Charlie after Culloden.
Stephen Sayre an American resident of London who was arrested in 1775 for high treason in an alleged plot to kidnap King George III.
Henry Laurens, the third President of the Continental Congress of Colonial America was imprisoned in 1780 for treason.
Lord George Gordon, instigator of the Gordon Riots in 1780, spent 6 months in the Tower while awaiting trial on the charge of high treason.
Johan Anders Jägerhorn, a Swedish officer from Finland, Lord Edward FitzGerald's friend, participating in the Irish independence movement. He spent two years in the Tower (1799–1801), but was released because of Russian interests.
William Maxwell, 5th Earl of Nithsdale, a Jacobite of the '15, was sprung from the prison by his wife and her maid who kept coming in and out of the Tower so many times that they confused the guards, and the Earl was able to escape the Tower dressed as a woman.
Sir John Douglas, 3rd Baronet of Kelhead was arrested in July 1746 on suspicion of having favoured the cause of the Pretender, Charles Edward Stuart, and was, on 14 August, committed to the Tower of London. He was given bail in March 1748
1900s[edit]
Roger Casement was imprisoned for buying guns from Germany to support The Easter Rising, in 1916.
Norman Baillie-Stewart was a British officer caught selling military secrets to Germany and served four years in the Tower in 1933 until 1937, but he was not executed, because England was not at war with Germany.
Rudolf Hess, the deputy leader of the Nazi Party, was the last state prisoner to be held in the Tower, in May 1941.[7]
Josef Jakobs, a German spy, and the last person to be executed there on 15 August 1941.[8]
The Kray twins, were the last people to be held,[9] for a few days in 1952, for failing to report for national service.
References[edit]
Notes
^ Jump up to: a b c Parnell 1993, p. 54
^ Jump up to: a b Impey & Parnell 2000, p. 45
Jump up ^ cornwall-calling.co.uk - Thomas Flamank
Jump up ^ 'James the Second, 1685: An Act to Attaint James Duke of Monmouth of High-Treason. (Chapter II. Rot. Parl. nu. 2.)', Statutes of the Realm: volume 6: 1685-94 (1819), p. 2. Date accessed: 16 February 2007.
Jump up ^ "Tower of London: Fact sheet" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2009-03-27. Retrieved 2009-10-10.
Jump up ^ Spencer, Charles, Blenheim, Chapter 3: John Churchill, p.54: "Monmouth had a particularly grisly end, the executioner's axe striking seven times before his head severed"
Jump up ^ Impey & Parnell 2000, p. 123
Jump up ^ Sellers 1997, p. 179
Jump up ^ The Tower, Channel 4, 2008-08-01, retrieved 2008-08-01
Bibliography
Impey, Edward; Parnell, Geoffrey (2000), The Tower of London: The Official Illustrated History, Merrell Publishers in association with Historic Royal Palaces, ISBN 1-85894-106-7
Parnell, Geoffrey (1993), The Tower of London, Batsford, ISBN 978-0-7134-6864-9
Sellers, Leonard (1997), Shot in the Tower: The Story of the Spies executed in the Tower of London during the First World War, Leo Cooper, ISBN 978-1848840263
External links[edit]
Tower of London official website
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=List_of_prisoners_of_the_Tower_of_London&oldid=835180694"
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This page was last edited on 7 April 2018, at 01:45.
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