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Salt March
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Gandhi picking up grains of salt at the end of his march, Behind him is his second son Manilal Gandhi and Mithuben Petit.
The Salt March, also known as the Dandi March and the Dandi Satyagraha, was an act of nonviolent civil disobedience in colonial India initiated by Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi to produce salt from the seawater in the coastal village of Dandi, as was the practice of the local populace until British officials introduced taxation on salt production, deemed their sea-salt reclamation activities illegal, and then repeatedly used force to stop it. The 24-day march began from 12 March 1930 and continued until 6 April 1930 as a direct action campaign of tax resistance and nonviolent protest against the British salt monopoly, and it gained worldwide attention which gave impetus to the Indian independence movement and started the nationwide non co-operation movement.
The march was the most significant organised challenge to British authority since the Non-cooperation movement of 1920–22, and directly followed the Purna Swaraj declaration of sovereignty and self-rule by the Indian National Congress on 26 January 1930.[1]
Gandhi led the Dandi March from his base, Sabarmati Ashram, near the city of Ahmedabad. 78 people began the march with Gandhi, who intended to walk 240 miles (390 km) to the coastal village of Dandi, which was located at a small town called Navsari in the state of Gujarat. As Gandhi and the others continued on what would become a 24-day march to Dandi to produce salt without paying the tax, growing numbers of Indians joined them along the way. When Gandhi broke the salt laws at 6:30 am on 6 April 1930, it sparked large scale acts of civil disobedience against the British Raj salt laws by millions of Indians.[2] The campaign had a significant effect on changing world and British attitudes towards Indian sovereignty and self-rule [3][4] and caused large numbers of Indians to join the fight for the first time.
After making salt at Dandi, Gandhi continued southward along the coast, producing salt and addressing meetings on the way. The Congress Party planned to stage a satyagraha at the Dharasana Salt Works, 25 miles south of Dandi. However, Gandhi was arrested on the midnight of 4–5 May 1930, just days before the planned action at Dharasana. The Dandi March and the ensuing Dharasana Satyagraha drew worldwide attention to the Indian independence movement through extensive newspaper and newsreel coverage. The satyagraha against the salt tax continued for almost a year, ending with Gandhi's release from jail and negotiations with Viceroy Lord Irwin at the Second Round Table Conference.[5] Over 80,000 Indians were jailed as a result of the Salt Satyagraha.[6] However, it failed to result in major concessions from the British.[7]
The Salt Satyagraha campaign was based upon Gandhi's principles of non-violent protest called satyagraha, which he loosely translated as "truth-force" or "truthful demand"."[8] Literally, it is formed from the Sanskrit words satya, "truth", and agraha, "insistence". In early 1930 the Indian National Congress chose satyagraha as their main tactic for winning Indian sovereignty and self-rule from British rule and appointed Gandhi to organise the campaign. Gandhi chose the 1882 British Salt Act as the first target of satyagraha. The Salt March to Dandi, and the beating by British police of hundreds of nonviolent protesters in Dharasana, which received worldwide news coverage, demonstrated the effective use of civil disobedience as a technique for fighting social and political injustice.[9] The satyagraha teachings of Gandhi and the March to Dandi had a significant influence on American activists Martin Luther King Jr., James Bevel, and others during the Civil Rights Movement for civil rights for African Americans and other minority groups in the 1960s.[10]
Contents
[hide]
1 Declaration of sovereignty and self-rule
2 Choice of salt as protest focus
3 Satyagraha
4 Preparing to march
5 March to Dandi
6 The first 80 Marchers
7 Mass civil disobedience
7.1 Qissa Khwani Bazaar massacre
7.2 Vedaranyam salt march
7.3 Women in civil disobedience
7.4 Impact
8 Dharasana Satyagraha and Aftermath
9 Long-term effect
10 Partial re-enactment in 2005
11 See also
12 Notes
13 References
14 External links
Declaration of sovereignty and self-rule[edit]
Main article: Purna Swaraj
Mahatma Gandhi and Sarojini Naidu during the March.
At midnight on 31 December 1929, the Indian National Congress raised the tricolour flag of India on the banks of the Ravi at Lahore. The Indian National Congress, led by Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, publicly issued the Declaration of sovereignty and self-rule, or Purna Swaraj, on 26 January 1930.[11] (Literally in Sanskrit, purna, "complete," swa, "self," raj, "rule," so therefore "complete self-rule".) The declaration included the readiness to withhold taxes, and the statement:
We believe that it is the inalienable right of the Indian people, as of any other people, to have freedom and to enjoy the fruits of their toil and have the necessities of life, so that they may have full opportunities of growth. We believe also that if any government deprives a people of these rights and oppresses them the people have a further right to alter it or abolish it. The British government in India has not only deprived the Indian people of their freedom but has based itself on the exploitation of the masses, and has ruined India economically, politically, culturally and spiritually. We believe therefore, that India must sever the British connection and attain Purna Swaraji or complete sovereignty and self-rule.[12]
The Congress Working Committee gave Gandhi the responsibility for organising the first act of civil disobedience, with Congress itself ready to take charge after Gandhi's expected arrest.[13] Gandhi's plan was to begin civil disobedience with a satyagraha aimed at the British salt tax. The 1882 Salt Act gave the British a monopoly on the collection and manufacture of salt, limiting its handling to government salt depots and levying a salt tax.[14] Violation of the Salt Act was a criminal offence. Even though salt was freely available to those living on the coast (by evaporation of sea water), Indians were forced to purchase it from the colonial government.
[15]
Choice of salt as protest focus[edit]
Initially, Gandhi's choice of the salt tax was met with incredulity by the Working Committee of the Congress,[16] Jawaharlal Nehru and Dibyalochan Sahoo were ambivalent; Sardar Patel suggested a land revenue boycott instead.[17][18] The Statesman, a prominent newspaper, wrote about the choice: "It is difficult not to laugh, and we imagine that will be the mood of most thinking Indians."[18]
The British establishment too was not disturbed by these plans of resistance against the salt tax. The Viceroy himself, Lord Irwin, did not take the threat of a salt protest seriously, writing to London, "At present the prospect of a salt campaign does not keep me awake at night."[19]
However, Gandhi had sound reasons for his decision. The salt tax was a deeply symbolic choice, since salt was used by nearly everyone in India, to replace the salt lost by sweating in India's tropical climate. An item of daily use could resonate more with all classes of citizens than an abstract demand for greater political rights.[20] The salt tax represented 8.2% of the British Raj tax revenue, and hurt the poorest Indians the most significantly.[21] Explaining his choice, Gandhi said, "Next to air and water, salt is perhaps the greatest necessity of life." In contrast to the other leaders, the prominent Congress statesman and future Governor-General of India, C. Rajagopalachari, understood Gandhi's viewpoint. In a public meeting at Tuticorin, he said:
Suppose, a people rise in revolt. They cannot attack the abstract constitution or lead an army against proclamations and statutes...Civil disobedience has to be directed against the salt tax or the land tax or some other particular point — not that; that is our final end, but for the time being it is our aim, and we must shoot straight.[18]
Gandhi felt that this protest would dramatise Purna Swaraj in a way that was meaningful to the lowliest Indians. He also reasoned that it would build unity between Hindus and Muslims by fighting a wrong that touched them equally.[13]
After the protest gathered steam, the leaders realised the power of salt as a symbol. Nehru remarked about the unprecedented popular response, “it seemed as though a spring had been suddenly released.”[18]
Satyagraha[edit]
Main article: Satyagraha
Congress Party, had a long-standing commitment to nonviolent civil disobedience, which he termed satyagraha, as the basis for achieving Indian sovereignty and self-rule .[22][23] Referring to the relationship between satyagraha and Purna Swaraj, Gandhi saw "an inviolable connection between the means and the end as there is between the seed and the tree."[24] He wrote, "If the means employed are impure, the change will not be in the direction of progress but very likely in the opposite. Only a change brought about in our political condition by pure means can lead to real progress."[25]
Satyagraha is a synthesis of the Sanskrit words Satya (truth) and Agraha (insistence on). For Gandhi, satyagraha went far beyond mere "passive resistance" and became strength in practising nonviolent methods. In his words:
Truth (satya) implies love, and firmness (agraha) engenders and therefore serves as a synonym for force. I thus began to call the Indian movement Satyagraha, that is to say, the Force which is born of Truth and Love or nonviolence, and gave up the use of the phrase “passive resistance”, in connection with it, so much so that even in English writing we often avoided it and used instead the word “satyagraha”....[26]
His first significant attempt in India at leading mass satyagraha was the non-cooperation movement from 1920–1922. Even though it succeeded in raising millions of Indians in protest against the British created Rowlatt Acts, violence broke out at Chauri Chaura, where a mob killed 22 unarmed policemen. Gandhi suspended the protest, against the opposition of other Congress members. He decided that Indians were not yet ready for successful nonviolent resistance.[27] The Bardoli Satyagraha in 1928 was much more successful. It succeeded in paralysing the British government and winning significant concessions. More importantly, due to extensive press coverage, it scored a propaganda victory out of all proportion to its size.[28] Gandhi later claimed that success at Bardoli confirmed his belief in Satyagraha and Swaraj: "It is only gradually that we shall come to know the importance of the victory gained at Bardoli...Bardoli has shown the way and cleared it. Swaraj lies on that route, and that alone is the cure..."[29] Gandhi recruited heavily from the Bardoli Satyagraha participants for the Dandi march, which passed through many of the same villages that took part in the Bardoli protests.[30]
Preparing to march[edit]
Gandhi on the Salt March
On 5 February, newspapers reported that Gandhi would begin civil disobedience by defying the salt laws. The salt satyagraha would begin on 12 March and end in Dandi with Gandhi breaking the Salt Act on 6 April.[31] Gandhi chose 6 April to launch the mass breaking of the salt laws for a symbolic reason—it was the first day of "National Week", begun in 1919 when Gandhi conceived of the national hartal (strike) against the Rowlatt Act.[32]
Gandhi prepared the worldwide media for the march by issuing regular statements from Sabarmati, at his regular prayer meetings and through direct contact with the press. Expectations were heightened by his repeated statements anticipating arrest, and his increasingly dramatic language as the hour approached: "We are entering upon a life and death struggle, a holy war; we are performing an all-embracing sacrifice in which we wish to offer ourselves as oblation."[33] Correspondents from dozens of Indian, European, and American newspapers, along with film companies, responded to the drama and began covering the event.[34]
For the march itself, Gandhi wanted the strictest discipline and adherence to satyagraha and ahimsa. For that reason, he recruited the marchers not from Congress Party members, but from the residents of his own ashram, who were trained in Gandhi's strict standards of discipline.[35] The 24-day march would pass through 4 districts and 48 villages. The route of the march, along with each evening's stopping place, was planned based on recruitment potential, past contacts, and timing. Gandhi sent scouts to each village ahead of the march so he could plan his talks at each resting place, based on the needs of the local residents.[36] Events at each village were scheduled and publicised in Indian and foreign press.[37]
On 2 March 1930 Gandhi wrote to the Viceroy, Lord Irwin, offering to stop the march if Irwin met eleven demands, including reduction of land revenue assessments, cutting military spending, imposing a tariff on foreign cloth, and abolishing the salt tax.[13][38] His strongest appeal to Irwin regarded the salt tax:
If my letter makes no appeal to your heart, on the eleventh day of this month I shall proceed with such co-workers of the Ashram as I can take, to disregard the provisions of the Salt Laws. I regard this tax to be the most iniquitous of all from the poor man's standpoint. As the sovereignty and self-rule movement is essentially for the poorest in the land, the beginning will be made with this evil.[39]
As mentioned earlier, the Viceroy held any prospect of a 'salt protest' in disdain. After he ignored the letter and refused to meet with Gandhi, the march was set in motion.[40] Gandhi remarked, "On bended knees I asked for bread and I have received stone instead."[41] The eve of the march brought thousands of Indians to Sabarmati to hear Gandhi speak at the regular evening prayer. An American academic writing for The Nation reported that "60,000 persons gathered on the bank of the river to hear Gandhi's call to arms. This call to arms was perhaps the most remarkable call to war that has ever been made."[42]
March to Dandi[edit]
Play media
Original footage of Gandhi and his followers marching to Dandi in the Salt Satyagraha
On 12 March 1930, Gandhi and 80 satyagrahis many of them were scheduled castes, set out on foot for the coastal village of Dandi, Gujarat, over 390 kilometres (240 mi) from their starting point at Sabarmati Ashram.[31] The Salt March was also called the White Flowing River because all the people were joining the procession wearing white khadi.
According to The Statesman, the official government newspaper which usually played down the size of crowds at Gandhi's functions, 100,000 people crowded the road that separated Sabarmati from Ahmadabad.[43][44] The first day's march of 21 kilometres (13 mi) ended in the village of Aslali, where Gandhi spoke to a crowd of about 4,000.[45] At Aslali, and the other villages that the march passed through, volunteers collected donations, registered new satyagrahis, and received resignations from village officials who chose to end co-operation with British rule.[46]
As they entered each village, crowds greeted the marchers, beating drums and cymbals. Gandhi gave speeches attacking the salt tax as inhuman, and the salt satyagraha as a "poor man's struggle". Each night they slept in the open. The only thing that was asked of the villagers was food and water to wash with. Gandhi felt that this would bring the poor into the struggle for sovereignty and self-rule, necessary for eventual victory.[47]
Thousands of satyagrahis and leaders like Sarojini Naidu joined him. Every day, more and more people joined the march, until the procession of marchers became at least two miles long.[48] To keep up their spirits, the marchers used to sing the Hindu bhajan Raghupati Raghava Raja Ram while walking.[49] At Surat, they were greeted by 30,000 people. When they reached the railhead at Dandi, more than 50,000 were gathered. Gandhi gave interviews and wrote articles along the way. Foreign journalists and three Bombay cinema companies shooting newsreel footage turned Gandhi into a household name in Europe and America (at the end of 1930, Time magazine made him "Man of the Year").[47] The New York Times wrote almost daily about the Salt March, including two front page articles on 6 and 7 April.[50] Near the end of the march, Gandhi declared, "I want world sympathy in this battle of right against might."[51]
Upon arriving at the seashore on 5 April, Gandhi was interviewed by an Associated Press reporter. He stated:
I cannot withhold my compliments from the government for the policy of complete non interference adopted by them throughout the march .... I wish I could believe this non-interference was due to any real change of heart or policy. The wanton disregard shown by them to popular feeling in the Legislative Assembly and their high-handed action leave no room for doubt that the policy of heartless exploitation of India is to be persisted in at any cost, and so the only interpretation I can put upon this non-interference is that the British Government, powerful though it is, is sensitive to world opinion which will not tolerate repression of extreme political agitation which civil disobedience undoubtedly is, so long as disobedience remains civil and therefore necessarily non-violent .... It remains to be seen whether the Government will tolerate as they have tolerated the march, the actual breach of the salt laws by countless people from tomorrow.[52][53]
The following morning, after a prayer, Gandhi raised a lump of salty mud and declared, "With this, I am shaking the foundations of the British Empire."[21] He then boiled it in seawater, producing illegal salt. He implored his thousands of followers to likewise begin making salt along the seashore, "wherever it is convenient" and to instruct villagers in making illegal, but necessary, salt.[54]
The first 80 Marchers[edit]
79 Marchers accompanied Gandhi on his march. Most of them were between the ages of 20 and 30. These men hailed from almost all parts of the country. The march gathered more people as it gained momentum, but the following list of names were the first 79 marchers who were with Gandhi from the beginning of the Dandi March until the end. Most of them simply dispersed after the march was over.[55][56]
Number
Name
Age
Province (British India)
State (Republic of India)
1 Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi 61 Princely State of Porbandar Gujarat
2 Pyarelal Nayyar 30 Punjab Punjab
3 Chhaganlal Naththubhai Joshi 35 Unknown Princely State Gujarat
4 Pandit Narayan Moreshwar Khare 42 Bombay Maharashtra
5 Ganpatrav Godshe 25 Bombay Maharashtra
6 Prathviraj Lakshmidas Ashar 19 Kutch Gujarat
7 Mahavir Giri 20 Princely State of Nepal
8 Bal Dattatreya Kalelkar 18 Bombay Maharashtra
9 Jayanti Nathubhai Parekh 19 Unknown Princely State Gujarat
10 Rasik Desai 19 Unknown Princely State Gujarat
11 Vitthal Liladhar Thakkar 16 Unknown Princely State Gujarat
12 Harakhji Ramjibhai 18 Unknown Princely State Gujarat
13 Tansukh Pranshankar Bhatt 20 Unknown Princely State Gujarat
14 Kantilal Harilal Gandhi 20 Unknown Princely State Gujarat
15 Chhotubhai Khushalbhai Patel 22 Unknown Princely State Gujarat
16 Valjibhai Govindji Desai 35 Unknown Princely State Gujarat
17 Pannalal Balabhai Jhaveri 20 Gujarat
18 Abbas Varteji 20 Gujarat
19 Punjabhai Shah 25 Gujarat
20 Madhavjibhai Thakkar 40 Kutch Gujarat
21 Naranjibhai 22 Kutch Gujarat
22 Maganbhai Vora 25 Kutch Gujarat
23 Dungarsibhai 27 Kutch Gujarat
24 Somalal Pragjibhai Patel 25 Gujarat
25 Hasmukhram Jakabar 25 Gujarat
26 Daudbhai 25 Gujarat
27 Ramjibhai Vankar 45 Gujarat
28 Dinkarrai Pandya 30 Gujarat
29 Dwarkanath 30 Maharashtra
30 Gajanan Khare 25 Maharashtra
31 Jethalal Ruparel 25 Kutch Gujarat
32 Govind Harkare 25 Maharashtra
33 Pandurang 22 Maharashtra
34 Vinayakrao Aapte 33 Maharashtra
35 Ramdhirrai 30 United Provinces
36 Bhanushankar Dave 22 Gujarat
37 Munshilal 25 United Provinces
38 Raghavan 25 Madras Presidency Kerala
39 Ravjibhai Nathalal Patel 30 Gujarat
40 Shivabhai Gokhalbhai Patel 27 Gujarat
41 Shankarbhai Bhikabhai Patel 20 Gujarat
42 Jashbhai Ishwarbhai Patel 20 Gujarat
43 Sumangal Prakash 25 United Provinces
44 Thevarthundiyil Titus 25 Madras Presidency Kerala
45 Krishna Nair 25 Madras Presidency Kerala
46 Tapan Nair 25 Madras Presidency Kerala
47 Haridas Varjivandas Gandhi 25 Gujarat
48 Chimanlal Narsilal Shah 25 Gujarat
49 Shankaran 25 Madras Presidency Kerala
50 Subhramanyam 25 Andhra Pradesh
51 Ramaniklal Maganlal Modi 38 Gujarat
52 Madanmohan Chaturvedi 27 Rajputana Rajasthan
53 Harilal Mahimtura 27 Maharashtra
54 Motibas Das 20 Odisha
55 Haridas Muzumdar 25 Gujarat
56 Anand Hingorini 24 Sindh Sindh (Pakistan)
57 Mahadev Martand 18 Karnataka
58 Jayantiprasad 30 United Provinces
59 Hariprasad 20 United Provinces
60 Anugrah Narain Sinha 20 Bihar
61 Keshav Chitre 25 Maharashtra
62 Ambalal Shankarbhai Patel 30 Gujarat
63 Vishnu Pant 25 Maharashtra
64 Premraj 35 Punjab
65 Durgesh Chandra Das 44 Bengal Bengal
66 Madhavlal Shah 27 Gujarat
67 Jyotiram 30 United Provinces
68 Surajbhan 34 Punjab
69 Bhairav Dutt 25 United Provinces
70 Lalji Parmar 25 Gujarat
71 Ratnaji Boria 18 Gujarat
72 Vishnu Sharma 30 Maharashtra
73 Chintamani Shastri 40 Maharashtra
74 Narayan Dutt 24 Rajputana Rajasthan
75 Manilal Mohandas Gandhi 38 Gujarat
76 Surendra 30 United Provinces
77 Haribhai Mohani 32 Maharashtra
78 Puratan Buch 25 Gujarat
79 Kharag Bahadur Singh Giri 25 Princely State of Nepal
80 Shri Jagat Narayan 50 Uttar Pradesh
A memorial has been created inside the campus of IIT Bombay honouring these Satyagrahis.[57]
Mass civil disobedience[edit]
Gandhi at a public rally during the Salt Satyagraha.
Mass civil disobedience spread throughout India as millions broke the salt laws by making salt or buying illegal salt.[21] Salt was sold illegally all over the coast of India. A pinch of salt made by Gandhi himself sold for 1,600 rupees (equivalent to $750 at the time). In reaction, the British government arrested over sixty thousand people by the end of the month.[52]
What had begun as a Salt Satyagraha quickly grew into a mass Satyagraha.[58] British cloth and goods were boycotted. Unpopular forest laws were defied in the Maharashtra, Karnataka and Central Provinces. Gujarati peasants refused to pay tax, under threat of losing their crops and land. In Midnapore, Bengalis took part by refusing to pay the chowkidar tax.[59] The British responded with more laws, including censorship of correspondence and declaring the Congress and its associate organisations illegal. None of those measures slowed the civil disobedience movement.[60]
There were outbreaks of violence in Calcutta (now Kolkata), Karachi, and Gujarat. Unlike his suspension of satyagraha after violence broke out during the Non-co-operation movement, this time Gandhi was "unmoved". Appealing for violence to end, at the same time Gandhi honoured those killed in Chittagong and congratulated their parents "for the finished sacrifices of their sons.... A warrior's death is never a matter for sorrow."[61]
Qissa Khwani Bazaar massacre[edit]
Ghaffar Khan with Mahatma Gandhi.
Main article: Qissa Khwani Bazaar massacre
In Peshawar, satyagraha was led by a Muslim Pashto disciple of Gandhi, Ghaffar Khan, who had trained 50,000 nonviolent activists called Khudai Khidmatgar.[62] On 23 April 1930, Ghaffar Khan was arrested. A crowd of Khudai Khidmatgar gathered in Peshawar's Kissa Khani (Storytellers) Bazaar. The British ordered troops of 2/18 battalion of Royal Garhwal Rifles to open fire with machine guns on the unarmed crowd, killing an estimated 200–250.[63] The Pashtun satyagrahis acted in accord with their training in nonviolence, willingly facing bullets as the troops fired on them.[64] One British Indian Army Soldier Chandra Singh Garwali and troops of the renowned Royal Garhwal Rifles, refused to fire at the crowds. The entire platoon was arrested and many received heavy penalties, including life imprisonment.[63]
Vedaranyam salt march[edit]
C. Rajagopalachari leading the march.
Main article: Vedaranyam March
While Gandhi marched along India's west coast, his close associate C. Rajagopalachari, who would later become sovereign India's first Governor-General, organized the Vedaranyam salt march in parallel on the east coast. His group started from Tiruchirappalli, in Madras Presidency (now part of Tamil Nadu), to the coastal village of Vedaranyam. After making illegal salt there, he too was arrested by the British.[18]
Women in civil disobedience[edit]
The civil disobedience in 1930 marked the first time women became mass participants in the struggle for freedom. Thousands of women, from large cities to small villages, became active participants in satyagraha.[65] Gandhi had asked that only men take part in the salt march, but eventually women began manufacturing and selling salt throughout India. Usha Mehta, an early Gandhian activist, remarked that "Even our old aunts and great-aunts and grandmothers used to bring pitchers of salt water to their houses and manufacture illegal salt. And then they would shout at the top of their voices: 'We have broken the salt law!'"[66] The growing number of women in the fight for sovereignty and self-rule was a "new and serious feature" according to Lord Irwin. A government report on the involvement of women stated "thousands of them emerged....from the seclusion of their homes...in order to join Congress demonstrations and assist in picketing: and their presence on these occasions made the work the police was required to perform particularly unpleasant."[67]
Impact[edit]
British documents show that the British government was shaken by satyagraha. Nonviolent protest left the British confused about whether or not to jail Gandhi. John Court Curry, a British police officer stationed in India, wrote in his memoirs that he felt nausea every time he dealt with Congress demonstrations in 1930. Curry and others in British government, including Wedgwood Benn, Secretary of State for India, preferred fighting violent rather than nonviolent opponents.[67]
Dharasana Satyagraha and Aftermath[edit]
Gandhi himself avoided further active involvement after the march, though he stayed in close contact with the developments throughout India. He created a temporary ashram near Dandi. From there, he urged women followers in Bombay (now Mumbai) to picket liquor shops and foreign cloth. He said that "a bonfire should be made of foreign cloth. Schools and colleges should become empty."[61]
For his next major action, Gandhi decided on a raid of the Dharasana Salt Works in Gujarat, 25 miles south of Dandi. He wrote to Lord Irwin, again telling him of his plans. Around midnight of 4 May, as Gandhi was sleeping on a cot in a mango grove, the District Magistrate of Surat drove up with two Indian officers and thirty heavily armed constables.[68] He was arrested under an 1827 regulation calling for the jailing of people engaged in unlawful activities, and held without trial near Poona (now Pune).[69]
Main article: Dharasana Satyagraha
The Dharasana Satyagraha went ahead as planned, with Abbas Tyabji, a seventy-six-year-old retired judge, leading the march with Gandhi's wife Kasturba at his side. Both were arrested before reaching Dharasana and sentenced to three months in prison. After their arrests, the march continued under the leadership of Sarojini Naidu, a woman poet and freedom fighter, who warned the satyagrahis, "You must not use any violence under any circumstances. You will be beaten, but you must not resist: you must not even raise a hand to ward off blows." Soldiers began clubbing the satyagrahis with steel tipped lathis in an incident that attracted international attention.[70] United Press correspondent Webb Miller reported that:
Not one of the marchers even raised an arm to fend off the blows. They went down like ten-pins. From where I stood I heard the sickening whacks of the clubs on unprotected skulls. The waiting crowd of watchers groaned and sucked in their breaths in sympathetic pain at every blow. Those struck down fell sprawling, unconscious or writhing in pain with fractured skulls or broken shoulders. In two or three minutes the ground was quilted with bodies. Great patches of blood widened on their white clothes. The survivors without breaking ranks silently and doggedly marched on until struck down....Finally the police became enraged by the non-resistance....They commenced savagely kicking the seated men in the abdomen and testicles. The injured men writhed and squealed in agony, which seemed to inflame the fury of the police....The police then began dragging the sitting men by the arms or feet, sometimes for a hundred yards, and throwing them into ditches. [71]
Vithalbhai Patel, former Speaker of the Assembly, watched the beatings and remarked, "All hope of reconciling India with the British Empire is lost forever."[72] Miller's first attempts at telegraphing the story to his publisher in England were censored by the British telegraph operators in India. Only after threatening to expose British censorship was his story allowed to pass. The story appeared in 1,350 newspapers throughout the world and was read into the official record of the United States Senate by Senator John J. Blaine.[73]
Salt Satyagraha succeeded in drawing the attention of the world. Millions saw the newsreels showing the march. Time magazine declared Gandhi its 1930 Man of the Year, comparing Gandhi's march to the sea "to defy Britain's salt tax as some New Englanders once defied a British tea tax."[74] Civil disobedience continued until early 1931, when Gandhi was finally released from prison to hold talks with Irwin. It was the first time the two held talks on equal terms,[75] and resulted in the Gandhi–Irwin Pact. The talks would lead to the Second Round Table Conference at the end of 1931.
Long-term effect[edit]
Salt Satyagraha produced scant progress toward dominion status or self-rule for India, and did not win any major concessions from the British.[76] It also failed to attract Muslim support.[77] Congress leaders decided to end satyagraha as official policy in 1934. Nehru and other Congress members drifted further apart from Gandhi, who withdrew from Congress to concentrate on his Constructive Programme, which included his efforts to end untouchability in the Harijan movement.[78] Even though British authorities were again in control by the mid-1930s, Indian, British, and world opinion increasingly began to recognise the legitimacy of claims by Gandhi and the Congress Party for sovereignty and self-rule .[79] The Satyagraha campaign of the 1930s also forced the British to recognise that their control of India depended entirely on the consent of the Indians – Salt Satyagraha was a significant step in the British losing that consent.[80]
Nehru considered the Salt Satyagraha the high-water mark of his association with Gandhi,[81] and felt that its lasting importance was in changing the attitudes of Indians:
"Of course these movements exercised tremendous pressure on the British Government and shook the government machinery. But the real importance, to my mind, lay in the effect they had on our own people, and especially the village masses....Non-cooperation dragged them out of the mire and gave them self-respect and self-reliance....They acted courageously and did not submit so easily to unjust oppression; their outlook widened and they began to think a little in terms of India as a whole....It was a remarkable transformation and the Congress, under Gandhi's leadership, must have the credit for it."[3]
More than thirty years later, Satyagraha and the March to Dandi exercised a strong influence on American civil rights activist Martin Luther King, Jr., and his fight for civil rights for blacks in the 1960s:
"Like most people, I had heard of Gandhi, but I had never studied him seriously. As I read I became deeply fascinated by his campaigns of nonviolent resistance. I was particularly moved by his Salt March to the Sea and his numerous fasts. The whole concept of Satyagraha (Satya is truth which equals love, and agraha is force; Satyagraha, therefore, means truth force or love force) was profoundly significant to me. As I delved deeper into the philosophy of Gandhi, my skepticism concerning the power of love gradually diminished, and I came to see for the first time its potency in the area of social reform."[10]
Partial re-enactment in 2005[edit]
To commemorate the Great Salt March, the Mahatma Gandhi Foundation proposed a partial re-enactment of the first few kilometres on the 75th anniversary. The event was known as the "International Walk for Justice and Freedom". Mahatma Gandhi's great-grandson Tushar Gandhi and several hundred fellow marchers followed the same route to Dandi. The start of the march on 12 March 2005 in Ahmedabad was attended by Sonia Gandhi, Chairperson of the United Progressive Alliance, as well as several Indian Cabinet Ministers, many of whom walked for the first few kilometres. The participants halted at Dandi on the night of 5 April, with the commemoration ending on 7 April.[82][83]
A series of commemorative stamps were issued on the 75th anniversary of the Dandi March—denomination INR 5, Date of Issue: 5 April 2005.[84]
See also[edit]
Selma to Montgomery marches
Suffrage Hikes
Gandhi Heritage Portal
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ Eyewitness Gandhi (1 ed.). London: Dorling Kinderseley Ltd. 2014. p. 44. ISBN 0241185661. Retrieved 3 September 2015.
Jump up ^ "Mass civil disobedience throughout India followed as millions broke the salt laws", from Dalton's introduction to Gandhi's Civil Disobedience. Gandhi & Dalton, 1996, p. 72.
^ Jump up to: a b Johnson, p. 37.
Jump up ^ Ackerman & DuVall, p. 109.
Jump up ^ Dalton, p. 92.
Jump up ^ Johnson, p. 234.
Jump up ^ Ackerman & DuVall, pp. 106.
Jump up ^ "Its root meaning is holding onto truth, hence truth-force. I have also called it Love-force or Soul-force." Gandhi (2001), p. 6.
Jump up ^ Martin, p. 35.
^ Jump up to: a b King, p. 23.
Jump up ^ "The pledge was taken publicly on 26 January 1930, at morning thereafter celebrated annually as Purna Swaraj Day." Wolpert, 2001, p. 141.
Jump up ^ Wolpert, 1999, p. 204.
^ Jump up to: a b c Ackerman & DuVall, p. 83.
Jump up ^ Dalton, p. 91.
Jump up ^ One more person was standing with him who were standing Namak Satyagrah Shri Jagat Narayan.
Jump up ^ Dalton, p. 100.
Jump up ^ "Nehru, who had been skeptical about salt as the primary focus of the campaign, realized how wrong he was..." Johnson, p. 32.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e Gandhi, Gopalkrishna. "The Great Dandi March — eighty years after", The Hindu, 5 April 1930
Jump up ^ Letter to London on 20 February 1930. Ackerman & DuVall, p.84.
Jump up ^ Gross, David M. (2014). 99 Tactics of Successful Tax Resistance Campaigns. Picket Line Press. p. 64. ISBN 978-1490572741.
^ Jump up to: a b c Gandhi & Dalton, 1996, p. 72.
Jump up ^ "Gandhi's ideas about satyagraha and swaraj, moreover, galvanized the thinking of Congress cadres, most of whom by 1930 were committed to pursuing sovereignty and self-rule by nonviolent means." Ackerman & DuVall, p. 108.
Jump up ^ Dalton, pp. 9–10.
Jump up ^ From Hind Swaraj, Gandhi & Dalton, p. 15.
Jump up ^ Forward to volume of Gokhale's speeches, "Gopal Krishna Gokahalenan Vyakhyanao" from Johnson, p. 118.
Jump up ^ Satyagraha in South Africa, 1926 from Johnson, p. 73.
Jump up ^ Dalton, p. 48.
Jump up ^ Dalton, p. 93.
Jump up ^ From Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi 41: 208–209, Dalton, p. 94.
Jump up ^ Dalton, p. 95.
^ Jump up to: a b http://www.gandhiheritageportal.org/dandi-march-details
Jump up ^ Dalton, p. 113.
Jump up ^ Dalton, p. 108.
Jump up ^ Dalton, p. 107.
Jump up ^ Dalton, p. 104.
Jump up ^ Dalton, p. 105.
Jump up ^ Ackerman & DuVall, p.85.
Jump up ^ https://www.gandhiheritageportal.org/cwmg_redirect/ZW5fX18x/NDNfX18zNg=
Jump up ^ Gandhi's letter to Irwin, Gandhi & Dalton, 1996, p. 78.
Jump up ^ Majmudar, p. 184.
Jump up ^ "Parliament Museum, New Delhi, India – Official website – Dandi March VR Video". Parliamentmuseum.org. Retrieved 1 August 2012.
Jump up ^ Herbert A. Miller, Gandhi's Campaign Begins, The Nation, 23 April 1930. Dalton, p. 107. Nitin The Broken Heart
Jump up ^ Weber, p. 140.
Jump up ^ The Statesman, 13 March 1930.
Jump up ^ https://www.gandhiheritageportal.org/cwmg_redirect/ZW5fX18x/NDNfX185Mw=
Jump up ^ Weber, pp. 143–144.
^ Jump up to: a b Ackerman & DuVall, p. 86.
Jump up ^ "The March to Dandi". English.emory.edu. Retrieved 1 August 2012.
Jump up ^ "The Man – The Mahatma : Dandi March". Library.thinkquest.org. Retrieved 1 August 2012.
Jump up ^ Dalton, p, 221.
Jump up ^ From Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi 43: 180, Wolpert, p. 148
^ Jump up to: a b Gandhi & Jack, 1994, p. 238-239.
Jump up ^ https://www.gandhiheritageportal.org/cwmg_redirect/ZW5fX18x/NDNfX18yMTc=
Jump up ^ Gandhi & Jack, 1994, p. 240.
Jump up ^ http://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-others/mapping-the-unknown-marcher/
Jump up ^ http://www.gandhiheritageportal.org/dandi-march/the-marchers
Jump up ^ http://indianexpress.com/photos/picture-gallery-others/remembering-the-80-unsung-heroes-of-mahatma-gandhis-dandi-march/#dandimarchprotestors
Jump up ^ "The Salt Satyagraha in the meantime grew almost spontaneously into a mass satyagraha." Habib, p. 57.
Jump up ^ Habib, p. 57.
Jump up ^ "Correspondence came under censorship, the Congress and its associate organizations were declared illegal, and their funds made subject to seizure. These measures did not appear to have any effect on the movement..." Habib, p. 57.
^ Jump up to: a b Wolpert, 2001, p. 149.
Jump up ^ Habib, p. 55.
^ Jump up to: a b Habib, p. 56.
Jump up ^ Johansen, p. 62.
Jump up ^ "...first, it is from this year (1930) that women became mass participants in the struggle for freedom.... But from 1930, that is in the second non-cooperation movement better known as the Civil Disobedience Movement, thousands upon thousands of women in all parts of India, not just in big cities but also in small towns and villages, became part of the satyagraha struggle." Chatterjee, p. 41.
Jump up ^ Hardiman, p. 113.
^ Jump up to: a b Johnson, p. 33.
Jump up ^ Gandhi & Jack, 1994, p. 244-245.
Jump up ^ Riddick, p. 108.
Jump up ^ Ackerman & DuVall, pp. 87–90.
Jump up ^ Webb Miller's report from May 21, Martin, p. 38.
Jump up ^ Wolpert, 2001, p. 155.
Jump up ^ Miller, p. 198-199.
Jump up ^ Time Magazine (5 January 1931). "Man of the Year, 1930". Time. Retrieved 17 November 2007.
Jump up ^ Gandhi & Dalton, 1996, p. 73.
Jump up ^ "...made scant progress toward either dominion status within the empire or outright sovereignty and self-rule. Neither had they won any major concessions on the economic and mundane issues that Gandhi considered vital." Ackerman & DuVall, pp. 106.
Jump up ^ Dalton, p. 119-120.
Jump up ^ Johnson, p. 36.
Jump up ^ "Indian, British, and world opinion increasingly recognized the legitimate claims of Gandhi and Congress for Indian independence." Johnson, p. 37.
Jump up ^ "The old order, in which British control rested comfortably on Indian acquiescence, had been sundered. In the midst of civil disobedience, Sir Charles Innes, a provincial governor, circulated his analysis of events to his colleagues. "England can hold India only by consent," he conceded. "We can't rule it by the sword." The British lost that consent...." Ackerman & DuVall, p. 109.
Jump up ^ Fisher, p. 368.
Jump up ^ "Gandhi's 1930 march re-enacted". BBC News. 12 March 2005. Retrieved 27 December 2007.
Jump up ^ Diwanji, Amberish K (15 March 2005). "In the Mahatma's footsteps". Rediff. Retrieved 27 December 2007.
Jump up ^ "PM releases commemorative stamps on 'Dandi March'". Archived from the original on 18 November 2007. Retrieved 27 December 2007.
References[edit]
Ackerman, Peter; DuVall, Jack (2000). A Force More Powerful: A Century of Nonviolent Conflict. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 0-312-24050-3.
Chatterjee, Manini (July–August 2001). "1930: Turning Point in the Participation of Women in the Freedom Struggle". Social Scientist. 29 (7/8): 39–47. JSTOR 3518124. doi:10.2307/3518124.
Dalton, Dennis (1993). Mahatma Gandhi: Nonviolent Power in Action. Columbia University Press. ISBN 0-231-12237-3.
Decourcy, Elisa. "Just a grain of salt?: Symbolic construction during the Indian nationalist movement," Melbourne Historical Journal, 1930, Vol. 38, pp 57–72
Fisher, Margaret W. (June 1967). "India's Jawaharlal Nehru". Asian Survey. 7 (6): 363–373. doi:10.1525/as.1967.7.6.01p02764.
Gandhi, Mahatma; Dalton, Dennis (1996). Selected Political Writings. Hackett Publishing Company. ISBN 0-87220-330-1.
Gandhi, M. K. (2001). Non-Violent Resistance (Satyagraha). Courier Dover Publications. ISBN 0-486-41606-2.
Habib, Irfan (September–October 1997). "Civil Disobedience 1930–31". Social Scientist. 25 (9–10): 43–66. JSTOR 3517680. doi:10.2307/3517680.
Hardiman, David (2003). Gandhi in His Time and Ours: The Global Legacy of His Ideas. Columbia University Press. ISBN 0-231-13114-3.
Johansen, Robert C. (1997). "Radical Islam and Nonviolence: A Case Study of Religious Empowerment and Constraint Among Pashtuns". Journal of Peace Research. 34 (1): 53–71. doi:10.1177/0022343397034001005.
Johnson, Richard L. (2005). Gandhi's Experiments With Truth: Essential Writings By And About Mahatma Gandhi. Lexington Books. ISBN 0-7391-1143-4.
King, Jr., Martin Luther; Carson, Clayborne (1998). The Autobiography of Martin Luther King, Jr. Warner Books. ISBN 0-446-67650-0.
Majmudar, Uma; Gandhi, Rajmohan (2005). Gandhi's Pilgrimage of Faith: From Darkness To Light. New York: SUNY Press. ISBN 0-7914-6405-9.
Martin, Brian (2006). Justice Ignited. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 0-7425-4086-3.
Masselos, Jim. "Audiences, Actors and Congress Dramas: Crowd Events in Bombay City in 1930," South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies, April 1985, Vol. 8 Issue 1/2, pp 71–86
Riddick, John F. (2006). The History of British India: A Chronology. Greenwood Press. ISBN 0-313-32280-5.
Weber, Thomas (1998). On the Salt March: The Historiography of Gandhi's March to Dandi. India: HarperCollins. ISBN 81-7223-372-8.
Wolpert, Stanley (2001). Gandhi's Passion: The Life and Legacy of Mahatma Gandhi. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-515634-X.
Wolpert, Stanley (1999). India. University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-22172-9.
External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Salt March.
Newsreel footage of Salt Satyagraha
Salt march re-enactment slide show
Gandhi's 1930 march re-enacted (BBC News)
Speech by Prime Minister of India on 75th anniversary of Dandi March.
Dandi March Timeline
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Caribbean English
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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This article includes a list of references, related reading or external links, but its sources remain unclear because it lacks inline citations. Please help to improve this article by introducing more precise citations. (August 2009) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
Part of a series on the
British
African-Caribbean
community
Community and subgroups
Antiguans
Bajans
Guyanese
Grenadians
Jamaicans
Kittians and Nevisians
Montserratians
Saint Lucians
Vincentians
Trinidadians
History
British rule of the Caribbean
Decline and legacy of
the British Empire
HMT Empire Windrush
Languages
British English
Caribbean English
Creole languages
English-based
French-based
Culture
Caribbean music in the UK
People
Antiguans
Bajans
Dominicans
Guyanese
Jamaicans
Montserratians
Trinidadians
v
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e
Caribbean English is a broad term for the dialects of the English language spoken in the Caribbean and Liberia, most countries on the Caribbean coast of Central America, and Guyana and Suriname on the coast of South America. Caribbean English is influenced by the English-based Creole varieties spoken in the region, but they are not the same. In the Caribbean, there is a great deal of variation in the way English is spoken. Scholars generally agree that although the dialects themselves vary significantly in each of these countries, they primarily have roots in British English and West African languages.
Contents
[hide]
1 Overview
2 Samples
3 See also
4 References
5 External links
Overview[edit]
The English in daily use in the Caribbean include a different set of pronouns, typically, me, meh, or mi, you, yuh, he, she, it, we, wi or alawe, wunna or unu, and dem or day. I, mi, my, he, she, ih, it, we, wi or alawe, allayu or unu, and dem, den, deh for "them" with Central Americans.
Other features:
Consonant changes like h-dropping or th-stopping are common.
Some might be "sing-songish": Trinidad, Bahamas
Rhotic: Bajan (Barbadian), Guyanese
Influenced by Irish English dialects: Jamaican, Bajan
Influenced by African American Vernacular English dialects: Liberian or Liberian English
An accent influenced by any of the above, as well as Spanish and indigenous languages: Central American English dialects such as the Belizean Creole (Kriol), or the Mískito Coastal Creole and Rama Cay Creole spoken in Nicaragua
However, the English used in media, education and business and in formal or semi-formal discourse approaches the internationally understood variety of Standard English, but with an Afro-Caribbean cadence.
Samples[edit]
Standard English: Where is that boy? /hwɛər ɪz ðæt bɔɪ/
Barbados: 'Wherr dah boi?' ([hwer ɪz dæt bɔɪ]) (Spoken very quickly rhotic, and contains glottal stops)
San Andrés and Providencia: 'Weh dah boi deh?' ([hwe dæt bɔɪ deh])
Jamaica: 'Weh dah bwoy deh?' ([weh da buoy de]) (sporadic rhoticity; Irish and Scottish influence); or 'Wey iz dat boi?' [weɪ ɪz dæt bɔɪ] (non-rhotic; similar to the accents of south western England and Wales))
Belize: 'Weh iz dat bwoy deh?' ( [weh ɪz dɑt bɔɪ deɪ]) (British and North American influence, deeper in tone)
Trinidad: 'Wey iz dat boy?'
Bahamas: 'Wey dat boy iz?' [Some would more likely say bey instead of boy]
Guyana and Tobago: 'Weyr iz daht boy/bai?' (urban) or 'Wey dat boy dey?' (rural) ([weɪɹ ɪz dɑt baɪ]) (Many variations dependent on urban/rural location, Afro or Indo descent or area, and competency in standard English; Sporadic rhoticity )
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines: 'Wey dah boy deh deh?' ([weɪ dɑ bɔɪ deɪ deɪ]) (Non-rhotic)
Belize, Nicaragua, the Bay Islands, Limón, Puerto Rico, and the Virgin Islands: 'Wehr iz daht booy?' ([weɹ ɪz dɑt buɪ]) (Distinct, sporadic rhoticity, pronunciation becomes quite different from "Creole" pronunciation.)
Dominica: 'Weh dat boy nuh?'/'Weh dat boy be nuh?' (Spoken harshly and with a deep tone)
The written form of the English language in the former and current British controlled Caribbean countries conforms to the spelling and grammar styles of Britain.
See also[edit]
Caribbean portal
Anguillan Creole
Bajan Creole
Bajan English
Bahamian Creole
Belizean Creole
Bermudian English
Cayman Islands English
English-based creole languages
Grenadian Creole English
Guyanese Creole
Jamaican English
Jamaican Patois
Liberian English
Montserrat Creole
Nicaragua Creole English
Puerto Rican English
Regional accents of English speakers
Saint Kitts Creole
Samaná English
San Andrés-Providencia Creole
Sranan Tongo
Tobagonian Creole
Turks and Caicos Creole
Trinidadian Creole
Trinidadian and Tobagonian English
Vincentian Creole
Virgin Islands Creole
References[edit]
Freed, Kenneth (May 11, 1993). "Regional Outlook Caribbeanspeak The areas languages range from Creole to Patois, from English to French. And therein lies a growing dispute involving power and equality". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved 2009-08-22.
Aceto, Michael (2004). "Eastern Caribbean English-derived language varieties: morphology and syntax". A handbook of varieties of English: a multimedia reference tool, vol. 2 Editors: Edgar Werner Schneider, Bernd Kortmann: 439. ISBN 978-3-11-017532-5.
External links[edit]
Linguistic map of Caribbean English dialects from Muturzikin.com
Caribbean English (British Library)
Cross-Referencing West Indian Dictionary
Bajan (Barbadian) dialect in NYC at the Wayback Machine (archived July 9, 2011)
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Articles related to Caribbean English
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Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Caribbean_English&oldid=841133075"
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Law of total probability
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Part of a series on Statistics
Probability theory
Probability axioms
Probability space
Sample space
Elementary event
Event
Random variable
Probability measure
Complementary event
Joint probability
Marginal probability
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Law of total probability
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In probability theory, the law (or formula) of total probability is a fundamental rule relating marginal probabilities to conditional probabilities. It expresses the total probability of an outcome which can be realized via several distinct events—hence the name.
Contents
[hide]
1 Statement
2 Informal formulation
3 Example
4 Other names
5 See also
6 Notes
7 References
Statement[edit]
The law of total probability is[1] the proposition that if { B n : n = 1 , 2 , 3 , … } {\displaystyle \left\{{B_{n}:n=1,2,3,\ldots }\right\}} is a finite or countably infinite partition of a sample space (in other words, a set of pairwise disjoint events whose union is the entire sample space) and each event B n {\displaystyle B_{n}} is measurable, then for any event A {\displaystyle A} of the same probability space:
Pr ( A ) = ∑ n Pr ( A ∩ B n ) {\displaystyle \Pr(A)=\sum _{n}\Pr(A\cap B_{n})}
or, alternatively,[1]
Pr ( A ) = ∑ n Pr ( A ∣ B n ) Pr ( B n ) , {\displaystyle \Pr(A)=\sum _{n}\Pr(A\mid B_{n})\Pr(B_{n}),}
where, for any n {\displaystyle n} for which Pr ( B n ) = 0 {\displaystyle \Pr(B_{n})=0} these terms are simply omitted from the summation, because Pr ( A ∣ B n ) {\displaystyle \Pr(A\mid B_{n})} is finite.
The summation can be interpreted as a weighted average, and consequently the marginal probability, Pr ( A ) {\displaystyle \Pr(A)} , is sometimes called "average probability";[2] "overall probability" is sometimes used in less formal writings.[3]
The law of total probability can also be stated for conditional probabilities. Taking the B n {\displaystyle B_{n}} as above, and assuming C {\displaystyle C} is an event independent with any of the B n {\displaystyle B_{n}} :
Pr ( A ∣ C ) = ∑ n Pr ( A ∣ C ∩ B n ) Pr ( B n ∣ C ) = ∑ n Pr ( A ∣ C ∩ B n ) Pr ( B n ) {\displaystyle \Pr(A\mid C)=\sum _{n}\Pr(A\mid C\cap B_{n})\Pr(B_{n}\mid C)=\sum _{n}\Pr(A\mid C\cap B_{n})\Pr(B_{n})}
Informal formulation[edit]
The above mathematical statement might be interpreted as follows: given an outcome A {\displaystyle A} , with known conditional probabilities given any of the B n {\displaystyle B_{n}} events, each with a known probability itself, what is the total probability that A {\displaystyle A} will happen? The answer to this question is given by Pr ( A ) {\displaystyle \Pr(A)} .
Example[edit]
Suppose that two factories supply light bulbs to the market. Factory X's bulbs work for over 5000 hours in 99% of cases, whereas factory Y's bulbs work for over 5000 hours in 95% of cases. It is known that factory X supplies 60% of the total bulbs available and Y supplies 40% of the total bulbs available. What is the chance that a purchased bulb will work for longer than 5000 hours?
Applying the law of total probability, we have:
Pr ( A ) = Pr ( A ∣ B X ) ⋅ Pr ( B X ) + Pr ( A ∣ B Y ) ⋅ Pr ( B Y ) = 99 100 ⋅ 6 10 + 95 100 ⋅ 4 10 = 594 + 380 1000 = 974 1000 {\displaystyle {\begin{aligned}\Pr(A)&=\Pr(A\mid B_{X})\cdot \Pr(B_{X})+\Pr(A\mid B_{Y})\cdot \Pr(B_{Y})\\[4pt]&={99 \over 100}\cdot {6 \over 10}+{95 \over 100}\cdot {4 \over 10}={{594+380} \over 1000}={974 \over 1000}\end{aligned}}}
where
Pr ( B X ) = 6 10 {\displaystyle \Pr(B_{X})={6 \over 10}} is the probability that the purchased bulb was manufactured by factory X;
Pr ( B Y ) = 4 10 {\displaystyle \Pr(B_{Y})={4 \over 10}} is the probability that the purchased bulb was manufactured by factory Y;
Pr ( A ∣ B X ) = 99 100 {\displaystyle \Pr(A\mid B_{X})={99 \over 100}} is the probability that a bulb manufactured by X will work for over 5000 hours;
Pr ( A ∣ B Y ) = 95 100 {\displaystyle \Pr(A\mid B_{Y})={95 \over 100}} is the probability that a bulb manufactured by Y will work for over 5000 hours.
Thus each purchased light bulb has a 97.4% chance to work for more than 5000 hours.
Other names[edit]
The term law of total probability is sometimes taken to mean the law of alternatives, which is a special case of the law of total probability applying to discrete random variables.[citation needed] One author even uses the terminology "continuous law of alternatives" in the continuous case.[4] This result is given by Grimmett and Welsh[5] as the partition theorem, a name that they also give to the related law of total expectation.
See also[edit]
Law of total expectation
Law of total variance
Law of total cumulance
Marginal distribution
Notes[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b Zwillinger, D., Kokoska, S. (2000) CRC Standard Probability and Statistics Tables and Formulae, CRC Press. ISBN 1-58488-059-7 page 31.
Jump up ^ Paul E. Pfeiffer (1978). Concepts of probability theory. Courier Dover Publications. pp. 47–48. ISBN 978-0-486-63677-1.
Jump up ^ Deborah Rumsey (2006). Probability for dummies. For Dummies. p. 58. ISBN 978-0-471-75141-0.
Jump up ^ Kenneth Baclawski (2008). Introduction to probability with R. CRC Press. p. 179. ISBN 978-1-4200-6521-3.
Jump up ^ Probability: An Introduction, by Geoffrey Grimmett and Dominic Welsh, Oxford Science Publications, 1986, Theorem 1B.
References[edit]
Introduction to Probability and Statistics by William Mendenhall, Robert J. Beaver, Barbara M. Beaver, Thomson Brooks/Cole, 2005, page 159.
Theory of Statistics, by Mark J. Schervish, Springer, 1995.
Schaum's Outline of Probability, Second Edition, by John J. Schiller, Seymour Lipschutz, McGraw–Hill Professional, 2010, page 89.
A First Course in Stochastic Models, by H. C. Tijms, John Wiley and Sons, 2003, pages 431–432.
An Intermediate Course in Probability, by Alan Gut, Springer, 1995, pages 5–6.
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Law_of_total_probability&oldid=833049144"
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