text:
Nine Lives (REO Speedwagon album)
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Nine Lives
Studio album by REO Speedwagon
Released
July 20, 1979
Recorded
Spring 1979 at Sound City, Studio A and Kendun Recorders, Studio D
Genre
Hard rock
Length
34:24
Label
Epic
Producer
Kevin Cronin, Gary Richrath, Kevin Beamish
REO Speedwagon chronology
You Can Tune a Piano But You Can't Tuna Fish
(1978)You Can Tune a Piano But You Can't Tuna Fish1978 Nine Lives
(1979) Hi Infidelity
(1980)Hi Infidelity1980
Nine Lives is the eighth studio album by REO Speedwagon. It peaked at number #33 on the Billboard 200 chart in 1979.[1] The album went gold on December 5, 1979. The title Nine Lives was chosen because the album was the band's ninth, including their live album, and it also featured nine songs. It was the last REO album to prominently feature a more hard rock sound.[citation needed] The group would turn to more pop-oriented material with 1980's Hi Infidelity. In 2013, the album was released on CD by UK-based company Rock Candy Records, with expanded liner notes and photos.
The track "Only The Strong Survive" also later appeared on Gary Richrath's 1992 album Only the Strong Survive.
Professional ratings
Review scores
Source
Rating
Allmusic link
Melodic link
Contents
[hide]
1 Track listing
2 Personnel
3 Charts
3.1 Album
3.2 Certifications
4 Release history
5 References
Track listing[edit]
Side one
No.
Title
Writer(s)
Length
1. "Heavy on Your Love" Kevin Cronin, Gary Richrath 3:35
2. "Drop It (An Old Disguise)" Cronin 3:14
3. "Only the Strong Survive" Richrath 3:52
4. "Easy Money" Richrath 4:01
5. "Rock & Roll Music" Chuck Berry 2:55
Side two
No.
Title
Writer(s)
Length
6. "Take Me" Cronin 3:29
7. "I Need You Tonight" Cronin 3:35
8. "Meet Me on the Mountain" Richrath 4:04
9. "Back on the Road Again" Bruce Hall 5:39
Personnel[edit]
REO Speedwagon[2]
Kevin Cronin – lead vocals, rhythm guitar, acoustic guitar
Gary Richrath – lead guitar
Neal Doughty – keyboards, synthesizer
Bruce Hall – bass, background vocals (lead on track 9)
Alan Gratzer – drums, percussion, background vocals
Additional personnel
Bill Champlin – background vocals
Steve Forman – percussion, sound effects, congas
Tom Kelly – background vocals
Production
Producers: Kevin Cronin, Gary Richrath, Kevin Beamish
Engineers: Kevin Beamish, Gary Lubow
Arranger: Kevin Cronin
Associate Producer: Alan Gratzer
Production Assistance: Gary Lubow
Assistant engineers: Steve Williams, D. C. Snyder
Direction: John Baruck, Alex Kochan, Tom Consolo, JoAnn D'Agostino, Lynne Kirkwood
Art direction: Tom Drennon
Design: Tom Drennon, Ginger Canzoneri
Cover photographer: John Bilecky
Center spread and portrait photography: Neal Preston
Back cover cat illustrations: Ginger Canzoneri
Models: Candy Moore, Lindy Thorp, Shyanne Rippee, Karen Bilecky
Charts[edit]
Album[edit]
Chart (1979)
Peak
position
US Billboard 200 33[3]
Canadian Albums Chart 52[4]
Certifications[edit]
Region
Certification
Certified units/Sales
United States (RIAA)[5]
Gold 500,000^
^shipments figures based on certification alone
Release history[edit]
Region
Date
Label
Format
Catalog #
USA July 20, 1979 Epic Records Stereo Vinyl E-35988
USA 1979 Epic Records Tape PET-35988
USA 1979 Epic Records 8 TRK E35988
USA 1990 Epic Records CD EK35988
Japan 2011 Sony Music CD (DSD-Remaster) EICP 1489
UK 2013 Rock Candy Records CD-24 bit audio
(Remastered & Reloaded) CANDY177
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Whitburn, Joel (2011). Top Pop Albums (Seventh ed.). Record Research. ISBN 978-0-89820-183-3.
Jump up ^ REO Speedwagon — Nine Lives. Rock Candy Records Ltd. 2013. p. 16.
Jump up ^ "Artist Chart History – REO Speedwagon". Billboard charts. Retrieved 2016-10-02.
Jump up ^ "Top Albums/CD's – Volume 32, No. 3, October 13, 1979". RPM. RPM Music Publications Ltd. October 13, 1979. Retrieved February 1, 2015.
Jump up ^ "American album certifications – R.E.O. Speedwagon – Nine Lives". Recording Industry Association of America. Retrieved October 2, 2016. If necessary, click Advanced, then click Format, then select Album, then click SEARCH
[hide]
v
t
e
REO Speedwagon
Neal Doughty
Kevin Cronin
Bruce Hall
Dave Amato
Bryan Hitt
Alan Gratzer
Mike Blair
Joe Matt
Gregg Philbin
Terry Luttrell
Bob Crownover
Joe McCabe
Marty Shepard
Bill Fiorio
Steve Scorfina
Gary Richrath
Mike Murphy
Graham Lear
Miles Joseph
Carla Day
Melanie Jackson
Jesse Harms
Studio albums
R.E.O. Speedwagon
R.E.O./T.W.O.
Ridin' the Storm Out
Lost in a Dream
This Time We Mean It
R.E.O.
You Can Tune a Piano, but You Can't Tuna Fish
Nine Lives
Hi Infidelity
Good Trouble
Wheels Are Turnin'
Life as We Know It
The Earth, a Small Man, His Dog and a Chicken
Building the Bridge
Find Your Own Way Home
Not So Silent Night ... Christmas with REO Speedwagon
Live albums
Live: You Get What You Play For
Arch Allies: Live at Riverport
Live-Plus
Extended Versions
Hi Infidelity Then Again...Live
Setlist: The Very Best of REO Speedwagon Live
Live in Germany 1982
Live Chicago 1979
Live At Moondance Jam
Metro Center Rockford Illinois, 15th July 1983
Compilation albums
A Decade of Rock and Roll 1970 to 1980
Best Foot Forward
The Hits
The Second Decade of Rock and Roll 1981 to 1991
Keep On Loving You – Best
Starbox
Believe in Rock and Roll
Only The Strong Survive
Premium Best
The Ballads
Take It On The Run
Simply The Best
Keep On Rollin'
The Essential REO Speedwagon
Rock Breakout Years: 1981
Collections
Greatest Hits, Steel Box Collection
Playlist: The Very Best of REO Speedwagon
The Box Set Series
Singles
"157 Riverside Avenue"
"Sophisticated Lady"
"Ridin' the Storm Out"
"Reelin'"
"Keep Pushin'"
"Ridin' the Storm Out" (live)
"Roll with the Changes"
"Time for Me to Fly"
"Only the Strong Survive"
"Keep On Loving You"
"Take It on the Run"
"Don't Let Him Go"
"In Your Letter"
"Tough Guys"
"Out of Season"
"Keep the Fire Burnin'"
"Sweet Time"
"The Key"
"Stillness of the Night"
"Good Trouble"
"I Do' Wanna Know"
"Can't Fight This Feeling"
"One Lonely Night"
"Live Every Moment"
"Wherever You're Goin' (It's Alright)"
"That Ain't Love"
"Variety Tonight"
"In My Dreams"
"Here with Me"
"Live It Up"
"Love Is a Rock"
"I Needed to Fall"
"Find Your Own Way Home"
"Can't Stop Rockin" (W Styx)
Video albums
FM
Live Infidelity
Wheels are Turnin'
A Video Anthology 1978–1990
Arch Allies: Live at Riverport
Live-Plus
Real Artist Working
Live Aid (1985)
XM Artists Confidential
PBS "SoundStage"
Not So Silent Night...Christmas with REO Speedwagon, The Yule Log DVD
Out of Nowhere: Champaign Music Scene Documentary
Live in Germany 1982
Live at Moondance Jam
Related articles
Discography
Book:REO Speedwagon
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Nine_Lives_(REO_Speedwagon_album)&oldid=762477046"
Categories:
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1979 albums
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Albums produced by Kevin Beamish
Albums produced by Gary Richrath
Albums produced by Kevin Cronin
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text:
A Flight of Pigeons
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
A Flight of Pigeons
Author
Ruskin Bond
Original title
ahilan
Country
India
Language
English
Genre
Novella
Published
2003
Media type
Print
Pages
144 pp (hardcover)
ISBN
0-670-04927-1 (Penguin edition, hardcover)
A Flight of Pigeons is a novella by Indian author, Ruskin Bond. The story is set in 1857,[1] and is about Ruth Labadoor and her family (who are British) who take help of Hindus and Muslims to reach their relatives when the family's patriarch is killed in a church by the Indian rebels. The novella is a mix of fiction and non fiction and was adapted into a film in 1978 called Junoon[2] by Shyam Benegal, starring Shashi Kapoor, his wife Jennifer Kendal, and Nafisa Ali.[3][4]
Contents
[hide]
1 Plot
2 Main characters
2.1 Ruth Labadoor
2.2 Lala Ramjimal
2.3 Javed Khan
3 References
Plot[edit]
The Novel starts with the death of the father of Ruth Labadoor in front of her eyes in a church. This murder is committed by the Indian rebels who are a part of the Indian Rebellion of 1857 and who have decided to kill all the Britishers of the small town of Shahjahanpur. It is then that Mariam Labadoor, who is the mother of the narrator, Ruth, comes into action. She takes their entire family of 6 to their trusted friend Lala Ramjimal who keeps them at his home and gives them security and shelter. The Pathan leader Javed Khan comes to know that there are a few foreigners living in Lala's home and he comes into his house unannounced and forcefully takes away Ruth and Mariam Labadoor to his home. The rest of the book talks of the various incidents experienced by the Labadoor family, who are very warmly welcomed by family members of Javed Khan. Javed Khan himself is a cunning man and he pleads to marry Ruth. Mariam opposes the proposition many times as she does not want Ruth to marry Javed Khan.[5] She keeps the condition that if the British are able to defeat the Indian rebels, then Javed Khan will not marry her daughter. But if they are defeated by the rebels, then she would give her daughter to him. The British are able to take the hold of the country and Javed Khan is killed in one of the fights with the Britishers. With lot of help and support, the Labadoor family finally reaches their relatives.
Main characters[edit]
Ruth Labadoor[edit]
She is the narrator of the novel and witnesses the killing of her father.[6] With the help of her mother, friends and others, she and her family finally make it to their relatives.
Lala Ramjimal[edit]
He is the most trusted friend of the Labadoor family and he gives them shelter when Mr. Labadoor is killed.
Javed Khan[edit]
He is a courageous Pathan. He loses focus on his commitment when he sees Ruth Labadoor and falls in love with her. Despite many attempts, he is not able to please Mariam Labadoor to let him marry her daughter.He died in a skirmish with the British
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "A flight of pigeons: Ruskin Bond - The Statesman". The Statesman. 2016-09-14. Retrieved 2017-12-05.
Jump up ^ "Penguin Books India". Retrieved 12 December 2014.
Jump up ^ Sen, Raja (25 August 2005). "Revisiting 1857: Benegal's Junoon". Rediff.com. Retrieved 3 September 2017.
Jump up ^ Lokapally, Vijay (10 July 2014). "Blast from the Past: Junoon (1978)". The Hindu. Retrieved 3 September 2017.
Jump up ^ "Filmmaker Shyam Benegal brings to life Ruskin Bonds A Flight of Pigeons". Retrieved 2017-12-05.
Jump up ^ "MUST READ: Flight of Pigeons". hindustantimes.com/. 2006-05-27. Retrieved 2017-12-05.
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=A_Flight_of_Pigeons&oldid=814041407"
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Novels about the Indian Rebellion of 1857
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ਪੰਜਾਬੀ
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text:
Two Treatises of Government
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Two Treatises of Government
Title page from the first edition
Author
John Locke
Country
England
Language
English
Subject
Political philosophy
Publisher
Awnsham Churchill
Publication date
1689
(dated 1690)
Media type
Print
Part of a series on
John Locke
Social contract
Limited government
Tabula rasa
State of nature
Right to property
Labor theory of property
Lockean proviso
Works
(listed chronologically)
Fundamental Constitutions
of Carolina
A Letter Concerning Toleration
Two Treatises of Government
An Essay Concerning
Human Understanding
Some Thoughts
Concerning Education
Of the Conduct of
the Understanding
People
Robert Filmer
Thomas Hobbes
1st Earl of Shaftesbury
David Hume
Jean-Jacques Rousseau
Adam Smith
Immanuel Kant
Thomas Jefferson
Related topics
Empiricism
Classical liberalism
Polish Brethren
v
t
e
Two Treatises of Government (or Two Treatises of Government: In the Former, The False Principles, and Foundation of Sir Robert Filmer, and His Followers, Are Detected and Overthrown. The Latter Is an Essay Concerning The True Original, Extent, and End of Civil Government) is a work of political philosophy published anonymously in 1689 by John Locke. The First Treatise attacks patriarchalism in the form of sentence-by-sentence refutation of Robert Filmer's Patriarcha, while the Second Treatise outlines Locke's ideas for a more civilized society based on natural rights and contract theory.
This publication contrasts former political works by Locke himself. In Two Tracts on Government, written in 1660, Locke defends a very conservative position; however Locke never published it.[1] In 1669 Locke co-authored the Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina, which endorses aristocracy, slavery and serfdom.[2][3]
Contents
[hide]
1 Historical context
2 Publication history
3 Main ideas
4 First Treatise
5 Second Treatise
5.1 State of nature
5.2 Conquest and slavery
5.3 Property
5.4 Representative government
5.5 Right of revolution
6 Reception and influence
6.1 Britain
6.2 North America
7 Controversies regarding interpretation
8 References
9 External links
Historical context[edit]
King James II of England (VII of Scotland) was overthrown in 1688 by a union of Parliamentarians and the stadtholder of the Dutch Republic William III of Oranje-Nassau (William of Orange), who as a result ascended the English throne as William III of England. This is known as the Glorious Revolution, also called the Revolution of 1688. Locke claims in the "Preface" to the Two Treatises that its purpose is to justify William III's ascension to the throne, though Peter Laslett suggests that the bulk of the writing was instead completed between 1679–1680 (and subsequently revised until Locke was driven into exile in 1683).[4] According to Laslett, Locke was writing his Two Treatises during the Exclusion Crisis, which attempted to prevent James II from ever taking the throne in the first place. Anthony Ashley-Cooper, 1st Earl of Shaftesbury, Locke's mentor, patron and friend, introduced the bill, but it was ultimately unsuccessful. Richard Ashcraft, following in Laslett's suggestion that the Two Treatises were written before the Revolution, objected that Shaftesbury's party did not advocate revolution during the Exclusion Crisis. He suggests that they are instead better associated with the revolutionary conspiracies that swirled around what would come to be known as the Rye House Plot.[5] Locke, Shaftesbury and many others were forced into exile; some, such as Sidney, were even executed for treason. Locke knew his work was dangerous—he never acknowledged his authorship within his lifetime.
Publication history[edit]
The only edition of the Treatises published in America during the 18th century (1773)
Two Treatises was first published, anonymously, in December 1689 (following printing conventions of the time, its title page was marked 1690). Locke was unhappy with this edition, complaining to the publisher about its many errors. For the rest of his life, he was intent on republishing the Two Treatises in a form that better reflected his meaning. Peter Laslett, one of the foremost Locke scholars, has suggested that Locke held the printers to a higher "standard of perfection" than the technology of the time would permit.[6] Be that as it may, the first edition was indeed replete with errors. The second edition was even worse, and finally printed on cheap paper and sold to the poor. The third edition was much improved, but Locke was still not satisfied.[7] He made corrections to the third edition by hand and entrusted the publication of the fourth to his friends, as he died before it could be brought out.[8]
The Two Treatises begin with a Preface announcing what Locke hopes to achieve, but he also mentions that more than half of his original draft, occupying a space between the First and Second Treatises, has been irretrievably lost.[9] Peter Laslett maintains that, while Locke may have added or altered some portions in 1689, he did not make any revisions to accommodate for the missing section; he argues, for example, that the end of the First Treatise breaks off in mid-sentence.[10]
In 1691 Two Treatises was translated into French by David Mazzel, a French Huguenot living in the Netherlands. This translation left out Locke's "Preface," all of the First Treatise, and the first chapter of the Second Treatise (which summarised Locke's conclusions in the First Treatise). It was in this form that Locke's work was reprinted during the 18th century in France and in this form that Montesquieu, Voltaire and Rousseau were exposed to it.[11] The only American edition from the 18th century was printed in 1773 in Boston; it, too, left out all of these sections. There were no other American editions until the 20th century.[12]
Main ideas[edit]
Two Treatises is divided into the First Treatise and the Second Treatise. The original title of the Second Treatise appears to have been simply "Book II," corresponding to the title of the First Treatise, "Book I." Before publication, however, Locke gave it greater prominence by (hastily) inserting a separate title page: "An Essay Concerning the True Original, Extent and End of Civil Government."[13] The First Treatise is focused on the refutation of Sir Robert Filmer, in particular his Patriarcha, which argued that civil society was founded on a divinely sanctioned patriarchalism. Locke proceeds through Filmer's arguments, contesting his proofs from Scripture and ridiculing them as senseless, until concluding that no government can be justified by an appeal to the divine right of kings.
The Second Treatise outlines a theory of civil society. Locke begins by describing the state of nature, a picture much more stable than Thomas Hobbes' state of "war of every man against every man," and argues that all men are created equal in the state of nature by God. From this, he goes on to explain the hypothetical rise of property and civilization, in the process explaining that the only legitimate governments are those that have the consent of the people. Therefore, any government that rules without the consent of the people can, in theory, be overthrown.
First Treatise[edit]
Title page from Filmer's Patriarcha (1680)
The First Treatise is an extended attack on Sir Robert Filmer's Patriarcha. Locke's argument proceeds along two lines: first, he undercuts the Scriptural support that Filmer had offered for his thesis, and second he argues that the acceptance of Filmer's thesis can lead only to slavery (and absurdity). Locke chose Filmer as his target, he says, because of his reputation and because he "carried this Argument [jure divino] farthest, and is supposed to have brought it to perfection" (1st Tr., § 5).
Filmer's text presented an argument for a divinely ordained, hereditary, absolute monarchy. According to Filmer, the Biblical Adam in his role as father possessed unlimited power over his children and this authority passed down through the generations. Locke attacks this on several grounds. Accepting that fatherhood grants authority, he argues, it would do so only by the act of begetting, and so cannot be transmitted to one's children because only God can create life. Nor is the power of a father over his children absolute, as Filmer would have it; Locke points to the joint power parents share over their children outlined in the Bible. In the Second Treatise Locke returns to a discussion of parental power. (Both of these discussions have drawn the interest of modern feminists such as Carole Pateman.)
Filmer also suggested that Adam's absolute authority came from his ownership over all the world. To this, Locke rebuts that the world was originally held in common (a theme that will return in the Second Treatise). But, even if it were not, he argues, God's grant to Adam covered only the land and brute animals, not human beings. Nor could Adam, or his heir, leverage this grant to enslave mankind, for the law of nature forbids reducing one's fellows to a state of desperation, if one possesses a sufficient surplus to maintain oneself securely. And even if this charity were not commanded by reason, Locke continues, such a strategy for gaining dominion would prove only that the foundation of government lies in consent.
Locke intimates in the First Treatise that the doctrine of divine right of kings (jure divino) will eventually be the downfall of all governments. In his final chapter Locke asks, "Who heir?" If Filmer is correct, there should be only one rightful king in all the world—the heir of Adam. But since it is impossible to discover the true heir of Adam, no government, under Filmer's principles, can require that its members obey its rulers. Filmer must therefore say that men are duty-bound to obey their present rulers. Locke writes:
I think he is the first Politician, who, pretending to settle Government upon its true Basis, and to establish the Thrones of lawful Princes, ever told the World, That he was properly a King, whose Manner of Government was by Supreme Power, by what Means soever he obtained it; which in plain English is to say, that Regal and Supreme Power is properly and truly his, who can by any Means seize upon it; and if this be, to be properly a King, I wonder how he came to think of, or where he will find, an Usurper. (1st Tr., § 79)
Locke ends the First Treatise by examining the history told in the Bible and the history of the world since then; he concludes that there is no evidence to support Filmer's hypothesis. According to Locke, no king has ever claimed that his authority rested upon his being the heir of Adam. It is Filmer, Locke alleges, that is the innovator in politics, not those who assert the natural equality and freedom of man.
Second Treatise[edit]
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In the Second Treatise Locke develops a number of notable themes. It begins with a depiction of the state of nature, wherein individuals are under no obligation to obey one another but are each themselves judge of what the law of nature requires. It also covers conquest and slavery, property, representative government, and the right of revolution.
State of nature[edit]
Locke defines the state of nature thus:
To properly understand political power and trace its origins, we must consider the state that all people are in naturally. That is a state of perfect freedom of acting and disposing of their own possessions and persons as they think fit within the bounds of the law of nature. People in this state do not have to ask permission to act or depend on the will of others to arrange matters on their behalf. The natural state is also one of equality in which all power and jurisdiction is reciprocal and no one has more than another. It is evident that all human beings—as creatures belonging to the same species and rank and born indiscriminately with all the same natural advantages and faculties—are equal amongst themselves. They have no relationship of subordination or subjection unless God (the lord and master of them all) had clearly set one person above another and conferred on him an undoubted right to dominion and sovereignty.[14][15]
The work of Thomas Hobbes made theories based upon a state of nature popular in 17th-century England, even as most of those who employed such arguments were deeply troubled by his absolutist conclusions. Locke's state of nature can be seen in light of this tradition. There is not and never has been any divinely ordained monarch over the entire world, Locke argues. However, the fact that the natural state of humanity is without an institutionalized government does not mean it is lawless. Human beings are still subject to the laws of God and nature. In contrast to Hobbes, who posited the state of nature as a hypothetical possibility, Locke takes great pains to show that such a state did indeed exist. Actually, it still exists in the area of international relations where there is not and is never likely to be any legitimate overarching government (i.e., one directly chosen by all the people subject to it). Whereas Hobbes stresses the disadvantages of the state of nature, Locke points to its good points. It is free, if full of continual dangers (2nd Tr., § 123). Finally, the proper alternative to the natural state is not political dictatorship/tyranny but democratically elected government and the effective protection of basic human rights to life, liberty, and property under the rule of law.
Nobody in the natural state has the political power to tell others what to do. However, everybody has the right to authoritatively pronounce justice and administer punishment for breaches of the natural law. Thus, men are not free to do whatever they please. "The state of nature has a law of nature to govern it, which obliges every one: and reason, which is that law, teaches all mankind, who will but consult it, that... no one ought to harm another in his life, health, liberty, or possessions" (2nd Tr., § 6). The specifics of this law are unwritten, however, and so each is likely to misapply it in his own case. Lacking any commonly recognised, impartial judge, there is no way to correct these misapplications or to effectively restrain those who violate the law of nature.
The law of nature is therefore ill enforced in the state of nature.
IF man in the state of nature be so free, as has been said; if he be absolute lord of his own person and possessions, equal to the greatest, and subject to no body, why will he part with his freedom? Why will he give up this empire, and subject himself to the dominion and control of any other power? To which it is obvious to answer, that though in the state of nature he hath such a right, yet the enjoyment of it is very uncertain, and constantly exposed to the invasion of others: for all being kings as much as he, every man his equal, and the greater part no strict observers of equity and justice, the enjoyment of the property he has in this state is very unsafe, very unsecure. This makes him willing to quit a condition, which, however free, is full of fears and continual dangers: and it is not without reason, that he seeks out, and is willing to join in society with others, who are already united, or have a mind to unite, for the mutual preservation of their lives, liberties and estates, which I call by the general name, property. (2nd Tr., § 123)
It is to avoid the state of war that often occurs in the state of nature, and to protect their private property that men enter into civil or political society, i.e., state of society.
Conquest and slavery[edit]
Ch. 4 ("Of Slavery") and Ch. 16 ("Of Conquest") are sources of some confusion: the former provides a justification for slavery, the latter, the rights of conquerors. Because the Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina provided that a master had perfect authority over his slaves, some[who?] have taken these chapters to be an apology for the institution of slavery in Colonial America.
Most Locke scholars[who?] roundly reject this reading, as it is directly at odds with the text. The extent of Locke's involvement in drafting the Fundamental Constitutions is a matter of some debate, but even attributing full culpability for its contents and for his having profited from the Atlantic slave trade, the majority of experts will concede that Locke may have been a hypocrite in this matter, but are adamant that no part of the Two Treatises can be used to provide theoretical support for slavery by bare right of conquest.
In the rhetoric of 17th-century England, those who opposed the increasing power of the kings claimed that the country was headed for a condition of slavery. Locke therefore asks, facetiously, under what conditions such slavery might be justified. He notes that slavery cannot come about as a matter of contract (which became the basis of Locke's political system). To be a slave is to be subject to the absolute, arbitrary power of another; as men do not have this power even over themselves, they cannot sell or otherwise grant it to another. One that is deserving of death, i.e., who has violated the law of nature, may be enslaved. This is, however, but the state of war continued (2nd Tr., § 24), and even one justly a slave therefore has no obligation to obedience.
In providing a justification for slavery, he has rendered all forms of slavery as it actually exists invalid. Moreover, as one may not submit to slavery, there is a moral injunction to attempt to throw off and escape it whenever it looms. Most scholars take this to be Locke's point regarding slavery: submission to absolute monarchy is a violation of the law of nature, for one does not have the right to enslave oneself.
The legitimacy of an English king depended on (somehow) demonstrating descent from William the Conqueror: the right of conquest was therefore a topic rife with constitutional connotations. Locke does not say that all subsequent English monarchs have been illegitimate, but he does make their rightful authority dependent solely upon their having acquired the people's approbation.
Locke first argues that, clearly, aggressors in an unjust war can claim no right of conquest: everything they despoil may be retaken as soon as the dispossessed have the strength to do so. Their children retain this right, so an ancient usurpation does not become lawful with time. The rest of the chapter then considers what rights a just conqueror might have.
The argument proceeds negatively: Locke proposes one power a conqueror could gain, and then demonstrates how in point of fact that power cannot be claimed. He gains no authority over those that conquered with him, for they did not wage war unjustly: thus, whatever other right William may have had in England, he could not claim kingship over his fellow Normans by right of conquest. The subdued are under the conqueror's despotical authority, but only those who actually took part in the fighting. Those who were governed by the defeated aggressor do not become subject to the authority of the victorious aggressor. They lacked the power to do an unjust thing, and so could not have granted that power to their governors: the aggressor therefore was not acting as their representative, and they cannot be punished for his actions. And while the conqueror may seize the person of the vanquished aggressor in an unjust war, he cannot seize the latter's property: he may not drive the innocent wife and children of a villain into poverty for another's unjust acts. While the property is technically that of the defeated, his innocent dependents have a claim that the just conqueror must honour. He cannot seize more than the vanquished could forfeit, and the latter had no right to ruin his dependents. (He may, however, demand and take reparations for the damages suffered in the war, so long as these leave enough in the possession of the aggressor's dependants for their survival).
In so arguing, Locke accomplishes two objectives. First, he neutralises the claims of those who see all authority flowing from William I by the latter's right of conquest. In the absence of any other claims to authority (e.g., Filmer's primogeniture from Adam, divine anointment, etc.), all kings would have to found their authority on the consent of the governed. Second, he removes much of the incentive for conquest in the first place, for even in a just war the spoils are limited to the persons of the defeated and reparations sufficient only to cover the costs of the war, and even then only when the aggressor's territory can easily sustain such costs (i.e., it can never be a profitable endeavour). Needless to say, the bare claim that one's spoils are the just compensation for a just war does not suffice to make it so, in Locke's view.
Property[edit]
In the Second Treatise, Locke claims that civil society was created for the protection of property.[16] In saying this, he relies on the etymological root of "property," Latin proprius, or what is one's own, including oneself (cf. French propre). Thus, by "property" he means "life, liberty, and estate." By saying that political society was established for the better protection of property, he claims that it serves the private (and non-political) interests of its constituent members: it does not promote some good that can be realised only in community with others (e.g., virtue).
For this account to work, individuals must possess some property outside of society, i.e., in the state of nature: the state cannot be the sole origin of property, declaring what belongs to whom. If the purpose of government is the protection of property, the latter must exist independently of the former. Filmer had said that, if there even were a state of nature (which he denied), everything would be held in common: there could be no private property, and hence no justice or injustice (injustice being understood as treating someone else's goods, liberty, or life as if it were one's own). Thomas Hobbes had argued the same thing. Locke therefore provides an account of how material property could arise in the absence of government.
He begins by asserting that each individual, at a minimum, "owns" himself; this is a corollary of each individual's being free and equal in the state of nature. As a result, each must also own his own labour: to deny him his labour would be to make him a slave. One can therefore take items from the common store of goods by mixing one's labour with them: an apple on the tree is of no use to anyone—it must be picked to be eaten—and the picking of that apple makes it one's own. In an alternate argument, Locke claims that we must allow it to become private property lest all mankind have starved, despite the bounty of the world. A man must be allowed to eat, and thus have what he has eaten be his own (such that he could deny others a right to use it). The apple is surely his when he swallows it, when he chews it, when he bites into it, when he brings it to his mouth, etc.: it became his as soon as he mixed his labour with it (by picking it from the tree).
This does not yet say why an individual is allowed to take from the common store of nature. There is a necessity to do so to eat, but this does not yet establish why others must respect one's property, especially as they labour under the like necessity. Locke assures his readers that the state of nature is a state of plenty: one may take from communal store if one leaves a) enough and b) as good for others, and since nature is bountiful, one can take all that one can use without taking anything from someone else. Moreover, one can take only so much as one can use before it spoils. There are then two provisos regarding what one can take, the "enough and as good" condition and "spoilage."
Gold does not rot. Neither does silver, or any other precious metal or gem. They are, moreover, useless, their aesthetic value not entering into the equation. One can heap up as much of them as one wishes, or take them in trade for food. By the tacit consent of mankind, they become a form of money (one accepts gold in exchange for apples with the understanding that someone else will accept that gold in exchange for wheat). One can therefore avoid the spoilage limitation by selling all that one has amassed before it rots; the limits on acquisition thus disappear.
In this way, Locke argues that a full economic system could, in principle, exist within the state of nature. Property could therefore predate the existence of government, and thus society can be dedicated to the protection of property.
Representative government[edit]
Locke did not demand a republic. Rather, Locke felt that a legitimate contract could easily exist between citizens and a monarchy, an oligarchy or some mixed form (2nd Tr., sec. 132). Locke uses the term Common-wealth to mean "not a democracy, or any form of government, but any independent community" (sec. 133) and "whatever form the Common-wealth is under, the Ruling Power ought to govern by declared and received laws, and not by extemporary dictates and undetermined resolutions." (sec 137)
Locke does, however, make a distinction between an executive (e.g. a monarchy), a "Power always in being" (sec 144) that must perpetually execute the law, and the legislative that is the "supreme power of the Common-wealth" (sec 134) and does not have to be always in being. (sec 153) Furthermore, governments are charged by the consent of the individual, "i.e. the consent of the majority, giving it either by themselves, or their representatives chosen by them." (sec 140)
His notions of people's rights and the role of civil government provided strong support for the intellectual movements of both revolutions.
Right of revolution[edit]
The concept of the right of revolution was also taken up by John Locke in Two Treatises of Government as part of his social contract theory. Locke declared that under natural law, all people have the right to life, liberty, and estate; under the social contract, the people could instigate a revolution against the government when it acted against the interests of citizens, to replace the government with one that served the interests of citizens. In some cases, Locke deemed revolution an obligation. The right of revolution thus essentially acted as a safeguard against tyranny.
Locke affirmed an explicit right to revolution in Two Treatises of Government: “whenever the Legislators endeavor to take away, and destroy the Property of the People, or to reduce them to Slavery under Arbitrary Power, they put themselves into a state of War with the People, who are thereupon absolved from any farther Obedience, and are left to the common Refuge, which God hath provided for all Men, against Force and Violence. Whensoever therefore the Legislative shall transgress this fundamental Rule of Society; and either by Ambition, Fear, Folly or Corruption, endeavor to grasp themselves, or put into the hands of any other an Absolute Power over the Lives, Liberties, and Estates of the People; By this breach of Trust they forfeit the Power, the People had put into their hands, for quite contrary ends, and it devolves to the People, who have a Right to resume their original Liberty.” (sec. 222) [17]
Reception and influence[edit]
Britain[edit]
Although the Two Treatises would become well known in the second half of the 18th century, they were somewhat neglected when published. Between 1689 and 1694, around 200 tracts and treatises were published concerning the legitimacy of the Glorious Revolution. Three of these mention Locke, two of which were written by friends of Locke.[18] When Hobbes published the Leviathan in 1651, by contrast, dozens of texts were immediately written in response to it. As Mark Goldie explains: "Leviathan was a monolithic and unavoidable presence for political writers in Restoration England in a way that in the first half of the eighteenth the Two Treatises was not."[19]
While the Two Treatises did not become popular until the 1760s, ideas from them did start to become important earlier in the century. According to Goldie, "the crucial moment was 1701" and "the occasion was the Kentish petition." The pamphlet war that ensued was one of the first times Locke's ideas were invoked in a public debate, most notably by Daniel Defoe.[20] Locke's ideas did not go unchallenged and the periodical The Rehearsal, for example, launched a "sustained and sophisticated assault” against the Two Treatises and endorsed the ideology of patriarchalism.[21] Not only did patriarchalism continue to be a legitimate political theory in the 18th century, but as J. G. A. Pocock and others have gone to great lengths to demonstrate, so was civic humanism and classical republicanism. Pocock has argued that Locke's Two Treatises had very little effect on British political theory; he maintains that there was no contractarian revolution. Rather, he sees these other long-standing traditions as far more important for 18th-century British politics.[22]
In the middle of the 18th century, Locke's position as a political philosopher suddenly rose in prominence. For example, he was invoked by those arguing on behalf of the American colonies during the Stamp Act debates of 1765–66.[23] Marginalized groups such as women, Dissenters and those campaigning to abolish the slave trade all invoked Lockean ideals. But at the same time, as Goldie describes it, "a wind of doubt about Locke's credentials gathered into a storm. The sense that Locke's philosophy had been misappropriated increasingly turned to a conviction that it was erroneous.”[24] By the 1790s Locke was associated with Rousseau and Voltaire and being blamed for the American and French Revolutions as well as for the perceived secularisation of society.[25] By 1815, Locke's portrait was taken down from Christ Church, his alma mater (it was later restored to a position of prominence, and currently hangs in the dining hall of the college).
North America[edit]
Locke's influence during the American Revolutionary period is disputed. While it is easy to point to specific instances of Locke's Two Treatises being invoked, the extent of the acceptance of Locke's ideals and the role they played in the American Revolution are far from clear. The Two Treatises are echoed in phrases in the Declaration of Independence and writings by Samuel Adams that attempted to gain support for the rebellion. Of Locke's influence Thomas Jefferson wrote: "Bacon, Locke and Newton I consider them as the three greatest men that have ever lived, without any exception, and as having laid the foundation of those superstructures which have been raised in the Physical & Moral sciences".[26][27] The colonists frequently cited Blackstone's Commentaries on the Laws of England, which synthesised Lockean political philosophy with the common law tradition. Louis Hartz, writing at the beginning of the 20th century, took it for granted that Locke was the political philosopher of the revolution.
This view was challenged by Bernard Bailyn and Gordon S. Wood, who argued that the revolution was not a struggle over property, taxation, and rights, but rather "a Machiavellian effort to preserve the young republic's 'virtue' from the corrupt and corrupting forces of English politics."[28] Garry Wills, on the other hand, maintains that it was neither the Lockean tradition nor the classical republican tradition that drove the revolution, but instead Scottish moral philosophy, a political philosophy that based its conception of society on friendship, sensibility and the controlled passions.[28] Thomas Pangle and Michael Zuckert have countered, demonstrating numerous elements in the thought of more influential founders that have a Lockean pedigree.[29] They argue that there is no conflict between Lockean thought and classical Republicanism.[30][31][32][33]
Controversies regarding interpretation[edit]
Locke’s political philosophy is often compared and contrasted with Thomas Hobbes’ Leviathan. The motivation in both cases is self-preservation with Hobbes arguing the need of an absolute monarch to prevent the war of “all against all” inherent in anarchy while Locke argues that the protection of life, liberty, and property can be achieved by a parliamentary process that protects, not violates, one’s rights.
Leo Strauss and C. B. Macpherson stress the continuity of thought. In their view Locke and Hobbes describe an atomistic man largely driven by a hedonistic materialistic acquisitiveness. Strauss’ Locke is little more than Hobbes in “sheep’s clothing.”[34] C. B. Macpherson argued in his Political Theory of Possessive Individualism that Locke sets the stage for unlimited acquisition and appropriation of property by the powerful creating gross inequality. Government is the protector of interests of capitalists while the “labouring class [are] not considered to have an interest.”[35][36]
Unlike Macpherson, James Tully finds no evidence that Locke specifically advocates capitalism. In his A Discourse on Property, Tully describes Locke’s view of man as a social dependent, with Christian sensibilities, and a God-given duty to care for others. Property, in Tully’s explanation of Locke, belong to the community as the public commons but becomes “private” so long as the property owner, or more correctly the “custodian,” serves the community.[37] Zuckert believes Tully is reading into Locke rights and duties that just aren’t there.[38] Huyler finds that Locke explicitly condemned government privileges for rich, contrary to Macpherson’s pro-capitalism critique, but also rejected subsidies to aid the poor, in contrast to Tully’s social justice apologetics.[39]
The Cambridge School of political thought, led principally by Quentin Skinner, J. G. A. Pocock, Richard Ashcraft, and Peter Laslett, uses a historical methodology to situate Locke in the political context of his times. But they also restrict his importance to those times.[40] Ashcraft’s Locke takes the side of the burgeoning merchant class against the aristocracy.[41] Neal Wood puts Locke on the side of the agrarian interests, not the manufacturing bourgeoisie.[42]
Jerome Huyler and Michael. P. Zuckert approach Locke in the broader context of his oeuvre and historical influence. Locke is situated within changing religious, philosophical, scientific, and political dimensions of 17th century England. Objecting to the use of the contemporary concept of economic man to describe Locke’s view of human nature, Huyler emphases the “virtue of industriousness” of Locke’s Protestant England. Productive work is man’s earthly function or calling, ordained by God and required by self-preservation. The government’s protection of property rights insures that the results of industry, i.e. “fruits of one’s labor,” are secure. Locke’s prohibition of ill-gotten gains, whether for well-connected gentry or the profligate, is not a lack of Locke’s foresight to the problems in the latter stages of liberalism but an application of equal protection of the law to every individual.[31]
Richard Pipes argues that Locke holds a labor theory of value that leads to the socialist critique that those not engaging in physical labor exploit wage earners.[43] Huyler, relying on Locke’s Essays on the Law of Nature shows that reason is the most fundamental virtue, underwrites all productive virtue, and leads to human flourishing or happiness in an Aristotelean sense.[44]
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Encyclopedia Britannica, John Locke.
Jump up ^ Armitage, David Armitage, D. (2004). John Locke, Carolina, and the two treatises of government. Political Theory, 32(5), 602–27.
Jump up ^ Walbert, D. (2008). A little kingdom in Carolina.
Jump up ^ Laslett, "Introduction," 59–61.
Jump up ^ Ashcraft, Revolutionary Politics.
Jump up ^ Laslett, Peter. "Introduction." Two Treatises of Government. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (1988), 9.
Jump up ^ See Two Treatises of Government: In The Former the False Principles and Foundation of Sir Robert Filmer and His Followers, are Detected and Overthrown. The Latter is An Essay Concerning the True Original Extent and End of Civil Government (3 ed.). London: Awnsham and John Churchill. 1698. Retrieved 20 November 2014. via Google Books
Jump up ^ Laslett, "Introduction," 8–9.
Jump up ^ Locke, John. Two Treatises of Government. Ed. Peter Laslett. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (1988), 137.
Jump up ^ Laslett, "English Revolution," 42.
Jump up ^ Laslett, "Introduction," 12–13.
Jump up ^ Laslett, "Introduction," 14–15.
Jump up ^ Laslett, 266.
Jump up ^ Two Treatises On Government: A Translation Into Modern English, ISR/Google Books, 2009, p. 70.
Jump up ^ [1]
Jump up ^ Second Treatise, Sec. 85
Jump up ^ Powell, Jim (1 August 1996): "John Locke: Natural Rights to Life, Liberty, and Property". In: The Freemann. Foundation for Economic Education, Irvington, New York.
Jump up ^ Goldie, Mark. “Introduction.” The Reception of Locke's Politics. 6 vols. London: Pickering & Chatto (1999), xxii.
Jump up ^ Goldie, "Introduction," xxii.
Jump up ^ Goldie, "Introduction," xxxi.
Jump up ^ Goldie, "Introduction," xxiv.
Jump up ^ Goldie, "Introduction," xxviii.
Jump up ^ Goldie, "Introduction," xxxv.
Jump up ^ Goldie, "Introduction, xxxviii.
Jump up ^ Goldie, "Introduction," xxxviii.
Jump up ^ "The Letters of Thomas Jefferson: 1743–1826 Bacon, Locke, and Newton". Retrieved 2009-07-12. Bacon, Locke and Newton, whose pictures I will trouble you to have copied for me: and as I consider them as the three greatest men that have ever lived, without any exception, and as having laid the foundation of those superstructures which have been raised in the Physical & Moral sciences.
Jump up ^ http://explorer.monticello.org/text/index.php?id=82&type=4 Jefferson called Bacon, Newton, and Locke, who had so indelibly shaped his ideas, "my trinity of the three greatest men the world had ever produced"
^ Jump up to: a b Goldie, "Introduction," liii.
Jump up ^ Pangle, Spirit of Modern Republicanism; Zuckert, Launching Liberalism, Natural Rights Republic.
Jump up ^ Zuckert 1994, chpt. 7–10
^ Jump up to: a b Huyler 1995, chpt. 4,5
Jump up ^ Michael P. Zuckert (2005). Ellen Frankel Paul; Fred D. Miller Jr.; Jeffrey Paul, eds. Natural Rights Liberalism from Locke to Nozick. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-61514-3.
Jump up ^ Holly Brewer (2005). By Birth Or Consent: Children, Law, and the Anglo-American Revolution in Authority. University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 0-8078-2950-1.
Jump up ^ Huyler 1995, pp. 13, 130
Jump up ^ Huyler 1995, pp. 102, 120
Jump up ^ Macpherson 1962, p. 228
Jump up ^ Huyler 1995, pp. 130–35
Jump up ^ Zuckert 1994, p. 367
Jump up ^ Huyler 1995, pp. 162–71
Jump up ^ Huyler 1995, p. 42
Jump up ^ Ashcraft 1986
Jump up ^ Huyler 1995, pp. 104–05
Jump up ^ Pipes, Richard (1999). Property and Freedom. Knopf. p. 36. ISBN 978-0375404986.
Jump up ^ Huyler 1995, chpt. 3
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Strauss, Leo (1953), Natural Right and History, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, ISBN 978-0-2267-7694-1
Tully, James (1980), A Discourse on Property: John Locke and his Adversaries, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-521-22830-1
Ward, Lee. (2010), John Locke and Modern Life. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521192804
Waldron, Jeremy (2002), God, Locke, and Equality: Christian Foundations in Locke's Political Thought, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-5218-1001-2
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External links[edit]
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Two Treatises of Government
"John Locke". Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
"John Locke: Political Philosophy". Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
Two Treatises of Government Book I Book II
Second Treatise of Government by John Locke' at Project Gutenberg
Two Treatises of Civil Government public domain audiobook at LibriVox
Extensive Locke bibliography
John Locke, The Two Treatises of Civil Government (Hollis ed.) [1689] on The Online Library of Liberty
The Second Treatise of Civil Government, lightly edited for easier reading
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