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Elections in Russia
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On the federal level, Russia elects a president as head of state and a legislature, one of the two chambers of the Federal Assembly. The president is elected for, at most, two consecutive six-year terms by the people (raised from four years from December 2008).[1] The Federal Assembly (Federalnoe Sobranie) has two chambers. The State Duma (Gosudarstvennaja Duma) has 450 members, elected for five-year terms (also four years up to December 2008), using a system of proportional representation, where parties gain a percentage of seats equal to the percentage of national votes they gained, with a 7% threshold required to gain any seats in the Duma. The Federation Council (Sovet Federatsii) is not directly elected; each of the 85 federal subjects of Russia sends 2 delegates to the Federal Council, for a total of 170 members.[2]
Since 1990, there have been seven elections for the presidency and seven for parliament.
In the six presidential elections, only once, in 1996, has a second round been needed. There have been three presidents, with Boris Yeltsin elected in 1991 and 1996, Vladimir Putin in 2000, 2004, 2012 and 2018 (Yeltsin had already relinquished power to Putin in 1999) and Dmitry Medvedev in 2008. The Communist candidate (of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union or the Communist Party of the Russian Federation) has finished second in every case: Nikolai Ryzhkov in 1991, Gennady Zyuganov in 1996, 2000 and 2008 and 2012, and Nikolay Kharitonov in 2004. Only in 1996 has there been a third candidate who gained more than 10% of the votes in the first round, Alexander Lebed.
In the parliamentary elections, the Communist Party was the largest party in the 1995 and 1999 elections, with 35% and 24% of the votes respectively. The Liberal Democratic Party of Russia has ranged from 5 to 15% of the votes, and Yabloko won 10% of the votes in 1995 and around 5% in the other three elections. The only other parties that have achieved more than 10% of the votes have been Democratic Choice of Russia with 16% in 1993, Our Home – Russia with 12% in 1995, and, in 1999, Unity with 23%, Fatherland – All Russia with 13% and People's Deputies Faction with 15%. United Russia, an alliance of Unity and Fatherland – All Russia, became the biggest party with 38% in 2003.
Contents
[hide]
1 Federal elections
1.1 President
1.2 Parliament
2 Regional elections
2.1 Governors
2.2 Regional parliaments
3 Local (self-government) elections
3.1 Local mayoral elections
3.2 Local legislative elections
4 Criticism of recent elections
5 Latest elections
6 See also
7 References
8 External links
Federal elections[edit]
President[edit]
See also: Russian presidential elections and Category:Presidential elections in Russia
The President is elected in a two-round system every six years, with a two consecutive term limitation.[3] Prior to 2012, the term of office was four years. If no candidate wins by an absolute majority in the first round, a second election round is held between two candidates with the most votes.[3] The last presidential election was in 2018, and the next is expected in 2024.[4]
Parliament[edit]
See also: Federal Assembly (Russia), State Duma, and Political parties in Russia
Ballot to the 2011 State Duma election with list of Political parties.
On May 2012 President Medvedev signed a new legislation exempting political parties from the need to collect signatures to run in parliamentary elections.[5]
Regional elections[edit]
Further information: Federal subjects of Russia
Governors[edit]
Further information: List of current heads of federal subjects of Russia, List of heads of federal subjects of Russia, and Category:Gubernatorial elections in Russia
This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (September 2013)
Regional parliaments[edit]
Further information: Regional parliaments of Russia and Category:Regional legislative elections in Russia
This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (September 2013)
Local (self-government) elections[edit]
See also: Municipal divisions of Russia and Category:Local elections in Russia
The two main systems of local government include Mayor–council government in which voters cast their ballot for the mayor who represents the executive branch, and another ballot for the city council. The other system is Council–manager government with a city manager, who is nominated by and accountable to the City Duma.
Local mayoral elections[edit]
Further information: Category:Mayoral elections in Russia
This section is empty. You can help by adding to it. (September 2014)
Local legislative elections[edit]
This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (September 2013)
Criticism of recent elections[edit]
Since Vladimir Putin became President of Russia there has been increasing international criticism of the conduct of Russian elections. European institutions who observed the December 2007 legislative elections concluded that these were not fair elections. Göran Lennmarker, president of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), said that the elections "failed to meet many of the commitments and standards that we have. It was not a fair election."[6] Luc Van den Brande, who headed a delegation from the Council of Europe, referred to the "overwhelming influence of the president's office and the president on the campaign" and said there was "abuse of administrative resources" designed to influence the outcome. He also said there were "flaws in the secrecy of the vote." "Effectively, we can't say these were fair elections," he said at a news conference.[7]
In February 2008 The human rights organisation Amnesty International said that the presidential election on 2 March would not be a genuine election: "There is no real opposition ahead of the election. There is no real electoral campaign battle," Friederike Behr, Amnesty's Russia researcher, was quoted as saying. In a report on the elections, Amnesty said laws restricting non-government organizations, police breaking up demonstrations, and harassment from critics were all part of "a systematic destruction of civil liberties in Russia."[8] Another human rights organisation, Freedom House, said that the victory of Putin's party in the 2007 elections "was achieved under patently unfair and non-competitive conditions calling into doubt the result’s legitimacy."[9]
The Russian government has acted to prevent international observers monitoring Russian elections. In 2007 the OSCE was prevented from monitoring the legislative elections held in December.[10] In February 2008 the European Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights announced that it would not send observers to monitor the presidential election on 2 March, citing what it called "severe restrictions" imposed on its work by the Russian government. "We made every effort in good faith to deploy our mission, even under the conditions imposed by the Russian authorities", said Christian Strohal, the organization’s director. "The Russian Federation has created limitations that are not conducive to undertaking election observation".[11] The OSCE has also withdrawn its attempts to monitor the elections.
The 2011 Russian legislative elections were considered to be rigged in favor of the ruling party by a number of journalists and opposition representatives.[12] However public opinion-polls prior to the election suggested that the ruling party could count on the support of 45–55 percent of voters, which may suggest that there were no mass falsifications, despite isolated cases of fraud.[13] Nationwide exit polls were very close to the final results.[14]
In 2015 OSCE called the Russian government to respect and support the work of independent election observers, following a number of incidents where citizen observers were beaten or harassed in regional elections.[15]
Latest elections[edit]
Main article: Russian presidential election, 2012
e • d Summary of the 4 March 2012 Russian presidential election results
Candidates
Nominating parties
Votes
%
Vladimir Putin United Russia 45,602,075 63.60
Gennady Zyuganov Communist Party 12,318,353 17.18
Mikhail Prokhorov self-nominated 5,722,508 7.98
Vladimir Zhirinovsky Liberal Democratic Party 4,458,103 6.22
Sergey Mironov A Just Russia 2,763,935 3.85
Valid votes 70,864,974 98.83
Invalid votes 836,691 1.17
Total votes 71,701,665 100.00
Registered voters/turnout 109,860,331 65.27
Source: Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation
Main article: Russian legislative election, 2016
Party
PR
Constituency
Total result
Votes
%
±pp
Seats
Votes
%
Seats
Seats
+/–
United Russia 28,527,828 54.20 4.87 140 79.6 203 343 +105
Communist Party of the Russian Federation 7,019,752 13.34 5.85 35 2.7 7 42 –50
Liberal Democratic Party of Russia 6,917,063 13.14 1.46 34 2.0 5 39 –17
A Just Russia 3,275,053 6.22 7.01 16 2.7 7 23 –41
5% threshold
Communists of Russia 1,192,595 2.27 N/A 0 - 0 0 +0
Yabloko 1,051,335 1.99 1.44 0 - 0 0 +0
Russian Party of Pensioners for Justice 910,848 1.73 N/A[16] 0
No SMC
+0
Rodina 792,226 1.51 N/A[17] 0 0.4 1 1 +1
Party of Growth 679,030 1.29 0.69 0 - 0 +0
The Greens 399,429 0.76 N/A[18] 0 - 0 +0
People's Freedom Party 384,675 0.73 N/A[19] 0 - 0 +0
Patriots of Russia 310,015 0.59 0.38 0 - 0 +0
Civic Platform 115,433 0.22 N/A 0 0.4 1 1 +1
Civilian Power 73,971 0.14 N/A 0 - 0 +0
Independent
No Party List
0.4 1 1 +1
Invalid/blank votes 982,596 – – – – – – –
Total 52,700,922 100 0.00 225 100 225 450 0
Registered voters/turnout 110,061,200 47.88 0.00 0 0.00
Source: CIKRF
See also[edit]
Electoral calendar
Electoral system
Electoral geography of Russia
Elections in the Soviet Union
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "The Constitution of the Russian Federation". Garant Service. Retrieved 14 February 2012.
Jump up ^ "Search". International Herald Tribune. 29 March 2009. Retrieved 14 May 2011.
^ Jump up to: a b Gueorguieva, Vassia; Simon, Rita James (2009). Voting and Elections the World Over. Global Perspectives on Social Issues Series. Lexington Books. p. 79. ISBN 978-0-7391-3090-2.
Jump up ^ Herszenhorn, David M. (5 March 2012). "Observers Detail Flaws in Russian Election". New York Times. Retrieved 5 March 2012.
Jump up ^ "Medvedev Signs Off on Election, Party Signature Laws", RIA Novosti, May 2, 2012.
Jump up ^ (in English) "Monitors denounce Russia election". BBC News. BBC. 3 December 2007. Retrieved 25 May 2008.
Jump up ^ International Observers Say Russia's Parliamentary Election Not Fair, Fox News, 3 December 2007
Jump up ^ February, Reuters (26 February 2008). "No opposition or debate in Russia election: Amnesty". Canada.com. Archived from the original on 9 March 2010. Retrieved 14 May 2011.
Jump up ^ "Russian Elections Lack Legitimacy; Meaningful Political Competition Absent". Freedomhouse.org. 3 December 2007. Retrieved 14 May 2011.
Jump up ^ Election Observers Unwelcome, Spiegel Online, 16 November 2007
Jump up ^ European Group Cancels Mission to Observe Russian Election, Citing Restrictions , New York Times, 8 February 2008
Jump up ^ Schwirtz, Michael; David M. Herszenhorn (5 December 2011). "Voters Watch Polls in Russia, and Fraud Is What They See". New York Times. Retrieved 7 December 2011.
Jump up ^ Migranyan, Migranik (9 December 2011). "What the Recent Russian Elections Really Mean". National Interest. Retrieved 13 December 2011.
Jump up ^ "Russia's Putin and party suffer election blow". Reuters. 4 December 2011. Retrieved 27 August 2013.
Jump up ^ "Intimidation of observers at odds with OSCE commitments to ensure transparent elections, ODIHR Director says | OSCE". www.osce.org. Retrieved 2015-07-17.
Jump up ^ Russian Party of Pensioners for Justice participated in the last election as part of A Just Russia https://rg.ru/2012/10/29/partii-site.html
Jump up ^ Rodina participated in the last election as part of A Just Russia https://rg.ru/2012/10/29/partii-site.html
Jump up ^ The Greens participated in the last election as part of A Just Russia "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 19 April 2012. Retrieved 8 July 2015.
Jump up ^ The party did not participate in the 2011 elections because its registration was revoked from 2007 until 2012
External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Elections in Russia.
OSCE reports on elections in Russia
Geo-electoral structure of Russia (N.Grishin)
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Competition (biology)
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Sea anemones compete for the territory in tide pools
Competition is an interaction between organisms or species in which both the organisms or species are harmed. Limited supply of at least one resource (such as food, water, and territory) used by both can be a factor.[1] Competition both within and between species is an important topic in ecology, especially community ecology. Competition is one of many interacting biotic and abiotic factors that affect community structure. Competition among members of the same species is known as intraspecific competition, while competition between individuals of different species is known as interspecific competition. Competition is not always straightforward, and can occur in both a direct and indirect fashion.[2]
According to the competitive exclusion principle, species less suited to compete for resources should either adapt or die out, although competitive exclusion is rarely found in natural ecosystems. According to evolutionary theory, this competition within and between species for resources is important in natural selection. However, competition may play less of a role than expansion among larger clades;[3] this is termed the 'Room to Roam' hypothesis.[2]
Contents
[hide]
1 By mechanism
1.1 Interference
1.2 Exploitative
1.3 Apparent
2 By size asymmetry
3 By taxonomic relationship
3.1 Intraspecific
3.2 Interspecific
4 Evolutionary strategies
5 Competitive exclusion principle
6 Character displacement
7 See also
8 References
9 External links
By mechanism[edit]
Competition occurs by various mechanisms, which can generally be divided into direct and indirect. These apply equally to intraspecific and interspecific competition. Biologists typically recognize two types of competition: interference and exploitative competition. During interference competition, organisms interact directly by fighting for scarce resources. For example, large aphids defend feeding sites on cottonwood leaves by ejecting smaller aphids from better sites. In contrast, during exploitative competition, organisms interact indirectly by consuming scarce resources. For example, plants consume nitrogen by absorbing it into their roots, making nitrogen unavailable to nearby plants. Plants that produce many roots typically reduce soil nitrogen to very low levels, eventually killing neighboring plants.[citation needed]
Male-male competition in red deer during rut is an example of interference competition within a species.
Interference[edit]
Interference competition occurs directly between individuals via aggression etc. when the individuals interfere with foraging, survival, reproduction of others, or by directly preventing their physical establishment in a portion of the habitat. An example of this can be seen between the ant Novomessor cockerelli and red harvester ants, where the former interferes with the ability of the latter to forage by plugging the entrances to their colonies with small rocks.[4]
Exploitative[edit]
Exploitation competition occurs indirectly through a common limiting resource which acts as an intermediate. For example, use of resources depletes the amount available to others, or they compete for space.[5]
Apparent[edit]
Apparent competition occurs indirectly between two species which are both preyed upon by the same predator.[6] For example, species A and species B are both prey of predator C. The increase of species A may cause the decrease of species B, because the increase of As may aid in the survival of predator Cs, which will increase the number of predator Cs, which in turn will hunt more of species B.[7]
By size asymmetry[edit]
Main article: size-asymmetric competition
Competition varies from complete symmetric (all individuals receive the same amount of resources, irrespective of their size) to perfectly size symmetric (all individuals exploit the same amount of resource per unit biomass) to absolutely size-asymmetric (the largest individuals exploit all the available resource). The degree of size asymmetry has major effects on the structure and diversity of ecological communities, e.g. in plant communities size-asymmetric competition for light has stronger effects on diversity compared with competition for soil resources.[citation needed]
By taxonomic relationship[edit]
See also: Female intrasexual competition
Competition can occur between individuals of the same species, called intraspecific competition, or between different species, called interspecific competition. Studies show that intraspecific competition can regulate population dynamics (changes in population size over time). This occurs because individuals become crowded as a population grows. Since individuals within a population require the same resources, crowding causes resources to become more limited. Some individuals (typically small juveniles) eventually do not acquire enough resources and die or do not reproduce. This reduces population size and slows population growth.[citation needed]
Species also interact with other species that require the same resources. Consequently, interspecific competition can alter the sizes of many species' populations at the same time. Experiments demonstrate that when species compete for a limited resource, one species eventually drives the populations of other species extinct. These experiments suggest that competing species cannot coexist (they cannot live together in the same area) because the best competitor will exclude all other competing species.[citation needed]
Intraspecific[edit]
Main article: Intraspecific competition
Intraspecific competition occurs when members of the same species compete for the same resources in an ecosystem.[8]
Interspecific[edit]
Main article: Interspecific competition
Interspecific competition may occur when individuals of two separate species share a limiting resource in the same area. If the resource cannot support both populations, then lowered fecundity, growth, or survival may result in at least one species. Interspecific competition has the potential to alter populations, communities and the evolution of interacting species. An example among animals could be the case of cheetahs and lions; since both species feed on similar prey, they are negatively impacted by the presence of the other because they will have less food, however they still persist together, despite the prediction that under competition one will displace the other. In fact, lions sometimes steal prey items killed by cheetahs. Potential competitors can also kill each other, in so-called 'intraguild predation'. For example, in southern California coyotes often kill and eat gray foxes and bobcats, all three carnivores sharing the same stable prey (small mammals).[9]
An example among protozoa involves Paramecium aurelia and Paramecium caudatum. Russian ecologist, Georgy Gause, studied the competition between the two species of Paramecium that occurred as a result of their coexistence. Through his studies, Gause proposed the Competitive exclusion principle, observing the competition that occurred when their different ecological niches overlapped.[10]
Competition has been observed between individuals, populations and species, but there is little evidence that competition has been the driving force in the evolution of large groups. For example, mammals lived beside reptiles for many millions of years of time but were unable to gain a competitive edge until dinosaurs were devastated by the Cretaceous–Paleogene extinction event.[2]
Evolutionary strategies[edit]
Main articles: r/K selection theory and Verhulst equation
In evolutionary contexts, competition is related to the concept of r/K selection theory, which relates to the selection of traits which promote success in particular environments. The theory originates from work on island biogeography by the ecologists Robert MacArthur and E. O. Wilson.[11]
In r/K selection theory, selective pressures are hypothesised to drive evolution in one of two stereotyped directions: r- or K-selection.[12] These terms, r and K, are derived from standard ecological algebra, as illustrated in the simple Verhulst equation of population dynamics:[13]
d N d t = r N ( 1 − N K ) {\displaystyle {\frac {dN}{dt}}=rN\left(1-{\frac {N}{K}}\right)\qquad \!}
where r is the growth rate of the population (N), and K is the carrying capacity of its local environmental setting. Typically, r-selected species exploit empty niches, and produce many offspring, each of whom has a relatively low probability of surviving to adulthood. In contrast, K-selected species are strong competitors in crowded niches, and invest more heavily in much fewer offspring, each with a relatively high probability of surviving to adulthood.[13]
Competitive exclusion principle[edit]
1: a smaller (yellow) species of bird forages across whole tree.
2: a larger (red) species competes for resources.
3: red dominates in middle for the more abundant resources. Yellow adapts to new niche, avoiding competition.
Main article: Competitive exclusion principle
To explain how species coexist, in 1934 Georgii Gause proposed the competitive exclusion principle which is also called the Gause principle: species cannot coexist if they have the same ecological niche. The word "niche" refers to a species' requirements for survival and reproduction. These requirements include both resources (like food) and proper habitat conditions (like temperature or pH). Gause reasoned that if two species had identical niches (required identical resources and habitats) they would attempt to live in exactly the same area and would compete for exactly the same resources. If this happened, the species that was the best competitor would always exclude its competitors from that area. Therefore, species must at least have slightly different niches in order to coexist.[14][15]
Character displacement[edit]
Medium ground finch (Geospiza fortis) on Santa Cruz Island in the Galapagos
Main article: Character displacement
Competition can cause species to evolve differences in traits. This occurs because the individuals of a species with traits similar to competing species always experience strong interspecific competition. These individuals have less reproduction and survival than individuals with traits that differ from their competitors. Consequently, they will not contribute many offspring to future generations. For example, Darwin's finches can be found alone or together on the Galapagos Islands. Both species' populations actually have more individuals with intermediate-sized beaks when they live on islands without the other species present. However, when both species are present on the same island, competition is intense between individuals that have intermediate-sized beaks of both species because they all require intermediate sized seeds. Consequently, individuals with small and large beaks have greater survival and reproduction on these islands than individuals with intermediate-sized beaks. Different finch species can coexist if they have traits—for instance, beak size—that allow them to specialize on particular resources. When Geospiza fortis and Geospiza fuliginosa are present on the same island, G. fuliginosa tends to evolve a small beak and G. fortis a large beak. The observation that competing species' traits are more different when they live in the same area than when competing species live in different areas is called character displacement. For the two finch species, beak size was displaced: Beaks became smaller in one species and larger in the other species. Studies of character displacement are important because they provide evidence that competition is important in determining ecological and evolutionary patterns in nature.[16]
See also[edit]
Biological interaction
Character displacement
Community
Minimum viable population
Scramble competition
Resource (biology)
Resource partitioning
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Begon, M.; Harper, J. L.; Townsend, C. R. (1996) Ecology: Individuals, populations and communities Blackwell Science.
^ Jump up to: a b c Sahney, S.; Benton, M.J.; Ferry, P.A. (2010). "Links between global taxonomic diversity, ecological diversity and the expansion of vertebrates on land". Biology Letters. 6 (4): 544–547. doi:10.1098/rsbl.2009.1024. PMC 2936204  . PMID 20106856.
Jump up ^ Jardine, P.E.; Janis, C.M.; Sahney, S.; Benton, M.J. (2012), "Grit not grass: Concordant patterns of early origin of hypsodonty in Great Plains ungulates Glires", Palaeogeography, Palaeoclimatology, Palaeoecology, 365-366: 1–10, doi:10.1016/j.palaeo.2012.09.001
Jump up ^ Barton, Kasey E.; Sanders, Nathan J.; Gordon, Deborah M. (2002). "The Effects of Proximity and Colony Age on Interspecific Interference Competition between the Desert Ants Pogonomyrmex barbatus and Aphaenogaster cockerelli". American Midland Naturalist. 148 (2): 376–382. doi:10.1674/0003-0031(2002)148[0376:TEOPAC]2.0.CO;2.
Jump up ^ Tilman, D. (1982) Resource competition and community structure. Princeton university press.
Jump up ^ Holt, Robert D. (1977). "Predation, apparent competition, and the structure of prey communities". Theoretical Population Biology. 12 (2): 197–229. doi:10.1016/0040-5809(77)90042-9. PMID 929457.
Jump up ^ Van Nouhuys, S.; Hanski, I. (2000). "Apparent competition between parasitoids mediated by a shared hyperparasitoid". Ecology Letters. 3 (2): 82–84. doi:10.1046/j.1461-0248.2000.00123.x.
Jump up ^ Townsend, Colin R.; Begon, Michael (2008). Essentials of Ecology. pp. 103–105. ISBN 978-1-4051-5658-5. CS1 maint: Multiple names: authors list (link)
Jump up ^ .Fedriani, J. M., T. K. Fuller, R. M. Sauvajot and E. C. York. 2000. Competition and intraguild predation among three sympatric carnivores. Oecologia, 125:258-270.
Jump up ^ Gause, G.F. (1934). The struggle for existence. Baltimore, MD: Williams & Wilkins.
Jump up ^ MacArthur, R. and Wilson, E. O. (1967). The Theory of Island Biogeography, Princeton University Press (2001 reprint), ISBN 0-691-08836-5.
Jump up ^ Pianka, E. R. (1970). On r and K selection. American Naturalist '104' , 592-597.
^ Jump up to: a b Verhulst, P. F. (1838). Notice sur la loi que la population pursuit dans son accroissement. Corresp. Math. Phys. '10' , 113-121.
Jump up ^ Hardin, Garrett (1960). "The competitive exclusion principle" (PDF). Science. 131 (3409): 1292–1297. doi:10.1126/science.131.3409.1292. PMID 14399717.
Jump up ^ Pocheville, Arnaud (2015). "The Ecological Niche: History and Recent Controversies". In Heams, Thomas; Huneman, Philippe; Lecointre, Guillaume; et al. Handbook of Evolutionary Thinking in the Sciences. Dordrecht: Springer. pp. 547–586. ISBN 978-94-017-9014-7.
Jump up ^ Brown, W. L., and E. O. Wilson. 1956. "Character displacement". Systematic Zoology 5:49–65.
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War on Poverty
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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President Lyndon B. Johnson signs the Poverty Bill (also known as the Economic Opportunity Act) while press and supporters of the bill look on, August 20, 1964
The War on Poverty is the unofficial name for legislation first introduced by United States President Lyndon B. Johnson during his State of the Union address on Wednesday, January 8, 1964. This legislation was proposed by Johnson in response to a national poverty rate of around nineteen percent. The speech led the United States Congress to pass the Economic Opportunity Act, which established the Office of Economic Opportunity (OEO) to administer the local application of federal funds targeted against poverty.
As a part of the Great Society, Johnson believed in expanding the federal government's roles in education and health care as poverty reduction strategies.[1] These policies can also be seen as a continuation of Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal, which ran from 1933 to 1937, and the Four Freedoms of 1941. Johnson stated "Our aim is not only to relieve the symptom of poverty, but to cure it and, above all, to prevent it".[2]
The legacy of the War on Poverty policy initiative remains in the continued existence of such federal programs as Head Start, Volunteers in Service to America (VISTA), TRiO, and Job Corps.
The popularity of a war on poverty waned after the 1960s.[citation needed] Deregulation, growing criticism of the welfare state, and an ideological shift to reducing federal aid to impoverished people in the 1980s and 1990s culminated in the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Act of 1996, which President Bill Clinton claimed, "ended welfare as we know it."
Contents
[hide]
1 Major initiatives
2 Results and aftermath
3 Reception and critique
4 See also
5 Footnotes
6 Further reading
7 External links
Major initiatives[edit]
The Economic Opportunity Act of 1964 which created the Community Action Program, Job Corps and Volunteers in Service to America (VISTA), centerpiece of the "war on poverty" – August 20, 1964
Food Stamp Act of 1964 – August 31, 1964[3]
Elementary and Secondary Education Act - April 11, 1965
Social Security Act 1965 (Created Medicare and Medicaid) – July 19, 1965
The Office of Economic Opportunity was the agency responsible for administering most of the War on Poverty programs created during Johnson's Administration, including VISTA, Job Corps, Head Start, Legal Services and the Community Action Program. The OEO was established in 1964 and quickly became a target of both left-wing and right-wing critics of the War on Poverty. Directors of the OEO included Sargent Shriver, Bertrand Harding, and Donald Rumsfeld.
The OEO launched Project Head Start as an eight-week summer program in 1965. The project was designed to help end poverty by providing preschool children from low-income families with a program that would meet emotional, social, health, nutritional, and psychological needs. Head Start was then transferred to the Office of Child Development in the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare (later the Department of Health and Human Services) by the Nixon Administration in 1969.
President Johnson also announced a second project to follow children from the Head Start program. This was implemented in 1967 with Project Follow Through, the largest educational experiment ever conducted.[4]
The policy trains disadvantaged and at-risk youth and has provided more than 2 million disadvantaged young people with the integrated academic, vocational, and social skills training they need to gain independence and get quality, long-term jobs or further their education.[5] Job Corps continues to help 70,000 youths annually at 122 Job Corps centers throughout the country.[6] Besides vocational training, many Job Corps also offer GED programs as well as high school diplomas and programs to get students into college.
Results and aftermath[edit]
See also: Welfare's effect on poverty
Number in Poverty and Poverty Rate: 1959 to 2015. United States.
In the decade following the 1964 introduction of the war on poverty, poverty rates in the U.S. dropped to their lowest level since comprehensive records began in 1958: from 17.3% in the year the Economic Opportunity Act was implemented to 11.1% in 1973. They have remained between 11 and 15.2% ever since.[7] It is important to note, however, that the steep decline in poverty rates began in 1959, 5 years before the introduction of the war on poverty (see figure 4 below).[8]
The 'absolute poverty line' is the threshold below which families or individuals are considered to be lacking the resources to meet the basic needs for healthy living; having insufficient income to provide the food, shelter and clothing needed to preserve health. Poverty among Americans between ages 18–64 has fallen only marginally since 1966, from 10.5% then to 10.1% today. Poverty has significantly fallen among Americans under 18 years old from 23% in 1964 down to less than 17%, although it has risen again to 20% in 2009.[9] The most dramatic decrease in poverty was among Americans over 65, which fell from 28.5% in 1966 to 10.1% today.
In 2004, more than 35.9 million, or 12% of Americans including 12.1 million children, were considered to be living in poverty with an average growth of almost 1 million per year. According to the Cato Institute, a libertarian think tank, since the Johnson Administration, almost $15 trillion has been spent on welfare, with poverty rates being about the same as during the Johnson Administration.[10] A 2013 study published by Columbia University asserts that without the social safety net, the poverty rate would have been 29% for 2012, instead of 16%.[11] According to OECD data from 2012, the poverty rate before taxes and transfers was 28.3%, while the poverty rate after taxes and transfers fell to 17.4%.[12]
The OEO was dismantled by President Nixon in 1973, though many of the agency's programs were transferred to other government agencies.
According to the "Readers' Companion to U.S. Women's History",
Many observers point out that the War on Poverty's attention to Black America created the grounds for the backlash that began in the 1970s. The perception by the white middle class that it was footing the bill for ever-increasing services to the poor led to diminished support for welfare state programs, especially those that targeted specific groups and neighborhoods. Many whites viewed Great Society programs as supporting the economic and social needs of low-income urban minorities; they lost sympathy, especially as the economy declined during the 1970s.[13]
United States Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare under President Jimmy Carter, Joseph A. Califano, Jr. wrote in 1999 in an issue of the Washington Monthly that:[14]
In waging the war on poverty, congressional opposition was too strong to pass an income maintenance law. So LBJ took advantage of the biggest automatic cash machine around: Social Security. He proposed, and Congress enacted, whopping increases in the minimum benefits that lifted some two million Americans 65 and older above the poverty line. In 1996, thanks to those increased minimum benefits, Social Security lifted 12 million senior citizens above the poverty line ... No Great Society undertaking has been subjected to more withering conservative attacks than the Office of Economic Opportunity. Yet, the War on Poverty was founded on the most conservative principle: Put the power in the local community, not in Washington; give people at the grassroots the ability to stand tall on their own two feet. Conservative claims that the OEO poverty programs were nothing but a waste of money are preposterous ... Eleven of the 12 programs that OEO launched in the mid-'60s are alive, well and funded at an annual rate exceeding $10 billion; apparently legislators believe they're still working.
Reception and critique[edit]
See also: Criticisms of welfare
President Johnson's "War on Poverty" speech was delivered at a time of recovery (the poverty level had fallen from 22.4% in 1959 to 19% in 1964 when the War on Poverty was announced) and it was viewed by critics as an effort to get the United States Congress to authorize social welfare programs.[15]
Some economists, including Milton Friedman, have argued that Johnson's policies actually had a negative impact on the economy because of their interventionist nature, noting in a PBS interview that "the government sets out to eliminate poverty, it has a war on poverty, so-called "poverty" increases. It has a welfare program, and the welfare program leads to an expansion of problems. A general attitude develops that government isn't a very efficient way of doing things."[16] Adherents of this school of thought recommend that the best way to fight poverty is not through government spending but through economic growth.[17][18][19]
Prof. Tony Judt, the late historian, said in reference to the earlier proposed title of the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Act that "a more Orwellian title would be hard to conceive" and attributed the decline in the popularity of the Great Society as a policy to its success, as fewer people feared hunger, sickness, and ignorance. Additionally, fewer people were concerned with ensuring a minimum standard for all citizens and social liberalism.[20]
Conservative Research Fellow at the Independent Institute James L. Payne followed this line of thinking when he wrote that "the war on poverty was a costly, tragic mistake [because]...abolishing poverty did not seem far-fetched to the activists ... [and] it was a perspective that led to intolerance ... The simple economic theory of poverty led to a single underlying principle for welfare programs ... In adopting the handout approach for their programs, the war-on-poverty activists failed to notice—or failed to care—that they were ignoring over a century of theory and experience in the social welfare field ... The war-on-poverty activists not only ignored the lessons of the past on the subject of handouts; they also ignored their own experience with the poor."[21]
Thomas Sowell also criticized the War on Poverty's programs, writing "The black family, which had survived centuries of slavery and discrimination, began rapidly disintegrating in the liberal welfare state that subsidized unwed pregnancy and changed welfare from an emergency rescue to a way of life." [22]
Others took a different tack. In 1967, in his book Where Do We Go from Here: Chaos or Community? Martin Luther King "criticized Johnson's War on Poverty for being too piecemeal", saying that programs created under the "war on poverty" such as "housing programs, job training and family counseling" all had "a fatal disadvantage [because] the programs have never proceeded on a coordinated basis...[and noted that] at no time has a total, coordinated and fully adequate program been conceived."[23] In his speech on April 4, 1967 at Riverside Church in New City, King connected the war in Vietnam with the "war on poverty":
There is at the outset a very obvious and almost facile connection between the war in Vietnam and the struggle I, and others, have been waging in America. A few years ago there was a shining moment in that struggle. It seemed as if there was a real promise of hope for the poor—both black and white—through the poverty program. There were experiments, hopes, new beginnings. Then came the buildup in Vietnam and I watched the program broken and eviscerated as if it were some idle political plaything of a society gone mad on war, and I knew that America would never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like Vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic destructive suction tube. So I was increasingly compelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor and to attack it as such. Perhaps the more tragic recognition of reality took place when it became clear to me that the war was doing far more than devastating the hopes of the poor at home.[24]
This criticism was repeated in his speech at the same place later that month when he said that "and you may not know it, my friends, but it is estimated that we spend $500,000 to kill each enemy soldier, while we spend only fifty-three dollars for each person classified as poor, and much of that fifty-three dollars goes for salaries to people that are not poor. So I was increasingly compelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor, and attack it as such."[25] The next year, King started the Poor People's Campaign to address the shortcomings of the "war on poverty" and to "demand a check" for suffering African-Americans which was carried on briefly after his death with the construction and maintenance of an encampment, Resurrection City, for over six weeks.[26] Years later, a writer in The Nation remarked that "the war on poverty has too often been a war on the poor themselves," but that much can be done.[27]
In 1989, the former executive officer of the Task Force on Poverty Hyman Bookbinder addressed such criticisms of the "war on poverty" in an op-ed in The New York Times. He wrote that:
Today, the ranks of the poor are again swelling ... These and other statistics have led careless observers to conclude that the war on poverty failed. No, it has achieved many good results. Society has failed. It tired of the war too soon, gave it inadequate resources and did not open up new fronts as required. Large-scale homelessness, an explosion of teen-age pregnancies and single-parent households, rampant illiteracy, drugs and crime - these have been both the results of and causes of persistent poverty. While it is thus inappropriate to celebrate an anniversary of the war on poverty, it is important to point up some of the big gains ... Did every program of the 60's work? Was every dollar used to its maximum potential? Should every Great Society program be reinstated or increased? Of course not ... First, we cannot afford not to resume the war. One way or another, the problem will remain expensive. Somehow, we will provide for the survival needs of the poorest: welfare, food stamps, beds and roofs for the homeless, Medicaid. The fewer poor there are, the fewer the relief problems. Getting people out of poverty is the most cost-effective public investment."[28]
In March 3, 2014, as Chairman of the Budget Committee of the House of Representatives, Paul Ryan released his "The War on Poverty: 50 Years Later" report, asserting that some of 92 federal programs designed to help lower-income Americans have not provided the relief intended and that there is little evidence that these efforts have been successful.[29] At the core of the report are recommendations to enact cuts to welfare, child care, college Pell grants and several other federal assistance programs.[30] In the appendix titled "Measures of Poverty", when the poverty rate is measured by including non-cash assistance from food stamps, housing aid and other federal programs, the report states that these measurements have "implications for both conservatives and liberals. For conservatives, this suggests that federal programs have actually decreased poverty. For liberals, it lessens the supposed need to expand existing programs or to create new ones."[29][30] Several economists and social scientists whose work had been referenced in the report said that Ryan either misunderstood or misrepresented their research.[31]
See also[edit]
Social programs in the United States
Modern liberalism in the United States
Democratic socialism
The Other America
General:
Mixed economy
Social liberalism
Social safety net
Social welfare
Welfare
Welfare economics
Welfare state
Welfare's effect on poverty
Footnotes[edit]
Jump up ^ These justifications and aspects of the war on poverty are discussed in Weisbrod, Burton, ed. The Economics of Poverty: An American Paradox, Prentice-Hall, 1965
Jump up ^ Rector, Robert; Sheffield, Rachel (September 15, 2014). "The War on Poverty After 50 Years". The Heritage Foundation. Retrieved May 13, 2015.
Jump up ^ "A Short History of SNAP – Food and Nutrition Service". usda.gov.
Jump up ^ Maloney, M. (1998). Teach Your Children Well. Cambridge, MA: Cambridge Center for Behavioral Studies.
Jump up ^ "Congressman Chaka Fattah: National Job Resources". house.gov.
Jump up ^ "Partnerships – Partners". new-corp.org.
Jump up ^ Table B-1 page 56
Jump up ^ "Poverty". census.gov.
Jump up ^ "Children in poverty - Data Across States". Baltimore: KIDS COUNT Data Center, Annie E. Casey Foundation. September 2011. Retrieved August 9, 2012.
Jump up ^ Cover, Matt (June 25, 2012). "Study: More Than Half a Trillion Dollars Spent on Welfare But Poverty Levels Unaffected". CNSNews.com. Alexandria, VA, USA: Media Research Center. Retrieved August 9, 2012.
Jump up ^ Zachary A. Goldfarb (December 9, 2013). Study: U.S. poverty rate decreased over past half-century thanks to safety-net programs. The Washington Post. Retrieved January 15, 2015.
Jump up ^ Compare your country: Income distribution and poverty. OECD. Retrieved January 18, 2014.
Jump up ^ Mankiller, Wilma; Mink, Gwendolyn; Navarro, Marysa; Smith, Barbara; Steinem, Gloria, eds. (1998). "Great Society/War on Poverty". The Reader's Companion to U.S. Women's History. Boston, M.A.: Houghton Mifflin. p. 720. ISBN 978-0-395-67173-3. Retrieved 6 May 2009.
Jump up ^ Califano, Joseph A., Jr. (October 1999). "What Was Really Great About The Great Society: The truth behind the conservative myths". Washington Monthly. Archived from the original on March 26, 2014. Retrieved May 21, 2013.
Jump up ^ Clark, Elizabeth J. (January 2011). "Social Work's Poverty Imperative". NASWDC. Retrieved May 21, 2013.
Jump up ^ Friedman, Milton (August 9, 2002). "First Measured Century: Interview: Milton Friedman". PBS. Archived from the original on August 8, 2002. Retrieved May 21, 2013.
Jump up ^ Priest, George L. (April 11, 2013). "Poverty, Inequality and Economic Growth: Simple Principles" (PDF). Yale University. Retrieved May 21, 2013.
Jump up ^ Baetjer Jr., Howard (April 2003). "Does Welfare Diminish Poverty?". Foundation for Economic Freedom. Retrieved May 21, 2013.
Jump up ^ Loo, Dennis (April 2003). "Libertarianism and Poverty". The Ethical Spectacle. Retrieved May 21, 2013.
Jump up ^ Judt, Tony (December 17, 2009). "What Is Living and What Is Dead in Social Democracy?". The New York Review of Books. New York. Retrieved August 9, 2012.
Jump up ^ Payne, James L. (January 1, 1999). "Why the War on Poverty Failed Handouts Provide the Wrong Incentives". Foundation for Economic Education. Retrieved May 21, 2013.
Jump up ^ A painful anniversary. Thomas Sowell, Townhall.com, 17 August 2004
Jump up ^ Engler, Mark (January 15, 2010). "Dr. Martin Luther King's Economics: Through Jobs, Freedom". The Nation. Retrieved May 21, 2013.
Jump up ^ Rev. Martin Luther King. "Beyond Vietnam: A Time to Break Silence". hartford-hwp.com.
Jump up ^ "Social Activism Sound Recording Project". berkeley.edu.
Jump up ^ Gates, Henry Louis (February 10, 1998). "The Two Nations of Black America". PBS. Retrieved May 21, 2013.
Jump up ^ Cersonsky, James (January 3, 2013). "What a Real 'War on Poverty' Looks Like". The Nation. Retrieved May 21, 2013.
Jump up ^ Bookbinder, Hyman (August 20, 1989). "Did the War on Poverty Fail?". The New York Times. Retrieved May 21, 2013.
^ Jump up to: a b "The War on Poverty: 50 Years Later". Budget Committee of the House of Representatives. Retrieved March 6, 2014.
^ Jump up to: a b Mascaro, Lisa (March 3, 2014). "Rep. Paul Ryan calls for cuts in anti-poverty programs". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved March 6, 2014.
Jump up ^ Garver, Rob (March 4, 2014). "Economists Say Paul Ryan Misrepresented Their Research". The Fiscal Times. Retrieved March 5, 2014.
Further reading[edit]
Martha J. Bailey and Sheldon Danziger (eds.), Legacies of the War on Poverty. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 2013.
Elizabeth Hinton. From the War on Poverty to the War on Crime: The Making of Mass Incarceration in America. Harvard University Press, 2016. ISBN 0674737237.
Annelise Orleck and Lisa Gayle Hazirjian (eds.), The War on Poverty: A New Grassroots History, 1964–1980. Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 2011.
External links[edit]
Text of President Johnson's special address to Congress in which he uses the words "war against poverty" six times
Johnson's State of the Union Address where he declares the beginning of an "unconditional war on poverty in America"
"The other planet"—The Economist
NPR article about War on Poverty
Article and photo describing launch of War on Poverty
UVA Professor Kent G. Germany's article about the war on poverty
LKLP Community Action Partnership's article about the 'war on poverty
About a call President Johnson gave a congressman asking for helping on passing a poverty bill and more
Quick overview of the war on poverty
Notes for a 1995 movie titled America's War on Poverty
Christian Science Monitor article
The War on Poverty 50 Years Later: A Progress Report—Council of Economic Advisers
Fighting poverty revisited: What did researchers know 40 years ago? What do we know today? Sheldon Danziger (2007), University of Wisconsin–Madison.
1964 State of the Union Address (full video and audio at www.millercenter.org)
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