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Rocky IV
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Rocky IV
Theatrical release poster
Directed by
Sylvester Stallone
Produced by
Robert Chartoff
Irwin Winkler
Written by
Sylvester Stallone
Starring
Sylvester Stallone
Talia Shire
Burt Young
Carl Weathers
Brigitte Nielsen
Dolph Lundgren
Music by
Vince DiCola
(Rocky themes composed by Bill Conti)
Cinematography
Bill Butler
Edited by
John W. Wheeler
Don Zimmerman
Production
company
United Artists
Distributed by
MGM/UA Entertainment Company
Release date
November 27, 1985 (1985-11-27)
Running time
90 minutes
Country
United States
Language
English
Russian
Budget
$28 million[1]
Box office
$300.4 million
Rocky IV is a 1985 American sports drama film written, directed by, and starring Sylvester Stallone.[2] The film co-stars Dolph Lundgren, Burt Young, Talia Shire, Carl Weathers, Tony Burton, Brigitte Nielsen and Michael Pataki. Rocky IV was the highest grossing sports movie for 24 years, before it was overtaken by The Blind Side.[3] It is the fourth and most financially successful entry in the Rocky film series.[4]
In the film, the Soviet Union and its top boxer make an entrance into professional boxing with their best athlete Ivan Drago, who initially wants to take on World champion Rocky Balboa. Rocky's best friend Apollo Creed decides to fight him instead but is fatally beaten in the ring. Enraged, Rocky decides to fight Drago in the Soviet Union to avenge the death of his friend and defend the honor of his country.
Critical reception was mixed, but the film earned $300 million at the box office. This film marked Carl Weathers' final appearance in the series. Its success led to a fifth entry released on November 16, 1990.
Contents
[hide]
1 Plot
2 Cast
3 Production
3.1 Casting
3.2 Music
4 Reception
4.1 Box office
4.2 Critical response
4.3 Accolades
5 Analysis
6 Novelization
7 Litigation
8 References
9 External links
Plot[edit]
Ivan Drago, a Soviet boxer, arrives in the United States with his wife, Ludmilla, a Soviet swimmer and a team of trainers from the Soviet Union and Cuba. His manager, Nicolai Koloff, takes every opportunity to promote Drago's athleticism as a hallmark of Soviet superiority. Motivated by patriotism and an innate desire to prove himself, Apollo Creed challenges Drago to an exhibition bout. Rocky has reservations, but agrees to train Apollo despite his misgivings about the match. He asks Apollo whether the fight is against Drago, or "you against you?"
During a press conference regarding the match, hostility sparks between Apollo and Drago's respective camps. The boxing exhibition takes place at the MGM Grand Hotel in Las Vegas.[5] Apollo enters the ring in an over-the-top patriotic entrance with James Brown performing "Living in America" complete with showgirls. The bout starts tamely with Apollo landing several punches that are ineffective against Drago, and Drago retaliates with devastating effect. By the end of the first round, Rocky and Apollo's trainer, Duke, plead with him to give up, but Apollo refuses to do so, and tells Rocky not to stop the match "no matter what." Drago continues to pummel him in the second round, Duke begs Rocky to throw in the towel. Eventually, Drago lands one final punch on Apollo, killing him. In the aftermath, Drago displays no sense of remorse commenting to the assembled media: "If he dies, he dies."
Enraged by guilt and the Soviets' cold indifference, Rocky decides to challenge Drago himself. Drago's camp agrees to an unsanctioned 15-round fight in the Soviet Union on Christmas Day, an arrangement meant to protect Drago from the threats of violence he has been receiving in the U.S. Rocky travels to the Soviet Union without Adrian, setting up his training base in Krasnogourbinsk with only Duke and brother-in-law Paulie to accompany him. Duke opens up to Rocky, stating that he actually raised Apollo, and that his death felt like a father losing his son. He expresses his faith in Rocky to prevail. To prepare for the match, Drago uses high-tech equipment, steroid enhancement, and a team of trainers and doctors monitoring his every movement. Rocky, on the other hand, lifts and throws heavy logs, chops down trees, pulls an overloaded snow sleigh with Paulie atop, jogs through heavy snow under treacherous icy conditions, and climbs the largest icy mountain. Adrian arrives unexpectedly to give Rocky her support after initially refusing to travel to the Soviet Union, because of her worry that Rocky would be killed like Apollo.
Before the match, Drago is introduced with an elaborate patriotic ceremony, inspired by Apollo Creed's intro. The home crowd is squarely on Drago's side and hostile to Rocky. In stark contrast to his match with Apollo, Drago immediately goes on the offensive. Rocky takes a fierce pounding, and is thrown and shoved across the ring in the first round, but comes back toward the end of the second round, and cuts Drago's left eye, stunning both him and the crowd. This prompts Rocky to continue punching even after the bell rings. While Duke and Paulie encourage Rocky, they remind him that Drago is not a machine, but rather still human. Drago ironically comments to his trainers that Rocky "is not human, he is like a piece of iron," after his trainers reprimand him for his performance against the "weak" American.
The two boxers continue their battle over the next dozen rounds, with Rocky managing to continually hold his ground, despite Drago's valiant efforts. His resilience and persistence rallies the previously hostile Soviet crowd to his side, which unsettles Drago to the point that he picks Koloff up by the throat and throws him off the ring for berating his performance. In the final round, Rocky overcomes Drago with a knockout, to the shock of the Soviet politburo members watching the match.
Rocky gives a victory speech, acknowledging that the local crowd's disdain of him had turned to respect during the fight. He compares it to the animosity between the U.S. and the Soviets, and says that seeing him and Drago fight was "better than 20 million", alluding to a possible war between the U.S. and the Soviets. Rocky finally declares, "If I can change, and you can change, then everybody can change!" The Soviet General Secretary stands up and reluctantly applauds Rocky, and his aides follow suit. Rocky ends his speech by wishing his son watching the match on TV a Merry Christmas, and raises his arms into the air in victory as the crowd applauds.
Cast[edit]
Sylvester Stallone as Rocky Balboa, "The Italian Stallion": Beloved Heavyweight Champion of the World
Talia Shire as Adrian Balboa: Rocky's wife and support through his boxing career.
Burt Young as Paulie Pennino: Rocky's friend and brother-in-law.
Carl Weathers as Apollo Creed: Former Heavyweight Champion of the World, and close friend to Rocky
Dolph Lundgren as Ivan Drago: the Soviets' prize Champion boxer and a Soviet Army infantry captain
Brigitte Nielsen as Ludmilla Vobet Drago: Wife and supporter of Ivan Drago.
Tony Burton as Tony "Duke" Evers: Apollo's father-figure, friend, trainer and manager, who becomes Rocky's trainer for his match against Drago.
Michael Pataki as Nicolai Koloff: Trainer, promoter, and manager of Ivan Drago.
LeRoy Neiman plays the ring announcer in the Creed-Drago match. Burgess Meredith appears as Mickey Goldmill in archive footage. Appearing as themselves are singer James Brown and commentators Stu Nahan, Warner Wolf, R. J. Adams, Barry Tompkins and Al Bandiero.
Production[edit]
Wyoming doubled for the frozen expanse of the Soviet Union. The small farm where Rocky lived and trained was in Jackson Hole, and the Grand Teton National Park was used for filming many of the outdoor sequences in the Soviet Union. The PNE Agrodome at Hastings Park in Vancouver, British Columbia, served as the location of Rocky's Soviet bout.
Sylvester Stallone has stated that the original punching scenes filmed between him and Dolph Lundgren in the first portion of the fight are completely authentic. Stallone wanted to capture a realistic scene and Lundgren agreed that they would engage in legitimate sparring. One particularly forceful Lundgren punch to Stallone's chest slammed his heart against his breastbone, causing the heart to swell. Stallone, suffering from labored breathing and a blood pressure over 200, was flown from the set in Canada to Saint John's Regional Medical Center in Santa Monica, and was forced into intensive care for eight days. Stallone later commented that he believed Lundgren had the athletic ability and talent to fight in the professional heavyweight division of boxing.[6]
Additionally, Stallone has stated that Lundgren nearly forced Carl Weathers to quit in the middle of filming the Apollo-vs.-Drago "exhibition" fight. At one point in the filming of the scene, Lundgren tossed Weathers into the corner of the boxing ring. Weathers shouted profanities at Lundgren while leaving the ring, and announcing that he was calling his agent and quitting the movie. Only after Stallone forced the two actors to reconcile did filming continue. The event caused a four-day work stoppage, while Weathers was talked back into the part and Lundgren agreed to tone down his aggressiveness.[6]
Rocky IV is one of the few sport movies that applies genuine sound effects from actual punches, bona fide training methods created by boxing consultants, and a bevy of other new special effects.[7] The film is recognized as being ahead of its time in its demonstration of groundbreaking high-tech sporting equipment, some of which was experimental and 20 years from public use.[8][9] In 2012, Olympians Michael Phelps and Ryan Lochte noted that the training sequences in Rocky IV inspired them to use a cabin similar to what the resourceful Balboa utilized in the film.[10]
Casting[edit]
Sportscaster Stu Nahan makes his fourth appearance in the series as commentator for the Creed–Drago fight. Warner Wolf replaces Bill Baldwin, who died following filming for Rocky III, as co-commentator. For the fight between Rocky and Drago, commentators Barry Tompkins and Al Bandiero portray themselves as USA Network broadcasters.
Apollo Creed's wife Mary Anne (Sylvia Meals) made her second appearance in the series, the first being Rocky II, although the character was mainly featured in Rocky II. Stallone's future wife, Brigitte Nielsen, appeared as Drago's wife, Ludmilla.
Paulie's robot, a character that through the years has enjoyed a cult following of its own, was created by International Robotics Inc. in New York City. The robot's initial voice was that of the company's CEO, Robert Doornick. The robot is identified by its engineers as "SICO" and is/was a member of the Screen Actors Guild. It toured with James Brown in the 1980s.[11] The robot was written into the movie after it had been used to help treat Stallone's autistic son, Seargeoh.[12]
The Soviet premier in the sky box during the Rocky–Drago match, played by David Lloyd Austin, strongly resembles contemporary Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev. Austin later played Gorbachev in The Naked Gun, and Russian characters in other films.
Music[edit]
Main article: Rocky IV (soundtrack)
The musical score for Rocky IV was composed by Vince DiCola, who would later compose the music for The Transformers: The Movie. Rocky IV is the only film in the series not to feature original music by Bill Conti, who was replaced by DiCola; however, it does feature arrangements of themes composed by Conti from previous films in the series, such as "The Final Bell". Conti, who was too busy with the first two Karate Kid films at the time, would return for Rocky V and Rocky Balboa. Conti's famous piece of music from the Rocky series, "Gonna Fly Now", does not appear at all in Rocky IV (the first time in the series this happened), though a few bars of it are incorporated into DiCola's training montage instrumental.
Songs from the movie included "Living in America", by James Brown, and also music by John Cafferty ("Heart's on Fire", featuring Vince DiCola), Survivor, Kenny Loggins, and Robert Tepper. Go West wrote "One Way Street" for the movie by request of Sylvester Stallone. Europe's hit "The Final Countdown", written earlier in the decade by lead singer Joey Tempest, is often incorrectly stated as being featured in the film due to its similarity to DiCola's "Training Montage."[citation needed] However, Europe's track was not released as a single until late 1986, after Rocky IV's release.
According to singer Peter Cetera, he originally wrote his best-selling solo single "Glory of Love" as the end title for this film, but was passed over by United Artists, and instead used the theme for The Karate Kid Part II.[13]
Reception[edit]
Box office[edit]
Rocky IV grossed $127.8 million in United States and Canada, and $300 million worldwide, the most of any Rocky film. It was the highest-grossing sports film of all time, until The Blind Side (2009), which grossed $309 million (without accounting for inflation).
Stallone has been quoted as saying the enormous financial success and fan-following of Rocky IV once had him envisioning another Rocky movie, devoted to Drago and his post-boxing life, with Balboa's storyline running parallel to Drago's. However, he noted the damage both boxers sustained in the fight made them "incapable of reason", and thus instead planned Rocky V as a showcase of the dangers of boxing.[14]
Critical response[edit]
The film has a 39% approval rating on Rotten Tomatoes, from 43 critics, indicating mixed reviews; the critical consensus states, "Rocky IV inflates the action to absurd heights, but it ultimately rings hollow thanks to a story that hits the same basic beats as the first three entries in the franchise."[15] On Metacritic, the film has a score of 42 out of 100, based on 11 critics, indicating "mixed or average reviews."[16]
Roger Ebert gave the film two out of four stars, stating that with this film the Rocky series began "finally losing its legs. It's been a long run, one hit movie after another, but Rocky IV is a last gasp, a film so predictable that viewing it is like watching one of those old sitcoms where the characters never change and the same situations turn up again and again."[17] Ian Nathan of Empire gave the film two out of five stars, calling the script a "laughable turd" and describing Rocky IV as "the [film] where the Rocky series threw in the towel on the credibility."[18]
Gene Siskel of The Chicago Tribune gave the film a 3.5 out of 4 stars, and stated in his review, "[Stallone] creates credible villains worthy of his heroic character."[19]
Accolades[edit]
Dolph Lundgren received acclaim for his performance as Ivan Drago. He won the Marshall Trophy for Best Actor at the Napierville Cinema Festival.[20] Rocky IV also won Germany's Golden Screen Award.
The film won five Golden Raspberry Awards, including Worst Actor (Sylvester Stallone, along with Rambo: First Blood Part II), Worst Director (Stallone), Worst Supporting Actress (Brigitte Nielsen), Worst New Star (Nielsen, and also for Red Sonja) and Worst Musical Score. It also received nominations for Worst Picture, Worst Supporting Actress (Talia Shire), Worst Supporting Actor (Burt Young) and Worst Screenplay.[21]
Analysis[edit]
Scholars note that the film's strong yet formulaic structure emphasizes the power of the individual, embodied by Rocky, the prototypically American hero who is inventive, determined, and idealistic.[22] They contrast that with Ivan Drago's hyperbolic characterization as a representation of Soviet power in the context of the latter part of the Cold War.[23][24] Writer/director Stallone highlights the nationalistic overtones of the Balboa–Drago fight throughout the film, such as when Drago's wife calls the United States an "antagonistic and violent government," that is filled with "threats of violence" to her husband. Drago's trainer comments that American society has become "pathetic and weak."[25] Drago represents the totalitarian regime, demonstrating his power when he topples an arrogant opponent (Creed).[26] Later on, the radio announcer says, "Ivan Drago is a man with an entire country in his corner."[27] Scholars note that Drago's ultimate defeat — and the Soviet crowd's embrace of Rocky — represents a crumbling of the Soviet Union.[26][28]
Rocky IV has also been interpreted as a commentary on the power struggle between technology and humans, illustrated by both Paulie's robot and the technology utilized by Drago's trainers.[29]
Novelization[edit]
A novelization was published by Ballantine Books in 1985. Sylvester Stallone was credited as the author.[30]
Litigation[edit]
The script development was the subject of a famous copyright lawsuit, Anderson v. Stallone.[31] Timothy Anderson developed a treatment for Rocky IV on spec; after the studio decided not to buy his treatment, he sued when the resulting movie script was similar to his treatment. The court held that Anderson had prepared an unauthorized derivative work of the characters Stallone had developed in Rocky I through III, and thus he could not enforce his unauthorized story extension against the owner of the character's copyrights.
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Harmetz, Aljean (November 29, 1985). "At the Movies". The New York Times. Retrieved June 13, 2011.
Jump up ^ "Rocky IV". TCM database. Turner Classic Movies. Retrieved February 28, 2016.
Jump up ^ "Sports Drama". http://www.boxofficemojo.com/. External link in |website= (help)
Jump up ^ "Rocky Movies". Box Office Mojo. Box Office Mojo, LLC. Archived from the original on 2007-06-07. Retrieved 2007-09-17.
Jump up ^ Block, Marcelline (2011). World Film Locations: Las Vegas. Intellect Books. Pages 40–41. ISBN 9781841505886.
^ Jump up to: a b "Stallone Interview With Ain't It Cool News". AICN. Retrieved 2007-01-25.
Jump up ^ Crawford, G. (2008). "'It's in the game': sport fans, film and digital gaming". Sport in Society. 11 (2–3): 130–145. doi:10.1080/17430430701823380.
Jump up ^ Von Hoff, D. "Rocky IV-Fight Medicine". Medical Grand Rounds presented at University of Texas Health Science Centre.
Jump up ^ Cantu, R. C. (1995). Boxing and Medicine. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. ISBN 0873227972.
Jump up ^ White, Duncan (28 July 2012). "London 2012 Olympics: US swimmers Michael Phelps and Ryan Lochte go head to head in first heavyweight battle". Telegraph.
Jump up ^ "Archived copy". Archived from the original on November 21, 2008. Retrieved March 23, 2010.
Jump up ^ Edwards, Phil. "The Rocky IV robot’s secret connection to autism treatment," Trivia Happy (Mar. 27, 2014).
Jump up ^ "Flashback: Peter Cetera Honors the 'Glory' of Karate Kid". Retrieved March 18, 2017.
Jump up ^ Gates, P. (2010). "Acting His Age? The Resurrection of the 80s Action Heroes and their Aging Stars". Quarterly Review of Film and Video. 27 (4): 276–289. doi:10.1080/10509200802371113.
Jump up ^ "Rocky IV". Retrieved June 15, 2017.
Jump up ^ "Rocky IV". Metacritic. Retrieved November 27, 2015.
Jump up ^ Ebert, Roger. "Rocky Iv Movie Review & Film Summary (1985) | Roger Ebert". www.rogerebert.com. Retrieved 22 July 2017.
Jump up ^ Nathan, Ian. "Rocky IV". Empire. Retrieved 22 July 2017.
Jump up ^ Siskel, Gene (1985-11-27). "`Rocky Iv` Produces A Villain You`ll Love To Hate".
Jump up ^ "Rocky IV: Award Wins and Nominations". IMDb.com. Retrieved September 3, 2010.
Jump up ^ Wilson, John (January 2, 2002). "1985 Archive". Razzies.com. Archived from the original on October 13, 2014. Retrieved October 22, 2012.
Jump up ^ LeSueur, S. C.; Rehberger, D. (1988). "Rocky IV, Rambo II, and the Place of the Individual in Modern American Society". Journal of American Culture. 11 (2): 25–33. doi:10.1111/j.1542-734X.1988.1102_25.x.
Jump up ^ Lee, Christina (2005). "Lock and Load(up): The Action Body in The Matrix". Continuum: Journal of Media & Cultural Studies. 19 (4): 560. doi:10.1080/10304310500322909.
Jump up ^ Lukynov, Fyodor (2005). "America as the Mirror of Russian Phobias". Social Research. 72 (4): 859–872. JSTOR 40971800.
Jump up ^ Munfa, M. (2003). "Yo America, let's beat those Commies: Pro-American Propaganda in Rocky IV". Living in the Digital World.
^ Jump up to: a b Rollin, Roger B. (1989). "Rocky IV Meets La Grande Illusion: Pedagogy and Theory in Popular Culture Study". The Americanization of the Global Village: Essays in Comparative Popular Culture. Popular Press. ISBN 0879724692.
Jump up ^ Strada, Michael J.; Troper, Harold R. (1997). Friend Or Foe?: Russians in American Film and Foreign Policy, 1933-1991. Scarecrow Press. p. 157. ISBN 0810832453.
Jump up ^ Strada 1997, p. 158.
Jump up ^ Rushing, J. H.; Frentz, T. S. (1989). "The Frankenstein myth in contemporary cinema". Critical Studies in Media. 6 (1): 61–80. doi:10.1080/15295038909366731.
Jump up ^ Stallone, Sylvester (January 1, 1985). "Rocky IV". Ballantine Bks. Retrieved March 18, 2017 – via Open WorldCat.
Jump up ^ Anderson v. Stallone, 11 USPQ2D 1161 (C.D. Cal. 1989)
External links[edit]
Film portal
Official Rocky Anthology Site
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Kansas–Nebraska Act
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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This 1856 map shows slave states (gray), free states (pink), U.S. territories (green), and Kansas in center (white).
The Kansas–Nebraska Act of 1854 (10 Stat. 277) created the territories of Kansas and Nebraska and was drafted by Democratic Senator Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois and President Franklin Pierce. The initial purpose of the Kansas–Nebraska Act was to open up thousands of new farms and make feasible a Midwestern Transcontinental Railroad. The popular sovereignty clause of the law led pro- and anti-slavery elements to flood into Kansas with the goal of voting slavery up or down, resulting in Bleeding Kansas.[1]
Contents
[hide]
1 Background
2 Congressional action
2.1 Introduction of Nebraska bill
2.2 Meeting with Pierce
2.3 Debate in Senate
2.4 Debate in House of Representatives
3 Reaction
4 Bleeding Kansas
5 Effect on Native American tribes
6 Aftermath
7 References
8 Sources
9 External links
Background[edit]
Events leading to
the American Civil War
Slavery
Northwest Ordinance
Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions
Battle of Negro Fort
Missouri Compromise
Tariff of 1828
Nat Turner's slave rebellion
Nullification Crisis
The Amistad
Prigg v. Pennsylvania
Texas annexation
Mexican–American War
Wilmot Proviso
Manifest destiny
Underground Railroad
Nashville Convention
Compromise of 1850
Fugitive Slave Act of 1850
Uncle Tom's Cabin
Kansas–Nebraska Act
Ostend Manifesto
Bleeding Kansas
Caning of Charles Sumner
Dred Scott v. Sandford
The Impending Crisis of the South
Brown's raid on Harpers Ferry
1860 presidential election
Crittenden Compromise
Secession of Southern States
Star of the West
Corwin Amendment
Battle of Fort Sumter
v
t
e
The availability of tens of millions of acres of excellent farmland in the area made it necessary to create a territorial infrastructure to allow settlement. Railroad interests were especially eager to start operations since they needed farmers as customers. Four previous attempts to pass legislation had failed. The solution was a bill proposed in January 1854 by Douglas: the Democratic Party leader in the US Senate, the chairman of the Committee on Territories, an avid promoter of railroads, an aspirant to the presidency, and a fervent believer in popular sovereignty: the policy of letting the voters, almost exclusively white males, of a territory decide whether or not slavery should exist in it.[2]
Since the 1840s, the topic of a transcontinental railroad had been discussed. While there were debates over the specifics, especially the route to be taken, there was a public consensus that such a railroad should be built by private interests, financed by public land grants. In 1845, Douglas, serving in his first term in the US House of Representatives, had submitted an unsuccessful plan to organize the Nebraska Territory formally, as the first step in building a railroad with its eastern terminus in Chicago. Railroad proposals were debated in all subsequent sessions of Congress with cities such as Chicago, St. Louis, Quincy, Memphis, and New Orleans competing to be the jumping-off point for the construction.[3]
Several proposals in late 1852 and early 1853 had strong support, but they failed because of disputes over whether the railroad would follow a northern or a southern route. In early 1853, the House of Representatives passed a bill 107 to 49 to organize the Nebraska Territory in the land west of Iowa and Missouri. In March, the bill moved to the Senate Committee on Territories, which was headed by Douglas. Missouri Senator David Atchison announced that he would support the Nebraska proposal only if slavery was allowed. While the bill was silent on this issue, slavery would have been prohibited, under the Missouri Compromise. Other Southern senators were as inflexible as Atchison. By a vote of 23 to 17, the Senate voted to table the motion, with every senator from the states south of Missouri voting to table.[4]
During the Senate adjournment, the issues of the railroad and the repeal of the Missouri Compromise became entangled in Missouri politics, as Atchison campaigned for re-election against the forces of Thomas Hart Benton. Atchison was maneuvered into choosing between antagonizing the state's railroad interests or its slaveholders. Finally, Atchison took the position that he would rather see Nebraska "sink in hell" before he would allow it to be overrun by free soilers.[5]
Representatives then generally found lodging in boarding houses when they were in the nation's capital to perform their legislative duties. Atchison shared lodgings in an F Street house, shared by the leading Southerners in Congress. Atchison himself was the Senate's president pro tempore. His housemates included Robert T. Hunter (from Virginia, chairman of the Finance Committee), James Mason (from Virginia, chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee) and Andrew P. Butler (from South Carolina, chairman of the Judiciary Committee). When Congress reconvened on December 5, 1853, the group, termed the F Street Mess[6], along with Virginian William O. Goode, formed the nucleus that would insist on slaveholder equality in Nebraska. Douglas was aware of the group's opinions and power and knew that he needed to address its concerns.[7]
Iowa Senator Augustus C. Dodge immediately reintroduced the same legislation to organize Nebraska that had stalled in the previous session; it was referred to Douglas's committee on December 14. Douglas, hoping to achieve the support of the Southerners, publicly announced that the same principle that had been established in the Compromise of 1850 should apply in Nebraska.
In the Compromise of 1850, Utah and New Mexico Territories had been organized without any restrictions on slavery, and many supporters of Douglas argued that the compromise had already superseded the Missouri Compromise.[8] The two territories, however, unlike Nebraska, had not been part of the Louisiana Purchase and had never been subject to the Missouri Compromise.
Congressional action[edit]
Introduction of Nebraska bill[edit]
Stephen A. Douglas – "The great principle of self government is at stake, and surely the people of this country are never going to decide that the principle upon which our whole republican system rests is vicious and wrong."[9]
The bill was reported to the main body of the Senate on January 4, 1854. It had been modified by Douglas, who had also authored the New Mexico Territory and Utah Territory Acts, to mirror the language from the Compromise of 1850. In the bill, a vast new Nebraska Territory was created to extend from Kansas north all the way to the 49th parallel, the US–Canada border. A large portion of Nebraska Territory would soon be split off into Dakota Territory (1861), and smaller portions transferred to Colorado Territory (1861) and Idaho Territory (1863) before the balance of the land became the State of Nebraska in 1867.
Furthermore, any decisions on slavery in the new lands were to be made "when admitted as a state or states, the said territory, or any portion of the same, shall be received into the Union, with or without slavery, as their constitution may prescribe at the time of their admission."[10] In a report accompanying the bill, Douglas's committee wrote that the Utah and New Mexico Acts
...were intended to have a far more comprehensive and enduring effect than the mere adjustment of the difficulties arising out of the recent acquisition of Mexican territory. They were designed to establish certain great principles, which would not only furnish adequate remedies for existing evils, but, in all time to come, avoid the perils of a similar agitation, by withdrawing the question of slavery from the halls of Congress and the political arena, and committing it to the arbitrament of those who were immediately interested in, and alone responsible for its consequences.[11]
The report compared the situation in New Mexico and Utah with the situation in Nebraska. In the first instance, many had argued that slavery had previously been prohibited under Mexican law, just as it was prohibited in Nebraska under the Missouri Compromise. Just as the creation of New Mexico and Utah territories had not ruled on the validity of Mexican law on the acquired territory, the Nebraska bill was neither "affirming or repealing... the Missouri act." In other words, popular sovereignty was being established by ignoring, rather than addressing, the problem presented by the Missouri Compromise.[11]
Douglas's attempt to finesse his way around the Missouri Compromise did not work. Kentucky Whig Archibald Dixon believed that unless the Missouri Compromise was explicitly repealed, slaveholders would be reluctant to move to the new territory until slavery was actually approved by the settlers, who would most likely oppose slavery. On January 16 Dixon surprised Douglas by introducing an amendment that would repeal the section of the Missouri Compromise that prohibited slavery north of the 36°30' parallel. Douglas met privately with Dixon and in the end, despite his misgivings on Northern reaction, agreed to accept Dixon's arguments.[12]
From a political standpoint, the Whig Party had been in decline in the South because of the effectiveness with which it had been hammered by the Democratic Party over slavery. The Southern Whigs hoped that by seizing the initiative on this issue, they would be identified as strong defenders of slavery. Many Northern Whigs broke with them in the Act. The party eventually died by the division over the issue.[13]
Charles Sumner on Douglas – "Alas! too often those principles which give consistency, individuality, and form to the Northern character, which render it staunch, strong, and seaworthy, which bind it together as with iron, are drawn out, one by one, like the bolts of the ill-fitted vessel, and from the miserable, loosened fragments is formed that human anomaly—a Northern man with Southern principles. Sir, no such man can speak for the North."[14]
A similar amendment was offered in the House by Philip Phillips of Alabama. With the encouragement of the "F Street Mess", Douglas met with them and Phillips to ensure that the momentum for passing the bill remained with the Democratic Party. They arranged to meet with President Franklin Pierce to ensure that the issue would be declared a test of party loyalty within the Democratic Party.[15]
Meeting with Pierce[edit]
Pierce had barely mentioned Nebraska in his State of the Union message the previous month and was not enthusiastic about the implications of repealing the Missouri Compromise. Close advisors Senator Lewis Cass, a proponent of popular sovereignty as far back as 1848 as an alternative to the Wilmot Proviso, and Secretary of State William L. Marcy both told Pierce that repeal would create serious political problems. The full cabinet met and only Secretary of War Jefferson Davis and Secretary of Navy James C. Dobbin supported repeal. Instead the president and cabinet submitted to Douglas an alternative plan that would have sought out a judicial ruling on the constitutionality of the Missouri Compromise. Both Pierce and Attorney General Caleb Cushing believed that the Supreme Court would find it unconstitutional.[16]
Douglas's committee met later that night. Douglas was agreeable to the proposal, but the Atchison group was not. Determined to offer the repeal to Congress on January 23 but reluctant to act without Pierce's commitment, Douglas arranged through Davis to meet with Pierce on January 22 even though it was a Sunday, when Pierce generally refrained from conducting any business. Douglas was accompanied at the meeting by Atchison, Hunter, Phillips, and John C. Breckinridge of Kentucky.[17]
Douglas and Atchison first met alone with Pierce before the whole group convened. Pierce was persuaded to support repeal, and at Douglas' insistence, Pierce provided a written draft, asserting that the Missouri Compromise had been made inoperative by the principles of the Compromise of 1850. Pierce later informed his cabinet, which concurred in the change of direction.[18] The Washington Union, the communications organ for the administration, wrote on January 24 that support for the bill would be "a test of Democratic orthodoxy."[19]
Debate in Senate[edit]
On January 23, a revised bill was introduced in the Senate that repealed the Missouri Compromise and divided the territory into two territories: Kansas and Nebraska. The division was the result of concerns expressed by settlers already in Nebraska as well as the senators from Iowa, who were concerned with the location of the territory's seat of government if such a large territory were created. Existing language to affirm the application of all other laws of the United States in the new territory was supplemented by the language agreed on with Pierce: "except the eighth section of the act preparatory to the admission of Missouri into the Union, approved March 6, 1820, which was superseded by the legislation of 1850, commonly called the compromise measures, and is declared inoperative." Identical legislation was soon introduced in the House.[20]
Forcing Slavery Down the Throat of a Freesoiler
An 1854 cartoon depicts a giant free soiler being held down by James Buchanan and Lewis Cass standing on the Democratic platform marked "Kansas," "Cuba," and "Central America", referring to accusations that southerners wanted to annex areas in Latin America to expand slavery. Franklin Pierce also holds down the giant's beard, as Stephen A. Douglas shoves a black man down his throat.
Historian Allan Nevins wrote that "two interconnected battles began to rage, one in Congress and one in the country at large: each fought with a pertinacity, bitterness, and rancor unknown even in Wilmot Proviso days." In Congress, the freesoilers were at a distinct disadvantage. The Democrats held large majorities in each house, and Douglas, "a ferocious fighter, the fiercest, most ruthless, and most unscrupulous that Congress had perhaps ever known" led a tightly disciplined party. It was in the nation at large that the opponents of Nebraska hoped to achieve a moral victory. The New York Times, which had earlier supported Pierce, predicted that this would be the final straw for Northern supporters of the slavery forces and would "create a deep-seated, intense, and ineradicable hatred of the institution which will crush its political power, at all hazards, and at any cost."[21]
The day after the bill was reintroduced, two Ohioans, Representative Joshua Giddings and Senator Salmon P. Chase, published a free-soil response, "Appeal of the Independent Democrats in Congress to the People of the United States:"
We arraign this bill as a gross violation of a sacred pledge; as a criminal betrayal of precious rights; as part and parcel of an atrocious plot to exclude from a vast unoccupied region immigrants from the Old World and free laborers from our own States, and convert it into a dreary region of despotism, inhabited by masters and slaves.[22]
Douglas took the appeal personally and responded in Congress, when the debate was opened on January 30 before a full House and packed gallery. Douglas biographer Robert W. Johanssen described part of the speech:
Douglas charged the authors of the "Appeal", whom he referred to throughout as the "Abolitionist confederates", with having perpetrated a "base falsehood" in their protest. He expressed his own sense of betrayal, recalling that Chase, "with a smiling face and the appearance of friendship", had appealed for a postponement of debate on the ground that he had not yet familiarized himself with the bill. "Little did I suppose at the time that I granted that act of courtesy," Douglas remarked, that Chase and his compatriots had published a document "in which they arraigned me as having been guilty of a criminal betrayal of my trust," of bad faith, and of plotting against the cause of free government. While other Senators were attending divine worship, they had been "assembled in a secret conclave", devoting the Sabbath to their own conspiratorial and deceitful purposes.[23]
The debate would continue for four months, as many Anti-Nebraska political rallies were held across the north. Douglas remained the main advocate for the bill while Chase, William Seward, of New York, and Charles Sumner, of Massachusetts, led the opposition. The New-York Tribune wrote on March 2:
"The unanimous sentiment of the North is indignant resistance.... The whole population are full of it. The feeling in 1848 was far inferior to this in strength and universality."[24]
Sam Houston from Texas was one of the few southern opponents of the Kansas–Nebraska Act. In the debate he urged, "Maintain the Missouri Compromise! Stir not up agitation! Give us peace!"[25]
Alexander Stephens from Georgia – "Nebraska is through the House. I took the reins in my hand, applied the whip and spur, and brought the 'wagon' out at eleven o'clock P.M. Glory enough for one day."[26]
The debate in the Senate concluded on March 4, 1854, when Douglas, beginning near midnight on March 3, made a five-and-a-half-hour speech. The final vote in favor of passage was 37 to 14.[27] Free-state senators voted 14 to 12 in favor, and slave-state senators supported the bill 23 to 2.[28]
Debate in House of Representatives[edit]
On March 21, 1854, as a delaying tactic in the House of Representatives, the legislation was referred by a vote of 110 to 95 to the Committee of the Whole, where it was the last item on the calendar. Realizing from the vote to stall that the act faced an uphill struggle, the Pierce administration made it clear to all Democrats that passage of the bill was essential to the party and would dictate how federal patronage would be handled. Davis and Cushing, from Massachusetts, along with Douglas, spearheaded the partisan efforts.[29] By the end of April, Douglas believed that there were enough votes to pass the bill. The House leadership then began a series of roll call votes in which legislation ahead of the Kansas–Nebraska Act was called to the floor and tabled without debate.[30]
Thomas Hart Benton was among those speaking forcefully against the measure. On April 25, in a House speech that biographer William Nisbet Chambers called "long, passionate, historical, [and] polemical," Benton attacked the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, which he "had stood upon ... above thirty years, and intended to stand upon it to the end—solitary and alone, if need be; but preferring company." The speech was distributed afterwards as a pamphlet when opposition to the act moved outside the walls of Congress.[31]
It was not until May 8 that the debate began in the House. The debate was even more intense than in the Senate. While it seemed to be a foregone conclusion that the bill would pass, the opponents went all out to fight it.[32] Historian Michael Morrison wrote:
Thomas Hart Benton of Missouri – "What is the excuse for all this turmoil and mischief? We are told it is to keep the question of slavery out of Congress! Great God! It was out of Congress, completely, entirely, and forever out of Congress, unless Congress dragged it in by breaking down the sacred laws which settled it!"[26]
A filibuster led by Lewis D. Campbell, an Ohio free-soiler, nearly provoked the House into a war of more than words. Campbell, joined by other antislavery northerners, exchanged insults and invectives with southerners, neither side giving quarter. Weapons were brandished on the floor of the House. Finally, bumptiousness gave way to violence. Henry A. Edmundson, a Virginia Democrat, well oiled and well armed, had to be restrained from making a violent attack on Campbell. Only after the sergeant at arms arrested him, debate was cut off, and the House adjourned did the melee subside.[33]
The floor debate was handled by Alexander Stephens, of Georgia, who insisted that the Missouri Compromise had never been a true compromise but had been imposed on the South. He argued that the issue was whether republican principles, "that the citizens of every distinct community or State should have the right to govern themselves in their domestic matters as they please," would be honored.[34]
The final vote in favor of the bill was 113 to 100.[35] Northern Democrats supported the bill 44 to 42, but all 45 northern Whigs opposed it. Southern Democrats voted in favor by 57 to 2, and southern Whigs supported it by 12 to 7.[36] Pierce signed the bill into law on May 30.
Reaction[edit]
The immediate responses to the passing of the Kansas–Nebraska Act fell into two classes. The less common response was held by Douglas's supporters, who believed that the bill would withdraw "the question of slavery from the halls of Congress and the political arena, committing it to the arbitration of those who were immediately interested in, and alone responsible for, its consequences."[37] In other words, they believed that the Act would leave decisions about slavery in the hands of the people, rather than under the carefully-balanced jurisdiction of the Federal government. The far more common response was one of outrage, interpreting Douglas's actions as part of "an atrocious plot."[38] Especially in the eyes of northerners, the Kansas–Nebraska Act was aggression and an attack on the power and beliefs of free states.[39] The response led to calls for public action against the South, as seen in broadsides that advertised gatherings in northern states to discuss publicly what to do about the presumption of the Act.[40]
Bleeding Kansas[edit]
Main article: Bleeding Kansas
1855 first edition of Colton's map of Nebraska and Kansas Territories
Bleeding Kansas, Bloody Kansas or the Border War was a series of violent political confrontations in the United States between 1854 and 1861 involving anti-slavery "Free-Staters" and pro-slavery "Border Ruffian", or "southern" elements in Kansas. At the heart of the conflict was the question of whether Kansas would allow or outlaw slavery, and thus enter the Union as a slave state or a free state.
Pro-slavery settlers came to Kansas mainly from neighboring Missouri. Their influence in territorial elections was often bolstered by resident Missourians who crossed into Kansas solely for the purpose of voting in such ballots. They formed groups such as the Blue Lodges and were dubbed border ruffians, a term coined by opponent and abolitionist Horace Greeley. Abolitionist settlers, known as "Jayhawkers," moved from the East expressly to make Kansas a free state. A clash between the opposing sides was inevitable.[41]
Successive territorial governors, usually sympathetic to slavery, attempted to maintain the peace. The territorial capital of Lecompton, the target of much agitation, became such a hostile environment for Free-Staters that they set up their own, unofficial legislature, at Topeka.[42]
John Brown and his sons gained notoriety in the fight against slavery by murdering five pro-slavery farmers with a broadsword in the Pottawatomie massacre. Brown also helped defend a few dozen Free-State supporters from several hundred angry pro-slavery supporters at Osawatomie.[43]
Hostilities between the factions reached a state of low-intensity civil war, which was damaging to Pierce. The new Republican Party sought to capitalize on the scandal of Bleeding Kansas. Routine ballot-rigging and intimidation, practiced by both pro-slavery and anti-slavery settlers, failed to deter the immigration of anti-slavery settlers, who eventually became the majority of the population.[44]
Effect on Native American tribes[edit]
Prior to the organization of the Kansas–Nebraska territory in 1854, the Kansas and Nebraska Territories were consolidated as part of the Indian Territory. Throughout the 1830s, large-scale relocations of Native American tribes to the Indian Territory took place, with many Southeastern nations removed to present-day Oklahoma, a process ordered by the Indian Removal Act of 1830 and known as the Trail of Tears, and many Midwestern nations removed by way of treaty to present-day Kansas. Among the latter were the Shawnee,[45] Delaware,[46] Kickapoo,[47] Kaskaskia and Peoria,[48] Ioway,[49] and Miami.[50] The passing of the Kansas–Nebraska Act came into direct conflict with the relocations. White American settlers from both the free-soil North and pro-slavery South flooded the Northern Indian Territory, hoping to influence the vote on slavery that would come following the admittance of Kansas and, to a lesser extent, Nebraska to the United States.
In order to avoid and/or alleviate the reservation-settlement problem, further treaty negotiations were attempted with the tribes of Kansas and Nebraska. In 1854 alone, the U.S. agreed to acquire lands in Kansas or Nebraska from several tribes including the Kickapoo,[51] Delaware,[52] Omaha,[53] Shawnee,[54] Otoe and Missouri,[55] Miami,[56] and Kaskaskia and Peoria.[57] In exchange for their land cessions, the tribes largely received small reservations in the Indian Territory of Oklahoma or Kansas in some cases.
For the nations that remained in Kansas beyond 1854, the Kansas–Nebraska Act introduced a host of other problems. In 1855, white "squatters" built the city of Leavenworth on the Delaware reservation without the consent of either the Delaware or the US government. When Commissioner of Indian Affairs George Manypenny ordered for military support in removing the squatters, both the military and the squatters refused to comply, undermining both Federal authority and the treaties in place with the Delaware.[58] In addition to the violations of treaty agreements, other promises made were not being kept. Construction and infrastructure improvement projects dedicated in nearly every treaty, for example, took a great deal longer than expected. Beyond that, however, the most damaging violation by White American settlers was the mistreatment of Native Americans and their properties. Personal maltreatment, stolen property, and deforestation have all been cited.[59] Furthermore, the squatters' premature and illegal settlement of the Kansas Territory jeopardized the value of the land and, with it, the future of the Indian tribes living on them. Because treaties were land cessions and purchases, the value of the land handed over to the Federal government was critical to the payment received by a given Native nation. Deforestation, destruction of property, and other general injuries to the land lowered the value of the territories that were ceded by the Kansas Territory tribes.[60]
Manypenny's 1856 "Report on Indian Affairs" explained the devastating effect of diseases White settlers brought to Kansas on Indian populations. Without providing statistics, Indian Affairs Superintendent to the area Colonel Alfred Cumming reported at least more deaths than births in most tribes in the area. While noting intemperance, or alcoholism, as a leading cause of death, Cumming specifically cited cholera, smallpox, and measles, none of which the Native Americans were able to treat.[61] The disastrous epidemics exemplified the Osage people, who lost an estimated 1300 lives to scurvy, measles, smallpox, and scrofula between 1852 and 1856,[62] contributing, in part, to the massive decline in population, from 8000 in 1850 to just 3500 in 1860.[63] The Osage had already encountered epidemics associated with relocation and white settlement. The initial removal acts in the 1830s brought both White American settlers and foreign Native American tribes to the Great Plains and into contact with the Osage people. Between 1829 and 1843, influenza, cholera, and smallpox killed an estimated 1242 Osage Indians,[62] resulting in a population recession of roughly 20 percent between 1830 and 1850.[63]
Though their role has been largely minimized or excluded in many historical accounts, Native Americans were also subjected to a great deal of violence during Bleeding Kansas. It has been argued that the widespread absence of Indian involvement in Bleeding Kansas and the settlement of Kansas as a whole from historical texts are caused by racism, an insistence that Native Americans are "half-civilized" and have "done nothing for the world," Furthermore, it has also been argued that the dismissal of Native Americans, as civilized societies, removed White settlers from responsibility for their transgressions against Indian tribes in Kansas throughout Bleeding Kansas.[64]
Aftermath[edit]
The Kansas–Nebraska Act divided the nation and pointed it toward civil war.[65] The Act itself virtually nullified the Missouri Compromise of 1820. The turmoil over the act split both the Democratic and Whig parties and gave rise to the Republican Party, which split the United States into two major political camps, the Republican North and the Democratic South.
Senator Stephen A. Douglas and former Illinois Representative Abraham Lincoln aired their disagreement over the Kansas–Nebraska Act in seven public speeches during September and October 1854.[66] Lincoln gave his most comprehensive argument against slavery and the provisions of the act in Peoria, Illinois, on October 16, the Peoria Speech.[67] He and Douglas both spoke to the large audience, Douglas first and Lincoln in response, two hours later. Lincoln's three-hour speech presented thorough moral, legal, and economic arguments against slavery and raised Lincoln's political profile for the first time. The speeches set the stage for the Lincoln-Douglas debates four years later, when Lincoln was running for Douglas's Senate seat.[68]
A new anti-slavery state constitution, known as the Wyandotte Constitution, was eventually drawn up. On January 29, 1861, five weeks before Lincoln's inauguration, Kansas was admitted to the Union as a free state. On March 1, 1867, Nebraska was admitted to the Union. By then, the 1861–1865 Civil War had been fought, and slavery itself had been outlawed throughout the United States by the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution.
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Nicole Etcheson, Bleeding Kansas: Contested Liberty in the Civil War Era (2006) ch 1
Jump up ^ Robert W. Johansson, Stephen A. Douglas (Oxford UP, 1973) pp. 374–400
Jump up ^ Potter pp. 146–149
Jump up ^ Potter pp. 150–152
Jump up ^ Potter pp. 154–155
Jump up ^ Mess meant taking meals together.
Jump up ^ Freehling pp. 550–551. Johanssen p. 407
Jump up ^ Johannsen pp. 402–403
Jump up ^ Holt p. 145
Jump up ^ Johanssen pp. 405
^ Jump up to: a b Johanssen p. 406
Jump up ^ Nevins pp. 95–96
Jump up ^ Cooper p. 350
Jump up ^ Nevins p. 139
Jump up ^ Johanssen pp. 412–413. Cooper pp. 350–351
Jump up ^ Potter p. 161. Johanssen pp. 413–414
Jump up ^ Potter p. 161. Johanssen p. 414
Jump up ^ Johanssen pp. 414–415
Jump up ^ Foner p. 156
Jump up ^ Johanssen pp. 415–417
Jump up ^ Nevins p. 111
Jump up ^ Nevins pp. 111–112. Johanssen p. 418
Jump up ^ Johanssen p. 420
Jump up ^ Nevins p. 121
Jump up ^ Nevins p. 144
^ Jump up to: a b Nevins p. 156
Jump up ^ http://www.govtrack.us/congress/votes/33-1/s52
Jump up ^ Potter p. 165. The vote occurred at 3:30 a.m. and many senators, including Houston, had retired for the night. Estimates on what the vote might have been with all still in attendance vary from 40–20 to 42–18. Nevins p. 145
Jump up ^ Nevins p. 154
Jump up ^ Potter p. 166
Jump up ^ Chambers p. 401
Jump up ^ Nevins pp. 154–155
Jump up ^ Morrison p. 154
Jump up ^ Nevins p. 155
Jump up ^ http://www.govtrack.us/congress/votes/33-1/h309
Jump up ^ Nevins pp. 156–157
Jump up ^ Senate Reports, 33 Cong., 1 Sess., No. 15.
Jump up ^ Congressional Globe, 33 Cong., 1 Sess., 281.
Jump up ^ "The Kansas-Nebraska Act: A Century of Historiography on JSTOR". JSTOR 1902683. Missing or empty |url= (help)
Jump up ^ American Broadsides and Ephemera, Series I. "To the People of Massachusetts:" Worchester, MA: 1854. Accessed 3 March 2016. http://infoweb.newsbank.com/iw-search/we/Evans/?p_product=EAIX&p_theme=eai&p_nbid=I4FS4FHLMTQ1NzA2MzIyNi4zMDQ5NDQ6MToxNDo2OC4xNjkuMTY4LjIyMA&p_action=doc&p_docnum=1&p_queryname=3&p_docref=v2:10D2F64C960591AE@EAIX-10F45436DC239530@9060-@1&f_mode=citation
Jump up ^ Nicole Etcheson, Bleeding Kansas: Contested Liberty in the Civil War Era (2006)
Jump up ^ Thomas Goodrich, War to the Knife: Bleeding Kansas, 1854–1861 (2004)
Jump up ^ James C. Malin, John Brown and the legend of fifty-six (1942)
Jump up ^ Sara Paretsky, Bleeding Kansas (2008)
Jump up ^ "INDIAN AFFAIRS: LAWS AND TREATIES. Vol. 2, Treaties". digital.library.okstate.edu. Retrieved 2015-12-14.
Jump up ^ "INDIAN AFFAIRS: LAWS AND TREATIES. Vol. 2, Treaties". digital.library.okstate.edu. Retrieved 2015-12-14.
Jump up ^ "INDIAN AFFAIRS: LAWS AND TREATIES. Vol. 2, Treaties". digital.library.okstate.edu. Retrieved 2015-12-14.
Jump up ^ "INDIAN AFFAIRS: LAWS AND TREATIES. Vol. 2, Treaties". digital.library.okstate.edu. Retrieved 2015-12-14.
Jump up ^ "INDIAN AFFAIRS: LAWS AND TREATIES. Vol. 2, Treaties". digital.library.okstate.edu. Retrieved 2015-12-14.
Jump up ^ "INDIAN AFFAIRS: LAWS AND TREATIES. Vol. 2, Treaties". digital.library.okstate.edu. Retrieved 2015-12-14.
Jump up ^ "INDIAN AFFAIRS: LAWS AND TREATIES. Vol. 2, Treaties". digital.library.okstate.edu. Retrieved 2015-12-14.
Jump up ^ "INDIAN AFFAIRS: LAWS AND TREATIES. Vol. 2, Treaties". digital.library.okstate.edu. Retrieved 2015-12-14.
Jump up ^ "INDIAN AFFAIRS: LAWS AND TREATIES. Vol. 2, Treaties". digital.library.okstate.edu. Retrieved 2015-12-14.
Jump up ^ "INDIAN AFFAIRS: LAWS AND TREATIES. Vol. 2, Treaties". digital.library.okstate.edu. Retrieved 2015-12-14.
Jump up ^ "INDIAN AFFAIRS: LAWS AND TREATIES. Vol. 2, Treaties". digital.library.okstate.edu. Retrieved 2015-12-14.
Jump up ^ "INDIAN AFFAIRS: LAWS AND TREATIES. Vol. 2, Treaties". digital.library.okstate.edu. Retrieved 2015-12-14.
Jump up ^ "INDIAN AFFAIRS: LAWS AND TREATIES. Vol. 2, Treaties". digital.library.okstate.edu. Retrieved 2015-12-14.
Jump up ^ George W. Manypenny, Our Indian Wards (1880) 123-124
Jump up ^ George W. Manypenny, Our Indian Wards (1880) 127
Jump up ^ "History: Annual report of the commissioner of Indian affairs, for the year 1855: [Central superintendency]". digicoll.library.wisc.edu. Retrieved 2015-12-14.
Jump up ^ "History: Annual report of the commissioner of Indian affairs, for the year 1856: [Central superintendency]". digicoll.library.wisc.edu. Retrieved 2015-12-14.
^ Jump up to: a b Louis F. Burns, A History of the Osage People (2004) 239
^ Jump up to: a b Louis F. Burns, A History of the Osage People (2004) 243
Jump up ^ Matthew G. Stewart, The Burden of Western History (2014) 42-43
Jump up ^ Tom Huntington "Civil War Chronicles: Abolitionist John Doy", American Heritage, Spring 2009.
Jump up ^ The Lincoln Institute (2002–2008). "1854 – Abraham Lincoln and Freedom". Retrieved 2008-08-25.
Jump up ^ Lehrman, Lewis E. "Abraham Lincoln at Peoria: The Turning Point". Retrieved 2008-08-25.
Jump up ^ The Lincoln Institute; Lewis E. Lehrman (2002–2008). "Preface by Lewis Lehrman, Abraham Lincoln and Freedom". Retrieved 2008-08-25.
Sources[edit]
Burns, Louis F. A History of the Osage People (2004)
Chambers, William Nisbet. Old Bullion Benton: Senator From the New West (1956)
Childers, Christopher. "Interpreting Popular Sovereignty: A Historiographical Essay", Civil War History Volume 57, Number 1, March 2011 pp. 48–70 in Project MUSE
Etcheson, Nicole. Bleeding Kansas: Contested Liberty in the Civil War Era (2006)
Foner, Eric. Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men: The Ideology of the Republican Party Before the Civil War. (1970) ISBN 0-19-509497-2
Freehling, William W. The Road to Disunion: Secessionists at Bay 1776–1854. (1990) ISBN 0-19-505814-3
Holt, Michael. The Political Crisis of the 1850s (1978)
Huston, James L. Stephen A. Douglas and the dilemmas of democratic equality (2007)
Johannsen. Robert W. Stephen A. Douglas (1973) ISBN 0-19-501620-3
Manypenny, George W. Our Indian Wards (1880)
Morrison, Michael. Slavery and the American West: The Eclipse of Manifest Destiny and the Coming of the Civil War (1997) online edition
Nevins, Allan. Ordeal of the Union: A House Dividing 1852–1857. (1947) ISBN 0-684-10424-5
Nichols, Roy F. "The Kansas–Nebraska Act: A Century of Historiography." Mississippi Valley Historical Review 43 (September 1956): 187–212. Online at JSTOR
Potter, David M. The Impending Crisis, 1848–1861 (1976), Pulitzer prize winning scholarly history.
SenGupta, Gunja. "Bleeding Kansas: A Review Essay." Kansas History 24 (Winter 2001/2002): 318–341. online
Stewart, Matthew G. The Burden of Western History: Kansas, Collective Memory, and the Reunification of the American Empire, 1854–1913 (2014)
Wolff, Gerald W., The Kansas–Nebraska Bill: Party, Section, and the Coming of the Civil War, (Revisionist Press, 1977), 385 pp.
Wunder, John R. and Joann M Ross, eds. The Nebraska-Kansas Act of 1854 (2008), essays by scholars
External links[edit]
Wikisource has the text of the 1905 New International Encyclopedia article Kansas–Nebraska Bill.
An annotated bibliography
Millard Fillmore on the Fugitive Slave and Kansas-Nebraska Acts: Original Letter Shapell Manuscript Foundation
The Kansas–Nebraska Act of 1854: Popular Sovereignty and the Political Polarization over Slavery
Kansas–Nebraska Act and related resources at the Library of Congress
President Pierce's Private Correspondence on the Kansas–Nebraska Act Shapell Manuscript Foundation
Printer-friendly transcript of the act
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Kansas in the American Civil War
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