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Escape from New York
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For the 1981 board game, see Escape from New York (game). For the 2009 music album of 65daysofstatic, see Escape from New York (album).
Escape from New York
Theatrical release poster
Directed by
John Carpenter
Produced by
Larry Franco
Debra Hill
Written by
John Carpenter
Nick Castle
Starring
Kurt Russell
Lee Van Cleef
Ernest Borgnine
Donald Pleasence
Isaac Hayes
Harry Dean Stanton
Adrienne Barbeau
Music by
John Carpenter
Alan Howarth
Cinematography
Dean Cundey
Jim Lucas
Edited by
Todd Ramsay
Production
company
AVCO Embassy Pictures
International Film Investors
Goldcrest Films International
Distributed by
AVCO Embassy Pictures[1]
Release date
July 10, 1981 (1981-07-10) (United States)
Running time
99 minutes
Country
United States[1][2]
Language
English
Budget
$6 million[3]
Box office
$25.2 million (US)[3]
Escape from New York is a 1981 American post-apocalyptic science-fiction action film co-written, co-scored and directed by John Carpenter. The film is set in what was near-future of 1997, in a crime-ridden United States that has converted Manhattan Island in New York City into the country's maximum security prison. When Air Force One is hijacked by terrorists and crashes into New York City, ex-soldier and federal prisoner Snake Plissken (Kurt Russell) is given 24 hours to rescue the President of the United States.
Carpenter wrote the film in the mid-1970s as a reaction to the Watergate scandal. After the success of Halloween, he had enough influence to begin production and filmed it mainly in St. Louis, Missouri on an estimated budget of $6 million.[3][4] Debra Hill and Larry J. Franco served as the producers. The film was co-written by Nick Castle, who had collaborated with Carpenter by portraying Michael Myers in Halloween.
Escape from New York was released in the United States on July 10, 1981. The film received positive reviews from critics and was a commercial success, grossing over $25 million at the box office.[3] The film was nominated for four Saturn Awards, including Best Science Fiction Film and Best Direction. The film became a cult classic and was followed by a sequel, Escape from L.A. (1996), which was also directed and written by Carpenter and starred Russell but was much less favorably received.
Contents
[hide]
1 Plot
2 Cast
3 Production
3.1 Development
3.2 Casting
3.3 Pre-production
3.4 Filming
4 Reception
5 Soundtrack
6 Home media
6.1 Videocassette releases
6.2 DVD releases
6.3 Blu-ray release
6.4 Novelization
6.5 Comic books
6.6 Board game
6.7 Anime
7 Sequel
8 References
9 External links
Plot[edit]
In 1988, following a 400% increase in crime, the United States government has turned Manhattan into a giant maximum-security prison. A 50-foot (15 m) containment wall surrounds the island and routes out of Manhattan have been dismantled or mined, while armed helicopters patrol the rivers, and all prisoners there are sentenced to life, with no means of leaving.
In 1997, while traveling to a peace summit between the United States, China and Russia, Air Force One is hijacked by a domestic terrorist posing as a stewardess. The President is given a tracking bracelet and his briefcase (containing an audiotape describing the secret to using nuclear fusion for power generation) handcuffed to his wrist. He makes it to an escape pod, and lands in Manhattan just before Air Force One crashes, killing everyone else aboard.
Police are dispatched to rescue the President. However, Romero, the right-hand man of the Duke of New York, the top crime boss in the prison, warns them that the Duke has taken the President hostage, and that he will be killed if any further rescue attempts are mounted. Commissioner Bob Hauk offers a deal to Snake Plissken, a former Special Forces soldier convicted of attempting to rob the Federal Reserve in Denver: if Snake rescues the President and retrieves the cassette tape, Hauk will arrange a presidential pardon. To ensure his compliance, Hauk has Plissken injected with micro-explosives that will rupture Snake's carotid arteries within 22 hours; if Snake returns with the President and the tape in time, Hauk will have the explosives neutralized.
Snake is sent into Manhattan in a stealth glider, landing atop the World Trade Center. He tracks the President's life-monitor bracelet to a vaudeville theater, only to find it on the wrist of an insane old man. He meets "Cabbie," who takes Snake in his armored taxi cab to Harold "Brain" Hellman, an advisor to the Duke and a former associate of Snake's. Brain tells Snake that the Duke plans to unify the gangs in a mass exodus across the heavily guarded Queensboro Bridge, using the President as a human shield and a map Brain has created to avoid the landmines. Snake forces Brain and his girlfriend Maggie to lead him to the Duke's compound at Grand Central Terminal. He finds the President, but is captured by the Duke's men.
While Snake is forced to fight in a deathmatch with Slag, a prisoner, Brain and Maggie kill Romero and flee with the President. As Snake kills Slag, the Duke learns of Brain's treachery and rallies his gang to chase them. Snake, Brain, Maggie, and the President race to the World Trade Center in an attempt to use Snake's glider to escape from Manhattan. After a group of crazies destroy it, the group returns to the street and encounters Cabbie, who offers to take them across the bridge. When Cabbie reveals that he has the secret tape (having traded it to Romero earlier for his hat), the President demands it, but Snake keeps it.
The Duke pursues the group onto the bridge, setting off mines as he tries to catch up. With Brain navigating through the minefield, Snake manages to avoid most of the explosives, but the cab hits a mine and is blown in half, killing Cabbie. As the group flees on foot, Brain is killed when he steps on another mine. Maggie refuses to leave him, and stands in the middle of the road, shooting at the Duke's car until he runs her down, killing her. Snake and the President reach the perimeter wall and the guards raise the President on a rope. The Duke opens fire on the wall, killing the guards and forcing Snake to dive for cover, but the President shoots the Duke dead. Snake is lifted to safety, and the micro-explosives in his neck are neutralized.
As the President prepares for a televised speech to the leaders at the summit meeting, he thanks Snake for saving him. Snake asks how he feels about the people who died saving him, but the President only offers half-hearted regret. As Snake walks away in disgust, Hauk offers Snake a job, which he refuses. The President's speech commences, and he offers the contents of the cassette; to his embarrassment, the tape is Cabbie's cassette of the swing song "Bandstand Boogie". As Snake walks away, he intentionally tears the magnetic tape out of the cassette reel with the actual message that was intended to be delivered by the President.
Cast[edit]
Kurt Russell as Snake Plissken
Lee Van Cleef as Bob Hauk
Ernest Borgnine as Cabbie
Donald Pleasence as the President of the United States
Isaac Hayes as The Duke of New York City
Harry Dean Stanton as Harold "Brain" Hellman
Adrienne Barbeau as Maggie
Season Hubley as The Girl in the Chock Full o' Nuts
Tom Atkins as Rehme
Charles Cyphers as the Secretary of State
Joe Unger as Taylor (scenes deleted)
Frank Doubleday as Romero
John Strobel as Cronenberg
Nancy Stephens as Stewardess
Ox Baker as Slag
Buck Flower as Drunk
Debra Hill as computer voice (uncredited)[citation needed]
Jamie Lee Curtis as prefatory narrator (uncredited)[citation needed]
The character "Rehme" was named after producer Robert Rehme, while "Taylor", "Romero" and "Cronenberg" were named after the directors Don Taylor, George Romero and David Cronenberg respectively.[citation needed]
Production[edit]
Development[edit]
Carpenter originally wrote the screenplay for Escape from New York in 1976, in the aftermath of the Watergate scandal. Carpenter said, "The whole feeling of the nation was one of real cynicism about the President. I wrote the screenplay and no studio wanted to make it" because, according to Carpenter, "it was too violent, too scary, too weird."[5] He had been inspired by the film Death Wish, which was very popular at the time. He did not agree with this film's philosophy but liked how it conveyed "the sense of New York as a kind of jungle, and I wanted to make a science fiction film along these lines".[6]
Casting[edit]
AVCO Embassy Pictures, the film's financial backer, preferred either Charles Bronson or Tommy Lee Jones to play the role of Snake Plissken to Carpenter's choice of Kurt Russell, who was trying to overcome the "lightweight" screen image conveyed by his roles in several Disney comedies. Carpenter refused to cast Bronson on the grounds that he was too old, and because he worried that he could lose directorial control over the picture with an experienced actor. At the time, Russell described his character as "a mercenary, and his style of fighting is a combination of Bruce Lee, The Exterminator, and Darth Vader, with Eastwood's vocal-ness."[7] All that matters to Snake, according to the actor, is "the next 60 seconds. Living for exactly that next minute is all there is." Russell used a rigorous diet and exercise program in order to develop a lean and muscular build. He also endeavored to stay in character between takes and throughout the shooting, as he welcomed the opportunity to get away from the Disney comedies he had done previously. He did find it necessary to remove the eyepatch between takes, as wearing it constantly seriously affected his depth perception.[8]
Pre-production[edit]
Carpenter had just made Dark Star but no one wanted to hire him as a director, so he assumed that he would make it in Hollywood as a screenwriter. The filmmaker went on to do other films with the intention of making Escape later. After the success of Halloween, Avco-Embassy signed him and producer Debra Hill to a two-picture deal. The first film from this contract was The Fog. Initially, the second film that he was going to make to finish the contract was The Philadelphia Experiment, but because of script-writing problems, Carpenter rejected it in favor of this project. However, Carpenter felt that something was missing and recalls, "This was basically a straight action film. And at one point, I realized it really doesn't have this kind of crazy humor that people from New York would expect to see."[9] He brought in Nick Castle, a friend from his film school days at University of Southern California who played "The Shape" in Halloween. Castle invented the Cabbie character and came up with the film's ending.[10]
The film's setting proved to be a potential problem for Carpenter, who needed to create a decaying, semi-destroyed version of New York City on a shoe-string budget. He and the film's production designer Joe Alves rejected shooting on location in New York City because it would be too hard to make it look like a destroyed city. Carpenter suggested shooting on a movie back lot but Alves nixed that idea "because the texture of a real street is not like a back lot."[11] They sent Barry Bernardi, their location manager (and associate producer), "on a sort of all-expense-paid trip across the country looking for the worst city in America," producer Debra Hill remembers.[11]
Bernardi suggested East St. Louis, Illinois, because it was filled with old buildings "that exist in New York now, and [that] have that seedy run-down quality" that the team was looking for.[12] East St. Louis, sitting across the Mississippi River from the more prosperous St. Louis, Missouri, had entire neighborhoods burned out in 1976 during a massive urban fire. Hill said in an interview, "block after block was burnt-out rubble. In some places there was absolutely nothing, so that you could see three and four blocks away."[11] As well, Alves found an old bridge to double for the "69th St. Bridge". The filmmaker purchased the Old Chain of Rocks Bridge for one dollar from the government and then gave it back to them, for the same amount, once production was completed, "so that they wouldn't have any liability," Hill remembers.[11] Locations across the river in St. Louis, Missouri were used, including Union Station and the Fox Theatre, both of which have since been renovated,[13] as well as the building which would eventually become the Schlafly Tap Room microbrewery.
Filming[edit]
Carpenter and his crew persuaded the city to shut off the electricity to ten blocks at a time at night. The film was shot from August to November 1980. It was a tough and demanding shoot for the filmmaker as he recalls. "We'd finish shooting at about 6 am and I'd just be going to sleep at 7 when the sun would be coming up. I'd wake up around 5 or 6 pm, depending on whether or not we had dailies, and by the time I got going, the sun would be setting. So for about two and a half months I never saw daylight, which was really strange."[9] The gladiatorial fight to the death scene between Snake and Slag (played by professional wrestler Ox Baker) was filmed in the Grand Hall at St. Louis Union Station. Russell has stated, "That day was a nightmare. All I did was swing a [spiked] bat at that guy and get swung at in return. He threw a trash can in my face about five times ... I could have wound up in pretty bad shape."[14] In addition to shooting on location in St. Louis, Carpenter shot parts of the film in Los Angeles. Various interior scenes were shot on a sound stage; the final scenes were shot at the Sepulveda Dam, in Sherman Oaks. New York served as a location, as did Atlanta, to use their futuristic-looking rapid-transit system.[15] In New York City, Carpenter persuaded federal officials to grant access to Liberty Island. "We were the first film company in history allowed to shoot on Liberty Island at the Statue of Liberty at night. They let us have the whole island to ourselves. We were lucky. It wasn't easy to get that initial permission. They'd had a bombing three months earlier and were worried about trouble".[16]
The simulated wire-frame effect
Carpenter was interested in creating two distinct looks for the movie. "One is the police state, high tech, lots of neon, a United States dominated by underground computers. That was easy to shoot compared to the Manhattan Island prison sequences which had few lights, mainly torch lights, like feudal England".[16] Certain matte paintings were rendered by James Cameron, who was at the time a special effects artist with Roger Corman's New World Pictures. Cameron was also one of the directors of photography on the film. As Snake pilots the glider into the city, there are three screens on his control panel displaying wireframe animations of the landing target on the World Trade Center and surrounding buildings. Carpenter wanted high-tech computer graphics, which were very expensive, even for such a simple animation. The effects crew filmed the miniature model set of New York City they used for other scenes under black light, with reflective tape placed along every edge of the model buildings. Only the tape is visible and appears to be a 3D wireframe animation.[17][18]
Reception[edit]
Escape from New York opened in New York and Los Angeles July 10, 1981.[1] The film grossed $25.2 million in American theaters in summer 1981.[3] The film received generally positive reviews. As of November 19, 2017, it had a rating of 86% on Rotten Tomatoes, with the critical consensus "Featuring an atmospherically grimy futuristic metropolis, Escape from New York is a strange, entertaining jumble of thrilling action and oddball weirdness". Newsweek magazine wrote "[He has a] deeply ingrained B-movie sensibility - which is both his strength and limitation. He does clean work, but settles for too little. He uses Russell well, however".[19] In Time magazine, Richard Corliss wrote, "John Carpenter is offering this summer's moviegoers a rare opportunity: to escape from the air-conditioned torpor of ordinary entertainment into the hothouse humidity of their own paranoia. It's a trip worth taking".[20] Vincent Canby, in his review for The New York Times, wrote, "[The film] is not to be analyzed too solemnly, though. It's a toughly told, very tall tale, one of the best escape (and escapist) movies of the season."[21] In his review for the Chicago Reader, Dave Kehr, wrote "it fails to satisfy–it gives us too little of too much".[22]
Cyberpunk pioneer William Gibson credits the film as an influence on his novel Neuromancer. "I was intrigued by the exchange in one of the opening scenes where the Warden says to Snake 'You flew the Gullfire over Leningrad, didn't you?' It turns out to be just a throwaway line, but for a moment it worked like the best SF where a casual reference can imply a lot."[23] Popular videogame director Hideo Kojima has referred to the movie frequently as an influence on his work, in particular the Metal Gear series. Solid Snake is partially influenced by Snake Plissken. In Metal Gear Solid 2: Sons of Liberty Snake actually uses the alias "Pliskin" to hide his real identity during most of the game.[24] J. J. Abrams, producer of the 2008 film Cloverfield, mentioned that a scene in his film, which shows the head of the Statue of Liberty crashing into a New York street, was inspired by the poster for Escape from New York.[25] Empire magazine ranked Snake Plissken #29 in their "The 100 Greatest Movie Characters" poll.[26]
Soundtrack[edit]
Main article: Escape from New York (soundtrack)
Home media[edit]
Videocassette releases[edit]
Escape from New York was released numerous times on VHS during the 1980s and 1990s.
DVD releases[edit]
Escape from New York was released on DVD twice by MGM (USA), and once by Momentum Pictures (UK). One MGM release is a barebones edition containing just the theatrical trailer. Another version is the Collector's Edition, a two-disc set featuring a High Definition remastered transfer with a 5.1 Stereo audio track, two commentaries (one by John Carpenter and Kurt Russell, another by producer Debra Hill and Joe Alves), a making-of featurette, the first issue of a comic book series titled John Carpenter's Snake Plissken Chronicles, and the ten-minute Colorado bank robbery deleted opening sequence.[27]
MGM's special edition of the 1981 film was not released until 2003 because the original negative had disappeared. The workprint containing deleted scenes finally turned up in the Hutchinson, Kansas salt mine film depository. The excised scenes feature Snake Plissken robbing a bank, introducing the character of Plissken and establishing a backstory. Director John Carpenter decided to add the original scenes into the special edition release as an extra only: "After we screened the rough cut, we realized that the movie didn't really start until Snake got to New York. It wasn't necessary to show what sent him there."[28] The film has been released on the UMD format for Sony's PlayStation Portable.[29]
Blu-ray release[edit]
On August 3, 2010, MGM Home Entertainment released Escape From New York as a bare-bones Blu-ray.[30] Scream Factory, in association with Shout! Factory, released the film on a special edition Blu-ray on April 21, 2015.[31]
Novelization[edit]
In 1981, Bantam Books published a movie tie-in novelization written by Mike McQuay that adopts a lean, humorous style reminiscent of the film. The novel is significant because it includes scenes that were cut out of the film, such as the Federal Reserve Depository robbery that results in Snake's incarceration. The novel provides motivation and backstory to Snake and Hauk — both disillusioned war veterans — deepening their relationship that was only hinted at it in the film. The novel explains how Snake lost his eye during the Battle for Leningrad in World War III, how Hauk became warden of New York, and Hauk's quest to find his crazy son who lives somewhere in the prison. The novel fleshes out the world that these characters exist in, at times presenting a future even bleaker than the one depicted in the film. The book explains that the West Coast is a no-man's land, and the country's population is gradually being driven crazy by nerve gas as a result of World War III.[32]
Comic books[edit]
Marvel Comics released the one-shot The Adventures of Snake Plissken in January 1997. The story takes place sometime between Escape from New York and before his famous Cleveland escape mentioned in Escape from L.A. Snake has robbed Atlanta's Center for Disease Control of some engineered metaviruses and is looking for buyers in Chicago. Finding himself in a deal that's really a set-up, he makes his getaway and exacts revenge on the buyer for ratting him out to the United States Police Force. In the meantime, a government lab has built a robot called A.T.A.C.S. (Autonomous Tracking And Combat System) that can catch criminals by imprinting their personalities upon its program in order to predict and anticipate a specific criminal's every move. The robot's first test subject is America's public enemy number one, Snake Plissken. After a brief battle, the tide turns when A.T.A.C.S. copies Snake to the point of fully becoming his personality. Now recognizing the government as the enemy, A.T.A.C.S. sides with Snake. Unamused, Snake sucker punches the machine and destroys it. As A.T.A.C.S. shuts down, it can only ask him, "Why?" Snake just walks off answering, "I don't need the competition".
In 2003, CrossGen published John Carpenter's Snake Plissken Chronicles, a four-part comic book miniseries.[33] The story takes place a day or so after the events of Escape from New York. Snake has been given a military Humvee after his presidential pardon and makes his way to Atlantic City. Although the director's cut of Escape from New York shows Snake was caught after a bank job, this story has Snake finishing up a second heist that was pre-planned before his capture. The job entails stealing the car in which John F. Kennedy was assassinated from a casino before delivering it to a buyer in the Gulf of Mexico. Snake partners with a man named Marrs who ends up double crossing him. Left for dead in a sinking crab cage, Snake escapes and is saved by a passing fisherman named Captain Ron (an in-joke referring to Kurt Russell's 1992 comedy, Captain Ron). When Ron denies Snake's request to use his boat in order to beat Marrs to the robbery, Snake decides to kill him. When Snake ends up saving Ron from the Russian mob who wants money, Ron changes his mind and helps Snake. Once at the casino, Snake comes face-to-face with Marrs and his men, who arrive at the same time, ending in a high-speed shootout. Snake gets away with the car and its actress portraying Jackie Kennedy, leaving Marrs to be caught by the casino owner, who cuts him a deal to bring his car back and live. After some trouble, Snake manages to finally get the car to the buyer's yacht, using Ron's boat, and is then attacked by Marrs. Following the firefight, the yacht and car are destroyed, Marrs and Captain Ron are dead, and Snake makes his escape in a helicopter with the 30 million credits owed to him for the job.
In 2014, BOOM! Studios began publishing an Escape From New York comic book by writer, Christopher Sebela.[34] The first issue of the series was released on December 3, 2014[35] and the story picks up moments after the end of the film.
BOOM! will release a crossover comics miniseries between Snake and Jack Burton titled Big Trouble in Little China / Escape from New York in October 2016.[36]
Board game[edit]
An Escape from New York board game was released in 1981 by TSR, Inc.[37]
Anime[edit]
Carpenter was planning an anime spin-off of Escape from New York, with Outlaw Star's Mitsuru Hongo slated to direct.[38] However, nothing new has emerged since that announcement.
Sequel[edit]
Main article: Escape from L.A.
A sequel, Escape from L.A., was released in 1996, with Carpenter returning along with Russell, now also acting as producer and co-writer.
References[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b c "Escape from New York". American Film Institute. Retrieved November 12, 2016.
Jump up ^ "Escape From New York". Monthly Film Bulletin. Vol. 48 no. 564. 1981. p. 174. ISSN 0027-0407.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e "Escape from New York". The Numbers. May 4, 2007. Retrieved May 4, 2007.
Jump up ^ Phantom of the Movies (December 11, 2003). "Escape From New York rushes into a DVD world". Washington Weekend. Washington Times. pp. M24.
Jump up ^ Yakir, Dan (October 4, 1980). "'Escape' Gives Us Liberty". The New York Times. Archived from the original on March 17, 2007. Retrieved March 10, 2007.
Jump up ^ Maronie, Samuel J. (April 1981). "On the Set with Escape from New York". Starlog (45).
Jump up ^ Hogan, Richard (1980). "Kurt Russell Rides a New Wave in Escape Film". Circus. Archived from the original on March 17, 2007. Retrieved March 10, 2007.
Jump up ^ Goldberg, Lee (July 1986). "Kurt Russell — Two-Fisted Hero". Starlog (108).
^ Jump up to: a b Swires, Steve (July 1981). "John Carpenter". Starlog (48).
Jump up ^ Ryan, Desmond (July 14, 1984). "Launch of a giddy fantasy a director reaches for the stars with computer aid". The Philadelphia Inquirer. p. D01.
^ Jump up to: a b c d Beeler, Michael. "Escape from N.Y.: Filming the Original". Cinefantastique.
Jump up ^ Maronie, Samuel J. (May 1981). "From Forbidden Planet to Escape from New York: A candid conversation with SFX & production designer Joe Alves". Starlog (46). Archived from the original on March 17, 2007. Retrieved March 10, 2007.
Jump up ^ Williams, Joe (April 17, 2005). "Show Me the movies". St. Louis Post-Dispatch. p. C1.
Jump up ^ Naha, Ed (November 1981). "Escape From New York" (PDF). Future Life (#30). [permanent dead link]
Jump up ^ Berger, Jerry (February 5, 1995). "St. Louis Q&A". St. Louis Post-Dispatch. p. 17.
^ Jump up to: a b Osborne, Robert (October 24, 1980). "On Location". The Hollywood Reporter. Archived from the original on March 17, 2007. Retrieved March 10, 2007.
Jump up ^ Atkins, Tom; Barbeau, Adrienne (2003). Escape from New York (Special Edition).
Jump up ^ "8 Movie Special Effects You Didn't Know Weren't CGI: Classic". Cracked.com. Retrieved July 19, 2017.
Jump up ^ "A Helluva Town". Newsweek. July 27, 1981. Archived from the original on March 19, 2007. Retrieved May 30, 2007.
Jump up ^ Corliss, Richard (July 13, 1981). "Bad Apples". Time. Archived from the original on August 7, 2007. Retrieved May 30, 2007.
Jump up ^ Canby, Vincent (July 10, 1981). "Escape from New York". The New York Times. Archived from the original on March 19, 2007. Retrieved May 30, 2007.
Jump up ^ Kehr, Dave. "Escape from New York". Chicago Reader. Retrieved January 29, 2008.
Jump up ^ McCaffery, Larry (1992). "Storming the Reality Studio: A Casebook of Cyberpunk and Postmodern Science Fiction". Duke University Press. Retrieved January 11, 2008.
Jump up ^ SEAL: I'm not an enemy. Calm down. My name is S... My name is Pliskin. Iroquois Pliskin, Lieutenant Junior Grade. (Metal Gear Solid 2: Sons of Liberty, Konami, 2001).
Jump up ^ Eberson, Sharon (January 4, 2008). "Commentary: Filmmakers enjoy laying waste to New York". Pittsburgh Post-Gazette.
Jump up ^ "The 100 Greatest Movie Characters". Empire. Retrieved December 2, 2008.
Jump up ^ Netherby, Jennifer (August 25, 2003). "Escape to a special edition". Video Business. Reed Business Information. 23 (34): 8.
Jump up ^ Hulse, Ed (November 24, 2003). "A newfound Escape". Video Business. Reed Business Information. 23 (47): 33. ISSN 0279-571X.
Jump up ^ "Escape From New York (UMD Video For PSP)". Wal-Mart. Retrieved August 28, 2008.
Jump up ^ "Escape From New York Collector's Edition Blu-ray". Blu-ray.com. Retrieved January 10, 2015.
Jump up ^ "Escape From New York Collector's Edition Blu-ray". Blu-ray.com. Retrieved January 10, 2015.
Jump up ^ McQuay, Mike (May 1981). Escape from New York. Bantam Books. ISBN 0-553-25375-1.
Jump up ^ "Snake Strikes Early! 'John Carpenter's Snake Plissken Chronicles' #1 Hits The Streets One Month Early!". Comic Book Resources. May 22, 2003. Retrieved June 30, 2010.
Jump up ^ SDCC: Sebela Attempts an "Escape From New York" at BOOM!
Jump up ^ “Escape From New York” #1 Is The Sequel We Deserve
Jump up ^ Arrant, Chris (July 13, 2016). "Two Iconic Cult Characters That Look Exactly Alike Cross Over in BIG TROUBLE IN LITTLE CHINA / ESCAPE FROM NEW YORK". Newsrama.
Jump up ^ "Escape from New York". BoardGameGeek.
Jump up ^ "Production IG working on Escape from New York Anime". Anime News Network. February 11, 2003. Retrieved August 23, 2014.
External links[edit]
Wikiquote has quotations related to: Escape from New York
Escape from New York on IMDb
Escape from New York at the TCM Movie Database
Escape from New York at AllMovie
Escape from New York at Box Office Mojo
Escape from New York at Rotten Tomatoes
Escape from New York at John Carpenter's official website
[hide]
v
t
e
John Carpenter
Filmography
Directed
Captain Voyeur (1969, short)
Dark Star (1974)
Assault on Precinct 13 (1976)
Halloween (1978)
Someone's Watching Me! (1978)
Elvis (1979)
The Fog (1980)
Escape from New York (1981)
The Thing (1982)
Christine (1983)
Starman (1984)
Big Trouble in Little China (1986)
Prince of Darkness (1987)
They Live (1988)
Memoirs of an Invisible Man (1992)
Body Bags (1993)
In the Mouth of Madness (1995)
Village of the Damned (1995)
Escape from L.A. (1996)
Vampires (1998)
Ghosts of Mars (2001)
John Carpenter's Cigarette Burns (TV, 2005)
Pro-Life (TV, 2006)
The Ward (2010)
Written
The Resurrection of Broncho Billy (1970, short)
Eyes of Laura Mars (1978)
Halloween II (1981)
Black Moon Rising (1986)
Produced only
Halloween III: Season of the Witch (1982)
Vampires: Los Muertos (2002)
Discography
Studio albums
Lost Themes (2015)
Lost Themes II (2016)
Anthology: Movie Themes 1974–1998 (2017)
Remix albums
Lost Themes Remixed (2015)
EPs
Classic Themes Redux EP (2016)
Scores and soundtracks
Halloween (1979)
Dark Star (1980)
Escape from New York (1981)
Halloween II (1981)
Halloween III: Season of the Witch (1982)
The Fog (1984)
Big Trouble in Little China (1986)
Prince of Darkness (1987)
They Live (1988)
Christine (1989)
Body Bags (1993)
In the Mouth of Madness (1995)
Village of the Damned (1995)
Escape from L.A. (1996)
Vampires (1998)
Ghosts of Mars (2001)
Assault on Precinct 13 (2003)
Authority control
WorldCat Identities
VIAF: 211749853
GND: 7539126-0
SUDOC: 183643224
BNF: cb14291918q (data)
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Pearly gates
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For other uses, see Pearly Gates (disambiguation).
The Blessed at the gate to heaven with St. Peter by Hans Memling.
Pearly gates is an informal name for the gateway to Heaven according to some Christian denominations. It is inspired by the description of the New Jerusalem in Revelation 21:21: "The twelve gates were twelve pearls, each gate being made from a single pearl."[1]
The image of the gates in popular culture is a set of large, white or wrought-iron gates in the clouds, guarded by Saint Peter (the keeper of the "keys to the kingdom"). Those not fit to enter heaven are denied entrance at the gates, and descend into Hell.[2] In some versions of this imagery, Peter looks up the deceased's name in a book, before opening the gate.
External links[edit]
The Archetype Form [Model]
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Lang, J. Stephen (2003). "59: Imagine the Size of Those Oysters". What the Good Book Didn't Say: Popular Myths and Misconceptions About the Bible. Citadel Press. p. 185. ISBN 9780806524603.
Jump up ^ Ferguson, Everett (1996). The Church of Christ: A Biblical Ecclesiology for Today. Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing. p. 53. ISBN 9780802841896. The passage moves from a building, to gates, to keys. A popular image has Peter as the doorkeeper of heaven, deciding admission through the pearly gates to each person at death. This understanding of Peter goes back to an early medieval interpretation that identified Peter with a figure in Germanic mythology who was the porter of heaven.
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Farmers' Alliance
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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First banner of the Southern Farmers' Alliance, organized on a statewide basis in Texas in 1878.
The Farmers Alliance was an organized agrarian economic movement among American farmers that developed and flourished in 1875. The movement included several parallel but independent political organizations — the National Farmers' Alliance and Industrial Union among the white farmers of the South, the National Farmers' Alliance among the white and black farmers of the Midwest and High Plains, where the Granger movement had been strong, and the Colored Farmers' National Alliance and Cooperative Union, consisting of the African American farmers of the South.
One of the goals of the organization was to end the adverse effects of the crop-lien system on farmers in the period following the American Civil War. The Alliance also generally supported the government regulation of the transportation industry, establishment of an income tax in order to restrict speculative profits, and the adoption of an inflationary relaxation of the nation's money supply as a means of easing the burden of repayment of loans by debtors. The Farmers' Alliance moved into politics in the early 1890s under the banner of the People's Party, commonly known as the "Populists."
Contents
[hide]
1 Background
1.1 Agricultural Crisis in the US Midwest and Plains
1.2 Agricultural crisis in the southeastern US
2 Organizational histories
2.1 The Northern Alliance
2.2 The Southern Alliance
2.3 The Colored Alliance
3 Opposition
4 Agenda and achievements
4.1 The national agenda
4.2 Transition to the Populist movement
5 Elected officials
6 Selected Alliance newspapers
7 See also
8 Footnotes
9 Further reading
10 External links
Background[edit]
Agricultural Crisis in the US Midwest and Plains[edit]
The quest to achieve a First Transcontinental Railroad across the U.S. was delayed somewhat by the American Civil War before being finally completed in May 1869. There followed a rush to complete additional railway lines to open up new frontier areas for economic development, a situation in which the United States government and the great railroad companies of the day maintained a common interest. Rather than directly undertaking railroad construction as a public works project of the federal government, Congress granted cash loans and grants of public land to subsidize construction.[1] Some 129 million acres (52.2 million hectares) of public land was ultimately transferred from public ownership to the privately owned railways as part of this process.[2]
A great part of this massive stockpile of land needed to be converted into cash by the railways to finance their building activities, since railroad construction was a costly undertaking. New settlement had to be attracted to the virgin lands west of the Missouri River, which had been previously regarded by the public as worthless to the needs of agriculture due to insufficiencies of the soil as well as the arid climate.[3] Millions of advertising dollars were spent by the railway companies promoting the agricultural development of the land which they had to sell.[4] This effort was to be rewarded, particularly after the Panic of 1873 left many unemployed and seeking a new start.[4] Settlers began to flood into the Midwest and Northern Great Plains in response to the railway companies' blandishments.
Populations skyrocketed. The state of Kansas grew from a population of just under 365,000 to nearly a million people during the 1870s.[5] The number of inhabitants in Nebraska nearly tripled, rising to nearly half a million.[5] Iowa, Minnesota, and the Dakota Territory showed parallel population gains.[5] New counties, villages, and towns sprang up by the hundreds throughout the region and a speculative bubble emerged around the buying and selling of farmland and urban lots.[6] Population continued to surge throughout the region well into the decade of the 1880s.[6]
Unfortunately for those who chose to attempt to farm new lands in such places as Kansas, Nebraska, the Dakotas, and Eastern Colorado, the unusually rainy years of the early 1880s which had buoyed land prices gave way to a protracted drought beginning in the summer of 1887, bringing an end to the giddy, speculative boom.[7] With crops failing artificially inflated land prices plummeted; Eastern capital began to withdraw from the region.[8] Banks collapsed and credit dried up.[8] A decade of hard times followed, marked by the abandonment of entire communities.[9] A sense of deep discontent with the current state of affairs was felt by the farmers who remained.
Agricultural crisis in the southeastern US[edit]
The agrarian and plantation-based economy of the Southern United States was virtually destroyed by the American Civil War. Those who had their fortunes invested in Confederate bonds and currency saw them lost, as did those whose wealth was tied up in the ownership of African American slaves.[10] Great landed estates were broken up or rendered unworkable by the lack of a free labor supply and the flood of land sold on the marked depressed prices and reduced the economic possibilities of those who counted their dollars in acres.[11]
The region faced enormous costs to replace the buildings destroyed in the war and the factories looted.[12] The capacity of the gutted financial market to make loans was grossly insufficient for the needs of the region, exemplified by the 123 counties in Georgia with no banks whatsoever even in 1895.[13] Merchants, finding a sellers' market, extracted extraordinary profits through inflated prices and usurious credit terms.
A new mode of production replaced the slave-based large-scale agriculture of the pre-war years. Now it would be small-scale agrarian enterprise that would proliferate and the emergence of the so-called "share system" or "cropping system," in which non-landowners paid rent for the use of the land they farmed in the form of a fixed percentage of the output generated.[14] This system in theory served the needs of landowners and poor farmers alike, as the sharecroppers would have the incentive to produce more and benefit from increased output while landowners would be provided with a labor source to produce upon the land they held without the necessity of paying cash wages.[15]
In practice, however, a system of virtual slavery emerged, in which poor whites and freed blacks became enmeshed in the usury of merchants and landowners providing essential supplies on credit. A crop-lien system emerged in which future crops would be mortgaged to merchants or landowners (often one and the same) in exchange for credit for current purchases.[16] Written contracts made these loans legally enforceable and those so enmeshed frequently found themselves forced to pay inflated prices at high rates of interest.[17] If the value of the credit exceeded the cash value of the crop, the arrangement was automatically rolled over for another year and a never-ending cycle amounting to a condition of perpetual servitude resulted.[16]
Moreover, this crop-lien system contributed to the establishment of a cotton monoculture, as merchants demanded this easily storable, readily marketable commodity to be produced for the satisfaction of debt.[18] Not accidentally, the requirement by merchants for cotton production made production of adequate food and fodder for sustenance virtually impossible, further deepening the debt of the farmer to his merchant-creditor.[18] A sense of deep discontent with the current state of affairs was felt by the small-holding and tenant farmers of the South.
Organizational histories[edit]
The Northern Alliance[edit]
The National Farmers' Alliance, commonly known as the "Northern Alliance," was established on March 21, 1877, by a group of members of the Grange movement from New York state.[19] The group sought to organize in order to fight what they deemed the unfair practices of the railroad transportation mill, for the reform of the tax system, and for the legalization of Grange-sponsored insurance companies.[19]
This first organization proved largely ineffectual but does seem to have provided the inspiration for the first effective Alliance group, which was established on April 15, 1880, by newspaper editor Milton George in Chicago.[20] George's paper, Western Rural, gave the new organization public exposure and inspired the establishment of chartered local organizations, beginning in Filley, Nebraska and soon spreading throughout the American Midwest.[21] Dues were not collected in the earliest phase of Northern Alliance's existence, with editor George financing the group's launch — a fact which spurred growth.[22] Within a month more than 200 locals had been chartered, with claims made that 1,000 local groups had been established by the end of the organization's first year.[23]
The Northern Alliance made its greatest inroads in areas which were stricken by drought in 1881, including the states of Kansas, Nebraska, Iowa, and Minnesota.[23] Growth was slower in states less severely affected, including as Illinois, Wisconsin, and Michigan.[23] Local organizations proved easier to launch than did statewide bodies and in its first years the Alliance was dominated by these local groups, with state-level bodies floundering.[23] The locals did organize themselves at the state level, however, with delegates gathering in founding conventions in Nebraska, Kansas, Iowa, Wisconsin, Illinois, Minnesota and Michigan between January 1881 and the middle of 1882.[24][25]
The new movement strove to protect farmers from the capitalistic and industrial powers of monopolies (such as railroads) and unsympathetic public officials.[26] The Northern Alliance sought to enact a more equitable tax system on mortgage property, pass income tax law, abolish free travel passes to public officials, and regulate interstate commerce by Congress.[26]
By the time of the organization's 2nd Annual Convention, held early in October 1881, the organization claimed a membership of 24,500.[27] A year hence, at the 3rd Convention of October 1882, some 2,000 locals and a total membership of 100,000 was claimed.[27] This proved to be a high-water mark for the organization, however, as prosperity returned to Midwestern agriculture in 1883 and the 4th Convention was poorly attended and no convention was held at all in 1884.[27] With work to do and money to be made, early enthusiasm in the new radical reform organization fell precipitously. Even National Secretary Milton George lost heart, publishing less and less news of the Farmers' Alliance in his newspaper's pages.[27] State and local organizations became moribund.[27]
A fall of wheat and livestock prices following the harvest of 1884 reinvigorated the Farmers' Alliance and activity again exploded.[27] In 1885 a new Alliance group was established for the Dakota Territory, where wheat reigned supreme, followed by a state organization for Colorado, as interest spread westward.[28] New national principles were composed and mailed out to the entire readership of Western Rural and a 5th Convention was successfully held in November 1886.[28] A system of dues was established, thereby funding and energizing the state organizations.[28]
The program of the organization became steadily more radical in this interval, including demands for government ownership of one or more of the intercontinental railroad lines as well as for unlimited coinage of silver at its historic ratio to gold.[29] Connections began to be forged with the Knights of Labor, the leading industrial trade union organization of the day.[30] Ten state organizations were fully functioning by 1890 and new members flooded into the Farmers' Alliance at the rate of 1,000 per week.[30] Kansas alone boasted 130,000 members, closely followed by Nebraska, the Dakotas, and Minnesota, and the national office optimistically projected 2 million members in the near future.[30]
The idea emerged to put this enthusiastic and growing membership to work to advance the group's goals through a political organization.
The Southern Alliance[edit]
Dr. Charles W. Macune, a top leader of the Southern Farmers' Alliance.
The roots of the National Farmers' Alliance and Industrial Union, commonly known as the "Southern Alliance," dated back to approximately 1875, when a group of ranchers in Lampasas County, Texas organized as a Texas Alliance as a means of cooperating to apprehend horse thieves, round up stray animals, and cooperatively purchase large stores of supplies.[31] This group gradually moved into more extensive action in response to the perceived abuses towards smaller operators engaged in by land speculators and massive cattle operations.[31] The organization grew and was organized on a statewide basis in 1878 but was almost immediately killed when it attempted to enter the political field and was torn asunder by antagonistic factions favoring the Democratic and Greenback parties.[31]
In 1879 the influence of the Northern Alliance made itself felt in Parker County, Texas when a new group was established there by a former member of the Lampasas County Alliance group.[31] The Northern Alliance's constitution and its precedent of non-partisan activity were closely followed and in short order a dozen local groups had been established upon that model.[31] This Texas group was incorporated in 1880 as the "Farmers' State Alliance" and it subsequently expanded throughout the Central and Northern parts of the state and into the neighboring Indian Territory (today's Oklahoma).[32] By the end of 1885 this growing organization claimed a membership of approximately 50,000, scattered between more than 1200 local groups, known as "Sub-Alliances."[33]
During the early 1880s this Texas Farmers' State Alliance was considered to be a loose part of the Northern Alliance organization.[34] Owing to the lack of dues of the national group in this period, such a relationship was more theoretical than practical. The adoption of a dues system in the middle part of the decade forced the Texas group to closely consider its organizational affiliation.
Charles W. Macune, the son of a Methodist preacher, emerged as the leader of this Texas organization when he was elected Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Texas organization in 1886.[35] Macune immediately stifled an impending split of the organization threatened by a faction inside the Texas Alliance pushing to launch the group as an independent political party.[36] He then united the group around a vision of organizational independence from the Northern Alliance coupled with a program of active expansion.[34] As a first step towards this end, Macune negotiated a merger with the Louisiana Farmers' Union, a group established in 1880 and transformed into a secret society in 1885.[37] The groups were joined under a new name, the National Farmers' Alliance and Cooperative Union of America.[37]
This was one of the first steps in unifying farmers along the American cotton belt. The demands of the Southern Alliance were similar to those of its northern counterpart. They pressed for abolition of national banks and monopolies, free coinage of silver, issuance of paper money (Greenback or Fiat money), loans on land, establishment of sub-treasuries, income tax acts, and revision of tariffs.
In 1889 the National Farmers’ Alliance and Cooperative Union united with a large rival organization known as the Agricultural Wheel to form a new group called the National Farmers’ and Laborers’ Union of America. Negotiations were begun to further unify forces by joining this newly expanded Southern Alliance with its Northern Alliance counterpart. While merger of the two organizations would have created a larger and more powerful organization, unity was stalled over terms of the union, including the composition of the governing bodies, divergent views on non-white membership, and disagreement over program owing to divergence between Southern and Northern farmers' economic interests.[38]
At its December 1889 convention in St. Louis, the National Farmers’ and Laborers’ Union of America changed its name again, this time to the National Farmers' Alliance and Industrial Union — the name by which it would be known for the rest of its existence.
The Colored Alliance[edit]
Counties with a majority African-American population comprised a so-called "Black Belt" across the American South.
Main article: Colored Farmers' National Alliance and Cooperative Union
The Southern Farmers' Alliance was unapologetic about its color bar banning black farmers from membership. The Alliance's National Secretary-Treasurer J.H. Turner, himself the son of a former slave-owner, wrote that in fact the liberated slaves' "worst enemies" had been the Northern carpetbaggers of the Reconstruction era, who "promised each head of family forty acres of land and a mule if only he would vote right."[39]
Moreover, Turner noted, the liberated slaves of the South had been promised "social equality with the whites, and a great many other things which, since he has found out better, he neither needs nor wants."[40] Turner argued that relations between the races were fundamentally benevolent now that black farmers had recognized that "his old master" had "almost invariably" been on hand to provide "the best advice" regarding agricultural problems and had very often been the one to "protect and defend him in his business affairs."[41]
Such a hopelessly jaundiced view of the extreme plight of the indebted and impoverished black sharecroppers of the South, typical of Southern whites of the era, did nothing to reassure African-American farmers that their concerns were shared by their European-American counterparts. With their presence from the Southern Farmers' Alliance barred due to racism, African-American farmers were forced to establish an organization of their own.
In December 1886 a group of black farmers organized themselves in Houston County, Texas as the Alliance of Colored Farmers of Texas — forerunner of the Colored Farmers' National Alliance and Cooperative Union, commonly known as the "Colored Farmers' Alliance."[42] A declaration of principles was adopted which identified the new organization as a mutual aid society dedicated to education, improvement of agricultural efficiency, and the raising of funds for collective benefits for "sick or disabled members, or their distressed families."[42] The initial form of the organization was that of a secret society.[43]
In February 1887 the group was chartered under the laws of Texas as the Alliance of Colored Farmers.[43] This was followed by a convention in Lovelady, Texas held on March 14, 1888, at which the group was redefined as national in scope under the name Colored Farmers' National Alliance and Cooperative Union.[43] A national newspaper was launched by the organization called The National Alliance.[44]
The organization rapidly spread across the so-called "Black Belt" of the American South, establishing a presence in every Southern state of the union.[45]
The Colored Farmers' Alliance sponsored cooperative stores at which members could obtain necessary goods at reduced prices, published newspapers which attempted to educate members of the organization as to new farming techniques, and in some places raised money to help support the underfunded segregated black schools of the region.[45]
The Colored Farmers' Alliance's organizational strength peaked in 1891, with some 1.2 million members claimed.[45]
Opposition[edit]
The Alliance was opposed by a group called the Knights of Reciprocity, founded in Garden City, Kansas in winter of 1890 by a group of Republicans including Jesse Taylor, D. M. Frost and S. R. Peters. By 1895 the Knights claimed 125,000 members and had lodges in Kansas, Missouri, Iowa, Arkansas, Tennessee, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina and Ohio. Founders included Masons, Oddfellows and Pythians. Its program included trade reciprocity, protection of American industries, just pensions for Union veterans and disenfranchisement of those who accepted or offered a bribe fore a vote.[46]
The Knights were adamant in their opposition to what they called the Democratic Union Labor - Farmers Alliance combination in politics. One of their circulars from 1891 reads:[47]
The only way for the farmers to meet the Alliance secret political society is with a secret society the object of which shall not be to nominate men for office, but to assist in educating the people and making them thoroughly acquainted with the wants of all the people and the fallacies of the Alliance "calamity" howlers, who are traveling from State to State, county to county, town to town, township to township, schoolhouse to schoolhouse, not for the good of the people, but for the money they make and in hopes of political promotion. The people should organize at once in opposition to this gigantic scheme.
Agenda and achievements[edit]
As a widespread movement consisting of three independent branches and existing for more than two decades, reduction of the Farmers' Alliance to a few universal objectives is problematic. As Southern Alliance leader C.W. Macune noted in 1891, the agenda of the organization was both amorphous and dynamic, a response to local problems and conditions:
"No man...can give a perfect definition of the purposes of the Farmers' Alliance; and he who attempts a definition simply gives his own personal conception of the subject, which may be more or less valuable, according as his field of observation and his accuracy of judgment are good or otherwise.

"In a broad sense, the purposes of the Farmers' Alliance...cover today a remedy for every evil known to exist and afflict farmers and other producers, and in the future should cover every contingency that may arise, presenting evil to be combatted by means of organization; they are accumulative and ever changing, as the enemy assumes a new guise."[48]
Included among these concerns to greater or lesser extent were the question of exploitative terms of credit, insufficient money supply to sustain the economic needs of society, super-profits extracted by merchants, millers, and other middlemen, systemically unfavorable terms of trade levied upon small-scale agricultural shippers by the railroad industry, negative impacts on land prices caused by speculation.
The accomplishments of the Farmers’ Alliance are numerous. For example, many Alliance chapters all set up their own cooperative stores, which bought directly from wholesalers and sold their goods to farmers at a lower rate, at times 20 to 30 percent below the regular retail price. Such stores achieved only limited success, however, since they faced the hostility of wholesale merchants who sometimes retaliated by temporarily lowering their prices in order to drive the Alliance stores out of business.
Additionally, the Farmer's Alliance established its own mills for flour, cottonseed oil, and corn, as well as its own cotton gin. Such facilities allowed debt-laden farmers, who often had little cash to pay third-party mills, to bring their goods to markets at a lower cost.
The national agenda[edit]
The limited effects of the local policies of the Alliance did little to address the overall problem of deflation and depressed agricultural prices. By 1886, tensions had begun to form in the movement between the political activists, who promoted a national political agenda, and the political conservatives, who favored no change in national policy but a "strictly business" plan of local economic action. In Texas, the split reached a climax in August 1886 at the statewide convention in Cleburne. The political activists successfully lobbied for passage of a set of political demands that included support of the Knights of Labor and the Great Southwest Railroad Strike of 1886. Other demands include changes in governmental land policy, and railroad regulation. The demands also included a demand for use of silver as legal tender, on the grounds that this would alleviate the contraction in the money supply that led to falling prices and scarcity of credit (see gold standard).
The Alliance wanted to change the way Americans worked by pushing for an eight-hour workday. It did away with national banks so private, local banks could be formed. The Alliance wanted an income tax, the freedom to coin its own money and the freedom to borrow money from the government to buy land. The Alliance also tried to do away with foreign competitors who owned land in America. It wanted to directly elect federal judges and senators. The Alliance gained powerful political strength and controlled elections in states in the South and the West.
In the South, the agenda centered on demands of government control of transportation and communication, in order to break the power of corporate monopolies. From 1890 it also included a demand for a national "Sub-Treasury Plan" calling for the establishment of a network of government-owned warehouses for the storage of non-perishable agricultural commodities, operated at minimal cost to participating farmers.[49] Farmers would then be permitted to draw low interest loans of up to 80% of the value of warehoused goods, payable in U.S. Treasury notes, under the plan.[49] The failure of the Democratic Party to endorse this initiative was instrumental in causing the Farmers' Alliance to become directly involved in partisan politics through an organization largely of its own making, the People's Party.[49]
The Southern Alliance also demanded reforms of currency, land ownership, and income tax policies. Meanwhile, the Northern Alliance stressed the demand for free coinage of large amounts of silver.
Political activists in the movement also made attempts to unite the two Alliance organizations, along with the Knights of Labor and the Colored Farmers' National Alliance and Cooperative Union, into a common movement. The efforts and unification proved futile, however.
Transition to the Populist movement[edit]
As an economic movement, the Alliance had a very limited and short term success. Cotton brokers who had previously negotiated with individual farmers for ten bales at a time now needed to strike deals with the Alliance men for 1,000 bale sales. This solidarity was usually short-lived, however, and could not withstand the retaliation from the commodities brokers and railroads, who responded by boycotting the Alliance and eventually broke the power of the movement. The Alliance had never fielded its own political candidates. It preferred to work through the established Republican Party in the Midwest and Democratic Party in the South — although these often proved fickle in supporting the agenda of the Alliance.
The Alliance failed as an economic movement, but it is regarded by historians as engendering a "movement culture" among the rural poor. This failure prompted an evolution of the Alliance into a political movement to field its own candidates in national elections. In 1889–1890, the Alliance was reborn as the People's Party (commonly known as the "Populists"), and included both Alliance men and Knights of Labor members from the industrialized Northeast. The Populists, who fielded national candidates in the 1892 election, essentially repeated all the demands of the Alliance in its platform.
Elected officials[edit]
John Rankin Rogers, two term Washington State Governor 1897–1901.
Marion Butler, one-term U.S. Senator from North Carolina, 1895–1901.
Selected Alliance newspapers[edit]
American Nonconformist, Tabor, Iowa. Edited by Henry Vincent.
Alliance Vindicator, Texas. Edited by James H. Davis.
Kansas Farmer, Topeka, Kansas. Edited by William A. Peffer.
National Alliance, Houston, Texas. —No copies known to have survived.
National Economist, Washington, D.C. Edited by Charles William Macune.
Progressive Farmer, Raleigh, North Carolina. Edited by Leonidas LaFayette Polk.
Southern Mercury, Dallas, Texas. Edited by Harry Tracy.
Western Rural and Family Farm Paper, Chicago, Illinois. Edited by Milton George.
See also[edit]
Agricultural Wheel
People's Party
William Jennings Bryan
Footnotes[edit]
Jump up ^ John D. Hicks, The Populist Revolt: A History of the Crusade for Farm Relief. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1931; pg. 3.
Jump up ^ Hicks, The Populist Revolt, pp. 3–4.
Jump up ^ Hicks, The Populist Revolt, pg. 5.
^ Jump up to: a b Hicks, The Populist Revolt, pg. 15.
^ Jump up to: a b c Hicks, The Populist Revolt, pg. 16.
^ Jump up to: a b Hicks, The Populist Revolt, pg. 18.
Jump up ^ Hicks, The Populist Revolt, pp. 18–19, 31.
^ Jump up to: a b Hicks, The Populist Revolt, pg. 31.
Jump up ^ Hicks, The Populist Revolt, pg. 32.
Jump up ^ Hicks, The Populist Revolt, pg. 36.
Jump up ^ Hicks, The Populist Revolt, pp. 36–37.
Jump up ^ Hicks, The Populist Revolt, pg. 37.
Jump up ^ Hicks, The Populist Revolt, pp. 39–40.
Jump up ^ Hicks, The Populist Revolt, pg. 38.
Jump up ^ Hicks, The Populist Revolt, pp. 38–39.
^ Jump up to: a b Hicks, The Populist Revolt, pg. 43.
Jump up ^ Hicks, The Populist Revolt, pp. 43–44.
^ Jump up to: a b Hicks, The Populist Revolt, pp. 45–46.
^ Jump up to: a b Hicks, The Populist Revolt, pg. 97.
Jump up ^ Hicks, The Populist Revolt, pg. 98.
Jump up ^ Hicks, The Populist Revolt, pp. 98–99.
Jump up ^ Hicks, The Populist Revolt, pg. 99.
^ Jump up to: a b c d Hicks, The Populist Revolt, pg. 100.
Jump up ^ Hicks, The Populist Revolt, pp. 100–101.
Jump up ^ Farmers' Alliance in Minnesota, MNopedia, Minnesota Historical Society.
^ Jump up to: a b Theodore Saloutos, Farmer Movements in the South, 1865–1933. Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1964.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f Hicks, The Populist Revolt, pg. 101.
^ Jump up to: a b c Hicks. The Populist Revolt, pg. 102.
Jump up ^ Hicks, The Populist Revolt, pp. 102–103.
^ Jump up to: a b c Hicks, The Populist Revolt, pg. 103.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e Hicks, The Populist Revolt, pg. 104.
Jump up ^ Hicks, The Populist Revolt, pp. 104–105.
Jump up ^ Hicks, The Populist Revolt, pg. 105.
^ Jump up to: a b Hicks, The Populist Revolt, pg. 108.
Jump up ^ Hicks, The Populist Revolt, pg. 107.
Jump up ^ Hicks, The Populist Revolt, pp. 106–107.
^ Jump up to: a b Hicks, The Populist Revolt, pg. 109.
Jump up ^ Herman C. Nixon, “The Cleavage within the Farmers’ Alliance Movement,” Mississippi Valley Historical Review, vol. 15, no. 1, (June 1928), pp. 22–33.
Jump up ^ J.H. Turner, "The Race Problem," in Dunning (ed.), Farmers' Alliance History and Agricultural Digest, pg. 272.
Jump up ^ Turner, "The Race Problem," pp. 272–273.
Jump up ^ Turner, "The Race Problem," pg. 273.
^ Jump up to: a b R.H. Humphrey, "History of the Colored Farmers' National Alliance and Cooperative Union," in Dunning (ed.), Farmers' Alliance History and Agricultural Digest, pg. 288.
^ Jump up to: a b c Humphrey, "History of the Colored Farmers' National Alliance and Cooperative Union," pg. 289.
Jump up ^ Humphrey, "History of the Colored Farmers' National Alliance and Cooperative Union," pg. 290.
^ Jump up to: a b c William F. Holmes, "The Demise of the Colored Farmers' Alliance," Journal of Southern History, vol. 41, no. 2 (May, 1975), pg. 187.
Jump up ^ Stevens, Albert C. Cyclopedia of Fraternities: A Compilation of Existing Authentic Information and the Results of Original Investigation as to the Origin, Derivation, Founders, Development, Aims, Emblems, Character, and Personnel of More Than Six Hundred Secret Societies in the United States New York, E. B. Treat and Company, 1899 pp.303-4
Jump up ^ Stevens pp.303-4
Jump up ^ C.W. Macune, "The Purposes of the Farmers' Alliance," in N.A. Dunning (ed.), Farmers' Alliance History and Agricultural Digest. Washington, DC: Alliance Publishing Co., 1891; pg. 257.
^ Jump up to: a b c Bruce Palmer and Charles W. Macune, Jr., "Charles William Macune," Handbook of Texas Online, Texas State Historical Association.
Further reading[edit]
Donna A. Barnes, Farmers in Rebellion: The Rise and Fall of the Southern Farmers Alliance and People's Party in Texas. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 1984.
Robert P. Brooks, The Agrarian Revolution in Georgia, 1865–1912. Madison, Bulletin of the University of Wisconsin, 1914.
N.A. Dunning (ed.), Farmers' Alliance History and Agricultural Digest. Washington, DC: Alliance Publishing Co., 1891.
Solon Buck, The Agrarian Crusade: A Chronicle of the Farmer in Politics. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1920.
Solon Buck, The Granger Movement: A Study of Agricultural Organization, 1870–1880. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1913.
Gerald Gaither, Blacks in the Populist Revolt: Ballots and Bigotry in the "New South." Tuscaloosa, AL: University of Alabama Press, 1977.
W. L. Garvin and J. O. Daws, History of the National Farmers Alliance and Co-operative Union of America. Jacksboro, TX: J.N. Rogers, 1887.
Lawrence Goodwin, The Populist Moment: A Short History of Agrarian Revolt in America. New York: Oxford University Press, 1978.
William F. Holmes, "The Demise of the Colored Farmers' Alliance," Journal of Southern History, vol. 41, no. 2 (May, 1975), pp. 187–200.
Robert Lee Hunt, A History of Farmer Movements in the Southwest, 1873–1925. College Station, TX: Texas A&M Press, 1935.
Connie Lester, Up from the Mudsills of Hell: The Farmers' Alliance, Populism, And Progressive Agriculture in Tennessee, 1870–1915. Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 2006.
Robert C. McMath, Jr., Populist Vanguard: A History of the Southern Farmers' Alliance. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1975.
Howard L. Meredith, "'The Middle Way': The Farmers' Alliance in Indian Territory, 1889–1896," Chronicles of Oklahoma, vol. 47, no. 4 (Winter 1969-70), pp. 377–387.
W. Scott Morgan, History of the Wheel and Alliance and the Impending Revolution. St. Louis, MO: C.B. Woodward, 1891.
Herman C. Nixon, "The Cleavage within the Farmers' Alliance Movement," Mississippi Valley Historical Review, vol. 15, no. 1, (June 1928), pp. 22–33.
William Warren Rogers, The One-Gallused Rebellion: Agrarianism in Alabama, 1865–1896. Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press, 1970.
Theodore Saloutous, Farmer Movements in the South, 1865–1933. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1960.
Michael Schwartz, Radical Protest and Social Structure: The Southern Farmers Alliance and Cotton Tenancy, 1880–1890. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988.
Roy V. Scott, "Milton George and the Farmers' Alliance Movement," Mississippi Valley Historical Review, vol. 45, no. 1 (June 1958), pp. 90–109.
Louis Aubrey Wood with Foster J.K. Griezic, A History of Farmers' Movements in Canada: The Origins and Development of Agrarian Protest, 1872–1924. Toronto, ON: University of Toronto Press, 1975.
Minutes 9 of the Travis County Farmers' Alliance, Held in their Hall in Austin, October 11th, 1889. Austin, TX: Travis County Farmers' Alliance, 1889.
External links[edit]
Wikisource has the text of the 1905 New International Encyclopedia article Farmers' Alliance.
Donna A. Barnes, "Farmers' Alliance," Handbook of Texas Online, Texas State Historical Association.
Gilbert C. Fite, "Farmers' Alliance," Encyclopedia of Oklahoma History and Culture, Oklahoma Historical Society.
William F. Holmes, "Colored Farmers' Alliance," Handbook of Texas Online, Texas State Historical Association.
Adrienne Petty, History of the South: The Southern Revolt. Guest lecture, Columbia University, December 1998.
The People's Advocate, newspaper of the Farmer's Alliance and Industrial Union in Washington State, from The Labor Press Project
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