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Weapon of mass destruction
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A weapon of mass destruction (WMD) is a nuclear, radiological, chemical, biological or other weapon that can kill and bring significant harm to a large number of humans or cause great damage to human-made structures (e.g., buildings), natural structures (e.g., mountains), or the biosphere. The scope and usage of the term has evolved and been disputed, often signifying more politically than technically. Originally coined in reference to aerial bombing with chemical explosives, since World War II it has come to refer to large-scale weaponry of other technologies, such as chemical, biological, radiological, or nuclear.
Contents
[hide]
1 Early uses of term
1.1 Evolution of its use
2 Definitions of the term
2.1 United States
2.1.1 Strategic definition
2.1.2 Military definition
2.1.3 Criminal (civilian) definition
3 Treaties
4 Use, possession and access
4.1 Nuclear weapons
5 United States politics
6 Media coverage
7 Public perceptions
8 In popular culture
9 Common hazard symbols
9.1 Radioactive weaponry/hazard symbol
9.2 Biological weaponry/hazard symbol
10 See also
11 References
12 Bibliography
13 Further reading
13.1 Definition and origin
13.2 International law
13.3 Media
13.4 Ethics
13.5 Public perceptions
14 External links
Early uses of term[edit]
The first use of the term "weapon of mass destruction" on record[citation needed] is by Cosmo Gordon Lang, Archbishop of Canterbury, in 1937 in reference to the aerial bombardment of Guernica, Spain:
Who can think at this present time without a sickening of the heart of the appalling slaughter, the suffering, the manifold misery brought by war to Spain and to China? Who can think without horror of what another widespread war would mean, waged as it would be with all the new weapons of mass destruction?[1]
At the time, nuclear weapons had not been developed. Japan conducted research on biological weapons (see Unit 731),[2] and chemical weapons had seen wide battlefield use in World War I. They were outlawed by the Geneva Protocol of 1925.[3] Italy used mustard agent against civilians and soldiers in Ethiopia in 1935–36.[4]
Following the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki that ended World War II and during the Cold War, the term came to refer more to non-conventional weapons. The application of the term to specifically nuclear and radiological weapons is traced by William Safire to the Russian phrase "Оружие массового поражения" – oruzhiye massovogo porazheniya (weapons of mass destruction).[citation needed]
William Safire[5] credits James Goodby (of the Brookings Institution) with tracing what he considers the earliest known English-language use soon after the nuclear bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki (although it is not quite verbatim): a communique from a 15 November 1945, meeting of Harry Truman, Clement Attlee and Mackenzie King (probably drafted by Vannevar Bush, as Bush claimed in 1970) referred to "weapons adaptable to mass destruction."[citation needed]
Safire says Bernard Baruch used that exact phrase in 1946 (in a speech at the United Nations probably written by Herbert Bayard Swope).[6] The phrase found its way into the very first resolution the United Nations General assembly adopted in January 1946 in London, which used the wording "the elimination from national armaments of atomic weapons and of all other weapons adaptable to mass destruction."[7] The resolution also created the Atomic Energy Commission (predecessor of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA)).[citation needed]
An exact use of this term was given in a lecture "Atomic Energy as an Atomic Problem" by J. Robert Oppenheimer. He delivered the lecture to the Foreign Service and the State Department, on 17 September 1947; it is reprinted in The Open Mind (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1955).[citation needed]
It is a very far reaching control which would eliminate the rivalry between nations in this field, which would prevent the surreptitious arming of one nation against another, which would provide some cushion of time before atomic attack, and presumably therefore before any attack with weapons of mass destruction, and which would go a long way toward removing atomic energy at least as a source of conflict between the powers.[citation needed]
The term was also used in the introduction to the hugely influential U.S. government document known as NSC 68 written in 1950.[8]
During a speech at Rice University on 12 September 1962, President John F. Kennedy spoke of not filling space "with weapons of mass destruction, but with instruments of knowledge and understanding."[9] The following month, during a televised presentation about the Cuban Missile Crisis on 22 October 1962, Kennedy made reference to "offensive weapons of sudden mass destruction."[10]
An early use of the exact phrase in an international treaty was in the Outer Space Treaty of 1967, but no definition was provided.[citation needed]
Evolution of its use[edit]
During the Cold War, the term "weapons of mass destruction" was primarily a reference to nuclear weapons. At the time, in the West the euphemism "strategic weapons" was used to refer to the American nuclear arsenal, which was presented as a necessary deterrent against nuclear or conventional attack from the Soviet Union under Mutual Assured Destruction.[citation needed]
Subsequent to Operation Opera, the destruction of a pre-operational nuclear reactor inside Iraq by the Israeli Air Force, the Israeli prime minister, Menachem Begin, countered criticism by saying that "on no account shall we permit an enemy to develop weapons of mass destruction against the people of Israel." This policy of pre-emptive action against real or perceived weapons of mass destruction became known as the Begin Doctrine.[citation needed]
The term "weapons of mass destruction" continued to see periodic use, usually in the context of nuclear arms control; Ronald Reagan used it during the 1986 Reykjavík Summit, when referring to the 1967 Outer Space Treaty.[11] Reagan's successor, George H.W. Bush, used the term in a 1989 speech to the United Nations, primarily in reference to chemical arms.[12]
The end of the Cold War reduced U.S. reliance on nuclear weapons as a deterrent, causing it to shift its focus to disarmament. With the 1990 invasion of Kuwait and 1991 Gulf War, Iraq's nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons programs became a particular concern of the first Bush Administration.[13] Following the war, Bill Clinton and other western politicians and media continued to use the term, usually in reference to ongoing attempts to dismantle Iraq's weapons programs.[citation needed]
After the 11 September 2001 attacks and the 2001 anthrax attacks in the United States, an increased fear of nonconventional weapons and asymmetrical warfare took hold in many countries. The fear reached a crescendo with the 2002 Iraq disarmament crisis and the alleged existence of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq that became the primary justification for the 2003 invasion of Iraq; however, American forces found none in Iraq. They found old stockpiles of chemical munitions including sarin and mustard agents, but all were considered to be unusable because of corrosion or degradation.[14] Iraq, however, declared a chemical weapons stockpile in 2009. The stockpile contained mainly chemical precursors, but some munitions remained usable.[15]
Because of its prolific use and (worldwide) public profile during this period, the American Dialect Society voted "weapons of mass destruction" (and its abbreviation, "WMD") the word of the year in 2002,[16] and in 2003 Lake Superior State University added WMD to its list of terms banished for "Mis-use, Over-use and General Uselessness" (and "as a card that trumps all forms of aggression").[17]
In its criminal complaint against the main suspect of the Boston Marathon bombing of 15 April 2013, the FBI refers to a pressure-cooker improvised bomb as a "weapon of mass destruction."[18]
Definitions of the term[edit]
United States[edit]
Strategic definition[edit]
The most widely used definition of "weapons of mass destruction" is that of nuclear, biological, or chemical weapons (NBC) although there is no treaty or customary international law that contains an authoritative definition. Instead, international law has been used with respect to the specific categories of weapons within WMD, and not to WMD as a whole. While nuclear, chemical and biological weapons are regarded as the three major types of WMDs,[19] some analysts have argued that radiological materials as well as missile technology and delivery systems such as aircraft and ballistic missiles could be labeled as WMDs as well.[19]
The abbreviations NBC (for nuclear, biological and chemical) or CBR (chemical, biological, radiological) are used with regards to battlefield protection systems for armored vehicles, because all three involve insidious toxins that can be carried through the air and can be protected against with vehicle air filtration systems.[citation needed]
However, there is an argument that nuclear and biological weapons do not belong in the same category as chemical and "dirty bomb" radiological weapons, which have limited destructive potential (and close to none, as far as property is concerned), whereas nuclear and biological weapons have the unique ability to kill large numbers of people with very small amounts of material, and thus could be said to belong in a class by themselves.[citation needed]
The NBC definition has also been used in official U.S. documents, by the U.S. President,[20][21] the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency,[22] the U.S. Department of Defense,[23][24] and the U.S. Government Accountability Office.[25]
Other documents expand the definition of WMD to also include radiological or conventional weapons. The U.S. military refers to WMD as:
Chemical, biological, radiological, or nuclear weapons capable of a high order of destruction or causing mass casualties and exclude the means of transporting or propelling the weapon where such means is a separable and divisible part from the weapon. Also called WMD.[26]
This may also refer to nuclear ICBMs (intercontinental ballistic missiles).[citation needed]
The significance of the words separable and divisible part of the weapon is that missiles such as the Pershing II and the SCUD are considered weapons of mass destruction, while aircraft capable of carrying bombloads are not.[citation needed]
In 2004, the United Kingdom's Butler Review recognized the "considerable and long-standing academic debate about the proper interpretation of the phrase 'weapons of mass destruction'". The committee set out to avoid the general term but when using it, employed the definition of United Nations Security Council Resolution 687, which defined the systems which Iraq was required to abandon:[citation needed]
"Nuclear weapons or nuclear-weapons-usable material or any sub-systems or components or any research, development, support or manufacturing facilities relating to [nuclear weapons].
Chemical and biological weapons and all stocks of agents and all related subsystems and components and all research, development, support and manufacturing facilities.
Ballistic missiles with a range greater than 150 kilometres and related major parts, and repair and production facilities."[27]
Chemical weapons expert Gert G. Harigel considers only nuclear weapons true weapons of mass destruction, because "only nuclear weapons are completely indiscriminate by their explosive power, heat radiation and radioactivity, and only they should therefore be called a weapon of mass destruction". He prefers to call chemical and biological weapons "weapons of terror" when aimed against civilians and "weapons of intimidation" for soldiers.[citation needed]
Testimony of one such soldier expresses the same viewpoint.[28] For a period of several months in the winter of 2002–2003, U.S. Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz frequently used the term "weapons of mass terror", apparently also recognizing the distinction between the psychological and the physical effects of many things currently falling into the WMD category.[citation needed]
Gustavo Bell Lemus, the Vice President of Colombia, at 9 July 2001 United Nations Conference on the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons in All Its Aspects, quoted the Millennium Report of the UN Secretary-General to the General Assembly, in which Kofi Annan said that small arms could be described as WMD because the fatalities they cause "dwarf that of all other weapons systems – and in most years greatly exceed the toll of the atomic bombs that devastated Hiroshima and Nagasaki".[29]
An additional condition often implicitly applied to WMD is that the use of the weapons must be strategic. In other words, they would be designed to "have consequences far outweighing the size and effectiveness of the weapons themselves".[30] The strategic nature of WMD also defines their function in the military doctrine of total war as targeting the means a country would use to support and supply its war effort, specifically its population, industry, and natural resources.[citation needed]
Within U.S. civil defense organizations, the category is now Chemical, Biological, Radiological, Nuclear, and Explosive (CBRNE), which defines WMD as:
(1) Any explosive, incendiary, poison gas, bomb, grenade, or rocket having a propellant charge of more than four ounces [113 g], missile having an explosive or incendiary charge of more than one-quarter ounce [7 g], or mine or device similar to the above. (2) Poison gas. (3) Any weapon involving a disease organism. (4) Any weapon that is designed to release radiation at a level dangerous to human life.[31]
Military definition[edit]
For the general purposes of national defense,[32] the U.S. Code[33] defines a weapon of mass destruction as:
any weapon or device that is intended, or has the capability, to cause death or serious bodily injury to a significant number of people through the release, dissemination, or impact of:
toxic or poisonous chemicals or their precursors
a disease organism
radiation or radioactivity[34]
For the purposes of the prevention of weapons proliferation,[35] the U.S. Code defines weapons of mass destruction as "chemical, biological, and nuclear weapons, and chemical, biological, and nuclear materials used in the manufacture of such weapons".[36]
Criminal (civilian) definition[edit]
For the purposes of U.S. criminal law concerning terrorism,[37] weapons of mass destruction are defined as:
any "destructive device" defined as any explosive, incendiary, or poison gas – bomb, grenade, rocket having a propellant charge of more than four ounces, missile having an explosive or incendiary charge of more than one-quarter ounce, mine, or device similar to any of the devices described in the preceding clauses[38]
any weapon that is designed or intended to cause death or serious bodily injury through the release, dissemination, or impact of toxic or poisonous chemicals, or their precursors
any weapon involving a biological agent, toxin, or vector
any weapon that is designed to release radiation or radioactivity at a level dangerous to human life[39]
The Federal Bureau of Investigation's definition is similar to that presented above from the terrorism statute:[40]
any "destructive device" as defined in Title 18 USC Section 921: any explosive, incendiary, or poison gas – bomb, grenade, rocket having a propellant charge of more than four ounces, missile having an explosive or incendiary charge of more than one-quarter ounce, mine, or device similar to any of the devices described in the preceding clauses
any weapon designed or intended to cause death or serious bodily injury through the release, dissemination, or impact of toxic or poisonous chemicals or their precursors
any weapon involving a disease organism
any weapon designed to release radiation or radioactivity at a level dangerous to human life
any device or weapon designed or intended to cause death or serious bodily injury by causing a malfunction of or destruction of an aircraft or other vehicle that carries humans or of an aircraft or other vehicle whose malfunction or destruction may cause said aircraft or other vehicle to cause death or serious bodily injury to humans who may be within range of the vector in its course of travel or the travel of its debris.
Indictments and convictions for possession and use of WMD such as truck bombs,[41] pipe bombs,[42] shoe bombs,[43] and cactus needles coated with a biological toxin[44] have been obtained under 18 USC 2332a.
As defined by 18 USC §2332 (a), a Weapon of Mass Destruction is:
(a) any destructive device as defined in section 921 of the title;
(B) any weapon that is designed or intended to cause death or serious bodily injury through the release, dissemination, or impact of toxic or poisonous chemicals, or their precursors;
(C) any weapon involving a biological agent, toxin, or vector (as those terms are defined in section 178 of this title); or
(D) any weapon that is designed to release radiation or radioactivity at a level dangerous to human life;
Under the same statute, conspiring, attempting, threatening, or using a Weapon of Mass Destruction may be imprisoned for any term of years or for life, and if resulting in death, be punishable by death or by imprisonment for any terms of years or for life. They can also be asked to pay a maximum fine of $250,000.[45]
The Washington Post reported on 30 March 2006: "Jurors asked the judge in the death penalty trial of Zacarias Moussaoui today to define the term 'weapons of mass destruction' and were told it includes airplanes used as missiles". Moussaoui was indicted and tried for the use of airplanes as WMD.[citation needed]
The surviving Boston Marathon bombing perpetrator, Dzhokhar Tsarnaev, was charged in June 2013 with the federal offense of "use of a weapon of mass destruction" after he and his brother Tamerlan Tsarnaev allegedly placed crude shrapnel bombs, made from pressure cookers packed with ball bearings and nails, near the finish line of the Boston Marathon. He was convicted in April 2015. The bombing resulted in three deaths and at least 264 injuries.[citation needed]
Treaties[edit]
See also: Arms control and List of weapons of mass destruction treaties
The development and use of WMD is governed by several international conventions and treaties, although not all countries have signed and ratified them:[citation needed]
Partial Test Ban Treaty
Outer Space Treaty
Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT)
Seabed Arms Control Treaty
Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT, has not entered into force as of 2015)
Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention (BWC)
Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC)
Use, possession and access[edit]
Nuclear weapons[edit]
Main article: List of countries with nuclear weapons
U.S. nuclear warheads, 1945–2002
The only country to have used a nuclear weapon in war is the United States, which dropped two atomic bombs on the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki during World War II. There are eight countries that have declared they possess nuclear weapons and are known to have tested a nuclear weapon, only five of which are members of the NPT. The eight are China, France, India, North Korea, Pakistan, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States.[citation needed]
Israel is considered by most analysts to have nuclear weapons numbering in the low hundreds as well, but maintains an official policy of nuclear ambiguity, neither denying nor confirming its nuclear status.[citation needed]
South Africa developed a small nuclear arsenal in the 1980s but disassembled them in the early 1990s, making it the only country to have fully given up an independently developed nuclear weapons arsenal. Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Ukraine inherited stockpiles of nuclear arms following the break-up of the Soviet Union, but relinquished them to the Russian Federation.[citation needed]
Countries with access to nuclear weapons through nuclear sharing agreements include Belgium, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, and Turkey.[citation needed]
United States politics[edit]
Due to the potentially indiscriminate effects of WMD, the fear of a WMD attack has shaped political policies and campaigns, fostered social movements, and has been the central theme of many films. Support for different levels of WMD development and control varies nationally and internationally. Yet understanding of the nature of the threats is not high, in part because of imprecise usage of the term by politicians and the media.[citation needed]
An atomic-bomb blueprint
Fear of WMD, or of threats diminished by the possession of WMD, has long been used to catalyze public support for various WMD policies. They include mobilization of pro- and anti-WMD campaigners alike, and generation of popular political support.[citation needed] The term WMD may be used as a powerful buzzword[46] or to generate a culture of fear.[47] It is also used ambiguously, particularly by not distinguishing among the different types of WMD.[48]
A television commercial called Daisy, promoting Democrat Lyndon Johnson's 1964 presidential candidacy, invoked the fear of a nuclear war and was an element in Johnson's subsequent election.[citation needed]
Later, United States' President George W. Bush used the threat of potential WMD in Iraq as justification for the 2003 invasion of Iraq.[49] Broad reference to Iraqi WMD in general was seen as an element of President Bush's arguments.[48] The claim that Iraq possessed Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) was a major factor that led to the invasion of Iraq in 2003 by Coalition forces.[citation needed]
Over 500 munitions containing mustard agent and sarin were discovered throughout Iraq since 2003; they were made in the 1980s and are no longer usable as originally intended due to corrosion.[50]
In 2004, Polish troops found nineteen 1980s-era rocket warheads, thwarting an attempt by militants to buy them at $5000 each. Some of the rockets contained extremely deteriorated nerve agent.[51]
The American Heritage Dictionary defines a weapon of mass destruction as: "a weapon that can cause widespread destruction or kill large numbers of people, especially a nuclear, chemical, or biological weapon."[52] In other words, it does not have to be nuclear, biological or chemical (NBC). For example, the terrorist for the Boston Marathon bombings was charged under United States law 18 U.S.C. 2332A[53] for using a weapon of mass destruction[54] and that was a pressure cooker bomb. In other words, it was a weapon that caused large-scale death and destruction, without being an NBC weapon.
Media coverage[edit]
In 2004, the Center for International and Security Studies at Maryland (CISSM) released a report[55] examining the media’s coverage of WMD issues during three separate periods: nuclear weapons tests by India and Pakistan in May 1998; the U.S. announcement of evidence of a North Korean nuclear weapons program in October 2002; and revelations about Iran's nuclear program in May 2003. The CISSM report argues that poor coverage resulted less from political bias among the media than from tired journalistic conventions. The report’s major findings were that:[citation needed]
Most media outlets represented WMD as a monolithic menace, failing to adequately distinguish between weapons programs and actual weapons or to address the real differences among chemical, biological, nuclear, and radiological weapons.
Most journalists accepted the Bush administration’s formulation of the "War on Terror" as a campaign against WMD, in contrast to coverage during the Clinton era, when many journalists made careful distinctions between acts of terrorism and the acquisition and use of WMD.
Many stories stenographically reported the incumbent administration’s perspective on WMD, giving too little critical examination of the way officials framed the events, issues, threats, and policy options.
Too few stories proffered alternative perspectives to official line, a problem exacerbated by the journalistic prioritizing of breaking-news stories and the "inverted pyramid" style of storytelling.
In a separate study published in 2005,[56] a group of researchers assessed the effects reports and retractions in the media had on people’s memory regarding the search for WMD in Iraq during the 2003 Iraq War. The study focused on populations in two coalition countries (Australia and the United States) and one opposed to the war (Germany). Results showed that U.S. citizens generally did not correct initial misconceptions regarding WMD, even following disconfirmation; Australian and German citizens were more responsive to retractions. Dependence on the initial source of information led to a substantial minority of Americans exhibiting false memory that WMD were indeed discovered, while they were not. This led to three conclusions:
The repetition of tentative news stories, even if they are subsequently disconfirmed, can assist in the creation of false memories in a substantial proportion of people.
Once information is published, its subsequent correction does not alter people's beliefs unless they are suspicious about the motives underlying the events the news stories are about.
When people ignore corrections, they do so irrespective of how certain they are that the corrections occurred.
A poll conducted between June and September 2003 asked people whether they thought evidence of WMD had been discovered in Iraq since the war ended. They were also asked which media sources they relied upon. Those who obtained their news primarily from Fox News were three times as likely to believe that evidence of WMD had been discovered in Iraq than those who relied on PBS and NPR for their news, and one third more likely than those who primarily watched CBS.[citation needed]
Media source Respondents believing evidence of WMD had been found in Iraq
Fox 33%
CBS 23%
NBC 20%
CNN 20%
ABC 19%
Print media 17%
PBS–NPR 11%
Based on a series of polls taken from June–September 2003.[57]
In 2006 Fox News reported the claims of two Republican lawmakers that WMDs had been found in Iraq,[58] based upon unclassified portions of a report by the National Ground Intelligence Center. Quoting from the report, Senator Rick Santorum said "Since 2003, coalition forces have recovered approximately 500 weapons munitions which contain degraded mustard or sarin nerve agent". According to David Kay, who appeared before the U.S. House Armed Services Committee to discuss these badly corroded munitions, they were leftovers, many years old, improperly stored or destroyed by the Iraqis.[59] Charles Duelfer agreed, stating on NPR's Talk of the Nation: "When I was running the ISG – the Iraq Survey Group – we had a couple of them that had been turned in to these IEDs, the improvised explosive devices. But they are local hazards. They are not a major, you know, weapon of mass destruction."[60]
Later, wikileaks would show that WMDs of these kinds continued to be found as the Iraqi occupation continued.[61]
Many news agencies, including Fox News, reported the conclusions of the CIA that, based upon the investigation of the Iraq Survey Group, WMDs are yet to be found in Iraq.[62][63]
Public perceptions[edit]
Awareness and opinions of WMD have varied during the course of their history. Their threat is a source of unease, security, and pride to different people. The anti-WMD movement is embodied most in nuclear disarmament, and led to the formation of the British Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament in 1957.[citation needed]
In order to increase awareness of all kinds of WMD, in 2004 the nuclear physicist and Nobel Peace Prize winner Joseph Rotblat inspired the creation of The WMD Awareness Programme[64] to provide trustworthy and up to date information on WMD worldwide.
In 1998 University of New Mexico's Institute for Public Policy released their third report[65] on U.S. perceptions – including the general public, politicians and scientists – of nuclear weapons since the breakup of the Soviet Union. Risks of nuclear conflict, proliferation, and terrorism were seen as substantial.[citation needed]
While maintenance of the U.S. nuclear arsenal was considered above average in importance, there was widespread support for a reduction in the stockpile, and very little support for developing and testing new nuclear weapons.[citation needed]
Also in 1998, but after the UNM survey was conducted, nuclear weapons became an issue in India's election of March,[66] in relation to political tensions with neighboring Pakistan. Prior to the election the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) announced it would "declare India a nuclear weapon state" after coming to power.[citation needed]
BJP won the elections, and on 14 May, three days after India tested nuclear weapons for the second time, a public opinion poll reported that a majority of Indians favored the country’s nuclear build-up.[citation needed]
On 15 April 2004, the Program on International Policy Attitudes (PIPA) reported[67] that U.S. citizens showed high levels of concern regarding WMD, and that preventing the spread of nuclear weapons should be "a very important U.S. foreign policy goal", accomplished through multilateral arms control rather than the use of military threats.[citation needed]
A majority also believed the United States should be more forthcoming with its biological research and its Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty commitment of nuclear arms reduction.[citation needed]
A Russian opinion poll conducted on 5 August 2005 indicated half the population believes new nuclear powers have the right to possess nuclear weapons.[68] 39% believes the Russian stockpile should be reduced, though not fully eliminated.[citation needed]
In popular culture[edit]
Main article: Weapons of mass destruction in popular culture
Weapons of mass destruction and their related impacts have been a mainstay of popular culture since the beginning of the Cold War, as both political commentary and humorous outlet. The actual phrase "weapons of mass destruction" has been used similarly and as a way to characterise any powerful force or product since the Iraqi weapons crisis in the lead up to the Coalition invasion of Iraq in 2003.[citation needed]
Common hazard symbols[edit]
Main article: Hazard symbol
Symbol
Unicode
Image
Toxic symbol ☠ U+2620 [69]
Radioactive symbol ☢ U+2622 [70]
Biohazard symbol ☣ U+2623 [71]
Radioactive weaponry/hazard symbol[edit]
2007 ISO radioactivity danger symbol.
The international radioactivity symbol (also known as trefoil) first appeared in 1946, at the University of California, Berkeley Radiation Laboratory. At the time, it was rendered as magenta, and was set on a blue background.[72]
It is drawn with a central circle of radius R, the blades having an internal radius of 1.5R and an external radius of 5R, and separated from each other by 60°.[73] It is meant to represent a radiating atom.[citation needed]
The International Atomic Energy Agency found that the trefoil radiation symbol is unintuitive and can be variously interpreted by those uneducated in its meaning; therefore, its role as a hazard warning was compromised as it did not clearly indicate "danger" to many non-Westerners and children who encountered it. As a result of research, a new radiation hazard symbol was developed in 2007 to be placed near the most dangerous parts of radiation sources featuring a skull, someone running away, and using a red rather than yellow background.[74]
The red background is intended to convey urgent danger, and the sign is intended to be used on equipment where very strong radiation fields can be encountered if the device is dismantled or otherwise tampered with. The intended use of the sign is not in a place where the normal user will see it, but in a place where it will be seen by someone who has started to dismantle a radiation-emitting device or equipment. The aim of the sign is to warn people such as scrap metal workers to stop work and leave the area.[75]
Biological weaponry/hazard symbol[edit]
Developed by Dow Chemical company in the 1960s for their containment products.[76]
According to Charles Dullin, an environmental-health engineer who contributed to its development:[73]
We wanted something that was memorable but meaningless, so we could educate people as to what it means.
See also[edit]
Weapons of mass destruction portal
War portal
Commission on the Intelligence Capabilities of the United States Regarding Weapons of Mass Destruction
Commission on the Prevention of WMD proliferation and terrorism
The Bomb (film)
Ethnic bioweapon
Fallout shelter
NBC suit
New physical principles weapons
Nuclear terrorism
Orbital bombardment
Russia and weapons of mass destruction
United States and weapons of mass destruction
Weapons of Mass Destruction Commission
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Bibliography[edit]
Bentley, Michelle. Weapons of Mass Destruction: The Strategic Use of a Concept (Routledge, 2014.) On the usage of the term in American policy
Cirincione, Joseph, ed. Repairing the Regime: Preventing the Spread of Weapons of Mass Destruction (Routledge, 2014)
Croddy, Eric A. ed. Weapons of Mass Destruction: An Encyclopedia of Worldwide Policy, Technology, and History (2 vol 2004); 1024pp excerpt
Curley, Robert, ed. Weapons of Mass Destruction (Britannica Educational Publishing, 2011)
Graham Jr, Thomas, and Thomas Graham. Common sense on weapons of mass destruction (University of Washington Press, 2011)
Horowitz, Michael C., and Neil Narang. "Poor Man’s atomic bomb? exploring the relationship between “weapons of mass destruction”." Journal of Conflict Resolution (2013) online
Hutchinson, Robert. Weapons of Mass Destruction: The no-nonsense guide to nuclear, chemical and biological weapons today (Hachette UK, 2011)
Further reading[edit]
O'Neil, Cathy (6 September 2016). Weapons of Math Destruction: how big data increases inequality and treathens democracy (First edition ed.). New York, USA: Crown Publishing Group. ISBN 978-0-553-41883-5. CS1 maint: Extra text (link)
Definition and origin[edit]
"WMD: Words of mass dissemination" (12 February 2003), BBC News.
Bentley, Michelle, "War and/of Worlds: Constructing WMD in U.S. Foreign Policy", Security Studies 22 (Jan. 2013), 68–97.
Michael Evans, "What makes a weapon one of mass destruction?" (6 February 2004), The Times.
Bruce Schneier, "Definition of 'Weapon of Mass Destruction'" (6 April 2009), Schneier on Security.
Stefano Felician, Le armi di distruzione di massa, CEMISS, Roma, 2010, [3]
George Moraetes, "'Nuclear Power Plant Cybersecurity'" (30 December 2014), Pulse on LinkedIn – Featured in Oil & Energy.
International law[edit]
United Nations Security Council Resolution 1540
David P. Fidler, "Weapons of Mass Destruction and International Law" (February 2003), American Society of International Law.
Joanne Mariner, "FindLaw Forum: Weapons of mass destruction and international law's principle that civilians cannot be targeted" (20 November 2001), CNN.
Media[edit]
Media Coverage of Weapons of Mass Destruction at the Wayback Machine (archived 17 February 2006), by Susan D. Moeller, Center for International and Security Studies at Maryland, 2004.
Memory for fact, fiction, and misinformation, by Stephan Lewandowsky, Werner G.K. Stritzke, Klaus Oberauer, and Michael Morales, Psychological Science, 16(3): 190–195, 2005.
Ethics[edit]
Jacob M. Appel, "Is All Fair in Biological Warfare?", Journal of Medical Ethics, June 2009.
Public perceptions[edit]
Steven Kull et al., Americans on WMD Proliferation (15 April 2004), Program on International Policy Attitudes/Knowledge Networks survey.
External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Weapons of mass destruction.
Journal dedicated to CBRNE issues
United Nations: Disarmament at the Wayback Machine (archived 24 June 2005)
US Department of State at the Wayback Machine (archived 13 March 2007)
Nuclear Threat Initiative (NTI)
Federation of American Scientists (FAS)
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
GlobalSecurity.org
Avoiding Armageddon, PBS
FAS assessment of countries that own weapons of mass destruction
National Counterproliferation Center – Office of the Director of National Intelligence
HLSWatch.com: Homeland Security Watch policy and current events resource
Office of the Special Assistant for Chemical Biological Defense and Chemical Demilitarization Programs, Official Department of Defense web site that provides information about the DoD Chemical Biological Defense Program
Terrorism and the Threat From Weapons of Mass Destruction in the Middle East at the Wayback Machine (archived 29 April 2001)
"Iranian Chemical Attacks Victims" (Payvand News Agency)
Iran: 'Forgotten Victims' Of Saddam Hussein Era Await Justice
Comparison of Chinese, Japanese and Vietnamese translations
Nuclear Age Peace Foundation
Radius Engineering International Inc. Radius Engineering International Inc, ed. "Nuclear Weapons Effects" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 14 December 2010. Retrieved 20 December 2010. These tables describe the effects of various nuclear blast sizes. All figures are for 15 mph (13 kn; 24 km/h) winds. Thermal burns represent injuries to an unprotected person. The legend describes the data.
Gareth Porter, "Documents linking Iran to nuclear weapons push may have been fabricated", TheRawStory, 10 November 2008
Gareth Porter, "The Iranian Nuke Forgeries: CIA Determines Documents were Fabricated", CounterPunch, 29 December 2009
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text:
Tin Bigha Corridor
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Coordinates: 26°18′3″N 88°59′1″E / 26.30083°N 88.98361°E / 26.30083; 88.98361
Entrance of Tin Bigha Corridor from Mainland Bangladesh.
The Tin (or Teen) Bigha Corridor (Bengali: তিনবিঘা করিডর) is a strip of land belonging to India on the West Bengal–Bangladesh border which, in September 2011, was leased to Bangladesh so that it can access its Dahagram–Angarpota enclaves. It is based at Patgram upazila town.[1]
Contents
[hide]
1 History
2 Etymology
3 Access to corridor
4 Infrastructure
5 See also
6 References
History[edit]
Road connecting Dahgram-Angarpota enclave with mainland Bangladesh.
The border fence around Tin Bigha Corridor.
According to the Indira Gandhi-Sheikh Mujibur Rahman treaty of 16 May, 1974, India and Bangladesh were to hand over the sovereignty of the Tin Bigha Corridor (178 by 85 metres (584 ft × 279 ft)) and South Berubari (7.39 km2 (2.85 sq mi)) to each other, thereby allowing access to the Dahagram–Angarpota enclaves and the Indian enclaves adjacent to South Berubari. Bangladesh did hand over the sovereignty of the smaller South Berubari to India instantly in 1974. India, however, could not transfer the Tin Bigha Corridor to Bangladesh as it required constitutional amendment which could not be done due to political reasons.[2][3]
After much Bangladesh government protest, India, instead of handing over sovereignty in 2011, proposed to lease the Tin Bigha Corridor to Bangladesh for a certain time. South Berubari, meanwhile, would remain in the possession of India.[4]
The total area of South Berubari Union No. 12 is 22.58 km2 (8.72 sq mi) of which 11.29 km2 (4.36 sq mi) was to go to Bangladesh. The area of the four Cooch Behar enclaves which would also have to go to Bangladesh was 6.84 km2 (2.64 sq mi) making the total area to be transferred 18.13 km2 (7.00 sq mi). The population of the area including the four enclaves to be transferred, as per 1967 data, was 90% Hindu. The Bangladesh enclaves, Dahagram and Angorpota, were to be transferred to India. Their total area was 18.68 km2 (7.21 sq mi) and as per 1967 data more than 80% of their population was Muslim. If this exchange had gone through, it would have meant a change of nationality for the population or migration of the population from Dahagram and Angorpota and South Berubari Union No. 12 and consequent serious rehabilitation problems. There were in any case major agitations by the people of Berubari protesting against the transfer.
After 1971, India proposed to Bangladesh that India may continue to retain the southern half of South Berubari Union No. 12 and the adjacent enclaves and, in exchange, Dahagram and Angorpota may be retained by Bangladesh. As part of the package a strip of land would be leased in perpetuity by India to Bangladesh, giving her access to Dahagram & Angorpota to enable her to exercise sovereignty on these two enclaves. This was accepted by Bangladesh as part of a carefully constructed Land Boundary Agreement signed by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and Prime Minister Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 16 May 1974. The Berubari dispute was thus finally resolved by Article 1.14 of the Agreement which stated:
"India will retain the southern half of South Berubari Union No. 12 and the adjacent enclaves, measuring an area of 6.8 km2 (2.64 sq mi) approximately, and in exchange Bangladesh will retain the Dahagram and Angorpota enclaves. India will lease in perpetuity to Bangladesh an area of 178 by 85 metres (584 ft × 279 ft) near 'Tin Bigha' to connect Dahagram with Panbari Mouza (P.S. Patgram) of Bangladesh."[5]
Etymology[edit]
Tin is the word for the numeral "three" in Bengali, and bigha is a unit of area ranging from 1,500 to 6,771 m2 (16,150–72,880 sq ft).
Access to corridor[edit]
Indian BSF Camp at Tin Bigha Corridor.
The corridor was previously open for 12 daylight hours only,[6][7] causing great hardships for the inhabitants of the enclave, given the fact that the enclave has no hospitals or law enforcement facilities.[7]
Following a treaty signed by the Prime Ministers of India and Bangladesh on 6 September 2011 in Dhaka, it was agreed that the corridor would be open for 24 hours for Bangladeshis in the enclave to access the mainland.[8][9]
The corridor was officially declared open by the Bangladesh Premier Sheikh Hasina on 19 October 2011.[10]
Infrastructure[edit]
Until recently, the enclaves had no hospitals[7] or colleges.[citation needed] Bangladesh Premier Sheikh Hasina inaugurated a ten-bed Dahagram Hospital and the Dahagram Union Parishad Complex on 19 October 2011.[10]
See also[edit]
Tetulia Corridor
Enclave and exclave
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Cover story
Jump up ^ "404 Not Found". thefinancialexpress-bd.com. Archived from the original on 2 April 2012.
Jump up ^ "Enclaves". banglapedia.org.
Jump up ^ "Berubari plea to PM for place on map". telegraphindia.com.
Jump up ^ http://www.hcidhaka.org/tin_bigha.php
Jump up ^ "'Tin Bigha likely to be kept open 24 hrs within a short time'". The Daily Star. 20 November 2010. Retrieved 7 September 2011.
^ Jump up to: a b c "Dahagram-Angorpota's unending miseries". bdnews24.com. 30 June 2010. Retrieved 7 September 2011.
Jump up ^ "Tin Bigha corridor to remain open 24 hours". Bangla News 24. 6 September 2011. Archived from the original on 22 September 2012. Retrieved 7 September 2011.
Jump up ^ "Transit tumbles into Teesta abyss". bdnews24.com. 7 September 2011. Retrieved 7 September 2011.
^ Jump up to: a b Shakhawat Liton; Dilip Roy (20 October 2011). "2 enclaves float in joy". The Daily Star. Retrieved 20 October 2011.
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Tin Bigha Corridor.
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text:
Just a Lil Bit
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
For other uses, see Just a Little Bit.
"Just a Lil Bit"
Single by 50 Cent
from the album The Massacre
Released
May 10, 2005
Format
Digital download, 12" maxi single
Recorded
2003–2004
Genre
Hip hop
Length
3:57
Label
Shady
Aftermath
Interscope
Universal
Songwriter(s)
Curtis Jackson & Scott Storch
Producer(s)
Scott Storch
50 Cent singles chronology
"Candy Shop"
(2005) "Just a Lil Bit"
(2005) "So Seductive"
(2005)
"Candy Shop"
(2005) "Just a Lil Bit"
(2005) "So Seductive"
(2005)
"Just a Lil Bit" is the third single from 50 Cent's second album, The Massacre. The song is produced by Scott Storch. Released in 2005, the single reached number #3 in the United States, becoming 50 Cent's sixth solo top-ten single, and ninth overall. It also reached #10 in the United Kingdom.[1] The B-side is a live recording of Disco Inferno for AOL Sessions.
Contents
[hide]
1 Background
2 Music video
3 CD cover
4 Track listing
5 Charts and certifications
5.1 Weekly charts
5.2 Certifications
5.3 Year-end charts
6 References
7 External links
Background[edit]
"Just a Lil Bit" debuted at #87 on the Billboard Hot 100 and peaked at #3 on the chart. The song was eventually certified Platinum by the RIAA. The official remix features rapper White Dawg. T-Pain used the instrumental to do a freestyle called "A Little Hit."[2] Game also used the instrumental on his song "300 Bars & Runnin'", in which he disses 50 Cent and other members of G-Unit.[3] He also redid "Just a Lil Bit" as a diss to 50 Cent.[4]
Music video[edit]
The music video is set in the Caribbean and follows a thin plot where 50 Cent, as "El Jefe" ("The Boss"), employs three beautiful women to set up his enemies, played by Emilio Rivera and Hassan Johnson among others. 50 Cent leaves each enemy $50.[5] The video also contains cameos by some G-Unit artists.
CD cover[edit]
The artwork for the CD cover shows 50 Cent's modern adaptation of the rap squat that includes the prayer pose.[6]
Track listing[edit]
UK CD single #1[7]
"Just a Lil Bit" - 3:59
"Disco Inferno" (Live AOL Session) - 3:11
UK CD single #2[8]
"Just a Lil Bit" - 3:59
"Just a Lil Bit" (Instrumental) - 3:59
"Just a Lil Bit" (Music Video) - 3:59
"Disco Inferno" (Live AOL Session - Music Video) - 3:11
Charts and certifications[edit]
Weekly charts[edit]
Chart (2005)
Peak
position
Australia (ARIA)[9]
13
Austria (Ö3 Austria Top 40)[10]
13
Belgium (Ultratop 50 Flanders)[11]
9
Belgium (Ultratop 50 Wallonia)[12]
20
Brazilian Singles Chart (ABPD)[13]
56
Europe (European Hot 100 Singles)[14]
14
France (SNEP)[15]
38
Germany (Official German Charts)[16]
11
Ireland (IRMA)[17]
9
Netherlands (Dutch Top 40)[18]
21
New Zealand (Recorded Music NZ)[19]
8
Switzerland (Schweizer Hitparade)[20]
11
UK Singles (Official Charts Company)[21]
10
US Billboard Hot 100[22]
3
US Hot R&B/Hip-Hop Songs (Billboard)[23]
3
US Mainstream Top 40 (Billboard)[24]
9
US Hot Rap Songs (Billboard)[25]
1
Certifications[edit]
Country
Certification
Australia
Gold[26]
United States
Platinum[27]
Year-end charts[edit]
Chart (2005)
Peak
position
Australia (ARIA)[28]
70
Belgium (Ultratop 50 Flanders)[29]
62
Belgium (Ultratop 50 Wallonia)[30]
70
Netherlands (Dutch Top 40)[31]
162
New Zealand (RIANZ)[32]
44
Switzerland (Schweizer Hitparade)[33]
63
UK Singles (The Official Charts Company)[34]
116
US Billboard Hot 100[35]
17
References[edit]
Jump up ^ 50 Cent - Just a Lil Bit. aCharts.us. Accessed September 12, 2007.
Jump up ^ T-Pain - A Little Hit
Jump up ^ 300 Bars & Runnin' (song)
Jump up ^ Just a Lil Bit (50 Cent Diss)
Jump up ^ Just a Lil Bit (Music Video)
Jump up ^ Cabatingan L Trend Alert: Gang Signs are Out, Rap Squats Are In IX Daily 15 Sep 2014
Jump up ^ https://www.amazon.co.uk/Just-Lil-Bit-50-Cent/dp/B0009SOFHW/ref=sr_1_1?s=music&ie=UTF8&qid=1359109611&sr=1-1
Jump up ^ https://www.amazon.co.uk/Just-Lil-Bit-50-Cent/dp/B0009R2W7S/ref=sr_1_2?s=music&ie=UTF8&qid=1359109694&sr=1-2
Jump up ^ "Australian-charts.com – 50 Cent – Just A Lil Bit". ARIA Top 50 Singles. Retrieved June 10, 2012.
Jump up ^ "Austriancharts.at – 50 Cent – Just A Lil Bit" (in German). Ö3 Austria Top 40. Retrieved June 10, 2012.
Jump up ^ "Ultratop.be – 50 Cent – Just A Lil Bit" (in Dutch). Ultratop 50. Retrieved June 10, 2012.
Jump up ^ "Ultratop.be – 50 Cent – Just A Lil Bit" (in French). Ultratop 50. Retrieved June 10, 2012.
Jump up ^ "Brazil" (PDF). ABPD. October 6, 2001. Retrieved April 1, 2014.
Jump up ^ "50 Cent – Chart history" European Hot 100 for 50 Cent. Retrieved June 10, 2012.
Jump up ^ "Lescharts.com – 50 Cent – Just A Lil Bit" (in French). Les classement single. Retrieved June 10, 2012.
Jump up ^ "Musicline.de – 50 Cent Single-Chartverfolgung" (in German). Media Control Charts. PhonoNet GmbH. Retrieved June 10, 2012.
Jump up ^ "Chart Track: Week 25, 2005". Irish Singles Chart. Retrieved June 10, 2012.
Jump up ^ "Nederlandse Top 40 – week 27, 2005" (in Dutch). Dutch Top 40 Retrieved June 10, 2012.
Jump up ^ "Charts.org.nz – 50 Cent – Just A Lil Bit". Top 40 Singles. Retrieved June 10, 2012.
Jump up ^ "Swisscharts.com – 50 Cent – Just A Lil Bit". Swiss Singles Chart. Retrieved June 10, 2012.
Jump up ^ "Official Singles Chart Top 100". Official Charts Company. Retrieved June 10, 2012.
Jump up ^ "50 Cent Chart History (Hot 100)" Billboard. Retrieved June 10, 2012.
Jump up ^ "50 Cent Chart History (Hot R&B/Hip-Hop Songs)" Billboard. Retrieved June 10, 2012.
Jump up ^ "50 Cent Chart History (Pop Songs)" Billboard. Retrieved June 10, 2012.
Jump up ^ "50 Cent Chart History (Hot Rap Songs)" Billboard. Retrieved June 10, 2012.
Jump up ^ "ARIA Charts - Accreditations - 2005 Singles". Australian Recording Industry Association. Retrieved 18 September 2011.
Jump up ^ "Gold & Platinum: 50 Cent". Recording Industry Association of America. Archived from the original on 25 February 2013. Retrieved 18 September 2011.
Jump up ^ "ARIA Charts - End of Year Charts - Top 100 Singles 2005". Australian Recording Industry Association. Retrieved 18 September 2011.
Jump up ^ "Belgian Flanders Year-End Singles Chart For 2005". ultratop.be (in Dutch). Hung Medien. Retrieved 18 September 2011.
Jump up ^ "Belgian Wallonia Year-End Singles Chart For 2005". ultratop.be (in French). Hung Medien. Retrieved 18 September 2011.
Jump up ^ "Dutch Top 40 Year End" (in Dutch). MegaCharts. Retrieved 18 September 2011.
Jump up ^ "Annual Top 50 Singles Chart 2005". Recording Industry Association of New Zealand. Archived from the original (on the year drop-down menu, "select "2005" and then click "Go") on 22 July 2010. Retrieved 18 September 2011.
Jump up ^ "Swiss Year-End Charts 2005". hitparade.ch (in German). Hung Medien. Archived from the original on 13 February 2006. Retrieved 18 September 2011.
Jump up ^ "End Of Year Charts: 2005" (PDF). UKChartsPlus. Retrieved 18 September 2011.
Jump up ^ "2005 Year End Charts: Hot 100 Songs". Billboard. Nielsen Business Media, Inc. 26 November 2005. Retrieved 18 September 2011.
External links[edit]
50 Cent's official website
"Just a Lil Bit" lyrics
"Just a Lil Bit" music video on YouTube
Lyrics of this song at MetroLyrics
[hide]
v
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50 Cent singles
Power of the Dollar
"How to Rob"
"Thug Love"
"Your Life's on the Line"
Get Rich or Die Tryin'
"In da Club"
"21 Questions"
"P.I.M.P."
"If I Can't"
The Massacre
"Disco Inferno"
"Candy Shop"
"Just a Lil Bit"
"Outta Control"
Get Rich or Die Tryin' OST
"Hustler's Ambition"
"Window Shopper"
"Best Friend"
"I'll Whip Ya Head Boy"
"Have a Party"
Curtis
"Straight to the Bank"
"Amusement Park"
"I Get Money"
"Ayo Technology"
"I'll Still Kill"
Before I Self Destruct
"Ok, You're Right"
"Baby by Me"
"Do You Think About Me"
The Big 10
"I Just Wanna"
Animal Ambition
"Don't Worry 'Bout It"
"Hold On"
"Pilot"
"Smoke"
Other singles
"Rowdy Rowdy"
"Wanksta"
"Get Up"
"I Get It In"
"Outlaw"
"New Day"
"First Date"
"My Life"
"Major Distribution"
"We Up"
"I'm the Man"
"No Romeo No Juliet"
Featured singles
"React"
"Magic Stick"
"On Fire"
"Let Me In"
"Encore"
"Westside Story"
"How We Do"
"Hate It or Love It"
"MJB da MVP"
"So Seductive"
"I Know You Don't Love Me"
"Hands Up"
"You Don't Know"
"Jimmy Crack Corn"
"Can't Leave 'em Alone"
"Crack a Bottle"
"Mujeres in the Club"
"Pass the Patron"
"Down on Me"
"Let's Get It In"
"No Dejemos Que se Apague"
"Here We Go Again"
"Buzzin'"
"Haters"
"Right There"
"Hate Bein' Sober"
Notable songs
"Ghetto Qu'ran (Forgive Me)"
"Piggy Bank"
"Monster"
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Just_a_Lil_Bit&oldid=811183285"
Categories:
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