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Pint
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For the glass in which beer is served, see Pint glass.
A full pint glass
The pint (/ˈpaɪnt/, listen (help·info); symbol pt,[1][2] sometimes abbreviated as "p"[3]) is a unit of volume or capacity in both the imperial and United States customary measurement systems. In both of those systems it is traditionally one-eighth of a gallon. The British pint is about 20% larger than the American pint since the two systems are not compatible. Almost all other countries have standardized on the metric system, so the size of what may be called a pint varies depending on local custom.
The imperial pint (≈ 568 mL) is used in the United Kingdom and Ireland and to a limited extent in Commonwealth nations. In the United States, two pints are used: a liquid pint (≈ 473 mL) and a less-common dry pint (≈ 551 mL). Each of these pints is one-eighth of its respective gallon, but the gallons differ and the imperial pint is about 20% larger than the US liquid pint. This difference dates back to 1824, when the British Weights and Measures Act standardised various liquid measures throughout the British Empire, while the United States continued to use the earlier English measure. The imperial pint consists of 20 imperial fluid ounces and the US liquid pint is 16 US fluid ounces, making the imperial fluid ounce about 4% smaller than the US fluid ounce.
All of the other former British colonies, such as Canada, Australia, South Africa and New Zealand, converted to the metric system in the 1960s and 1970s; so, while the term "pint" may still be in common use in these countries, it may no longer refer to the British imperial pint once used throughout the British Empire. In the United Kingdom, the imperial pint is still the primary unit for draught beer and cider, as it is for milk sold in returnable bottles. In the UK, legislation mandates that draught beer and cider may be sold by the imperial pint in perpetuity, and in public houses can only be sold in a third of a pint, two-thirds of a pint or multiples of half a pint, which must be served in stamped measured glasses or from government-stamped meters.[4]
Since the vast majority of countries in the world no longer use American or British imperial units, and most are non-English speaking, a "pint of beer" served in a tavern outside the United Kingdom and the United States may be measured by other standards. In Commonwealth countries it may be a British Imperial pint of 568 mL, in countries serving large numbers of American tourists it might be a US liquid pint of 473 mL, in many metric counties it is a half-litre beer stein of 500 mL, or in some places it is another measure reflecting national and local laws and customs.[5]
Historically, units called a pint (or the equivalent in the local language) were used across much of Europe, with values varying between countries from less than half a litre to over one litre. Within continental Europe, the pint was replaced with the metric system during the 19th century. The term is still in limited use in parts of France, and in Quebec—where "une pinte" means an imperial quart, which is 2 pints, around one litre, whereas a pint is "une chopine"—and Central Europe, notably some areas of Germany[6] and Switzerland, where "ein Schoppen" is colloquially used for roughly half a litre.
Contents
[hide]
1 Name
2 Definitions
2.1 Imperial pint
2.2 US liquid pint
2.3 US dry pint
2.4 Other pints
3 Equivalence
4 History
4.1 Effects of metrication
5 Notes
6 References
7 External links
Name[edit]
Pint comes from the Old French word pinte and perhaps ultimately from Vulgar Latin pincta meaning "painted", for marks painted on the side of a container to show capacity.[7]
Definitions[edit]
Imperial pint[edit]
The imperial pint is equal to one-eighth of an imperial gallon.
1 imperial pint = 1⁄8 imperial gallon
= 1⁄2 imperial quart
= 4 imperial gills
= 20 imperial fluid ounces
= 568.26125 millilitres (exactly)[a][8]
≈ 34.677429099 cubic inches[b]
≈ 1.2009499255 US liquid pints
≈ 1.0320567435 US dry pints
≈ the volume of 20 oz (567 g) of water at 62 °F (16.7 °C)
US liquid pint[edit]
In the United States, the liquid pint is legally defined as one-eighth of a liquid gallon of precisely 231 cubic inches.
1 US liquid pint = 1⁄8 US liquid gallon
= 1⁄2 US liquid quart
= 2 US cups
= 4 US fluid gills
= 16 US fluid ounces
= 128 US fluid drams
= 28.875 cubic inches (exactly)[b]
= 473.176473 millilitres (exactly)[c]
≈ 0.83267418463 imperial pints
≈ 0.85936700738 US dry pints
≈ the volume of 1.041 lb (472 g) of water at 62 °F (16.7 °C)
US dry pint[edit]
In the United States, the dry pint is one-eighth of a dry gallon.
1 US dry pint = 1⁄8 US dry gallons
= 1⁄2 US dry quarts
= 33.6003125 cubic inches (exactly)
= 550.6104713575 millilitres (exactly)[c]
≈ 0.96893897192 imperial pints
≈ 1.1636471861 US liquid pints
Other pints[edit]
Blueberries labelled in English (1 US DRY PINT) and French (1 CHOPINE SÈCHE US 551 ml) for sale in the US and Canada.
The United States dry pint is equal to one-eighth of a United States dry gallon. It is used in the United States, but is not as common as the liquid pint.
A now-obsolete unit of measurement in Scotland known as the Scottish pint or joug equals three imperial pints. It remained in use until the 19th century, surviving significantly longer than most of the old Scottish measurements.
The French word pinte is etymologically related, but historically described a larger unit. The Royal pint (pinte du roi) was 48 French cubic inches (952.1 mL).[9] but regional pints varied in size depending on locality and on commodity (usually wine or olive oil) varying from 0.95 L to over 2 L.[9] Thus, in French Canada, une pinte refers, by federal law, to the imperial quart whereas the imperial pint is called une chopine.[10]
In Canada, if you speak English and order "a pint of beer", servers are legally required to serve you 568 ml of beer,[11] but if you speak French and order "une pinte de bière", they are legally required to serve you 1136 ml, which is twice as much. This is one of numerous false friends which exist between English and French. They are not the same unit although they have the same linguistic origin—the French Canadian pinte is actually equivalent to the English quart. If you want to order an English pint of beer in Canadian French, order "une chopine de bière".[12] The Imperial system of measurement is no longer taught in Canadian schools, so servers may be unclear on how big a pint or pinte is regardless of language.
In Flanders, the word pintje, meaning 'little pint', refers only to a 250 mL glass of lager. Some West- and East-Flemish dialects use it as a word for beaker. The equivalent word in German, Pintchen, refers to a glass of a third of a litre in Cologne and the Rhineland.
In South Australia, if you order "a pint of beer" you will be served 425 ml (15 fl oz). Instead you must request "an Imperial pint of beer" to get 570 ml (20 fl oz). Australians from other states often contest the size of their beers in Adelaide[13].
Equivalence[edit]
One US fluid pint of water weighs about a pound (16 ounces), resulting in the popular saying, "The pint's a pound, the world around."[14] However, a US pint of water weighs 1.04375 pounds and the statement does not hold the world around because the imperial (UK) pint, which was also the standard measure in Australia, India, Malaya, New Zealand, South Africa etc., weighs 1.25 pounds. A different saying for the imperial pint is "a pint of pure water weighs a pound and a quarter".
History[edit]
The pint is traditionally one-eighth of a gallon. In the Latin of the apothecaries' system, octavius or octarius (plural octavii or octarii; symbol O) reflected the "eighth" concept in its octa- syllable. Because of the variety of definitions of a gallon, there have been equally many versions of the pint.
America adopted the British wine gallon, defined in 1707 as 231 cubic inches exactly (3 in × 7 in × 11 in) as its basic liquid measure, from which the US wet pint is derived; and the British corn gallon (1⁄8 of a standard "Winchester" bushel of corn, or 268.8 cubic inches) as its dry measure, from which the US dry pint is derived.
In 1824, the British parliament replaced all the various gallons with a new imperial gallon based on ten pounds of distilled water at 62 °F (16.667 °C) (277.42 cubic inches), from which the current UK pint is derived.
The various Canadian provinces continued to use the Queen Anne Winchester wine gallon as a basis for their pint until 1873, well after Britain adopted the imperial system in 1824. This made the Canadian pint compatible with the American pint, but after 1824 it was incompatible with the British pint. The traditional French "pinte" used in Lower Canada (Quebec) was twice the size of the traditional English "pint" used in Upper Canada (Ontario), about 1 litre versus 0.5 litres. After four of the British provinces united in the Canadian Confederation in 1867, Canada legally adopted the British imperial system of measure in 1873, making Canadian liquid units incompatible with American ones from that year forward.[15] In 1873, the French Canadian "pinte" was defined as being one imperial quart or two imperial pints, while the imperial pint was legally called a "chopine" in French Canada. Canadian imperial units of liquid measure remain incompatible with American traditional units to this day, and although the Canadian pint, quart, and gallon are still legal units of measure in Canada, they are still 20% larger than the American ones.
Effects of metrication[edit]
In the British and Irish metrication processes, the pint was replaced by metric units as the legally defined primary unit of measure for trading by volume or capacity, except for the sale of draught beer and cider, and milk in returnable containers.[16] The pint can still be used in those countries as a supplementary unit in all circumstances. Local legislation in the UK mandates the use of the pint as a measure for draught beer and cider (in pubs for instance).[17][18] For milk, if returnable containers are used, the pint can still be the principal unit used, otherwise metric units (usually the non-SI litre) must be used. There is no requirement for the litre quantity to be round numbers: thus the quantity of milk sold in a non-returnable container may be 1 pint, but will have "568 ml 1 pint", or just "568 ml" on the label. Many recipes published in the UK and Ireland still give ingredient quantities in imperial, where the pint is often used as a unit for larger liquid quantities.[citation needed] The Guild of Food Writers recommends that new recipes be published in metric units.[19]
The British Virgin Islands also requires[citation needed] that beer and cider be sold in pints. Also, in Canada, water amounts in air purifiers are advertised in pints as well as BTUs ("British thermal units"), see metrication.
In Australia and New Zealand, a subtle change was made to 1 pint milk bottles during the conversion from imperial to metric in the 1970s. The height and diameter of the milk bottle remained unchanged, so that existing equipment for handling and storing the bottles was unaffected, but the shape was adjusted to increase the capacity from 568 mL to 600 mL – a conveniently rounded metric measure. Such milk bottles are no longer officially referred to as pints. However, the "pint glass" in pubs in Australia remains closer to the standard imperial pint, at 570 mL. It holds about 500 mL of beer and about 70 mL of froth, except in South Australia, where a pint is served in a 425 mL glass and a 570 mL glass is called an "imperial pint". In New Zealand, there is no longer any legal requirement for beer to be served in standard measures: in pubs, the largest size of glass, which is referred to as a pint, varies, but usually contains 425 mL.[20]
In Canada, the "pint of beer" served in pubs and bars has long been considered a colloquial term for "a large glass of beer". Legally speaking, after 1873, it was defined as one British imperial pint of 20 imperial ounces. On the other hand, the United States continued to use a smaller 16 ounce pint, while in French Canada after 1873 a "pinte de bière" was defined as a much larger 40 ounce quart of beer, so confusion arose to which was being used. Prior to 1961, bottled beer in Canada was served in two sizes, colloquially known as "quarts" and "pints". They were 22 and 12 imperial ounces (625 and 341 mL), respectively, which were much smaller than the British units. Some provinces banned the sale of beer in the larger bottle. For example, in Ontario in the 1950s only the smaller size could be sold, but in Quebec both sizes were about equally common. The numerous incompatibilities between traditional Canadian, British, French, and American unit systems was one of the driving forces behind metrication in Canada.
Draft beer in Canada, when advertised as a "pint", is legally required to be 568 mL (20 fluid ounces).[21] With the allowed margin of error of 0.5 fluid ounces, a "pint" that is less than 554 mL of beer is an offence, though—to the detriment of consumers—this regulation is often violated and rarely enforced.[22]
After metrication in Canada, companies sold milk and other liquids in metric units so conversion issues could no longer arise. Legally speaking, although some British imperial units are still legally usable in Canada, as a result of Canada's colonial history, the "pint" served in drinking establishments in Canada should be the larger 20 ounce British imperial pint, rather than the smaller 16 ounce American traditional pint. Under the Canada Weights and Measures Act, if asked for a "pint of beer", businesses should serve customers 0.568 litres of beer with an accuracy of 0.5%, and if asked for a "pinte de bière" they should serve them 1.136 litres.[23] The Imperial system of measurement is no longer taught in Canadian schools, which leads to confusion when customers ask how big a drinking establishment's pints are. Servers and even managers may not know. To avoid legal issues, many drinking establishments are moving away from using the term "pint" and are selling "glasses" or "sleeves" of beer, neither of which have a legal definition.[24]
A 375 mL bottle of liquor in the US and the Canadian maritime provinces is sometimes referred to as a "pint" and a 200 mL bottle is called a "half-pint", harking back to the days when liquor came in US pints, fifths, quarts, and half-gallons.[25] Liquor in the US has been sold in metric-sized bottles since 1980 although beer is still sold in US traditional units.[26]
In France, a standard 250 mL measure of beer is known as un demi ("a half"), originally meaning a half pint.
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ After the 1985 (UK), c. 1964 (Canada), redefinition of the imperial gallon
^ Jump up to: a b Fifty imperial pints or sixty US liquid pints are both very close to one cubic foot.
^ Jump up to: a b After the 1964 redefinition of the litre and the 1959 redefinition of the inch
References[edit]
Jump up ^ IEEE SA - 260.1-2004 - IEEE Standard Letter Symbols for Units of Measurement (SI Units, Customary Inch-Pound Units, and Certain Other Units). IEEE. 2010. Retrieved 10 June 2017.
Jump up ^ BS 350:Part 1:1974 Conversion factors and tables - Part 1. Basis of tables Conversion factors. British Standards Institution. 1974. pp. 10–11.
Jump up ^ "Definition of P". www.merriam-webster.com. Retrieved 29 May 2017.
Jump up ^ "Weights and Measures". British Beer and Pub Association. Retrieved 10 January 2015.
Jump up ^ American Journal of Physics, v.67(1), 1999-Jan, p.13-16, Romer,R.H.; Editorial: Units: SI only, or multi-cultural diversity?
Jump up ^ Duden, February 28th, 2016.
Jump up ^ "Pint". Merriam-Webster.com. 2013. Retrieved 31 May 2013.
Jump up ^ Text of the Units of Measurement Regulations 1995 (Schedule) as originally enacted or made within the United Kingdom, from legislation.gov.uk
^ Jump up to: a b Palaiseau, JFG (October 1816). Métrologie universelle, ancienne et moderne: ou rapport des poids et mesures des empires, royaumes, duchés et principautés des quatre parties du monde. Bordeaux. p. 8. Retrieved 30 October 2011.
Jump up ^ The site Measurement Canada contains a wealth of documentation on official Canadian measurements. The French language version of the site is Mesures Canada.
Jump up ^ "Pints of draft beer". Measurement Canada. Retrieved 2016-09-18.
Jump up ^ "Chopines de bière pression". Mesures Canada. Retrieved 2016-09-18.
Jump up ^ Keane, Daniel (September 8, 2017). "Getting to the bottom of the pint: the bitter problem of Adelaide's beer glasses". ABC News. Adelaide. Retrieved September 9, 2017.
Jump up ^ ""A Pint's a Pound the World Around"". Government Book Talk. 2010-04-27. Retrieved 2017-01-30.
Jump up ^ Ross, Lester A. (1983), Archeological Metrology: English, French, American and Canadian systems of Weights and Measures for North American Historical Archeology (PDF), Government of Canada, retrieved 10 November 2014
Jump up ^ Weights and measures, Business Link (Department for Business, Innovation and Skills), archived from the original on 23 August 2012, retrieved 12 November 2011
Jump up ^ Weights and measures: the law
Jump up ^ The sale of alcohol in pubs, restaurants, etc
Jump up ^ "Campaigns – Metrication". Guild of Food Writers. Retrieved 2 December 2011.
Jump up ^ "Is a pint really a pint in Wellington?, 6 Sept 2012, The Dominion
Jump up ^ "Fairness at the Pumps Act". Industry Canada. Archived from the original on 24 September 2014. Retrieved 22 September 2014.
Jump up ^ "We Demand a Full Pint". Toronto Star. Retrieved 22 September 2014.
Jump up ^ Weights and Measures Act, Government of Canada, 1985, retrieved November 8, 2014
Jump up ^ More than half of Vancouver bars aren't pouring real pints, National Post, July 18, 2014, retrieved November 2, 2014
Jump up ^ Elizabeth E. Epstein, Barbara S. McCrady. Overcoming Alcohol Use Problems: A Cognitive-Behavioral Treatment Program. Oxford University Press. p. 7.
Jump up ^ US CFR Title 27, Part 5, Subpart E, Section 5.47a
External links[edit]
Look up pint in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Pint.
European Commission press release (IP/07/1297, 11 September 2007): Pints and miles will not disappear due to European Commission proposal
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Pint&oldid=815572906"
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text:
Louisa Adams
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Louisa Adams
First Lady of the United States
In role
March 4, 1825 – March 4, 1829
President
John Quincy Adams
Preceded by
Elizabeth Monroe
Succeeded by
Emily Donelson (Acting)
Personal details
Born
Louisa Catherine Johnson
(1775-02-12)February 12, 1775
London, Great Britain
Died
May 15, 1852(1852-05-15) (aged 77)
Washington, D.C., U.S.
Resting place
United First Parish Church
Spouse(s)
John Quincy Adams
(m. 1797; d. 1848)
Children
4, including George, John, and Charles
Signature
Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams (February 12, 1775 – May 15, 1852), wife of John Quincy Adams, was the First Lady of the United States from 1825 to 1829. The daughter of the American Consul in London, she was the first First Lady to be born outside the United States, or the preceding Thirteen Colonies — a distinction that would not be replicated until 192 years later by Melania Trump.
Contents
1 Early life
2 Marriage and children
3 Married life, death
4 First Spouse Coin
5 Family tree
6 Writings
7 References
8 Further reading
9 External links
Early life[edit]
Adams was born Louisa Catherine Johnson on February 12, 1775, in London, the daughter of Catherine Nuth, an Englishwoman, and Joshua Johnson, an American merchant, whose brother Thomas Johnson later served as Governor of Maryland and United States Supreme Court Justice. Joshua Johnson was originally from Maryland. Louisa had six sisters: Ann, Caroline, Harriet, Catherine, Elizabeth, and Adelaide, and a brother, Thomas. She grew up in London and Nantes, France, where the family took refuge during the American Revolution.
Marriage and children[edit]
She met John Quincy Adams at her father's house in Cooper's Row, near Tower Hill, London. Her father had been appointed as United States consul general in 1790, and Adams first visited him in November 1795. Adams at first showed interest in her older sister but soon settled on Louisa. Adams, aged 30, married Louisa, aged 22, on July 26, 1797, at the parish church of All Hallows-by-the-Tower, on Tower Hill. Adams' father, John Adams, then President of the United States eventually welcomed his daughter-in-law into the family, although they did not meet for several years.[1]
Her parents left Europe in 1797 and went to the U.S. When her father was forced into bankruptcy, President John Adams appointed him as U.S. Director of Stamps. Her father died in Frederick, Maryland, in 1802 of severe fever and some mental problems, leaving little provision for his family. Her mother died in September 1811, in her mid-fifties,[2] and is buried in Rock Creek Cemetery.
John Quincy Adams and Louisa Adams had the following children:
George Washington Adams (1801–1829), lawyer
John Adams II (1803–1834), presidential aide
Charles Francis Adams (1807–1886), diplomat, public official, and author
Louisa Catherine Adams (August 12, 1811 – September 15, 1812), born and died in St Petersburg, Russia, buried in the Lutheran Cemetery there.[3]
Married life, death[edit]
Louisa was sickly, plagued by migraine headaches and frequent fainting spells. She had several miscarriages over the course of her marriage. Having grown up in London and France, she found Massachusetts dull and provincial, and referred to the Adams family home as being "like something out of Noah's Ark". On the other hand she developed a warm affection for her father-in-law, and despite occasional differences, a deep respect for her mother-in-law Abigail Adams, whom she later described as "the guiding planet round which we all revolved".
She left her two older sons in Massachusetts for education in 1809 when she took two-year-old Charles Francis Adams to Russia, where Adams served as a Minister. Despite the glamour of the tsar's court, she had to struggle with cold winters, strange customs, limited funds, and poor health. An infant daughter born in 1811 died the next year.
Louisa Adams' successor Pat Nixon acquired a portrait of the First Lady that now hangs in the White House.
Peace negotiations called Adams to Ghent in 1814 and then to London. To join him, she made a forty-day journey across war-ravaged Europe by coach in winter. Roving bands of stragglers and highwaymen filled her with "unspeakable terrors" for her son. The next two years gave her an interlude of family life in the country of her birth.
When John Quincy Adams was appointed James Monroe's Secretary of State in 1817, the family moved to Washington, D.C. where Louisa's drawing room became a center for the diplomatic corps and other notables. Music enhanced her Tuesday evenings at home, and theater parties contributed to her reputation as an outstanding hostess.
The pleasures of moving into the White House in 1825 were dimmed by the bitter politics of the election, paired with her deep depression. Though she continued her weekly "drawing rooms", she preferred quiet evenings of reading, composing music and verse, and playing her harp. As First Lady, she became reclusive and depressed. For a time, she regretted ever having married into the Adams family, the men of which she found cold and insensitive. The necessary entertainments were always elegant and her cordial hospitality made the last official reception a gracious occasion although her husband had lost his bid for re-election and partisan feeling still ran high.
In his diary for June 23, 1828, her husband recorded her "winding silk from several hundred silkworms that she has been rearing," evidently in the White House.[4]
She thought she was retiring to Massachusetts permanently, but in 1831 her husband began seventeen years of service in the United States House of Representatives. The untimely deaths of her two oldest sons added to her burdens.
"Our union has not been without its trials," John Quincy Adams conceded. He acknowledged many "differences of sentiment, of tastes, and of opinions in regard to domestic economy, and to the education of children between us." But added that "she always has been a faithful and affectionate wife, and a careful, tender, indulgent, and watchful mother to our children."
Her husband died at the United States Capitol in 1848. She remained in Washington until her death of a heart attack on May 15, 1852, at the age of 77. The day of her funeral was the first time both houses of the United States Congress adjourned in mourning for any woman.[5] She is entombed at her husband's side, along with her parents-in-law President John Adams and first lady Abigail Adams, in the United First Parish Church in Quincy, Massachusetts.
First Spouse Coin[edit]
External video
First Lady Louisa Adams, C‑SPAN[6]
The First Spouse Program under the Presidential $1 Coin Act authorizes the United States Mint to issue 1/2 ounce $10 gold coins and medal duplicates[7] to honor the first spouses of the United States. Louisa Adams' coin was released May 29, 2008.
Obverse
Reverse
Obverse (bronze medal)
Reverse (bronze medal)
Family tree[edit]
show
v
t
e
Adams family tree
John Adams
(1735–1826)
Abigail Adams (née Smith)
(1744–1818)
William Stephens Smith
(1755–1815)
Abigail Amelia Adams Smith
(1765–1813)
John Quincy Adams
(1767–1848)
Louisa Catherine Adams (née Johnson)
(1775–1852)
Charles Adams
(1770–1800)
Thomas Boylston Adams
(1772–1832)
George Washington Adams
(1801–1829)
John Adams II
(1803–1834)
Charles Francis Adams Sr.
(1807–1886)
Abigail Brown Adams (née Brooks)
(1808–1889)
Frances Cadwalader Crowninshield
(1839–1911)
John Quincy Adams II
(1833–1894)
Charles Francis Adams Jr.
(1835–1915)
Henry Brooks Adams
(1838–1918)
Marian Hooper Adams
(1843–1885)
Peter Chardon Brooks Adams
(1848–1927)
George Casper Adams
(1863–1900)
Charles Francis Adams III
(1866–1954)
Frances Adams (née Lovering)
(1869–1956)
John Adams
(1875–1964)
Charles Francis Adams IV
(1910–1999)
Catherine Lovering Adams Morgan
(1902–1988)
Henry Sturgis Morgan
(1900–1982)
Thomas Boylston Adams
(1910–1997)
Notes:
Writings[edit]
The Diary and Autobiographical Writings of Louisa Catherine Adams: 1778 -1850, 2 vols., The Adams Papers (Harvard University Press: 2013)
Margaret A. Hogan and C. James Taylor, editors, A Traveled First Lady: Writings of Louisa Catherine Adams (Cambridge: Belknap Press, 2014)
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Lewis L. Gould, American First Ladies: Their Lives and Their Legacy (2014), pp. 45–48
Jump up ^ O'Brien, Mrs. Adams in Winter, 249
Jump up ^ O'Brien, Mrs. Adams in Winter, 248–52
Jump up ^ Diary (New York: Longmans, Green, 1929) p. 380
Jump up ^ "Louisa Adams – First Ladies". HISTORY.com. Retrieved 2016-04-16.
Jump up ^ "First Lady Louisa Adams". C‑SPAN. March 18, 2013. Retrieved March 25, 2013.
Jump up ^ U.S. Mint: First Spouse Program. Accessed June 27, 2008. "The United States Mint also produces and make available to the public bronze medal duplicates of the First Spouse Gold Coins."
Further reading[edit]
Cook, Jane Hampton. American Phoenix: John Quincy and Louisa Adams, the War of 1812, and the Exile that Saved American Independence (Thomas Nelson: 2013)
Heffron, Margery M. Louisa Catherine: The Other Mrs. Adams (Yale University Press, 2014) x, 416 pp.
Nagel, Paul. The Adams Women: Abigail and Louisa Adams, Their Sisters and Daughters (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1987)
O'Brien, Michael. Mrs. Adams in Winter: A Journey in the Last Days of Napoleon (NY: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2010)
Schneider, Dorothy, and Carl J. Schneider, First Ladies: A Biographical Dictionary (Facts on File: 2010), "Louis Catherine Johnson Adams", 42–52
Thomas, Louisa. Louisa: The Extraordinary Life of Mrs. Adams (New York: Penguin, 2016). ISBN 9781594204630
External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Louisa Adams.
Louisa Adams at C-SPAN's First Ladies: Influence & Image
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BNF: cb16705317z (data)
GND: 123455456
ISNI: 0000 0000 2518 2294
LCCN: n86022545
NARA: 10570635
SNAC: w6qf8z9g
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Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Louisa_Adams&oldid=865704513"
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History of Chinese Australians
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Chinese immigrants arriving in Melbourne's Chinatown, located on Little Bourke Street, 1866
The history of Chinese Australians provides a unique chapter in the history of Australia. The country has a long history of contact with China, some of which may even predate Captain Cook's arrival in the 18th century. Chinese people are now considered to be the oldest continuous immigrants to Australia outside of those from Great Britain. However it was during the Australian Gold Rushes that large numbers of Chinese made their way to Australia. This migration shaped and influenced Australian policy for over a hundred years. Racist fears about Chinese migration was one of the driving factors behind the Australian Federation. Despite these attitudes and restrictions many people with Chinese heritage have left their mark on Australian History.
Contents
1 Earliest Chinese contact with Australia: pre-1848
2 Indentured labour: 1848 to 1853
3 Gold Rush: 1851 to 1854
3.1 Immigration Restriction Act & The Walk from Robe
3.2 Experience on the Goldfields
3.3 Chinese Burials on the goldfields
4 From miners to artisans: 1877 to 1901
5 Implementation of the White Australia Policy: 1901 to 1911
6 War, refugees and the Republic era: 1912 to 1949
7 Cafes to Citizens: 1949 to 1973
8 Re-migration and multiculturalism: 1973 to present
9 See also
10 References
11 External links
Earliest Chinese contact with Australia: pre-1848[edit]
See also: Makassan contact with Australia
Some historians have theorised that Northern Indigenous Australians may even have had dealings with Chinese traders or come across Chinese goods particularly through trepanging. Sir Joseph Banks was of the opinion that any British colony in Australia could be populated by 'useful inhabitants from China'.[1] The first official undisputed link between China and Australia comes from the very beginning of the colony of New South Wales. The First Fleet ships, Scarborough, Charlotte and Lady Penrhyn, after dropping off their convict load, sailed for Canton to buy tea and other goods to sell on their return to England.[2] The Bigge Report attributed the high level of tea drinking to 'the existence of an intercourse with China from the foundation of the Colony …' Many British East India Company ships used Australia as a port of call on their trips to and from buying tea from China. That the ships carrying such cargo had Chinese crew members is likely and that some of the crew and possibly passengers embarked at the port of Sydney is probable. Certainly by 1818, Mak Sai Ying (also known as John Shying) had arrived and after a period of farming became, in 1829, the publican of The Lion in Parramatta. John Macarthur, a prominent pastoralist, employed three Chinese people on his properties in the 1820s and records may well have neglected others.[3] Another way ethnic Chinese made it to Australia was from the new British possessions of Malaysia and Singapore.
Indentured labour: 1848 to 1853[edit]
Individuals such as Macarthur’s employees were part of the varied mix that was early Sydney Town. It was the increasing demand for labour after convict transportation ceased in the 1840s that led to much larger numbers of Chinese men arriving as indentured labourers, to work as shepherds and irrigation experts for private landowners and the Australian Agricultural Company. These workers seemingly all came from Fujian Province via the port then known as Amoy (now Xiamen) and some may have been brought involuntarily, as kidnapping or the 'sale of pigs', as it was called, was common. Indentured labourers had been successful in other areas as an alternative to the slave trade and many ships and crews who had previous experience in the Atlantic slave trade came to transport indentured Chinese labourers and then later Chinese miners.
The Anglo-Chinese unequal treaties signed after the First (1839–1842) and Second Opium Wars (1856–1860) also had their effect on Chinese in Australia and facilitated the practice of indentured labour. The British were conscious of not jeopardising the stipulation that British subjects be allowed to reside in the newly opened treaty ports in China. They made this stipulation reciprocal. So to avoid antagonizing the ruling Qing dynasty the British government didn't allow the Australian colonies to completely exclude Chinese peoples.
Between 1848 and 1853, over 3,000 Chinese workers on contracts arrived via the Port of Sydney for employment in the NSW countryside. Resistance to this cheap labour occurred as soon as it arrived, and, like such protests later in the century, was heavily mixed with racism. Little is known of the habits of such men or their relations with other NSW residents except for those that appear in the records of the courts and mental asylums. Some stayed for the term of their contracts and then left for home, but there is evidence that others spent the rest of their lives in NSW. A Gulgong resident who died at age 105 in 1911 had been in NSW since 1841 while in 1871 the Keeper of Lunacy still required the Amoy dialect from his interpreters[citation needed].
Gold Rush: 1851 to 1854[edit]
In the 1850s and 1860s they saw the largest pre-federation migration of Chinese to Australia, with numbers peaking around the 40,000 mark. These numbers were only reached again after the abolition of the White Australia policy in 1973. Gold was found at several places in Australia in 1851 but significant Chinese migration to join the diggers only began late in 1853.
Most of the people who were lured to Australia by the gold rush were from the Guangdong province. The Californian Gold Rush had been called 'gold mountain' by the Chinese of Guangdong. The Australian rush was called 'new gold mountain' and it was seen as a closer and possibly richer alternative to America. The conditions these men were leaving included overpopulation, the declining power of the Qing Dynasty, the devastation of the Taiping Rebellion, the local Canton Hakka-Punti clan wars and the detrimental effects the opium trade was having on society.
The average voyage from Canton to Melbourne took about 3 months. It became a profitable exercise for the ship masters. The more Chinese passengers they could fit on board the more money they could make from the fare of passage. These fares were often paid through a system of debt to clan leaders and/or to the ship masters themselves. However, some Chinese were able to pay their own way. These were often the wealthier city born men who were coming to Australia to be merchants or work in an industry other than gold mining. The majority of travelers seems to have been the indentured peasant men. From 1853 to 1855 thousands of Chinese disembarked in Melbourne.
It is important to note that very, very few Chinese women came to Australia in this period. In 1861 Australia had at least 38,000 Chinese in the country with the vast majority of those being men, estimations of Australia's population of that time mean that one out of every nine men were Chinese.[4] On the goldfields in Bendigo in 1861 there were 5367 Chinese men and only one woman.
Immigration Restriction Act & The Walk from Robe[edit]
The large influx of Chinese to the colony caused great alarm among the politicians and the miners in Victoria. There was a lot of agitation amongst the miners at this time to begin with. The Red Ribbon Rebellion and the Eureka Stockade were in 1853 and 1854 respectively and the arrival of so many Chinese added to the tension. Chinese men were seen as yet another problem by both miners and government. Some in parliament argued that it was a security risk to have so many Chinese in the colony who were ' ... fanatically loyal to a despotic foreign emperor who could order them to rise up at any moment..' This was a great example of the ignorance of the times as the origins of these men in Southern China were hotbeds of anti-Qing revolt and sentiment and judging by the work translating tombstones in Australian cemeteries by Dr Kok Hu Jin, some of the Chinese who came to Australia were followers of Hong Xiuquan and the Heavenly Kingdom.[5] The belief the Chinese men were a security risk may not have been very accurate yet it fuelled Victorian policy nonetheless.
The Royal Commission after the Eureka stockade also looked into the Chinese situation as another one of the miner's grievances. In 1855 the Victorian parliament passed the Immigration Restriction Act in an effort to restrict Chinese immigration.[6] This forced Chinese arrivals in Victorian ports to pay a £10 head tax. It also mandated that there could only be a certain number of Chinese travellers per tonnage of shipping. This put a dent in the ship masters coffers. Cost of passage was already high. This Act did appear to limit the numbers of Chinese arriving in Victorian ports. Official Victorian records show over 10,000 Chinese arriving in Victoria between 1853 and 1855 but only a few hundred in the next two years. However, numbers of Chinese on the Victorian goldfields continued to swell through overland routes. To avoid this Act, many ships travelled to South Australia. Between 1855 and 1857 thousands of Chinese landed in the Port of Adelaide and the port town of Robe, South Australia. In fact thanks to these migrants the town of Robe's population doubled overnight and it developed into the main port of call for Chinese arriving in Australia. It was then a long overland route to the Victorian goldfields.
It is unknown exactly how many Chinese made it to the goldfields in this way but estimates are usually in the thousands. Parties of Chinese men would often pay for local guides to take them to the goldfields. Sometimes, these guides would abandon the Chinese in the bush in order to return to Robe and get the money from another group and do the same thing. However, as more and more Chinese undertook this journey it became an easier more organized exercise and chances for these sort of hustles diminished. Along the way Chinese sojourners established wells and paths through the bush. Many Chinese marks and developments can still be found along this route today.
Experience on the Goldfields[edit]
After finally arriving on the goldfields the hardships the Chinese faced continued. There was a lot of anti-Chinese sentiment amongst the European miners. In July 1854 in the Bendigo Advertiser it was reported that William Denovan called for an uprising for the purpose of 'the driving of the Chinese population off the Bendigo goldfield'.[7] A riot was averted by the local police commissioner. However, This sort of sentiment was widespread throughout the Australian gold rushes. In 1857 this sentiment caused the Buckland Riot and in 1860-1861 the Lambing Flat riots, which are both sad chapters of Australian history. There was also unrest around Ararat when a party of Chinese men were the first to discover gold there and kept the find quiet.
In answer to these problems the parliament of Victoria installed Chinese protectors in 1855. It was the task of these officers to organize the Chinese and liaise between them and local authorities. It was a system of segregation but one in which the subject of the segregation, the Chinese, were often appreciative of.[8] The first three protectorates were in Ballarat, Bendigo and Beechworth. Places without these protectors and an organized hierarchy were the places where anti-Chinese sentiment boiled over into riots and violence in Bucklands and Lambing Flats. So in this sense the policy could be regarded as a success. However, the Chinese resented the extra ₤1 per annum residency tax this system required. It seemed to the Chinese just like a continuation of the mining licenses policy.
Around most of the goldfields of Victoria the Chinese were organized into these camps. The camps were the forerunners to later Chinatowns in many places. In the Bendigo protectorate there were seven different camps for the Chinese in the area and six in Ballarat.[9] The organization of these camps was often done around clan, or dialect differences where this was applicable. While most of the men were from the Guangdong province, several different dialects of the Chinese language were present on the goldfields.
These camps were their own little communities. The parties of men who left China did so as organized groups, with specific roles spelled out, including barber, scribe, herbalist, etc. Once they arrived on the goldfields, they were able to take up these roles. There is evidence that the Chinese even used their own currency in these places. To the Europeans these were notorious and exotic places. At the same time in China, opium addiction was rampant, some of the men brought this addiction with them to the goldfields. Two of the most common finds by modern fossickers in the area of Chinese camps are Chinese coins and Opium pipes. However, the records of local health groups and hospitals show only low numbers of Chinese were ever treated for their opium addictions.
Amongst the defining moments on the goldfields, the Red Ribbon Rebellion, the Eureka Stockade, the Chinese in Bendigo had what could be described as a defining moment for the Chinese in Australia. In 1857 over 3,000 Chinese men met on the site of what is now Bendigo's Rosalind Park. This meeting was to contest and denounce the many discriminatory laws the Victorian government had enacted. A petition was sent to Melbourne with around 5,000 names on it. It has later been found that some of those names are actually fake names or joke names.
After the Gold rushes in Victoria, some Chinese moved into the other colonies to follow gold rushes there. New South Wales and Queensland hadn't followed Victoria in establishing Chinese related legislation. This could be seen as a cause for the Lambing Flats Riots and then later the same problems were found on the Palmer River goldfields in the late 1870s where Chinese miners vastly outnumbered Europeans.[10]
Chinese Burials on the goldfields[edit]
White Hills Cemetery Chinese Section
As soon as the Chinese started arriving in Australia, they started dying here. Many wanted their remains to be sent back to China for spiritual and traditional reasons. Many families went to great lengths to see this achieved. Others however, were buried in Australia. Cemeteries around the country contain Chinese graves. To accommodate the Chinese funeral rituals that involve burning cemeteries around Australia allowed the construction of chimneys. These chimneys can still be found in cemeteries around the country today. Often the people in charge of the cemeteries were devout Christians, people who had an aversion to what they saw as pagan rituals. This meant that no such chimneys were built until the 1860s after several grass fires had burnt through Australian cemeteries.
The Chinese section of the White Hills cemetery in Bendigo is possibly the most important example remaining in Australia of Chinese graves in their original state. Beechworth Cemetery, which opened in 1857, is significant for the way in which it incorporates a Chinese section into the original cemetery plan.[11] Many other cemeteries have been redeveloped and the heritage and cultural diversity of their Chinese sections has been lost.
From miners to artisans: 1877 to 1901[edit]
Chinese market gardener, ca. 1893
After the Victorian and NSW gold rushes of the 1850s and 1860s the numbers of Chinese in those colonies declined significantly. Colonies of Australia occurred in 1873 in the far north of Queensland at the Palmer River, after the discovery of gold there was another rush and by 1877 there were 20,000 Chinese there. The conditions and problems there were both similar to those in Victoria but also conditions were more extreme. The Chinese and European miners also had to deal with attacks from hostile Australian Aboriginal tribes.[12] After the ending of this Queensland rush, people either returned to China or dispersed. Many Chinese stayed in Queensland and worked hard to establish much of the northern banana trade.
In the 1880s there was also a rise in anti-Chinese sentiment in the cities of Melbourne and Sydney. Earlier discontent had been curtailed by the segregationist policies in the rural protectorates and poorly reported in the urban publications. However, as more and more Chinese began moving from the country towns into the cities there was an equal rise in anti-Chinese sentiment. This resulted in another round of restrictive Acts in NSW in 1881 and 1888. It also contributed to a rising drive for Federation of Australia. One of the most compelling arguments for federation amongst the public and politicians of the time was that a united immigration policy would secure the borders of all the Australian colonies. The Chinese 'pest' or 'menace' was the root of these immigration fears.
Published in 1888 this cartoon depicts the anti-Chinese sentiment that was one of the driving forces behind the push for federation.
Mining remained one of the biggest industries for Chinese in Australia but it was becoming more of a risky endeavor as the alluvial fields petered out. Chinese in the country towns either established themselves in other industries there or moved to the cities. Many of those opened stores and became merchants and hawkers. In 1890 in NSW alone there were nearly 800 shops owned and run by the Chinese. Fishing and fish curing industries were operating in Melbourne and north and south of Sydney in the 1850s, 1860s and 1870s. This provided Chinese people throughout New South Wales and Victoria with valuable seafood. By the 1890s Chinese people in Australia were represented in a wide variety of occupations including scrub cutters, interpreters, cooks, tobacco farmers, launderers, market gardeners, cabinet-makers, storekeepers and drapers, though by this time the Chinese operated fishing industry seems to have disappeared. In this period Sydney and Melbourne's proportion of the Chinese residents of Australia had steadily increased. One prominent Chinese Australian at this time was Mei Quong Tart, who ran a popular tea house in the Queen Victoria Building in Sydney. In Melbourne Lowe Kong Meng and Louis Ah Mouy were two prominent merchants.
During this period, furniture making became one of the largest industries for Chinese in Melbourne. At the height of this industry in Melbourne there were 175 firms, producing and selling Chinese made furniture.[13] However, the Chinese success in this industry didn't last. Furniture makers of European descent petitioned the government, saying Chinese furniture makers were hurting their livelihoods. The governments of Victoria and New South Wales passed the Factories and Shops Act that targeted Chinese working in that industry. At the same time Victoria had a massive economic downturn in the 1890s. Because of the combination of these issues, soon after the turn of the century, there were no more Chinese employed in this industry.
Implementation of the White Australia Policy: 1901 to 1911[edit]
Chinese Australians took part in parades to celebrate Federation in Melbourne 1901
By the time of Australian Federation, there were around 29,000 ethnic Chinese in Australia:[14] Chinese people in the capital cities of Sydney and Melbourne, were a significant group, running numerous stores, an import trade, societies and several Chinese language newspapers. There were also many Chinese still working in the north of Queensland in the banana trade. Tin mining in Tasmania was also a venture that lured Chinese workers to the state. They were also part of an international community involved in political events in China such as sending delegates to a Peking Parliament or making donations at times of natural disaster. There were many Chinese Australians who supported the Xinhai Revolution and Sun Yat-sen. The passing of the Immigration Restriction Act of 1901, however, froze the Chinese communities of the late 19th century into a slow decline. Thanks to Australian Chinese newspapers like the Tung Wah Times and the Chinese Times which were distributed to Chinese communities all over Australia and thanks to the many clan societies, the Chinese Australians were a rather united group. In spite of the geographical distances. This can be seen by the colourful debates that went on within the community over the future of China. Some in Australia and notably the Tung Wah Times believed China should keep a monarchy and they supported reform. Others believed China needed a republic and they supported Sun Yat-sen. Chinese regalia travelled around the country to be used by communities for Chinese new year and local events. In May 1901, to celebrate the sitting of the first federal parliament, Chinese people paraded two dragons through the streets.
Continued discrimination, both legal and social, reduced the occupational range of Chinese people until market gardening, always a major occupation, became far and away the representative role of 'John Chinaman'. It was as gardeners that most pre-1901 now granted status as 'domiciles' under the 1901Act, visited their villages and established families throughout the first 30 years or so of the 20th century, relying on the minority of merchants to assist them to negotiate with the Immigration Restriction Act bureaucracy. Only the rise of a new generation of Australian-born Chinese people, combined with new migrants that the merchants and others sponsored, both legally and illegally, prevented the Chinese populations in Australia from disappearing entirely.
War, refugees and the Republic era: 1912 to 1949[edit]
Sydney's Chinatown
The fall of the Qing dynasty was met with mixed emotions by Chinese Australians. Some of the older Chinese born men were supporters of the reform movement and in Sydney Chinese conservatives got together for a dragon flag parade in support of the old regime.[13] Others, however, supported Sun Yat-sen. Some Chinese Australians even returned to China to fight for the KMT both before the Xinhai Revolution and afterwards during the Northern Expedition. The KMT had quite a following in Australia. There were many KMT branches around Australia. During the Second Sino-Japanese War the Darwin branch of the KMT was a valuable source of information for Chinese Australians.[15] Chinese Australians also showed the support for the republic with monetary donations. In 1913 Chinese Australians, Chinese New Zealanders and others in the Chinese diaspora in the Pacific, donated ₤36,000 to China. A letter of thank you to the Chinese Australians from the Finance Minister of the Republic is on display at the Golden Dragon Museum.
World War One presented Chinese Australians with many unique challenges. It is by the outbreak of the war in 1914 it is estimated that there were less than 1000 Chinese Australian men of fighting age.[16] Of these only about 198 men of Chinese ancestry managed to enlist in the AIF. One of these was the famous and decorated sniper Billy Sing. These men manage to enlist in spite of the policy that only those with significant European heritage were allowed to serve. There was actually an instance of institutional hypocrisy, on the one hand some Chinese were told they couldn't enlist but then were made to explain why they didn't enlist later to Billy Hughes' Exemption Courts.
During the inter-war period, Australian-born people of Chinese background began to predominate over Chinese-born people for the first time. Numbers increased rapidly again when refugees began to enter Australia as the result of Japan's war in China and the Pacific. Some were Chinese crew members who refused to return to Japanese-held areas and others were residents of the many Pacific islands evacuated in the face of the Japanese advance. Still others included those with Australian birth who were able to leave Hong Kong and the villages on the approach of the Japanese. At the same time the anti-Japanese War helped inspire the development of organisations focused on China rather than the districts and villages of people's origin only, and aimed at making Australia aware of the danger of Japan and the need to assist China. A few of these organisations, such as the Chinese Youth League, survive to this day.
Cafes to Citizens: 1949 to 1973[edit]
Number of permanent settlers arriving in Australia from mainland China since 1991 (monthly)
In the post-war period, assimilation became the dominant policy and this led to some extension of rights with gradual changes to citizenship laws. At the same time cafes began to replace market gardens as the major source of employment and avenue for bringing in new migrants, both legal and illegal. These changes, combined with the increased number of Australian-born Chinese, the final return of the last of the domiciles who still wished to do so and the arrival of Chinese background students under the Colombo Plan from various parts of Asia, brought about the end of the dominance of south China in the link between China and Australia that had existed for nearly 100 years.
Re-migration and multiculturalism: 1973 to present[edit]
Chinese New Year Melbourne's Chinatown
The final end of the White Australia Policy saw new arrivals from the Chinese diaspora and for the first time significant numbers from non-Cantonese speaking parts of China. The first wave of arrivals were ethnic Chinese refugees from Vietnam and Cambodia during the 1970s; this was followed by economic migrants from Hong Kong in the 1980s and 1990s, whose families often settled in Sydney while the breadwinner returned to Hong Kong to continue earning an income – a significant reversal of the traditional migration pattern.
After the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989, the then Australian Prime Minister, Bob Hawke, allowed students from mainland China to settle in Australia permanently. Since then, immigrants from mainland China and Taiwan have arrived in increasing numbers. New institutions were established for these arrivals and old ones such as the Chinese Chamber of Commerce revived; Chinese language newspapers were once again published. The equality of citizenship laws and family reunion immigration after 1972 meant that an imbalance of the sexes, once a dominant feature of the Chinese communities in Australia, was not an issue in these later migrations.
Chinese newspapers are published in Australia and three shortwave and longwave radio channels broadcast in Mandarin and Cantonese. The Australian public broadcaster SBS also provides television and radio on weekends. Chinese Australian social websites like Xīn Zújì (新足迹, www.oursteps.com.au) and FREEOZ (www.freeoz.org) also blossomed. Several Chinese Australians have received the Order of Australia award and there are current representatives in both State and Federal parliaments. Chinese immigration has increased continuously from the 1990s and today the Chinese are the third largest group among immigrants. Since the mid-1990s, migration has become less permanent than it used to be, and goes in more than direction, a trend that pertains also to the Chinese. Students and academics are examples of this pattern. In 1990, Chinese settlers rarely returned permanently, but by 2002, the number of Hong Kong settlers leaving Australia for good equalled those arriving during that year.[17]
In 2005-6 China (not including Hong Kong or Macau) was the third major source of permanent migrants to Australia behind the United Kingdom and New Zealand but with more migrants than from India. Between 2000–01 and 2005–06, the number of skilled migrants coming to Australia from China more than tripled, from 3,800 to 12,500 people.[18]
See also[edit]
Australia portal
China portal
History portal
History of Australia
Chinese emigration
Overseas Chinese
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Eric Rolls (1992). Sojourners: flowers and the wide sea. University of Queensland Press. ISBN 0-7022-2478-2, pg 18
Jump up ^ Eric Rolls (1992). Sojourners: flowers and the wide sea. University of Queensland Press. ISBN 0-7022-2478-2, pg 19
Jump up ^ Eric Rolls (1992). Sojourners: flowers and the wide sea. University of Queensland Press. ISBN 0-7022-2478-2, pg 32
Jump up ^ Jean Gittins.(1981). The Diggers From China: The Story of Chinese on the Goldfields. Quartet Books Australia. Melbourne. ISBN 0-908128-16-9
Jump up ^ Dr Kok Hu Jin. (2003). The Followers of Hun Xiu Quan in Australia. A paper presented to the Eight Biennial Conference of the Chinese Studies Association of Australia. Held on 10–12 July in Bendigo.
Jump up ^ "Brief History of the Chinese in Australia". Asian Studies Program. La Trobe University. Retrieved 25 September 2013.
Jump up ^ Bendigo Advertiser, 1854
Jump up ^ Jean Gittins.(1981). The Diggers From China: The Story of Chinese on the Goldfields. Quartet Books Australia. Melbourne. ISBN 0-908128-16-9. pg 112
Jump up ^ Jean Gittins.(1981). The Diggers From China: The Story of Chinese on the Goldfields. Quartet Books Australia. Melbourne. ISBN 0-908128-16-9. pg 85
Jump up ^ Clarke, Francis Gordon (2002). The History of Australia. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 68. ISBN 0-313-31498-5. Retrieved 6 September 2013.
Jump up ^ https://www.beechworthcemetery.com.au/cemetery-layout.html
Jump up ^ Jean Gittins.(1981). The Diggers From China: The Story of Chinese on the Goldfields. Quartet Books Australia. Melbourne. ISBN 0-908128-16-9 pg 109
^ Jump up to: a b Harvest of Endurance. National Museum of Australia. Retrieved 10 October 2013.
Jump up ^ Price, Charles. 'Asian and Pacific Island Peoples of Australia' in Fawcett, James T and Cariño, Benjamin V. Pacific Bridges: The New Immigration From Asia and the Pacific Islands. New York: Centre for Migration Studies (1987), p. 176
Jump up ^ http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article49488405?searchTerm=Australian Chinese KMT Fighting&searchLimits=l-australian=y
Jump up ^ Alastair Kennedy. Chinese Anzacs, Australians of Chinese Descent in the Defence Forces 1885-1919. National Library of Australia. 2012. 978 0 646 59087 5. pg 13
Jump up ^ Abstracts Archived 5 December 2010 at the Wayback Machine. Hugo Graeme: "Recent trends in Chinese migration to Australia", Paul Jones (University of Melbourne): "New Pathways or Old Trajectories? The Chinese Diaspora in Australia, 1985 to 2005". Papers presented at workshop on Chinese in the Pacific: Where to Now? The Australian National University, Canberra, 2007.
Jump up ^ "Migration: permanent additions to Australia's population". 4102.0 – Australian Social Trends, 2007. Australian Bureau of Statistics. 7 August 2007. Retrieved 2008-05-30.
External links[edit]
Chinese Australian Historical Society
Chinese Museum
Chinese Anzacs on Culture Victoria
Chinese Australian Families on Culture Victoria
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