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Food Network Star (season 14)
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Food Network Star (season 14)
Country of origin
United States
No. of episodes
9
Release
Original network
Food Network
Original release
June 10, 2018 (2018-06-10)
Additional information
No. of contestants
12
Winner
Christian Petroni and Jess Tom
Season chronology
← Previous
Season 13
The fourteenth season of the American reality television series titled Food Network Star premiered on June 10, 2018[1] on Food Network. Food Network chefs Bobby Flay and Giada de Laurentiis returned as judges.
Contents
1 Contestants
1.1 Winners
1.2 Runner-up
1.3 Eliminated
2 Contestant progress
3 Comeback Kitchen
3.1 Contestants
3.2 Contestant progress
4 Star Salvation
4.1 Contestant progress
5 Notes
6 References
Contestants[edit]
Winners[edit]
Christian Petroni - Port Chester, New York
Jess Tom - Princeton, New Jersey
Runner-up[edit]
Manny Washington - Orlando, Florida
Eliminated[edit]
(in order of elimination)
Chris Valdes - Miami, Florida
Jason Goldstein - New York, New York
Samone Lett - Sanford, Florida
Rebekah Lingenfelser - Savannah, Georgia
Adam Gertler - Los Angeles, California
Harrison Bader - Los Angeles, California
Jess Tom - Princeton, New Jersey (returned to the competition after winning Star Salvation)
Katie Dixon - Hattiesburg, Mississippi
Palak Patel - New York, New York
Amy Pottinger - Honolulu, Hawaii
Contestant progress[edit]
Contestant
Week
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
Mentor
Challenge N/A Adam
Jess N/A Jess Amy Manny Amy Jess
Manny N/A
Christian IN HIGH HIGH HIGH LOW HIGH HIGH LOW WINNER
Jess HIGH HIGH LOW HIGH OUT IN WINNER
Manny IN LOW HIGH HIGH HIGH LOW HIGH IN RUNNER-UP1
Amy HIGH LOW LOW LOW LOW HIGH LOW OUT
Palak HIGH HIGH IN LOW HIGH LOW OUT
Katie HIGH HIGH IN HIGH HIGH OUT
Harrison HIGH IN HIGH OUT
Adam IN HIGH IN OUT
Rebekah LOW IN OUT
Samone HIGH OUT
Jason OUT
Chris OUT
^1 : Manny was eliminated midway through the finale.
(WINNER) The contestant won the competition and thus became the next Food Network Star.
(RUNNER-UP) The contestant made it to the finale, but did not win.
(HIGH) The contestant was one of the selection committee's favorites for that week.
(IN) The contestant performed well enough to move on to the next week.
(LOW) The contestant was one of the selection committee's least favorites for that week, but was not eliminated.
(OUT) The contestant was the selection committee's least favorite for that week, and was eliminated.
Comeback Kitchen[edit]
Contestants[edit]
Trace Barnett, Season 13
Adam Gertler, Season 4
Debbie Lee, Season 5
Yaku Moton-Spruill, Season 12
Sarah Penrod, Season 10
Amy Pottinger, Season 13
Monterey Salka, Season 12
Jernard Wells, Season 12
Contestant progress[edit]
Contestant
Week
1 2 3
Adam IN LOW WIN
Amy HIGH HIGH WIN
Jernard IN LOW OUT3
Sarah LOW HIGH OUT3
Yaku LOW HIGH OUT2
Trace HIGH OUT
Debbie HIGH OUT1
Monterey OUT
Star Salvation[edit]
This season of Star Salvation is hosted by Alex Guarnaschelli.4
Contestant progress[edit]
Contestant
Week
1 2 3 4
Jess IN IN WIN
Harrison IN IN IN OUT
Chris IN IN IN OUT
Palak OUT
Katie OUT
Jason IN OUT
Samone OUT
Rebekah OUT
Notes[edit]
1.^ Debbie was eliminated after the mentor challenge.
2.^ Yaku was eliminated after the mentor challenge.
3.^ Sarah and Jernard were eliminated after the star challenge.
4.^ Adam did not participate in Star Salvation.
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Food Network Star, retrieved 2018-06-06
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Broken windows theory
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
This article is about the criminological theory. For the economic theory, see Broken window fallacy. For other uses, see Broken windows (disambiguation).
Criminology
and penology
Theory[hide]
Anomie
Biosocial criminology
Broken windows
Collective efficacy
Crime analysis
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Social disorganization
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Types of crime[show]
Against humanity
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Schools[show]
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v
t
e
The broken windows theory is a criminological theory of the norm-setting and signaling effect of urban disorder and vandalism on additional crime and anti-social behavior. The theory states that maintaining and monitoring urban environments to prevent small crimes such as vandalism, public drinking, and turnstile-jumping helps to create an atmosphere of order and lawfulness, thereby preventing more serious crimes from happening.
The theory was introduced in a 1982 article by social scientists James Q. Wilson and George L. Kelling.[1] Since then it has been subject to great debate both within the social sciences and the public sphere. The theory has been used as a motivation for several reforms in criminal policy, including the controversial mass use of "stop, question, and frisk" by the New York City Police Department.
Contents
[hide]
1 Article and crime prevention
2 Informal social controls
3 Concept of fear
4 Critical developments
5 Theoretical explanation
6 Case studies
6.1 New York City
6.2 Albuquerque
6.3 Lowell, Massachusetts
6.4 Netherlands
7 Other advantages
7.1 Real estate
7.2 Education
8 Policing
9 Criticism of theory
9.1 Other factors
9.2 Implicit bias
9.3 Criminology
9.4 Drawbacks in practice
9.5 Popular press
10 See also
11 Notes
12 References
13 Bibliography
14 Further reading
15 External links
Article and crime prevention[edit]
The broken windows of an abandoned hospital building in Northampton, Massachusetts
James Q. Wilson and George L. Kelling first introduced the broken windows theory in an article titled Broken Windows, in the March 1982 The Atlantic Monthly.[1] The title comes from the following example:
Consider a building with a few broken windows. If the windows are not repaired, the tendency is for vandals to break a few more windows. Eventually, they may even break into the building, and if it's unoccupied, perhaps become squatters or light fires inside.
Or consider a pavement. Some litter accumulates. Soon, more litter accumulates. Eventually, people even start leaving bags of refuse from take-out restaurants there or even break into cars.
Before the introduction of this theory by Wilson and Kelling, Philip Zimbardo, a Stanford psychologist, arranged an experiment testing the broken-window theory in 1969. Zimbardo arranged for an automobile with no license plates and the hood up to be parked idle in a Bronx neighbourhood and a second automobile in the same condition to be set up in Palo Alto, California. The car in the Bronx was attacked within minutes of its abandonment. Zimbardo noted that the first "vandals" to arrive were a family – a father, mother and a young son – who removed the radiator and battery. Within twenty-four hours of its abandonment, everything of value had been stripped from the vehicle. After that, the car's windows were smashed in, parts torn, upholstery ripped, and children were using the car as a playground. At the same time, the vehicle sitting idle in Palo Alto sat untouched for more than a week until Zimbardo himself went up to the vehicle and deliberately smashed it with a sledgehammer. Soon after, people joined in for the destruction. Zimbardo observed that a majority of the adult "vandals" in both cases were primarily well dressed, Caucasian, clean-cut and seemingly respectable individuals. It is believed that, in a neighborhood such as the Bronx where the history of abandoned property and theft are more prevalent, vandalism occurs much more quickly as the community generally seems apathetic. Similar events can occur in any civilized community when communal barriers—the sense of mutual regard and obligations of civility—are lowered by actions that suggest apathy.[1][page needed]
The article received a great deal of attention and was very widely cited. A 1996 criminology and urban sociology book, Fixing Broken Windows: Restoring Order and Reducing Crime in Our Communities by George L. Kelling and Catharine Coles, is based on the article but develops the argument in greater detail. It discusses the theory in relation to crime and strategies to contain or eliminate crime from urban neighborhoods.[2]
A successful strategy for preventing vandalism, according to the book's authors, is to address the problems when they are small. Repair the broken windows within a short time, say, a day or a week, and the tendency is that vandals are much less likely to break more windows or do further damage. Clean up the sidewalk every day, and the tendency is for litter not to accumulate (or for the rate of littering to be much less). Problems are less likely to escalate and thus "respectable" residents do not flee the neighborhood.
Though police work is crucial to crime prevention, Oscar Newman, in his 1972 book, Defensible Space, wrote that the presence of police authority is not enough to maintain a safe and crime-free city. People in the community help with crime prevention. Newman proposes that people care for and protect spaces they feel invested in, arguing that an area is eventually safer if the people feel a sense of ownership and responsibility towards the area. Broken windows and vandalism are still prevalent because communities simply do not care about the damage. Regardless of how many times the windows are repaired, the community still must invest some of their time to keep it safe. Residents' negligence of broken window-type decay signifies a lack of concern for the community. Newman says this is a clear sign that the society has accepted this disorder—allowing the unrepaired windows to display vulnerability and lack of defense.[3] Malcolm Gladwell also relates this theory to the reality of NYC in his book The Tipping Point.[4]
The theory thus makes two major claims: that further petty crime and low-level anti-social behavior is deterred, and that major crime is prevented as a result. Criticism of the theory has tended to focus disproportionately on the latter claim.[5]
Informal social controls[edit]
Many claim that informal social controls can be an effective strategy to reduce unruly behavior. Garland 2001 expresses that “community policing measures in the realization that informal social control exercised through everyday relationships and institutions is more effective than legal sanctions”.[6][page needed] Informal social control methods, has demonstrated a “get tough” attitude by proactive citizens, and expresses a sense that disorderly conduct is not tolerated. According to Wilson and Kelling, there are two types of groups involved in maintaining order, ‘community watchmen’ and ‘vigilantes’[1][page needed] The United States has adopted in many ways policing strategies of old European times, and at that time informal social control was the norm, which gave rise to contemporary formal policing. Though, in earlier times, there were no legal sanctions to follow, informal policing was primarily ‘objective’ driven as stated by Wilson and Kelling (1982).
Wilcox et al. 2004 argue that improper land use can cause disorder, and the larger the public land is, the more susceptible to criminal deviance.[7] Therefore, nonresidential spaces such as businesses, may assume to the responsibility of informal social control “in the form of surveillance, communication, supervision, and intervention.”[8] It is expected that more strangers occupying the public land creates a higher chance for disorder. Jane Jacobs can be considered one of the original pioneers of this perspective of broken windows. Much of her book The Death and Life of Great American Cities focuses on residents' and nonresidents' contributions to maintaining order on the street, and explains how local businesses, institutions, and convenience stores provide a sense of having "eyes on the street."[9][page needed]
On the contrary, many residents feel that regulating disorder is not their responsibility. Wilson and Kelling found that studies done by psychologists suggest people often refuse to go to the aid of someone seeking help, not due to a lack of concern or selfishness “but the absence of some plausible grounds for feeling that one must personally accept responsibility”[1][page needed] On the other hand, others plainly refuse to put themselves in harm's way, depending on how grave they perceive the nuisance to be; a 2004 study observed that "most research on disorder is based on individual level perceptions decoupled from a systematic concern with the disorder-generating environment."[10] Essentially, everyone perceives disorder differently, and can contemplate seriousness of a crime based on those perceptions. However, Wilson and Kelling feel that although community involvement can make a difference, “the police are plainly the key to order maintenance.”[1][page needed]
Concept of fear[edit]
Ranasinghe argues that the concept of fear is a crucial element of broken windows theory, because it is the foundation of the theory.[11] She also adds that public disorder is “...unequivocally constructed as problematic because it is a source of fear.”[12] Fear is elevated as perception of disorder rises; creating a social pattern that tears the social fabric of a community, and leaves the residents feeling hopeless and disconnected. Wilson and Kelling hint at the idea, but don’t focus on its central importance. They indicate that fear was a product of incivility, not crime, and that people avoid one another in response to fear, weakening controls.[1][page needed] Hinkle and Weisburd found that police interventions to combat minor offenses, as per the broken windows model, "significantly increased the probability of feeling unsafe," suggesting that such interventions might offset any benefits of broken windows policing in terms of fear reduction.[13]
Critical developments[edit]
In an earlier publication of The Atlantic released March, 1982, Wilson wrote an article indicating that police efforts had gradually shifted from maintaining order to fighting crime.[1][page needed] This indicated that order maintenance was something of the past, and soon it would seem as it has been put on the back burner. The shift was attributed to the rise of the social urban riots of the 1960s, and "social scientists began to explore carefully the order maintenance function of the police, and to suggest ways of improving it—not to make streets safer (its original function) but to reduce the incidence of mass violence".[1][page needed] Other criminologists argue between similar disconnections, for example, Garland argues that throughout the early and mid 20th century, police in American cities strived to keep away from the neighborhoods under their jurisdiction.[6][page needed] This is a possible indicator of the out-of-control social riots that were prevalent at that time. Still many would agree that reducing crime and violence begins with maintaining social control/order.
Jane Jacobs' The Death and Life of Great American Cities is discussed in detail by Ranasinghe, and its importance to the early workings of broken windows, and claims that Kelling's original interest in "minor offences and disorderly behaviour and conditions" was inspired by Jacobs' work.[14] Ranasinghe includes that Jacobs' approach toward social disorganization was centralized on the “streets and their sidewalks, the main public places of a city" and that they "are its most vital organs, because they provide the principal visual scenes."[15] Wilson and Kelling, as well as Jacobs, argue on the concept of civility (or the lack thereof) and how it creates lasting distortions between crime and disorder. Ranasinghe explains that the common framework of both set of authors is to narrate the problem facing urban public places. Jacobs, according to Ranasinghe, maintains that “Civility functions as a means of informal social control, subject little to institutionalized norms and processes, such as the law” ‘but rather maintained through an’ “intricate, almost unconscious, network of voluntary controls and standards among people… and enforced by the people themselves”[16]
Theoretical explanation[edit]
The reason the state of the urban environment may affect crime may be three factors:
social norms and conformity,
the presence or lack of routine monitoring, and
social signaling and signal crime.
In an anonymous, urban environment, with few or no other people around, social norms and monitoring are not clearly known. Individuals thus look for signals within the environment as to the social norms in the setting and the risk of getting caught violating those norms; one of the signals is the area's general appearance.
Under the broken windows theory, an ordered and clean environment, one that is maintained, sends the signal that the area is monitored and that criminal behavior is not tolerated. Conversely, a disordered environment, one that is not maintained (broken windows, graffiti, excessive litter), sends the signal that the area is not monitored and that criminal behavior has little risk of detection.
The theory assumes that the landscape "communicates" to people. A broken window transmits to criminals the message that a community displays a lack of informal social control and so is unable or unwilling to defend itself against a criminal invasion. It is not so much the actual broken window that is important but the message the broken window sends to people. It symbolizes the community's defenselessness and vulnerability and represents the lack of cohesiveness of the people within. Neighborhoods with a strong sense of cohesion fix broken windows and assert social responsibility on themselves, effectively giving themselves control over their space.
The theory emphasizes the built environment, but must also consider human behavior.[17][page needed]
Under the impression that a broken window left unfixed leads to more serious problems, residents begin to change the way they see their community. In an attempt to stay safe, a cohesive community starts to fall apart, as individuals start to spend less time in communal space to avoid potential violent attacks by strangers.[1][page needed] The slow deterioration of a community as a result of broken windows modifies the way people behave when it comes to their communal space, which, in turn, breaks down community control. As rowdy teenagers, drunks, panhandlers, addicts, and prostitutes slowly make their way into a community, it signifies that the community cannot assert informal social control, and citizens become afraid of that worse things will happen. As a result, they spend less time in the streets to avoid these subjects and feel less and less connected from their community if the problems persist.
At times, residents tolerate "broken windows" because they feel they belong in the community and "know their place." Problems, however, arise when outsiders begin to disrupt the community's cultural fabric. That is the difference between "regulars" and "strangers" in a community. The way that"regulars" act represents the culture within, but strangers are "outsiders" who do not belong.[17][page needed]
Consequently, what were considered "normal" daily activities for residents now become uncomfortable, as the culture of the community carries a different feel from the way that it was once.
With regard to social geography, the broken windows theory is a way of explaining people and their interactions with space. The culture of a community can deteriorate and change over time with the influence of unwanted people and behaviors changing the landscape. The theory can be seen as people shaping space as the civility and attitude of the community create spaces, used for specific purposes by residents. On the other hand, it can also be seen as space shaping people with elements of the environment influencing and restricting day-to-day decision making.
However, with policing efforts to remove unwanted disorderly people that put fear in the public’s eyes, the argument would seem to be in favor of "people shaping space" as public policies are enacted and help to determine how one is supposed to behave. All spaces have their own codes of conduct, and what is considered to be right and normal will vary from place to place.
The concept also takes into consideration spatial exclusion and social division as certain people behaving in a given way are considered disruptive and therefore unwanted. It excludes people from certain spaces because their behavior does not fit the class level of the community and its surroundings. A community has its own standards and communicates a strong message to criminals, by social control, that their neighborhood does not tolerate their behavior. If however, a community unable to ward off would-be criminals on their own, policing efforts help.
By removing unwanted people from the streets, the residents feel safer and have a higher regard for those that protect them. People of less civility who try to make a mark in the community are removed, according to the theory.[17][page needed] Excluding the unruly and people of certain social statuses is an attempt to keep the balance and cohesiveness of a community.
Case studies[edit]
See also: Government response to graffiti
New York City[edit]
See also: Crime in New York City
In 1985, the New York City Transit Authority hired George L. Kelling, the author of Broken Windows, as a consultant. Kelling was later hired as a consultant to the Boston and the Los Angeles police departments.
One of Kelling's adherents, David L. Gunn implemented policies and procedures based on the Broken Windows Theory during his tenure as President of the New York City Transit Authority. One of his major efforts was to lead a campaign from 1984 to 1990 to rid graffiti from New York's subway system.
In 1990, William J. Bratton became head of the New York City Transit Police. Bratton described Kelling as his "intellectual mentor" and implemented zero tolerance of fare-dodging, faster arrestee processing methods, and background checks on all those arrested.
After being elected Mayor of New York City in 1993, Republican Rudy Giuliani hired Bratton as his police commissioner to implement similar policies and practices throughout the city. Giuliani heavily subscribed to Kelling and Wilson's theories and was eager to implement policies based on their theories. Such policies emphasized addressing crimes that negatively impact quality of life. In particular, Bratton directed the police to more strictly enforce laws against subway fare evasion, public drinking, public urination, and graffiti. He increased enforcement against squeegee men, those who aggressively demand payment at traffic stops for unsolicited car window cleanings. Bratton also revived New York City Cabaret Law, a previously dormant Prohibition era ban on dancing in unlicensed establishments. Throughout the late 1990s NYPD shut down many of the city's acclaimed night spots for illegal dancing.
Although Broken Windows Theory does not necessarily prescribe zero-tolerance policies, this was another prominent feature of Bratton's reforms,[18] which was part of a broader series of related policies adopted by the Giuliani administration.
Bratton was criticized for his emphasis on petty crimes, which would presumably draw resources away from addressing more serious crimes.
According to a 2001 study of crime trends in New York City by Kelling and William Sousa, rates of both petty and serious crime fell significantly after the aforementioned policies were implemented. Furthermore, crime continued to decline for the following ten years. Such declines suggested that policies based on the Broken Windows Theory were effective.[19]
However, other studies do not find a cause and effect relationship between the adoption of such policies and decreases in crime.[20][21] The decrease may have been part of a broader trend across the United States. Other cities also experienced less crime, even though they had different police policies. Other factors, such as the 39% drop in New York City's unemployment rate, could also explain the decrease reported by Kelling and Sousa.[22]
A 2017 study found that when the New York Police Department (NYPD) stopped aggressively enforcing minor legal statutes in late 2014 and early 2015 that "civilian complaints of major crimes (such as burglary, felony assault and grand larceny) decreased during and shortly after sharp reductions in proactive policing. The results challenge prevailing scholarship as well as conventional wisdom on authority and legal compliance, as they imply that aggressively enforcing minor legal statutes incites more severe criminal acts."[23]
Albuquerque[edit]
Albuquerque, New Mexico, instituted the Safe Streets Program in the late 1990s based on the Broken Windows Theory. Operating under the theory that American Westerners use roadways much in the same way that American Easterners use subways, the developers of the program reasoned that lawlessness on the roadways had much the same effect as it did on the New York City Subway. Effects of the program were reviewed by the US National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (NHTSA) and were published in a case study.[24]
Lowell, Massachusetts[edit]
In 2005, Harvard University and Suffolk University researchers worked with local police to identify 34 "crime hot spots" in Lowell, Massachusetts. In half of the spots, authorities cleared trash, fixed streetlights, enforced building codes, discouraged loiterers, made more misdemeanor arrests, and expanded mental health services and aid for the homeless. In the other half of the identified locations, there was no change to routine police service.
The areas that received additional attention experienced a 20% reduction in calls to the police. The study concluded that cleaning up the physical environment was more effective than misdemeanor arrests and that increasing social services had no effect.[25][26]
Netherlands[edit]
In 2007 and 2008, Kees Keizer and colleagues from the University of Groningen conducted a series of controlled experiments to determine if the effect of existing visible disorder (such as litter or graffiti) increased other crime such as theft, littering, or other antisocial behavior. They selected several urban locations, which they arranged in two different ways, at different times. In each experiment, there was a "disorder" condition in which violations of social norms as prescribed by signage or national custom, such as graffiti and littering, were clearly visible as well as a control condition where no violations of norms had taken place. The researchers then secretly monitored the locations to observe if people behaved differently when the environment was "disordered". Their observations supported the theory. The conclusion was published in the journal Science: "One example of disorder, like graffiti or littering, can indeed encourage another, like stealing."[27][28]
Other advantages[edit]
Real estate[edit]
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Other side effects of better monitoring and cleaned up streets may well be desired by governments or housing agencies and the population of a neighborhood: broken windows can count as an indicator of low real estate value and may deter investors. Fixing windows is therefore also a step of real estate development, which may lead, whether it is desired or not, to gentrification. By reducing the amount of broken windows in the community, the inner cities would appear to be attractive to consumers with more capital. Ridding spaces like downtown New York and Chicago, notably notorious for criminal activity, of danger would draw in investment from consumers, increasing the city's economic status, providing a safe and pleasant image for present and future inhabitants.[29]
Education[edit]
In education, the broken windows theory is used to promote order in classrooms and school cultures. The belief is that students are signaled by disorder or rule-breaking and that they in turn imitate the disorder. Several school movements encourage strict paternalistic practices to enforce student discipline. Such practices include language codes (governing slang, curse words, or speaking out of turn), classroom etiquette (sitting up straight, tracking the speaker), personal dress (uniforms, little or no jewelry), and behavioral codes (walking in lines, specified bathroom times). Several schools have made significant strides in educational gains with this philosophy such as the Knowledge Is Power Program[citation needed] and American Indian Public Charter School.[citation needed]
From 2004 to 2006, Stephen B. Plank and colleagues from Johns Hopkins University conducted a correlational study to determine the degree to which the physical appearance of the school and classroom setting influence student behavior, particularly in respect to the variables concerned in their study: fear, social disorder, and collective efficacy.[30] They collected survey data administered to 6th-8th students by 33 public schools in a large mid-Atlantic city. From analyses of the survey data, the researchers determined that the variables in their study are statistically significant to the physical conditions of the school and classroom setting. The conclusion, published in the American Journal of Education, was
...the findings of the current study suggest that educators and researchers should be vigilant about factors that influence student perceptions of climate and safety. Fixing broken windows and attending to the physical appearance of a school cannot alone guarantee productive teaching and learning, but ignoring them likely greatly increases the chances of a troubling downward spiral.[30]
Policing[edit]
Broken windows policing is a form of policing based on broken windows theory. It is also sometimes called quality-of-life policing. William J. Bratton popularized this policing strategy as New York City's police commissioner during the mid-1990s.[31]
Criticism of theory[edit]
Other factors[edit]
Many critics state that factors other than physical disorder more significantly influence crime rate. They argue that efforts to more effectively reduce crime rate should target or pay more attention to such factors instead.
According to a study by Robert J. Sampson and Stephen Raudenbush, the premise on which the theory operates, that social disorder and crime are connected as part of a causal chain, is faulty. They argue that a third factor, collective efficacy, "defined as cohesion among residents combined with shared expectations for the social control of public space," is the actual cause of varying crime rates that are observed in an altered neighborhood environment. They also argue that the relationship between public disorder and crime rate is weak.[32]
C. R. Sridhar, in his article in the Economic and Political Weekly, also challenges the broken windows policing and the notion introduced in the annotated by Kelling and Bratton: that aggressive policing, such as the zero tolerance police strategy adopted by William Bratton, the appointed commissioner of the New York Police Department, is the sole cause of the decrease of crime rates in New York City.[33] The policy targeted people in areas with a significant amount of physical disorder and there appeared to be a causal relationship between the adoption of the aggressive policy and the decrease in crime rate. Sridhar, however, discusses other trends (such as New York City's economic boom in the late 1990s) that created a "perfect storm" that contributed to the decrease of crime rate much more significantly than the application of the zero tolerance policy. Sridhar also compares this decrease of crime rate with other major cities that adopted other various policies and determined that the zero tolerance policy is not as effectual.
Baltimore criminologist Ralph B. Taylor argues in his book that fixing windows is only a partial and short-term solution. His data supports a materialist view: changes in levels of physical decay, superficial social disorder, and racial composition do not lead to higher crime, but economic decline does. He contends that the example shows that real, long-term reductions in crime require that urban politicians, businesses, and community leaders work together to improve the economic fortunes of residents in high-crime areas.[34]
Another tack was taken by a 2010 study questioning the legitimacy of the theory concerning the subjectivity of disorder as perceived by persons living in neighborhoods. It concentrated on whether citizens view disorder as a separate issue from crime or as identical to it. The study noted that crime cannot be the result of disorder if the two are identical, agreed that disorder provided evidence of "convergent validity" and concluded that broken windows theory misinterprets the relationship between disorder and crime.[35][page needed]
In recent years, there has been increasing attention on the correlation between environmental lead levels and crime. Specifically, there appears to be a correlation with a 25-year lag with the addition and removal of lead from paint and gasoline and rises and falls in murder arrests.[36][37]
Implicit bias[edit]
Robert J. Sampson argues that based on common misconceptions by the masses, it is clearly implied that those who commit disorder and crime have a clear tie to groups suffering from financial instability and may be of minority status: "The use of racial context to encode disorder does not necessarily mean that people are racially prejudiced in the sense of personal hostility." He notes that residents make a clear implication of who they believe is causing the disruption, which has been termed as implicit bias.[38] He further states that research conducted on implicit bias and stereotyping of cultures suggests that community members hold unrelenting beliefs of African-Americans and other disadvantaged minority groups, associating them with crime, violence, disorder, welfare, and undesirability as neighbors.[38] A later study indicated that this contradicted Wilson and Kelling's proposition that disorder is an exogenous construct that has independent effects on how people feel about their neighborhoods.[35][page needed]
Criminology[edit]
According to some criminologists who speak of a broader "backlash,"[a] the broken windows theory is not theoretically sound.[39][page needed] They claim that the "broken windows theory" closely relates correlation with causality, a reasoning prone to fallacy. David Thacher, assistant professor of public policy and urban planning at the University of Michigan, stated in a 2004 paper:[39][page needed]
[S]ocial science has not been kind to the broken windows theory. A number of scholars reanalyzed the initial studies that appeared to support it.... Others pressed forward with new, more sophisticated studies of the relationship between disorder and crime. The most prominent among them concluded that the relationship between disorder and serious crime is modest, and even that relationship is largely an artifact of more fundamental social forces.
It has also been argued that rates of major crimes also dropped in many other US cities during the 1990s, both those that had adopted zero-tolerance and those that had not.[40] In the winter 2006 edition of the University of Chicago Law Review, Bernard Harcourt and Jens Ludwig looked at the later Department of Housing and Urban Development program that rehoused inner-city project tenants in New York into more-orderly neighborhoods.[41] The broken windows theory would suggest that these tenants would commit less crime once moved because of the more stable conditions on the streets. However, Harcourt and Ludwig found that the tenants continued to commit crime at the same rate.
In a 2007 study called "Reefer Madness" in the journal Criminology and Public Policy, Harcourt and Ludwig found further evidence confirming that mean reversion fully explained the changes in crime rates in the different precincts in New York in the 1990.[42] Further alternative explanations that have been put forward include the waning of the crack epidemic,[43] unrelated growth in the prison population by the Rockefeller drug laws,[43] and that the number of males from 16 to 24 was dropping regardless of the shape of the US population pyramid.[44]
Drawbacks in practice[edit]
A low-level intervention of police in neighborhoods has been considered problematic. Accordingly, Gary Stewart wrote, "The central drawback of the approaches advanced by Wilson, Kelling, and Kennedy rests in their shared blindness to the potentially harmful impact of broad police discretion on minority communities."[45][page needed] It was seen by the authors, who worried that people would be arrested "for the 'crime' of being undesirable." According to Stewart, arguments for low-level police intervention, including the broken windows hypothesis, often act "as cover for racist behavior."[45][page needed]
The application of the broken windows theory in aggressive policing policies, such as William Bratton's zero-tolerance policy, has been shown to criminalize the poor and homeless. That is because the physical signs that characterize a neighborhood with the "disorder" that broken windows policing targets correlate with the socio-economic conditions of its inhabitants. Many of the acts that are considered legal but "disorderly" are often targeted in public settings and are not targeted when they are conducted in private. Therefore, those without access to a private space are often criminalized. Critics, such as Robert J. Sampson and Stephen Raudenbush of Harvard University, see the application of the broken windows theory in policing as a war against the poor, as opposed to a war against more serious crimes.[46][page needed]
In Dorothy Roberts's article, "Foreword: Race, Vagueness, and the Social Meaning of Order Maintenance and Policing," she focuses on problems of the application of the broken windows theory, which lead to the criminalization of communities of color, who are typically disfranchised.[47] She underscores the dangers of vaguely written ordinances that allows for law enforcers to determine who engages in disorderly acts, which, in turn, produce a racially-skewed outcome in crime statistics.[48]
According to Bruce D. Johnson, Andrew Golub, and James McCabe, the application of the broken windows theory in policing and policymaking can result in development projects that decrease physical disorder but promote undesired gentrification. Often, when a city is so "improved" in this way, the development of an area can cause the cost of living to rise higher than residents can afford, which forces low-income people, often minorities, out of the area. As the space changes, the middle and upper classes, often white, begin to move into the area, resulting in the gentrification of urban, poor areas. The local residents are affected negatively by such an application of the broken windows theory and end up evicted from their homes as if their presence indirectly contributed to the area’s problem of "physical disorder."[47]
Popular press[edit]
In More Guns, Less Crime (University of Chicago Press, 2000), economist John Lott, Jr. examined the use of the broken windows approach as well as community- and problem-oriented policing programs in cities over 10,000 in population, over two decades. He found that the impacts of these policing policies were not very consistent across different types of crime. Lott's book has been subject to criticism, but other groups support Lott's conclusions.
In the 2005 book Freakonomics, coauthors Steven D. Levitt and Stephen J. Dubner confirm and question the notion that the broken windows theory was responsible for New York's drop in crime: "the reality that the pool of potential criminals had dramatically shrunk. Levitt had attributed that possibility in the Quarterly Journal of Economics to the legalization of abortion with Roe v. Wade, a decrease in the number of delinquents in the population at large, one generation later.[49]
See also[edit]
Criminal justice portal
Sociology portal
Anti-social behaviour order
Crime in New York City
Crime prevention through environmental design
Graffiti abatement
Legalized abortion and crime effect
Stigmergy
Bastiat's Parable of the broken window and the law of unintended consequences
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ The term "backlash" refers to the wave of "tough-on-crime" policies in the U.S. beginning in the 1980s.
References[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h i j Wilson & Kelling 1982.
Jump up ^ Kelling, George; Coles, Catherine, Fixing Broken Windows: Restoring Order and Reducing Crime in Our Communities, ISBN 0-684-83738-2 .
Jump up ^ Newman, Oscar, Defensible Space: Crime Prevention Through Urban Design, ISBN 0-02-000750-7 .
Jump up ^ Gladwell, The tipping point .
Jump up ^ Childress, Sarah (28 June 2016). "The Problem with Broken Windows Policing". Public Broadcasting Service (PBS). PBS Frontline. Retrieved 24 July 2017.
^ Jump up to: a b Garland 2001.
Jump up ^ Wilcox et al. 2004, p. 186.
Jump up ^ Wilcox et al. 2004, p. 187.
Jump up ^ Jacobs 1961.
Jump up ^ Sampson & Raudenbush 2004, p. 319.
Jump up ^ Ranasinghe 2012, p. 65.
Jump up ^ Ranasinghe 2012, p. 67.
Jump up ^ Hinkle & Weisburd 2008.
Jump up ^ Ranasinghe 2012, p. 68.
Jump up ^ Jacobs 1961, p. 378.
Jump up ^ Ranasinghe 2012, p. 72.
^ Jump up to: a b c Herbert & Brown 2006.
Jump up ^ Adams, Joan (2006), The "Broken Windows" Theory, Canada: UBC, (Subscription required (help)) .
Jump up ^ Corman, Hope (Jun 2002), Carrots, Sticks and Broken Windows (PDF), Washington, (Subscription required (help)) .
Jump up ^ https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/frontline/article/the-problem-with-broken-windows-policing/
Jump up ^ Ludwig, Jens (2006), Broken windows (PDF), U Chicago .
Jump up ^ "Criticism for Giuliani's broken windows theory", Business insider, Aug 2013 .
Jump up ^ Sullivan, Christopher M.; O’Keeffe, Zachary P. (2017-09-25). "Evidence that curtailing proactive policing can reduce major crime". Nature Human Behaviour. ISSN 2397-3374. doi:10.1038/s41562-017-0211-5.
Jump up ^ Albuquerque Police Department's Safe streets program, US: Department of Transportation – NHTSA, DOT HS 809 278, archived from the original on 2015-04-03 .
Jump up ^ "Research Boosts Broken Windows". Suffolk University. Archived from the original on 2009-06-29. Retrieved 2009-02-20.
Jump up ^ Johnson, Carolyn Y (2009-02-08). "Breakthrough on 'broken windows’". The Boston Globe. Retrieved 2009-02-20.
Jump up ^ Keizer, K; Lindenberg, S; Steg, L (2008). "The Spreading of Disorder". Science. 322 (5908): 1681–1685. PMID 19023045. doi:10.1126/science.1161405. Retrieved 2008-11-28.
Jump up ^ "Can the can". The Economist. 2008-11-20. Retrieved 2008-11-24.
Jump up ^ Harcourt, Bernard L; Ludwig, Jens. "Broken Windows: New Evidence from New York City and a Five-City Social Experiment" (PDF).
^ Jump up to: a b Plank, Stephen B; Bradshaw, Catherine P; Young, Hollie (1 February 2009). "An Application of "Broken‐Windows" and Related Theories to the Study of Disorder, Fear, and Collective Efficacy in Schools". American Journal of Education. 115 (2): 227–47. doi:10.1086/595669.
Jump up ^ Baker, Al (13 June 2015). "Beyond the Chokehold: The Path to Eric Garner's Death". The New York Times.
Jump up ^ Sampson, Robert J.; Raudenbush, Stephen W (1 November 1999). "Systematic Social Observation of Public Spaces: A New Look at Disorder in Urban Neighborhoods". American Journal of Sociology. 105 (3): 603–51. doi:10.1086/210356.
Jump up ^ Sridhar, C.R. (13–19 May 2006). "Broken Windows and Zero Tolerance: Policing Urban Crimes". Economic and Political Weekly. 41 (19): 1841–43. JSTOR 4418196.
Jump up ^ Ralph B. Taylor. Breaking Away from Broken Windows: Baltimore Neighborhoods and the Nationwide Fight Against Crime, Grime, Fear, and Decline. ISBN 0813397588
^ Jump up to: a b Gau & Pratt 2010.
Jump up ^ Lucifer Curves Archived February 25, 2015, at the Wayback Machine., Rick Nevin, 22 Feb 2015
Jump up ^ America's Real Criminal Element: Lead, Mother Jones, January/February 2013 Issue, Kevin Drum
^ Jump up to: a b Sampson & Raudenbush 2004, p. 320.
^ Jump up to: a b Thacher, David (2004). "Order Maintenance Reconsidered: Moving beyond Strong Causal Reasoning" (PDF). Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology. Northwestern University School of Law. 94 (2). doi:10.2307/3491374.
Jump up ^ Harcourt, Bernard E (2001), Illusion of Order: The False Promise of Broken Windows Policing, Harvard, ISBN 0-674-01590-8 .
Jump up ^ Harcourt, Bernard E; Ludwig, Jens (2006). "Broken Windows: New Evidence from New York City and a Five-City Social Experiment". University of Chicago Law Review. 73. SSRN 743284  .
Jump up ^ Harcourt, Bernard; Ludwig, Jens (2007). "Reefer Madness: Broken Windows Policing and Misdemeanor Marijuana Arrests in New York City, 1989-2000" (PDF). Criminology and Public Policy. 6: 165–182 – via Columbia.edu.
^ Jump up to: a b Metcalf, Stephen. "The Giuliani Presidency? A new documentary makes the case against the outsized mayor". Retrieved 2007-09-03.
Jump up ^ Levitt, Steven D.; Dubner, Stephen J (2005). Freakonomics: A Rogue Economist Explores the Hidden Side of Everything. New York, NY: HarperCollins. ISBN 0-06-073132-X.
^ Jump up to: a b Stewart 1998.
Jump up ^ Sampson & Raudenbush 2004.
^ Jump up to: a b Johnson, Bruce D.; Golub, Andrew; McCabe, James (1 February 2010). "The international implications of quality‐of‐life policing as practiced in New York City". Police Practice and Research. 11 (1): 17–29. doi:10.1080/15614260802586368.
Jump up ^ Roberts, Dorothy (Spring 1999). "Foreword: Race, Vagueness, and the Social Meaning of Order-Maintenance Policing". The Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology. 3. 89: 775–836. JSTOR 1144123. doi:10.2307/1144123.
Jump up ^ Donohue; Levitt (2001), The impact of legalized abortion (PDF), U Chicago .
Bibliography[edit]
Garland, D (2001), The Culture of Control: Crime and Order in Contemporary Society, Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press .
Herbert, Steve; Brown, Elizabeth (September 2006), "Conceptions of Space and Crime in the Punitive Neoliberal City", Antipode, 38 (4): 755–77, doi:10.1111/j.1467-8330.2006.00475.x .
Hinkle, Joshua C.; Weisburd, David (November 2008), "The irony of broken windows policing: A micro-place study of the relationship between disorder, focused police crackdowns and fear of crime", Journal of Criminal Justice, 36 (6): 503–512, doi:10.1016/j.jcrimjus.2008.09.010 .
Jacobs, J (1961), The Death and Life of Great American Cities, New York: Vintage Books .
Ranasinghe, P (2012), "Jane Jacobs' framing of public disorder and its relation to the 'broken windows' theory", Theoretical Criminology, 16 (1): 63–84, doi:10.1177/1362480611406947 .
Sampson, RJ; Raudenbush, SW (2004), "Seeing Disorder: Neighborhood Stigma and the Social Construction of "Broken Windows"", Social Psychology Quarterly, 67 (4): 319–42, doi:10.1177/019027250406700401 .
Stewart, Gary (May 1998), "Black Codes and Broken Windows: The Legacy of Racial Hegemony in Anti-Gang Civil Injunctions", The Yale Law Journal, 107 (7): 2249–79, doi:10.2307/797421 .
Wilcox, P; Quisenberry, N; Cabrera, DT; Jones, S (2004), "Busy places & broken windows?: Toward Defining the Role of Physical Structure and Process in Community Crime Models", Sociological Quarterly, 45 (2): 185–207, doi:10.1111/j.1533-8525.2004.tb00009.x .
Wilson, James Q; Kelling, George L (Mar 1982), "Broken Windows: The police and neighborhood safety", The Atlantic, retrieved 2007-09-03 ( Broken windows (PDF), Manhattan institute ).
Further reading[edit]
Bratton, William J (1998), Turnaround: How America's Top Cop Reversed the Crime Epidemic, Random House .
Eck, John E; Maguire, Edward R (2006), "Have Changes in Policing Reduced Violent Crime?", in Blumstein, Alfred; Wallman, Joel, The Crime Drop in America (rev ed.), Cambridge University Press .
Gladwell, Malcolm (2002), The Tipping Point: How Little Things Can Make a Big Difference, Back Bay, ISBN 0-316-34662-4 .
Silman, Eli B (1999), NYPD Battles Crime: Innovative Strategies in Policing, Northeastern University Press .
Skogan, Wesley G (1990), Disorder and Decline: Crime and the Spiral of Decay in American Neighborhoods, University of California Press .
External links[edit]
"Debate club", Legal Affairs |contribution= ignored (help) – a review of the criticisms of the broken windows theory.
Shattering "Broken Windows": An Analysis of San Francisco's Alternative Crime Policies (PDF) (article), Center on Juvenile and Criminal Justice , detailing crime reduction in San Francisco achieved via alternative crime policies.
Community Policing Defined (PDF), US: Department of Justice , an article explaining the philosophy and method of community policing.
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In Memoriam A.H.H.
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In Memoriam
by Alfred, Lord Tennyson
Title page of 1st edition (1850)
Country
United Kingdom
Language
English
Genre(s)
Requiem, Elegy
Pages
90 pages
Bust of Arthur Henry Hallam by Francis Leggatt Chantrey
"In Memoriam A.H.H." or simply "In Memoriam" is a poem by the British poet Alfred, Lord Tennyson, completed in 1849. It is a requiem for the poet's beloved Cambridge friend Arthur Henry Hallam, who died suddenly of a cerebral haemorrhage in Vienna in 1833. It contains some of Tennyson's most accomplished lyrical work, and is an unusually sustained exercise in lyric verse. It is widely considered to be one of the great poems of the 19th century.[1]
The original title of the poem was "The Way of the Soul", and this might give an idea of how the poem is an account of all Tennyson's thoughts and emotions as he grieves over the death of a close friend. He views the cruelty of nature and mortality in light of materialist science and faith. Owing to its length and its arguable breadth of focus, the poem might not be thought an elegy or a dirge in the strictest formal sense.
Contents
1 Form
2 Quotation
3 Nature, red in tooth and claw
4 Queen Victoria and "In Memoriam"
5 Other themes
6 References
7 Further reading
8 External links
Form[edit]
The poem is not arranged exactly in the order in which it was written. The prologue, for example, is thought to have been one of the last things written. The earliest material is thought to be that which begins "Fair ship, that from the Italian shore | Saileth the placid ocean-plains" and imagines the return of Hallam's body from Italy. Critics believe, however, that the poem as a whole is meant to be chronological in terms of the progression of Tennyson's grief. The passage of time is marked by the three descriptions of Christmas at different points in the poem, and the poem ends with a description of the marriage of Tennyson's sister.
"In Memoriam" is written in four-line ABBA stanzas of iambic tetrameter, and such stanzas are now called In Memoriam Stanzas. Though not metrically unusual, given the length of the work, the metre creates a tonal effect that often divides readers – is it the natural sound of mourning and grief, or merely monotonous? The poem is divided into 133 cantos (including the prologue and epilogue), and in contrast to its constant and regulated metrical form, encompasses many different subjects: profound spiritual experiences, nostalgic reminiscence, philosophical speculation, Romantic fantasizing and even occasional verse. The death of Hallam, and Tennyson's attempts to cope with this, remain the strand that ties all these together.
Quotation[edit]
The most frequently quoted lines in the poem are perhaps
I hold it true, whate'er befall;
I feel it when I sorrow most;
'Tis better to have loved and lost
Than never to have loved at all.
This stanza is to be found in Canto 27. The last two lines are usually taken as offering a meditation on the dissolution of a romantic relationship. However, the lines originally referred to the death of the poet's beloved friend. They are reminiscent of a line from William Congreve's popular 1700 play, The Way of the World: "'tis better to be left than never to have been loved."
Another much-quoted phrase from the poem is "nature, red in tooth and claw," found in Canto 56, referring to humanity:
Who trusted God was love indeed
And love Creation's final law
Tho' Nature, red in tooth and claw
With ravine, shriek'd against his creed
Also, the following are found in Canto 54
So runs my dream, but what am I?
An infant crying in the night
An infant crying for the light
And with no language but a cry.
Also occasionally quoted are these lines from Canto 123
The hills are shadows, and they flow
From form to form, and nothing stands;
They melt like mist, the solid lands,
Like clouds they shape themselves and go.
This references the recent discovery by geologists of Earth's great age and mutability, a scientific wonder that underlay emerging ideas of nature and evolution.[original research?]
Nature, red in tooth and claw[edit]
Although this phrase "tooth and claw" is commonly ascribed to Tennyson, it already was in use. For example, The Hagerstown Mail in March 1837: "Hereupon, the beasts, enraged at the humbug, fell upon him tooth and claw."[2]
In writing the poem, Tennyson was influenced by the evolutionary ideas of transmutation of species presented in Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation which had been published in 1844, and had caused a storm of controversy about the theological implications of impersonal nature functioning without direct divine intervention. An Evangelical focus on unquestioning belief in revealed truth taken from a literal interpretation of the Bible was already coming into conflict with emerging findings of science. Tennyson expressed the difficulties evolutionary ideas raised for faith in "the truths that never can be proved", while still believing the older idea that reason would eventually harmonise science and religion, as there could be no real contradiction.[3] Canto 55 asks:
Are God and Nature then at strife,
That Nature lends such evil dreams?
So careful of the type she seems,
So careless of the single life;
That I, considering everywhere
Her secret meaning in her deeds,
And finding that of fifty seeds
She often brings but one to bear,
I falter where I firmly trod,
And falling with my weight of cares
Upon the great world's altar-stairs
That slope thro' darkness up to God,
I stretch lame hands of faith, and grope,
And gather dust and chaff, and call
To what I feel is Lord of all,
And faintly trust the larger hope.
Then in Canto 56 Tennyson asks whether Man (Who trusted God was love indeed/ And love Creation's final law—/ Tho' Nature, red in tooth and claw/ With ravine, shriek'd against his creed) would also "Be blown about the desert dust, Or seal'd within the iron hills?"
However, at the end of the poem, Tennyson emerges with his Christian faith reaffirmed, progressing from doubt and despair to faith and hope, a dominant theme also seen in his poem "Ulysses".[4]
If e'er when faith had fallen asleep,
I hear a voice 'believe no more'
And heard an ever-breaking shore
That tumbled in the Godless deep;
A warmth within the breast would melt
The freezing reason's colder part,
And like a man in wrath the heart
Stood up and answer'd 'I have felt.'
No, like a child in doubt and fear:
But that blind clamour made me wise;
Then was I as a child that cries,
But, crying knows his father near;
This poem was published a decade before Charles Darwin made his theory public. However, the phrase "Nature, red in tooth and claw" in canto 56 quickly was adopted by others as a phrase that evokes the process of natural selection. It was and is used by both those opposed to and in favour of the theory of evolution.[5][6][7][8]
Queen Victoria and "In Memoriam"[edit]
The poem was a great favourite of Queen Victoria, who after the death of Prince Albert wrote that she was "soothed & pleased" by it.[9] In 1862 Victoria requested a meeting with Tennyson because she was so impressed by the poem, and when she met him again in 1883 she told him what a comfort it had been.[10]
Other themes[edit]
The British literary scholar Christopher Ricks relates the following lines to Tennyson's childhood home at Somersby Rectory in Somersby, Lincolnshire, particularly the poet's departure after the death of his father.[11]
Unwatched, the garden bough shall sway,
The tender blossom flutter down,
Unloved, that beech will gather brown,
This maple burn itself away.
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Andrew Hass; David Jasper; Elisabeth Jay (2007). The Oxford Handbook of English Literature and Theology. Oxford University Press. p. 607. ISBN 0-19-927197-6.
Jump up ^ [1]
Jump up ^ Josef L. Altholz, Professor of History, University of Minnesota (1976). "The Warfare of Conscience with Theology". The Mind and Art of Victorian England. Victorian Web. Retrieved 6 November 2007. CS1 maint: Multiple names: authors list (link)
Jump up ^ AQA A AS English Literature: Victorian Literature: Student's Book
Jump up ^ Charles Darwin-A Short Biography, Sciencesy 2018.
Jump up ^ Red in Tooth and Claw, Gary Martin, Phrases, Sayings and Idioms at The Phrase Finder, 1996.
Jump up ^ Start of preface to 1976 edition Archived 12 August 2007 at the Wayback Machine., Excerpt from The Selfish Gene by Richard Dawkins. (2nd Edition 1989) Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Jump up ^ 4. The Evolutionary Implications of Living with the Ice Age, William James Burroughts, Climate Change in Prehistory: The End of the Reign of Chaos, Cambridge University Press, 2005, ISBN 0-521-82409-5
Jump up ^ http://www.queenvictoriasjournals.org/home.do 5 January 1862
Jump up ^ http://www.queenvictoriasjournals.org/home.do 7 August 1883
Jump up ^ Ricks, Christopher (1989). Tennyson. University of California Press. p. 136. ISBN 9780520067844.
Further reading[edit]
A. C. Bradley, A Commentary on Tennyson's In Memoriam. London, Macmillan and Co. 1901.
External links[edit]
Text of "In Memoriam A.H.H." from The Literature Network.
Find more aboutIn Memoriam A.H.H.at Wikipedia's sister projects
Quotations from Wikiquote
Texts from Wikisource
Data from Wikidata
In Memoriam A.H.H. public domain audiobook at LibriVox
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v
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e
Alfred Tennyson, 1st Baron Tennyson
Early poetry
"The Deserted House"
"The Lady of Shalott"
"The Lotos-Eaters"
"Mariana"
"Oenone"
Poetry
"Break, Break, Break"
"The Charge of the Light Brigade"
"The Day-Dream"
"Godiva"
Idylls of the King
"In Memoriam A.H.H."
"Lady Clara Vere de Vere"
"Locksley Hall"
"Now Sleeps the Crimson Petal"
Poems (1842)
"The Palace of Art"
The Princess
"Sir Galahad"
"St. Simeon Stylites"
"Tears, Idle Tears"
"The Two Voices"
"Ulysses"
Late poetry
"Crossing the Bar"
"The Eagle"
Enoch Arden
"Flower in the Crannied Wall"
Maud
"Ring Out, Wild Bells"
"Tithonus"
Other works
The Foresters (play)
The Window (song cycle)
Related
Chapel House, Twickenham
Farringford House
Blackdown, West Sussex
People
Arthur Hallam (friend)
Emily Tennyson (wife)
Hallam Tennyson (son)
Lionel Tennyson (grandson)
Charles Tennyson (grandson)
Emilia Tennyson (sister)
Charles Tennyson Turner (brother)
Frederick Tennyson (brother)
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