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Mexican general election, 2018
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Mexican general election, 2018
← 2012 1 July 2018 2024 →
Turnout
63.43% ( 0.35%)
Candidate
Andrés Manuel López Obrador Ricardo Anaya
Party
MORENA PAN
Alliance
Juntos Haremos Historia Por México al Frente
Home state
Tabasco Querétaro
Popular vote
30,113,483 12,610,120
Percentage
53.19% 22.28%
Candidate
José Antonio Meade Jaime Rodríguez Calderón
Party
PRI Independent
Alliance
Todos por México None
Home state
Mexico City Nuevo León
Popular vote
9,289,853 2,961,732
Percentage
16.41% 5.23%
States won by López Obrador in red, Anaya in blue.
President before election
Enrique Peña Nieto
PRI
Elected President
Andrés Manuel López Obrador
MORENA
Mexico
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General elections were held in Mexico on 1 July 2018.[1] Voters elected a new President of Mexico to serve a term of five years and ten months (reduced by two months from the constitutional mandate due to a change in the inauguration date as of 2014),[2] 128 members of the Senate for a period of six years and 500 members of the Chamber of Deputies for a period of three years. It was one of the largest election days in Mexican history, with most of the nation's states holding state and local elections on the same day, including nine governorships, with over 3,400 positions subject to elections at all levels of government.[3] It has been the most violent campaign Mexico has experienced in recent history, with 130 political figures killed since September 2017.[3]
The incumbent president Enrique Peña Nieto was not constitutionally eligible for a second term. Incumbent members of the legislature are term-limited, thus all members of Congress will be newly elected. As a consequence of the political reform of 2014, the members of the legislature elected in this election will be the first allowed to run for reelection in subsequent elections. The National Electoral Institute (INE) officially declared the new process underway on 8 September 2017.
The presidential election was won by Andrés Manuel López Obrador of the National Regeneration Movement (MORENA), running as the candidate of the Juntos Haremos Historia alliance.[4] This is the first time a candidate won an outright majority (according to official vote counts) since 1988,[5] and the first time that a candidate not from the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) or its predecessors has done so since the Mexican Revolution. This election also marked both the worst electoral defeat suffered by the PRI and the worst electoral defeat for a sitting Mexican government since universal suffrage was adopted in the country.
Contents
1 Electoral system
2 Presidential candidates
2.1 Por México al Frente
2.1.1 Nominee
2.2 Todos por México
2.2.1 Nominee
2.3 Juntos Haremos Historia
2.3.1 Nominee
2.4 Independents
3 Opinion polls
4 Campaigns
4.1 Timeline
4.1.1 January
4.1.2 February
4.1.3 March
4.1.4 April and May
4.2 Promises and proposals
5 Controversies
5.1 Ballot access requirements
5.2 PRI payments to Cambridge Analytica
5.3 Allegations of foreign intervention
5.4 Possibility of election tampering
5.4.1 Prior PRI election tampering controversies in 2017
6 Results
6.1 President
6.1.1 By state
6.2 Senate
6.2.1 By state
6.3 Chamber of Deputies
6.4 Governorships
6.4.1 Mexico City
6.4.2 Chiapas
6.4.3 Guanajuato
6.4.4 Jalisco
6.4.5 Morelos
6.4.6 Puebla
6.4.7 Tabasco
6.4.8 Veracruz
6.4.9 Yucatán
7 Notes
8 References
9 External links
Electoral system[edit]
The country's president is elected by plurality in a single round of voting.[6]
The 500 members of the Chamber of Deputies are elected to three-year terms by two methods; 300 are elected in single-member constituencies by first-past-the-post voting, with the remaining 200 elected from five regional constituencies by proportional representation, with seats allocated using the simple quotient and largest remainder method. No party is allowed to hold more than 300 seats.[7] Members may hold office for up to four consecutive terms.[8]
The 128 members of the Senate are elected to six-year terms, concurrent with the president, and also elected by two methods, with 96 elected in 32 three-member constituencies based on the states and 32 elected in a single nationwide constituency by proportional representation. In the three-member constituencies, two winning candidates shall be allocated to the party receiving the highest number of votes and one seat to the party receiving the second-highest number of votes.[9] Members may hold office for up to two terms.[8]
Presidential candidates[edit]
Por México al Frente[edit]
Main article: Por México al Frente
(English: "For Mexico to the Front")
The center-right National Action Party and the center-left Party of the Democratic Revolution and Citizens' Movement – which both nominated Andrés Manuel López Obrador in the elections of 2006 and 2012 – formed an alliance for the election, in an effort to defeat both the ruling party, the PRI, and the front-runner Andrés Manuel López Obrador of the National Regeneration Movement.[10][11][12][13][14][13]
On 5 September, the electoral alliance was officially registered with the INE as Frente Ciudadano por México (Citizen Front for Mexico).[14] On 8 December the coalition changed its name to Por México al Frente (Mexico to the Front). The next day, Ricardo Anaya Cortés, president of the PAN, resigned from his position and expressed his intent to be the alliance's candidate.[15][16]
The former first lady Margarita Zavala submitted her resignation from the PAN on 6 October, after having been a member for 33 years, and registered as an independent candidate six days later.[17] She sought the presidency through an independent bid, but withdrew on 16 May 2018.
Nominee[edit]
Ricardo Anaya Cortés, former president of the National Action Party.
Todos por México[edit]
Main article: Todos por México
(English: "Everyone for Mexico")
The coalition is composed of the Institutional Revolutionary Party, the Ecologist Green Party of Mexico, and the PANAL. On 9 August 2017, the PRI revised its requirements for presidential candidates, eliminating the requirement that candidates must have 10 years of party membership, and allowing non-party members to lead the party.[18]
This move benefited finance secretary José Antonio Meade Kuribreña, who is not a member of the PRI,[19] as well as education secretary Aurelio Nuño Mayer, whose length of membership had been questioned.[18] Meade was considered the favorite, because while the PRI had been dogged by scandal and controversy, Meade had been personally unaffected.[20]
On 27 November, Meade resigned from cabinet and announced his intention to be the PRI's candidate in the upcoming election.[21] He quickly received the support of President Peña Nieto and PRI-linked institutions such as the CTM union.[22] With no challengers, Meade became the presumptive nominee.[23] On 18 February 2018, the PRI held its convention of delegates, where Meade was formally selected as the party's presidential candidate.[24] Meade is the PRI's first presidential candidate in its almost 90-year history not to be a member of the party.[25][26]
Due to the circumstances of Meade's candidacy, critics compared his selection to the PRI's historical practice of dedazo ("tap of the finger"), where presidents hand-picked their successor.[27][28]
The coalition was initially named Meade Ciudadano por México (English: Citizen Meade for Mexico), until the INE deemed it unconstitutional to include a candidate's name within the coalition's name, on the grounds that the presidential candidate would receive advertising from every piece of campaign advertising of the coalition used for local candidates. The coalition subsequently changed its name to Todos por México (Everyone for Mexico).[29]
Nominee[edit]
José Antonio Meade Kuribreña, former Secretary of Foreign Affairs, Secretary of Social Development, and Secretary of Finance and Public Credit during the Peña Nieto administration; Secretary of Finance and Public Credit and Secretary of Energy during the Felipe Calderón administration.
Juntos Haremos Historia[edit]
Main article: Juntos Haremos Historia
(English: "Together We Will Make History")
The coalition is composed of the National Regeneration Movement (MORENA), the Labor Party, and the Social Encounter Party.[30][31]
On 12 December Andrés Manuel López Obrador registered as the presumptive nominee for MORENA and submitted his resignation as party president. This is López Obrador's third presidential bid; the previous two attempts were with the PRD. After the 2012 presidential election, López Obrador left the PRD to found MORENA. This is MORENA's first presidential election. Joining MORENA in the Juntos Haremos Historia coalition is the left-wing Labor Party and the right-wing Social Encounter Party.[32]
Nominee[edit]
Andrés Manuel López Obrador, former Head of Government of Mexico City, 2006 and 2012 presidential candidate.
Independents[edit]
Logo for Rodríguez's campaign
For the first time in Mexico's modern democratic history, candidates were allowed to run for the presidency as independents.[33] Several people announced their intention to contest the election as an independent candidate.
Margarita Zavala, a lawyer, former deputy and wife of former president Felipe Calderón, had originally intended to run as the PAN nominee; however, on 6 October, she left the party and launched an independent bid. Explaining her decision, she said that the formation of Por México al Frente meant there would be no internal PAN selection, denying her a chance to be a candidate.[34] Jaime Rodríguez Calderón, the independent governor of Nuevo León, also announced his candidacy,[35] as did Senator Armando Ríos Piter.[36]
The National Indigenous Congress announced on 28 May 2017 the election of María de Jesús Patricio Martínez as their spokeswoman and indigenous representative for the 2018 general election, aiming to obtain an independent candidacy.[37] Only Zavala gathered enough signatures to appear on the ballot;[38] however, on 10 April the Electoral Court accepted an appeal from Rodríguez and ordered the National Electoral Institute to register him as candidate.[39]
On 16 May Zavala announced she was withdrawing her candidacy.[40]
Opinion polls[edit]
Main article: Opinion polling for the Mexican general election, 2018
Historical trend of voting intentions for the candidates for the Mexican presidency in 2018.
Campaigns[edit]
Timeline[edit]
January[edit]
As in the 2006 and 2012 federal elections, the 2018 campaign featured numerous accusations and attack advertisements directed at the leftist frontrunner candidate Andrés Manuel López Obrador, who contested the elections with the support of his party MORENA. A Red Scare-like campaign was used by the PRI and PAN candidates to convince voters that a López Obrador victory would turn Mexico into "another Venezuela".[41][42]
In a speech, PRI president Enrique Ochoa Reza (es) said that "if the people from MORENA like Venezuela so much, they should just go and live there".[43] The PRI was believed to have hired Venezuelan right-wing political strategist JJ Rendón to work in their campaign, as he stated in January that he would do "everything within the law to prevent López Obrador from becoming President"; Rendón had previously worked for the PRI during Peña Nieto's 2012 presidential campaign.[44]
In January, former president Felipe Calderón shared a video on via social media, in which a Venezuelan citizen living in Mexico warned voters not to vote for López Obrador, as he would put Mexico in the "path to ruin" like Chavismo had done in her country. It later surfaced that the woman, whose name is Carmen Martilez, is an actress who previously had uploaded a video in which she asked for street vendors to be "exterminated".[45]
That same month, the PRI began to claim that López Obrador's campaign was supported by "Venezuelan and Russian interests". López Obrador dismissed the accusations and later joked about them, calling himself "Andrés Manuelovich".[46][47]
Later in January, citizens across the country received phone calls originating in the city of Puebla, in which a recorded message warned them not to vote for López Obrador because he supposedly agreed to sell Mexico's oil to "the Russians". The MORENA representative in Puebla asked for an investigation into the phone calls.[48][49] In March, telephone company Axtel traced the number that made the calls, revealing it was a number that the government of Puebla (whose governor is from the PAN) controlled. Puebla's government denied the accusations.[50] Also in January, López Obrador uploaded a video via social media asking president Peña Nieto and PRI president Ochoa Reza to "calm down", and advised them to take some "López Obradordipine".[51]
A jingle entitled Movimiento Naranja, which was recorded for the political party Movimiento Ciudadano (which is part of the Por México al Frente coalition, along with the PAN and the PRD) and performed by an indigenous child called Yuawi, became viral and Yuawi turned into a celebrity overnight.[52][53] Drawing on its success, the pre-candidate for the Frente, Ricardo Anaya recorded a video in which he performed the song with Yuawi.[54]
PRI candidate José Antonio Meade was accused of plagiarism when it was noted that one of his ads, in which he criticized a "populist" speech on TV, was identical to an ad that had been used by Justin Trudeau when he became leader of the Liberal Party of Canada in 2013.[55]
February[edit]
Later in February, the PRI's Enrique Ochoa Reza tweeted that PRI politicians who defected to MORENA as Prietos que no aprietan (Dark-skinned people who can't get a hold) while trying to make a pun on the word PRI-etos (because morena is a synonym for prieto). The expression was criticized, and Ochoa Reza quickly deleted the tweet as it was interpreted to be racist.[56]
Aristegui Noticias published that Ochoa Reza apologized, and also criticized the insensitive expression, additionally commenting that the part que ya no aprietan (who cannot hold) could also be interpreted as misogynistic due to being a double entendre referring to women in relation to the number of sexual relations they have had in their lifetime. Ochoa Reza's tweet apologized to dark-skinned people but not to women.[57] Later Sinembargo.mx revealed that José Antonio Meade justified Enrique Ochoa's usage of the expression, by saying: uno se excede y es natural (English: one gets-ahead-of-themselves and it is natural) and saying that his quick apology talked positively about him.[58]
March[edit]
In March, the Attorney General of the Republic (PGR) started an official investigation into money-laundering allegations against Ricardo Anaya. During the investigation, Santiago Nieto, the ex-chief of FEPADE (the government branch focused on political crimes).[clarification needed] Nieto the previous October had been controversially removed from his job as chief of FEPADE, coincidentally right after starting an investigation regarding illicit campaign money from the 2012 presidential campaign that allegedly was received by Peña Nieto and by the future president of Pemex, Emilio Lozoya, from the Brazilian conglomerate Odebrecht. The ex-chief of FEPADE said that the accusations against Anaya were minor in comparison to Odebretch and Peña Nieto scandal, adding also the same opinion about the money lost by Secretariat of Social Development, to corrupt governors from the PRI such as Javier Duarte, all while José Antonio Meade was the man in charge of the Secretariat of Social Development. The scandal is known as La Estafa Maestra (The Master Robbery), and about 435 million pesos were lost.[59] The same week the PRI legislators were criticized for voting for stopping the investigation of Odebretch against the wishes of Mexican people and organizations campaigning against corruption such as Mexicanos contra la corrupción (Mexicans against corruption).[60] The investigation about Odebretch against the Pemex leader at the time, Lozoya, was legally stopped after a judge controversially ordered it days after.[61]
Santiago Nieto said that the PGR was being used by Peña Nieto's government to tamper with elections and benefit Meade by removing Anaya from the race, complaining that it was a politically motivated use of law-enforcement agencies, which had made more efforts to investigate Anaya in a month than towards investigating Peña Nieto's Odebretch money and Meade's lost Secretariat of Social Development funds over the last six years. Santiago Nieto said the PGR and FEPADE were only attacking the rivals of the PRI, and the investigating organizations were not being neutral.[62]
In an interview with The Wall Street Journal, Santiago Nieto would later reveal that Peña Nieto's government tried to bribe him to keep him silent, which he refused saying, "Sorry, but I can't receive any money from Peña Nieto." He received menacing phone messages stating: "Death follows you" and "Words of advice: stay out of Trouble", and as a consequence, he feared for the safety of his, and his family's lives.[63] Additionally as of 2018, it should be noted, that many of the politicians of the PRI political party who supported Peña Nieto during his presidential campaign would be later declared criminals by the Mexican government (some already elected, while others were campaigning concurrently with Peña Nieto, and would be elected),[64][65][66] near the end of Peña Nieto's time as president.
A total of 22 state ex-governors, all members from the PRI, had been accused of misuse of public funds and misdirection of money (with some money speculated to have been directed to the PRI); only five were sent to jail, with PGR receiving criticism for not investigating further.[67] Among the most prominent criminals were: Tomás Yarrington from Tamaulipas (along his predecessor Eugenio Hernández Flores), Javier Duarte from Veracruz,[68] César Duarte Jáquez from Chihuahua[69] (no family relation between the two Duartes), and Roberto Borge from Quintana Roo, along their unknown multiple allies who enabled their corruption. While, although Peña Nieto has not been found to be an ally of them, by being part of the same political party, there were severely negative consequences to Peña Nieto's image as president, as well as of the PRI.[70] Also, while not a member of the PRI at the time, Meade's image also received damage, because much of the money was lost while he was in charge of the Secretariat of Social Development, the government ministry that supervises the resources received by each state.[71]
Despite the overwhelming evidence against César Duarte, in March 2018 the PGR found him innocent of any crime. The successor governor Javier Corral from the PAN, who previously fought against the Televisa law, gave a similar opinion to Santiago Nieto, saying the PGR was being used to protect the allies of Peña Nieto and the PRI, and attack their rivals.[72] López Obrador said that failure to take action against Duarte was one of the main reasons why Mexicans had lost their faith in the PRI, saying the few ex-governors that were declared criminals were only to a pretense of concern.[73]
April and May[edit]
After, Meade decided to change his strategy; and due to his poor reception, Ochoa Reza left his position as president of the PRI on 2 May.[74]
On 16 May, Margarita Zavala suspended her presidential campaign.[75]
Santiago Nieto decided to join AMLO's campaign, with both promising to continue the investigation into the alleged scandal involving Peña Nieto, the PRI and Odebretch.[76] Meanwhile, César Duarte disappeared before being incarcerated, and was subsequently declared a fugitive from justice by the PGR.[77]
More than 130 political figures were been killed from when the campaign began in September 2017 until July 2018.[3]
Promises and proposals[edit]
López Obrador promised to end many of the benefits received by ex-presidents, particularly the lifelong pension they receive.[78] He added that he would redirect the money saved to be used to help senior citizens.[79] Zavala said she would also attempt to end the practice, though she had not decided how to use the money saved, while Meade and Anaya said they would keep the practice going.[80]
Anaya promised to implement a basic income for Mexican citizens,[81] Anaya said Nobel prize-winning economist Milton Friedman supported the idea. While well received, El Economista criticized how Anaya announced it, and called the idea populist.[82]
Meade proposed to create an office that would track the unique needs of each individual citizen, in what he would call Registro Único de Necesidades de Cada Persona (Unique Register of the Necessities of Each Person). Citizens on social media mocked the idea as absurd and impossible to develop, comparing it to writing letters to Santa Claus or just plainly asking for miracles.[83][84] Meade has supported Peña Nieto's energy reforms, saying that "everyone wins with the gasolinazo", and announcing that if he won he intended to continue it.[85] López Obrador promised to end the gasolinazos by building two new fuel refineries, which would allow more petroleum to be processed into gasoline domestically, thus lowering the price by not outsourcing the refining to other countries.[86]
Anaya promised to investigate and do everything to make sure President Peña Nieto is sent to jail for his aforementioned multiple presidential scandals, with López Obrador agreeing and suggesting to up the ante by also investigating every living former president.[87]
On 26 January, López Obrador accused the International Monetary Fund of being an accomplice to corruption in Mexican politics and claimed that its policies are in part responsible for poverty, unemployment, and violence in the country. López Obrador promised that if he won the presidency, Mexico will follow "its own agenda".[88]
López Obrador called for a change in security strategy and offered the controversial proposal of giving amnesty for drug dealers as a way to combat the drug cartels.[89]
During a debate in April, Rodríguez Calderón said "We have to cut off the hands of those who rob (in public service). It's that simple." He later explained that it was intended to be applied to both criminals and government functionaries involved in acts of corruption citing the application of this measure in Saudi Arabia as an example to reduce corruption and violence. Rodríguez Calderón was trending ahead of the other candidates on Twitter during the debate.[90]
Rodríguez Calderón later proposed to bring back the death penalty (currently constitutionally abolished in Mexico and enforced for the last time in 1961) for drug traffickers, hijackers, infanticides and serial killers.[91]
Controversies[edit]
Ballot access requirements[edit]
The candidate put forward by the National Indigenous Congress and the Zapatista Army of National Liberation, María de Jesús Patricio Martínez (Marichuy), alleged that the process for collecting signatures to attain ballot access unfairly benefits the rich. Marichuy said, "the INE made a list of telephone makes and models so that you must have at a minimum an Android 5.0 operating system or higher and so many hours to begin with the download of the applications in the devices, we find that the list is not true; we find brands that are not included in the list and of those that are included they don’t all work. The download is tedious and can take hours." The INE declared each signature registration would take 4.3 minutes, but each actual signature registration has taken up to 16 hours, or more. 'With these "classist, racist and excluding measures," Marichuy said, you realize "that this electoral system is not made for those peoples below that govern ourselves and that the laws and institutions of the State are made for those above, for the capitalists and their corrupt political class, resulting in a big simulation." Ultimately she was not able to obtain ballot access. [92]
PRI payments to Cambridge Analytica[edit]
After the Facebook–Cambridge Analytica data scandal, in April 2018, Forbes published information from the British news program Channel 4 News that had mentioned the existence of proof revealing ties between the PRI and Cambridge Analytica, suggesting a modus operandi similar to the one in the United States. The info said they worked together at least until January.[93][94][95] An investigation was requested.[96] The New York Times obtained the 57 page proposal of Cambridge Analytica's proposed collaboration strategy to benefit the PRI by hurting MORENA's candidate Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador; the political party rejected the offer but still paid Cambridge Analytica to not help the other candidates.[97]
Allegations of foreign intervention[edit]
In April 2017, the US Secretary of Homeland Security, John F. Kelly, stated that the election of a left-wing president in Mexico "would not be good for America or Mexico". The statement was widely believed to be a reference to López Obrador, the leftist, frontrunner candidate, and created controversy in Mexico, as it seemed to be an attempt to influence the election against him.[98][99][100]
In December 2017, US National Security Advisor H. R. McMaster claimed that Russia had launched a campaign to "influence Mexico’s 2018 presidential election and stir up division", without defining the methods of the supposed meddling, or indicating which would be the candidate favored by the Kremlin. The Russian government has denied the claims.[101] PRI president Enrique Ochoa Reza claimed that "Russian and Venezuelan interests" are supporting López Obrador's campaign.[102]
López Obrador responded that Ochoa's declarations are part of a smear campaign against him,[44] and later posted a video via social media, where he joked about the claims and called himself "Andres Manuelovich".[46][47]
Guatemalan right-wing commentator Gloria Álvarez embarked on a tour through Mexico, calling López Obrador a "dangerous populist" and urging citizens not to vote for him. She was invited to a PAN legislators assembly on 31 January, where she criticized the alliance with the PRD, which she called "a party just like MORENA".[103][104]
US Senators Bob Menendez and Marco Rubio asked US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson to "fight Russian meddling" in the Mexican elections.[105] On 2 February during a summit in Mexico, Tillerson stated that Mexico should "beware the Russian interference".[106] Dr. Tony Payan, director of the Mexico Center at Rice University noted that there has been no evidence of actual Russian tampering in the Mexican electoral process, and considered the accusations "absurd" given that the Trump administration "will not admit Russia interfered in the US election".[107]
Possibility of election tampering[edit]
Bloomberg warned about the possibility of the PRI committing electoral fraud, with Tony Payan, director of the Mexico Center at Rice University’s Baker Institute in Houston, United States, suggesting that both vote buyout and computer hackings were possible and citing irregularities in the 1988 electoral process. Bloomberg's article also suggested Meade could be receiving unfair help from the over-budget amounts of money spent on publicity by incumbent president Enrique Peña Nieto.[108]
Additionally, Meade spent more money on pre-campaign efforts than López Obrador and Anaya together, while failing to report where his funds came from; in contrast, López Obrador has attended the most events while spending the least money and successfully reported better than his rivals where he obtained the resources to pay for those events.[109]
Prior PRI election tampering controversies in 2017[edit]
During 2017, the PRI had faced allegations of electoral fraud concerning the election of Peña Nieto's cousin Alfredo del Mazo Maza as Governor of the state of Mexico. Despite the official vote results given by the INE (Electoral National Institute) giving the win to del Mazo, the election was marred by irregularities including reports of vote-buying,[110] spending beyond legal campaign finance limits,[111] and electoral counts that gave del Mazo extra votes that awarded the election to him.[112] In November 2017, left-wing magazine Proceso published an article accusing the PRI of breaking at least 16 state laws during the elections, which were denounced 619 times. They said that all of them were broken in order to favor del Mazo during the election.[113]
Results[edit]
President[edit]
López Obrador won the election on 1 July 2018 with over 50% of the popular vote. In terms of states won, López Obrador won in a landslide, carrying 31 out of 32 of the country's states,[5] the most states won by a candidate since Ernesto Zedillo won every state in the 1994 election.
Around 30 minutes after polls closed in the country's north-west, José Antonio Meade, speaking at a news conference from PRI headquarters, conceded defeat and wished López Obrador "every success".[114][115]
Ricardo Anaya also conceded defeat within an hour of the polls closing,[116][117] and independent candidate Jaime Rodríguez Calderón recognized López Obrador's victory shortly afterward.[118]
The results of the INE's official quick count were announced around midnight Mexico City time. It reported a turnout of around 63%, with the following approximate results for the candidates: López Obrador, 53%; Anaya, 22%; Meade, 16%; and Rodríguez Calderón, 5%. This is the first time since the (controversial) 1988 election that a presidential candidate has been elected with an absolute majority (50%+1) of the votes cast.[119]
Candidate
Party
Alliance
Votes
%
Andrés Manuel López Obrador National Regeneration Movement Juntos Haremos Historia 30,113,483 53.19
Ricardo Anaya National Action Party Por México al Frente 12,610,120 22.28
José Antonio Meade Institutional Revolutionary Party Todos por México 9,289,853 16.41
Jaime Rodríguez Calderón Independent None 2,961,732 5.23
Margarita Zavala[A] Independent None 32,743 0.06
Write-in votes 31,982 0.06
Invalid/blank votes 1,571,114 2.78
Total 56,611,027 100
Registered voters/turnout 89,994,039 63.43
Source: INE
Popular Vote
López Obrador
53.19%
Anaya
22.28%
Meade
16.41%
Rodríguez Calderón
5.23%
Zavala
0.06%
Other
0.06%
Invalid/blank
2.78%
By state[edit]
State
Anaya
Meade
López Obrador
Zavala[A]
Rodríguez
Write-ins
Invalid/blank votes
Aguascalientes 178,988 103,639 222,528 547 40,299 391 14,714
Baja California 275,503 124,225 918,939 479 89,823 1,252 28,201
Baja California Sur 56,794 28,202 193,842 404 16,766 235 6,645
Campeche 54,417 96,584 275,262 209 11,194 146 11,735
Coahuila 307,590 358,279 609,362 730 71,051 437 24,367
Colima 56,428 62,004 197,316 346 15,753 200 9,062
Chiapas 198,117 562,863 1,485,699 1,697 39,607 580 137,087
Chihuahua 425,919 240,725 643,652 1,604 132,242 1,717 48,846
Mexico City 1,292,623 652,073 3,118,478 3,054 223,261 4,793 111,586
Durango 187,947 141,291 340,829 636 46,009 215 16,788
Guanajuato 940,133 381,692 707,222 1,655 223,214 1,859 69,232
Guerrero 217,838 285,799 1,018,163 277 24,531 362 66,168
Hidalgo 188,028 257,548 850,863 473 59,630 454 37,916
Jalisco 1,179,300 509,157 1,461,348 3,152 246,924 2,954 96,988
México 1,549,824 1,548,662 4,373,267 3,092 383,684 4,653 176,978
Michoacán 443,805 335,854 991,154 1,176 122,469 1,097 85,400
Morelos 142,553 99,506 638,689 680 60,083 510 26,169
Nayarit 79,818 66,447 315,816 280 10,382 183 11,750
Nuevo León 703,866 315,379 748,104 2,000 360,050 1,931 47,432
Oaxaca 221,686 342,108 1,260,562 931 39,020 548 64,602
Puebla 618,397 490,737 1,754,596 1,562 113,461 1,509 102,525
Querétaro 347,664 150,927 424,162 1,347 72,905 855 27,501
Quintana Roo 116,031 76,758 488,434 361 29,441 424 16,207
San Luis Potosí 334,763 260,211 527,546 717 82,956 677 51,722
Sinaloa 163,956 234,416 834,001 475 29,173 470 31,809
Sonora 167,273 181,059 651,806 858 63,800 505 26,366
Tabasco 91,342 107,538 961,710 378 9,749 279 29,849
Tamaulipas 475,201 228,386 786,210 1,143 110,246 531 33,933
Tlaxcala 66,729 74,744 433,127 213 25,941 276 12,392
Veracruz 1,050,599 471,313 2,059,209 1,224 132,737 1,307 98,061
Yucatán 320,144 324,055 455,216 384 39,111 333 25,509
Zacatecas 156,844 177,672 366,371 659 36,220 299 23,574
Mexicans living abroad 26,344 4,613 63,863 0 1,868 269 1,513
Total 12,610,120 9,289,853 30,113,483 32,743 2,961,732 31,982 1,571,114
Senate[edit]
Party
Constituency
Proportional
Total
seats
+/–
Votes
%
Seats
Votes
%
Seats
National Regeneration Movement 21,261,577 37.50 42 13 55 New
National Action Party 9,971,804 17.59 17 6 23 –15
Institutional Revolutionary Party 9,013,658 15.90 7 6 13 –44
Party of the Democratic Revolution 2,984,861 5.27 6 2 8 –15
Citizens' Movement 2,654,452 4.68 5 2 7 +6
Ecologist Green Party 2,528,175 4.46 5 2 7 +3
Labor Party 2,164,442 3.82 5 1 6 +2
Social Encounter Party 1,320,559 2.33 8 0 8 New
New Alliance Party 1,307,015 2.31 1 0 1 0
Independents 1,109,149 1.96 0 – – – 0 0
Write-ins 31,820 0.06 – – – –
Invalid/blank votes 2,344,357 4.14 – – – –
Total 56,691,869 100 96 100 32 128 0
Registered voters/turnout 89,994,039 63.52 – 89,994,039 – – –
Source: INE
Popular Vote
MORENA
37.50%
PAN
17.97%
PRI
15.90%
PRD
5.27%
MC
4.68%
PVEM
4.46%
PT
3.82%
PES
2.33%
PNA
2.31%
Independents
1.96%
Write-ins
0.06%
Invalid/blank
4.14%
Seats
MORENA
42.97%
PAN
18.75%
PRI
10.16%
PRD
6.25%
PES
6.25%
MC
5.47%
PT
5.47%
PVEM
4.69%
PNA
0.78%
Independents
0.00%
Mexican Senate Party Composition
Mexican Senate by electoral alliances. Juntos Haremos Historia 70 seats, Por México al Frente 38 seats, Todos por México 20 seats
By state[edit]
State
Independents
Write-ins
Invalid/blank votes
Aguascalientes 198,362 159,219 144,216 18,395 14,205 396 20,504
Baja California 337,706 824,241 148,221 44,495 29,501 1,317 42,556
Baja California Sur 83,818 144,969 24,076 10,969 7,940 14,740 203 10,170
Campeche 88,654 204,663 134,648 134 15,672
Chiapas 237,732 1,158,463 707,648 98,459 1,394 194,827
Chihuahua 449,436 540,334 326,675 56,602 43,788 1,267 73,224
Coahuila 391,871 493,462 442,448 429 34,067
Colima 77,594 147,042 97,982 192 12,247
Mexico City 1,556,967 2,766,612 521,619 245,030 92,033 4,520 204,974
Durango 222,385 283,487 156,448 26,516 14,559 290 25,609
Guanajuato 1,015,901 592,822 322,681 190,372 71,543 1,709 111,975
Guerrero 357,786 764,328 367,618 20,801 709 85,359
Hidalgo 200,958 375,202 661,068 51,260 28,878 519 68,665
Jalisco 1,150,974 839,036 423,452 119,961 63,468 761,812 1,665 121,962
México 1,981,671 3,842,212 1,944,697 4,186 246,048
Michoacán 572,436 743,271 339,778 136,907 46,494 1,274 127,166
Morelos 489,871 193,595 89,195 79,681 44,415 802 58,202
Nayarit 105,395 267,757 68,231 11,050 10,252 188 17,340
Nuevo León 471,746 511,228 16,712 526,359 331,315 83,596 58,823 105,422 1,104 66,965
Oaxaca 302,631 1,088,347 438,077 548 87,440
Puebla 776,758 1,440,489 467,783 133,596 82,077 1,356 157,416
Querétaro 389,334 354,517 147,062 41,067 21,249 767 48,819
Quintana Roo 147,478 427,700 112,859 742 27,269
San Luis Potosí 428,815 379,627 354,927 981 82,140
Sinaloa 243,630 604,603 306,995 93,894 455 37,118
Sonora 236,439 510,041 301,192 383 36,423
Tabasco 149,677 809,074 140,184 41,569 12,095 380 41,790
Tamaulipas 605,418 610,306 294,243 37,886 25,480 585 48,518
Tlaxcala 107,944 357,345 106,257 14,021 461 24,715
Veracruz 1,261,288 1,820,499 576,857 1,084 126,420
Yucatán 383,054 305,564 428,056 277 32,527
Zacatecas 157,934 313,175 254,811 251 31,632
Total 14,222,046 23,754,422 7,145,869 600,423 96,393 570,774 3,855,984 1,198,011 593,507 661,068 51,260 28,878 1,109,149 30,568 2,319,489
Chamber of Deputies[edit]
Party
District
Proportional
Total
seats
+/–
Votes
%
Seats
Votes
%
Seats
National Regeneration Movement 20,972,573 37.25 105 84 189 +154
National Action Party 10,096,588 17.93 42 41 83 –25
Institutional Revolutionary Party 9,310,523 16.54 7 38 45 –158
Party of the Democratic Revolution 2,967,969 5.27 9 12 21 –35
Ecologist Green Party 2,695,405 4.79 5 11 16 –31
Citizens' Movement 2,485,198 4.41 17 10 27 +1
Labor Party 2,211,753 3.93 57 4 61 +55
New Alliance Party 1,391,376 2.47 2 0 2 –8
Social Encounter Party 1,353,941 2.40 56 0 56 +48
Independents 539,347 0.96 0 0 0 –1
Write-ins 32,959 0.06 – – – –
Invalid/blank votes 2,242,615 3.98 – – – –
Total 56,300,247 100 300 100 200 500 0
Registered voters/turnout 89,994,039 63.21 – 89,994,039 – – –
Source: INE
Popular Vote
MORENA
37.25%
PAN
17.93%
PRI
16.54%
PRD
5.27%
PVEM
4.79%
MC
4.41%
PT
3.93%
PNA
2.47%
PES
2.40%
Independents
0.96%
Write-ins
0.06%
Invalid/blank
3.98%
Seats
MORENA
37.8%
PAN
16.6%
PT
12.2%
PES
11.2%
PRI
9.0%
MC
5.4%
PRD
4.2%
PVEM
3.2%
PNA
0.4%
Independents
0.0%
Chamber of Deputies party composition
Electoral alliances in the Chamber of Deputies. Juntos Haremos Historia 312 seats, Por México al Frente 128 seats, Todos por México 60 seats
Governorships[edit]
Mexico City[edit]
Election for Head of Government of Mexico City
Candidate
Party
Alliance
Votes
%
Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo National Regeneration Movement Juntos Haremos Historia 2,537,454 47.05
Alejandra Barrales Party of the Democratic Revolution Por México al Frente 1,673,015 31.02
Mikel Arriola Peñalosa (es) Institutional Revolutionary Party None 691,772 15.30
Mariana Boy Tamborrell Ecologist Green Party of Mexico None 206,942 3.83
Lorena Osornio Independent None 64,591 1.19
Marco Rascón Humanist Party None 51,676 0.95
Purificación Carpinteyro New Alliance Party None 36,105 0.66
Write-ins 5,727 0.11
Nulls/blanks 125,605 2.33
Total 5,392,887 100
Registered voters/turnout 7,628,256 70.70
Source:IECM
Chiapas[edit]
Election for Governor of Chiapas
Candidate
Party
Alliance
Votes
%
Rutilio Escandón Cadenas National Regeneration Movement Juntos Haremos Historia 922,310 39.26
Fernando Castellanos Ecologist Green Party of Mexico La Fuerza de Chiapas 529,508 22.54
Roberto Albores Gleason Institutional Revolutionary Party Todos por Chiapas 474,122 20.18
José Antonio Aguilar Bodegas National Action Party Por Chiapas al Frente 220,675 9.39
Jesús Alejo Orantes Ruiz Independent None 62,611 2.66
Write-ins 3,309 0.14
Nulls/blanks 136,992 5.83
Total 2,349,527 100
Registered voters/turnout 3,549,291 66.20
Source:IEPC-Chiapas
Guanajuato[edit]
Election for Governor of Guanajuato
Candidate
Party
Alliance
Votes
%
Diego Sinhué Rodríguez Vallejo National Action Party Por Guanajuato al Frente 1,043,049 49.94
Ricardo Sheffield Padilla National Regeneration Movement Juntos Haremos Historia 553,639 24.19
Gerardo Sánchez García Institutional Revolutionary Party None 293,824 12.84
Felipe Camarena Ecologist Green Party of Mexico None 157,767 6.89
María Bertha Solórzano New Alliance Party None 66,122 2.89
Write-ins 1,673 0.08
Nulls/blanks 72,183 3.30
Total 2,188,257 100
Registered voters/turnout 4,359,531 50.19
Source:IEEG
Jalisco[edit]
Election for Governor of Jalisco
Candidate
Party
Alliance
Votes
%
Enrique Alfaro Ramírez Citizens' Movement None 1,354,014 39.05
Carlos Lomelí Bolaños National Regeneration Movement Juntos Haremos Historia 857,011 24.71
Miguel Castro Reynoso (es) Institutional Revolutionary Party None 575,744 16.60
Miguel Ángel Martínez Espinosa National Action Party None 369,470 10.65
Salvador Cosío Gaona Ecologist Green Party of Mexico None 96,762 2.79
Martha Rosa Araiza Soltero New Alliance Party None 68,597 1.98
Carlos Orozco Santillán Party of the Democratic Revolution None 35,107 1.01
Write-ins 2,691 .08
Nulls/blanks 108,368 3.13
Total 3,467,764 100
Registered voters/turnout 5,904,211 58.73
Source: IEPC-Jalisco
Morelos[edit]
Election for Governor of Morelos
Candidate
Party
Alliance
Votes
%
Cuauhtémoc Blanco Social Encounter Party Juntos Haremos Historia 501,743 52.59
Víctor Caballero National Action Party Por Morelos al Frente 134,054 14.05
Rodrigo Gayosso Party of the Democratic Revolution Juntos por Morelos 111,198 11.66
Jorge Meade Institutional Revolutionary Party None 57,943 6.07
Fidel Demédicis Hidalgo Independent None 45,280 4.75
Nadia Luz Lara Ecologist Green Party of Mexico None 35,047 3.67
Alejandro Vera Jiménez New Alliance Party None 21,977 2.30
Mario Rojas Alba Humanist Party None 13,871 1.45
Write-ins 871 0.09
Nulls/blanks 32,036 3.36
Total 954,020 100%
Registered voters/turnout 1,442,857 66.12
Source:IMPEPAC
Puebla[edit]
Election for Governor of Puebla
Candidate
Party
Alliance
Votes
%
Martha Erika Alonso Hidalgo National Action Party Por Puebla al Frente 1,153,043 38.14
Miguel Barbosa Huerta National Regeneration Movement Juntos Haremos Historia 1,031,043 34.10
Enrique Doger Institutional Revolutionary Party None 555,041 18.36
Michel Chaín Ecologist Green Party of Mexico None 153,456 5.08
Write-ins 1,947 0.06
Nulls/blanks 129,023 4.27
Total 3,023,553 100
Registered voters/turnout 4,500,580 67.18
Source:IEE-Puebla
Tabasco[edit]
Election for Governor of Tabasco
Candidate
Party
Alliance
Votes
%
Adán Augusto López Hernández National Regeneration Movement Juntos Haremos Historia 601,987 61.45
Gerardo Gaudiano Rovirosa Party of the Democratic Revolution Por Tabasco al Frente 189,564 19.35
Georgina Trujillo Zentella Institutional Revolutionary Party None 115,164 11.75
Nulls/blanks 42,134 4.30
Jesús Alí de la Torre Independent None 19,434 1.98
Manuel Paz Ojeda New Alliance Party None 10,371 1.05
Write-ins 843 0.08
Total 979,497 100
Registered voters/turnout 1,687,618 70.06%
Source:IEPC-Tabasco
Veracruz[edit]
Election for Governor of Veracruz
Candidate
Party
Alliance
Votes
%
Cuitláhuac García Jiménez National Regeneration Movement Juntos Haremos Historia 1,667,239 44.03
Miguel Ángel Yunes Márquez National Action Party Por Veracruz al Frente 1,453,938 38.39
José Yunes Zorrilla Institutional Revolutionary Party Por un Veracruz Mejor 528,663 13.96
Miriam González Sheridan New Alliance Party None 36,404 0.96
Write-ins 784 0.02
Nulls/blanks 99,893 2.64
Total 3,786,921 100
Registered voters/turnout 5,775,918 65.56
Source: OPLE-Veracruz
Yucatán[edit]
Election for Governor of Yucatán
Candidate
Party
Alliance
Votes
%
Mauricio Vila Dosal National Action Party Por Yucatán al Frente 447,753 39.60
Mauricio Sahuí Rivero Institutional Revolutionary Party Todos por Yucatán 407,802 36.09
Joaquín Díaz Mena "Huacho" National Regeneration Movement Juntos Haremos Historia 231,330 20.46
Jorge Zavala Castro Party of the Democratic Revolution None 21,968 1.94
Write-ins 251 0.02
Nulls/blanks 21,303 1.88
Total 1,130,407 100%
Registered voters/turnout 1,544,062 73.21
Source: IEPAC
Notes[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b Dropped out of the race, but votes towards her were counted
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Electoral Calendar Senate of the Republic (in Spanish)
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Jump up ^ "Mexico election: López Obrador vows profound change after win". BBC News. 2 July 2018. Retrieved 2 July 2018.
^ Jump up to: a b Murray, Christine; Oré, Diego. "Mexican Lopez Obrador wins historic election landslide for left". Reuters. Retrieved 2 July 2018.
Jump up ^ Election Guide - Mexico IFES
Jump up ^ Electoral system IPU
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Jump up ^ "López Obrador se pronuncia por gobierno austero y sin privilegios". Excelsior.com.mx. 9 March 2018. Retrieved 9 April 2018.
Jump up ^ "AMLO dice que en caso de ganar las elecciones eliminará pensiones millonarias a ex presidentes".
Jump up ^ "Margarita Zavala ofrece quitarle la pensión a los ex Presidentes, entre ellos su marido".
Jump up ^ "Ingreso básico universal, principal propuesta social del Frente: PAN". Eluniversal.com.mx. 26 November 2017. Retrieved 9 April 2018.
Jump up ^ Velasco, Armando Regil. "Desmintiendo a Ricardo Anaya". Eleconomista.com.mx. Retrieved 9 April 2018.
Jump up ^ "Meade propone un 'Registro Nacional de Necesidades de Cada Persona'; lo tunden en redes". Regeneracion.mx. 18 February 2018. Retrieved 9 April 2018.
Jump up ^ "Meade prometió crear un "Registro Nacional de Necesidades de Cada Persona" y le están lloviendo peticiones". Buzzfeed.com. Retrieved 9 April 2018.
Jump up ^ Rodríguez, Silvia. "Con 'gasolinazo' ganan nuestros hijos: Meade". Milenio.com. Retrieved 9 April 2018.
Jump up ^ "Si triunfa Morena bajarán los costos de la gasolina: López Obrador". Milenio.com. Retrieved 9 April 2018.
Jump up ^ "Pide López Obrador a Ricardo Anaya extender denuncia a expresidentes". Excelsior.com.mx. 10 March 2018. Retrieved 9 April 2018.
Jump up ^ "El FMI es cómplice de la corrupción en el país: López Obrador" (in Spanish). Excélsior. 26 January 2018.
Jump up ^ David Agren (3 May 2018). "Amnesty for drug dealers? This Mexico presidential candidate is pushing for forgiveness". USA Today. Retrieved 2 July 2018.
Jump up ^ "'Cut off hands': Mexican presidential candidate's plan to deter thieves".
Jump up ^ "Ciudadanos quieren pena de muerte para narcos y asesinos, asegura 'El Bronco'". Reporte Indigo. Retrieved 30 May 2018.
Jump up ^ "Marichuy denounces INE's system for collecting signatures via cell phone". chiapas-support.org. 22 March 2018. Retrieved 23 October 2017.
Jump up ^ Staff, Forbes (30 March 2018). "Cambridge Analytica trabajó con el PRI: Channel 4 News • Forbes México". Forbes.com.mx. Retrieved 9 April 2018.
Jump up ^ Murillo, Javier. "Cambridge Analytica, sigan la ruta del dinero". Elfinanciero.com.mx. Retrieved 9 April 2018.
Jump up ^ Peinado, Fernando; Palomo, Elvira; Galán, Javier (22 March 2018). "The distorted online networks of Mexico's election campaign". Elpais.com. Retrieved 9 April 2018.
Jump up ^ "Exigen al INAI investigar a Cambridge Analytica, Facebook y desarrolladoras de Apps en México - Proceso". Proceso.com.mx. 2 April 2018. Retrieved 9 April 2018.
Jump up ^ "Mexico's Hardball Politics Get Even Harder as PRI Fights to Hold On to Power". New York Times. 24 June 2018. Retrieved 4 July 2018.
Jump up ^ Dinan, Stephen (5 April 2017). "Trump administration wades into Mexican election, warns against left-wing candidate". The Washington Times. Retrieved 9 January 2018.
Jump up ^ "Mexico urges respect from U.S. for 2018 presidential election". Reuters. 6 April 2017. Retrieved 9 January 2018.
Jump up ^ "Mexico wants John Kelly and John McCain to butt out of its election". Business Insider. 17 April 2017. Retrieved 9 January 2018.
Jump up ^ "Russia meddling in Mexican election: White House aide McMaster". Reuters. 7 January 2018. Retrieved 9 January 2018.
Jump up ^ "Intereses de Rusia y Venezuela apoyan a "López": PRI". Proceso (in Spanish). 12 January 2018. Retrieved 14 January 2018.
Jump up ^ "Preparación académica, la mejor arma contra el populismo: politóloga". Milenio (in Spanish). 31 January 2018. Retrieved 30 September 2017.
Jump up ^ "Critican en plenaria a panistas por aliarse al PRD". El Universal (in Spanish). 31 January 2018. Retrieved 31 January 2018.
Jump up ^ "Senators ask Tillerson to fight Russian interference in Mexico election: report". TheHill. 31 January 2018. Retrieved 2 February 2018.
Jump up ^ "Tillerson warns Mexico to watch Russian election meddling". Business Insider. 2 February 2018. Retrieved 2 February 2018.
Jump up ^ "Rex Tillerson urged to raise Russian meddling in Mexico election on upcoming trip to region". The Independent. 2 February 2018. Retrieved 2 February 2018.
Jump up ^ "Mexico's Presidential Election Could Get Really Dirty". Bloomberg.com. 18 December 2017. Retrieved 9 April 2018.
Jump up ^ "Meade reporta más del doble de gastos que Anaya y López Obrador en precampañas - Aristegui Noticias". aristeguinoticias.com. Retrieved 9 April 2018.
Jump up ^ Hernández, Leopoldo (4 June 2017). "Denuncian compra de votos a favor de Alfredo del Mazo". El Economista. Retrieved 9 June 2017.
Jump up ^ Olvera, Dulce (8 June 2017). "Del Mazo gastó 412 millones 225 mil en Edomex, cuando sólo podía disponer de 285 millones: Morena". SinEmbargo. Retrieved 9 June 2017.
Jump up ^ "El PREP sumó al PRI 238 mil 145 votos de más en el Edomex, con los que da ventaja a Del Mazo". SinEmbargo. 7 June 2017. Retrieved 9 June 2017.
Jump up ^ ""Ni libre, ni auténtica", la elección en Edomex: Ni un Fraude Más - Proceso". Proceso.com.mx. 16 November 2017. Retrieved 9 April 2018.
Jump up ^ "Jose Antonio Meade of Mexico's ruling party concedes defeat to Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador in presidential vote". ABC News (USA). 1 July 2018. Retrieved 1 July 2018.
Jump up ^ "Le deseo el mayor de los éxitos a AMLO: Meade". Excélsior. 1 July 2018. Retrieved 1 July 2018.
Jump up ^ "Anaya reconoce victoria de AMLO". El Universal (Mexico City). 1 July 2018. Retrieved 1 July 2018.
Jump up ^ "Mexico election: Exit polls put López Obrador in front". BBC News. 1 July 2018. Retrieved 1 July 2018.
Jump up ^ García, Aracely (1 July 2018). "'El Bronco' reconoce triunfo de López Obrador". Excélsior. Retrieved 1 July 2018.
Jump up ^ "Conteo rápido del INE da victoria a Andrés Manuel López Obrador". El Universal (Mexico City). 1 July 2018. Retrieved 1 July 2018.
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Positivist school (criminology)
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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This article is about the approach to criminology. For other uses, see Positivism (disambiguation).
Criminology
and penology
Theory[show]
Anomie
Biosocial criminology
Broken windows
Collective efficacy
Crime analysis
Criminalization
Differential association
Deviance
Labeling theory
Psychopathy
Rational choice
Social control
Social disorganization
Social learning
Strain
Subculture
Symbolic interactionism
Victimology
Types of crime[show]
Against humanity
Blue-collar
Corporate
Juvenile
Organized
Political
Public-order
State
State-corporate
Victimless
White-collar
War
Penology[show]
Deterrence
Incapacitation
Prison
reform
abolition
Prisoner
prisoner abuse
prisoners' rights
Rehabilitation
Recidivism
Justice in penology
Participatory
Restorative
Retributive
Solitary confinement
Schools[hide]
Chicago School
Classical School
Conflict Criminology
Environmental Criminology
Feminist School
Frankfurt School
Integrative Criminology
Italian School
Left Realism
Marxist Criminology
Neo-classical school
Positivist School
Postmodernist School
Right Realism
v
t
e
In criminology, the Positivist School has attempted to find scientific objectivity for the measurement and quantification of criminal behavior. As the scientific method became the major paradigm in the search for knowledge, the Classical School's social philosophy was replaced by the quest for scientific laws that would be discovered by experts. It is divided into Biological, Psychological and Social.
Contents
[hide]
1 Biological positivism
1.1 Physical characteristics
1.2 Intelligence
1.3 Other medical factors
2 Psychological positivism
3 Social positivism
4 References
Biological positivism[edit]
If Charles Darwin's Theory of evolution was scientific as applied to animals, the same approach should be applied to "man" as an "animal".
Physical characteristics[edit]
Historically, medicine became interested in the problem of crime, producing studies of physiognomy (see Johann Kaspar Lavater and Franz Joseph Gall) and the science of phrenology which linked attributes of the mind to the shape of the brain as reveal through the skull. These theories were popular because they absolved society and any failures of its government of responsibility for criminal behavior. The problem lay in the propensities of individual offenders who were biologically distinguishable from law-abiding citizens. This theme was amplified by the Italian School and through the writings of Cesare Lombroso (see L'Uomo Delinquente, The Criminal Man and Anthropological criminology) which identified physical characteristics associated with degeneracy demonstrating that criminals were atavistic throwbacks to an earlier evolutionary form. Charles Goring (1913) failed to corroborate the characteristics but did find criminals shorter, lighter and less intelligent, i.e. he found criminality to be "normal" rather than "pathological" (cf the work of Hooton found evidence of biological inferiority). William Sheldon identified three basic body or somatotypes (i.e. endomorphs, mesomorphs, and ectomorphs), and introduced a scale to measure where each individual was placed. He concluded that delinquents tended to mesomorphy. Modern research might link physical size and athleticism and aggression because physically stronger people have the capacity to use violence with less chance of being hurt in any retaliation. Otherwise, such early research is no longer considered valid. The development of genetics has produced another potential inherent cause of criminality, with chromosome and other genetic factors variously identified as significant to select heredity rather than environment as the cause of crime (see: nature versus nurture). However, the evidence from family, twin, and adoption studies shows no conclusive empirical evidence to prefer either cause.
Intelligence[edit]
There are a number of reputable studies that demonstrate a link between lower intelligence and criminality. But the evidence is equivocal because studies among the prison population simply test those criminals actually caught, which might be because they failed to plan the crimes properly or because they were unable to resist interrogation techniques and admitted their crimes. If their intelligence is poor, they are also less likely to be deterred.
Other medical factors[edit]
Testosterone and adrenaline have been associated with aggression and violence, and the arousal and excited state associated with them. The excessive consumption of alcohol can lower blood sugar levels and lead to aggressiveness, and the use of chemicals in foods and drinks has been associated with hyper-activity and some criminal behaviour.
Psychological positivism[edit]
Sigmund Freud divided the personality into the id, the primitive biological drives, the superego, the internalised values, and the ego, memory, perception, and cognition. He proposed that criminal behaviour is either the result of mental illness or a weak conscience. John Bowlby proposed an attachment theory in which maternal deprivation was a factor that might lead to delinquency. This has been discounted in favour of general privation (Michael Rutter: 1981) or "broken homes" (Glueck: 1950) in which absentee or uncaring parents tend to produce badly behaved children.
Hans Eysenck (1987) stated that, "... certain types of personality may be more prone to react with anti-social or criminal behaviour to environmental factors of one kind or another." He proposed three dimensions of personality: introversion/extroversion, neuroticism, and psychoticism. For these purposes, personality is the settled framework of reference within which a person addresses the current situation and decides how to behave. Some traits will be dominant at times and then in a balanced relationship to other traits, but each person's traits will be reasonably stable and predictable (see Marshall: 1990 and Seidman: 1994). Hence, once conditioned into a criminal lifestyle, the relevant personality traits are likely to persist until a countervailing conditioning force re-establishes normal social inhibitions. Some forms of criminal behavior such as sexual offences, have been medicalised with treatment offered alongside punishment.
Social positivism[edit]
In general terms, positivism rejected the Classical Theory's reliance on free will and sought to identify positive causes that determined the propensity for criminal behaviour. Rather than biological or psychological causes, this branch of the School identifies "society" as the cause. Hence, environmental criminology and other sub-schools study the spatial distribution of crimes and offenders (see Adolphe Quetelet, who discovered that crimes rates are relatively constant, and the Chicago School which, under the leadership of Robert E. Park, viewed the city as a form of superorganism, zoned into areas engaged in a continuous process of invasion, dominance, and succession). Meanwhile, Émile Durkheim identified society as a social phenomenon, external to individuals, with crime a normal part of a healthy society. Deviancy was nothing more than "boundary setting," pushing to determine the current limits of morality and acceptability.
References[edit]
Goring, Charles. (1913). The English Convict: A Statistical Study. London: HMSO.
Hooton, Earnest A. The American Criminal
Marshall, W. L.; Laws, D. R. & Barbaree, H. E. (eds.), (1990). Handbook of Sexual Assault: Issues, Theories, and Treatment of the Offender, New York, NY: Plenum Press.
Seidman, B. T., Marshall, W. L., Hudson, S., & Robertson, P. J. (1994). "An examination of intimacy and loneliness in sex offenders". Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 9, 518-534.
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Positivist-related debate
Method
1890s Methodenstreit (economics)
1909–1959 Werturteilsstreit
1960s Positivismusstreit
1980s Fourth Great Debate in international relations
1990s Science Wars
Contributions
1830 The Course in Positive Philosophy
1848 A General View of Positivism
1869 Critical History of Philosophy
1879 Idealism and Positivism
1886 The Analysis of Sensations
1927 The Logic of Modern Physics
1936 Language, Truth, and Logic
1959 The Two Cultures
2001 The Universe in a Nutshell
Proponents
Richard Avenarius
A. J. Ayer
Auguste Comte
Eugen Dühring
Émile Durkheim
Ernst Laas
Ernst Mach
Berlin Circle
Vienna Circle
Criticism
1909 Materialism and Empirio-criticism
1923 History and Class Consciousness
1934 The Logic of Scientific Discovery
1936 The Poverty of Historicism
1942 World Hypotheses
1951 Two Dogmas of Empiricism
1960 Truth and Method
1962 The Structure of Scientific Revolutions
1963 Conjectures and Refutations
1964 One-Dimensional Man
1968 Knowledge and Human Interests
1978 The Poverty of Theory
1980 The Scientific Image
1986 The Rhetoric of Economics
Critics
Theodor W. Adorno
Gaston Bachelard
Mario Bunge
Wilhelm Dilthey
Paul Feyerabend
Hans-Georg Gadamer
Thomas Kuhn
György Lukács
Karl Popper
Willard Van Orman Quine
Max Weber
Concepts in contention
Knowledge
Phronesis
Truth
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