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Insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir
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This article is about the insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir. For the wider conflict between India and Pakistan over Kashmir, see Kashmir Conflict.
Insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir
Part of the Kashmir conflict

Kashmir : Shown in green is the Kashmiri region under Pakistani control. The dark-brown region represents Indian-controlled Jammu and Kashmir while the Aksai Chin is under Chinese control.
Date
13 July 1989[3]–present
Location
Jammu and Kashmir
Result
Conflict ongoing
Belligerents
India
Indian Army
Indian Air Force
Central Reserve Police Force
Border Security Force
Jammu and Kashmir Police
Sashtra Seema Bal
Harkat-ul-Jihad al-Islami
Lashkar-e-Taiba
Jaish-e-Mohammed
Hizbul Mujahideen
Harkat-ul-Mujahideen
Al-Badr
Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front
Supported by:
Pakistan[1]
Taliban[2]
al-Qaeda[2]
Commanders and leaders
General Bipin Rawat
Lt Gen DS Hooda
Air Chief Marshal Birender Singh Dhanoa
Prakash Mishra
Hafiz Saeed
Maulana Azhar
Ilyas Kashmiri †
Sayeed Salahudeen
Fazlur Rehman Khalil
Farooq Kashmiri
Arfeen Bhai
Amanullah Khan
Bakht Zameen
Strength
30,000[4] – 600,000[5] Army
65,000 CRPF[6]
3,500 to 5,000 (2006 est.)[7]
≈150 (2014 est.)[8]
≈200 (2017 est.)[9]
Casualties and losses
5,462 security forces killed[10]
>21,000 militants killed[11]
3,000 captured[7]
≈4,500 surrendered[7]
20,228[12]–100,000 civilians killed[13]
[show]
v
t
e
Internal conflicts in India
Northeast India
Naxalite–Maoist
Jammu and Kashmir
The insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir or the Kashmiri Insurgency (also known as Kashmir Intifada)[14][15][16] is a conflict between various Kashmiri separatists[17][18][19][20][21] sometimes known as "ultras" (extremists),[22][23] and the Government of India. Few groups favour Kashmir accession to Pakistan, while others seek Kashmir's complete independence.[24][25] The conflict in Jammu and Kashmir has strong Islamist elements among the insurgents, with many of the "ultras" identifying with Jihadist movements and supported by such.[26]
The roots of the conflict between the Kashmiri insurgents and the Indian government are tied to a dispute over local autonomy.[27] Democratic development was limited in Kashmir until the late 1970s and by 1988 many of the democratic reforms provided by the Indian government had been reversed and non-violent channels for expressing discontent were limited and caused a dramatic increase in support for insurgents advocating violent secession from India.[27] In 1987, a disputed State election[28] created a catalyst for the insurgency when it resulted in some of the state's legislative assembly members forming armed insurgent groups.[29][30][31] In July 1988, a series of demonstrations, strikes and attacks on the Indian government began the Kashmir Insurgency, which during the 1990s escalated into the most important internal security issue in India.
Thousands of people have died[32] during fighting between insurgents and the government as well as thousands of civilians who have died as a result of being targeted by the various armed groups.[33]
The Inter-Services Intelligence of Pakistan has been accused by India of supporting and training mujahideen.[34][35] to fight in Jammu and Kashmir.[35][2][36] In 2015, former President of Pakistan Pervez Musharraf admitted that Pakistan had supported and trained insurgent groups in the 1990s.[37] According to official figures released in Jammu and Kashmir assembly, there were 3,400 disappearance cases and the conflict has left more than 47,000 people dead which also includes 7,000 police personnel as of July 2009.[38]
However, the number of insurgency-related deaths in the state have fallen sharply since the start of a slow-moving peace process between India and Pakistan.[39] Some rights groups claim a higher figure of 100,000 deaths since 1989. [40]

Contents
[hide]
1 History of the insurgency
1.1 1947–1987
1.2 1987–2004
1.3 2004–11
1.4 2012–present
2 Reasons for the insurgency
2.1 Rigging of 1987 Assembly elections
2.2 ISI's role
2.3 Mujahideen influence
2.4 Religion
2.5 Humanitarian abuses
2.6 Other reasons
2.6.1 Psychological
2.6.2 Economic
3 Stone pelting
4 Human rights violations by militants
4.1 Notable terrorist attacks in J&K
5 Tactics
5.1 India
5.2 Pakistan
5.3 Insurgents
5.4 Groups
6 Identity
6.1 Al-Qaeda
7 Casualties
8 See also
9 References
10 Bibliography
History of the insurgency
See also: Timeline of the Kashmir conflict, History of Jammu and Kashmir, and Kashmir Conflict
1947–1987
See also: Partition of India
After independence from colonial rule India and Pakistan fought a war over the princely state of Kashmir. At the end of the war India controlled the most valuable parts of Kashmir.[41] While there were sporadic periods of violence there was no organised insurgency movement.[42]
During this period legislative elections in Jammu and Kashmir were first held in 1951 and Sheikh Abdullah’s secular party stood unopposed. He was an instrumental member in the accession of the state to India.[43][44]
However Sheikh Abdullah would fall in and out of favour with the central government and would often be dismissed only to be re-appointed later on.[45] This was a time of political instability & power struggle in Jammu and Kashmir and it went through several periods of President's rule by the Federal Government.[31]
1987–2004
The trend in total yearly civilian and security forces fatalities from insurgency-related violence over 25 years from 1988 to 2013.[46]
After Sheikh Abdullah’s death, his son Farooq Abdullah took over as Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir. Farooq Abdullah eventually fell out of favour with the Central Government and the Prime Minister of India, Indira Gandhi had him dismissed.[citation needed] A year later, Abdullah announced an alliance with the ruling Congress party for the elections of 1987. The elections were allegedly rigged in favour of Abdullah.[31][29]
This led to the rise of an armed insurgency movement composed, in part, of those who unfairly lost elections. Pakistan supplied these groups with logistical support, arms, recruits and training.[31][29][47][26][48]
In the second half of 1989 the alleged assassinations of the Indian spies and political collaborators by JKLF (Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front) was intensified. Over six months more than a hundred officials were killed to paralyse government’s administrative and intelligence apparatus. The daughter of then interior affairs minister, Mufti Mohammad Sayeed was kidnapped in December and four terrorists had to be released for her release. This event led to mass celebrations all over the valley. Farooq Abdullah resigned in January after the appointment of Jagmohan Malhotra as the Governor of Jammu and Kashmir. Subsequently, J&K was placed under governor rule under Article 356, Disturbed Areas Act of Indian constitution. [49]
Under JKLF’s leadership on January 21-23 large scale protests were organised in valley. As a response to this largely explosive situation paramilitary units of BSF and CRPF were called. These units were used by the government to combat Maoist insurgency and the North-Eastern insurgency. The challenge to them in this situation was not posed by armed insurgents but by the stone pelters. Their inexperience caused atleast 50 casualties in Gawkadal massacre. In this incident the underground militant movement was transformed into a mass struggle. To curb the situation AFSPA (Armed Forces Special Powers Act) was imposed on Kashmir in September 1990 to supress the insurgency by giving armed forces the powers to kill and arrest without warrant to maintain public order. During this time the dominant tactic involved killing of a prominent figure in a public gathering to push forces into action and the public prevented them from capturing these insurgents. This sprouting of sympathisers in Kashmir led to the hard-line approach of Indian army.[50]
With JKLF at forefront large number of militant groups like Allah Tigers, People’s League and Hizb-i-Islamia sprung up. Weapons were smuggled on a large scale from Pakistan. In Kashmir JKLF operated under the leadership of Ashfaq Majid Wani, Yasin Bhat, Hamid Shiekh and Javed Mir. To counter this growing pro-Pakistani sentiment in Kashmir, Indian media associated it exclusively with Pakistan.[51]
JKLF used distinctly Islamic themes to mobilise crowds and justify their use of violence. They seeked to establish an Islamic democratic state where the rights of minorities would be protected according to Quran and Sunna and economy would be organised on the principles of Islamic socialism. [52]
2004–11
Main article: 2010 Kashmir unrest
Beginning in 2004 Pakistan began to end its support for insurgents in Kashmir.[53] This happened because terrorist groups linked to Kashmir twice tried to assassinate Pakistani President General Pervez Musharraf.[48] His successor, Asif Ali Zardari has continued the policy, calling insurgents in Kashmir "terrorists".[54] Although it is unclear if Pakistan's intelligence agency, the Inter-Services Intelligence, thought to be the agency aiding and controlling the insurgency[54][55][56] is following Pakistan's commitment to end support for the insurgency in Kashmir.[54]
Despite the change in the nature of the insurgency from a phenomenon supported by external forces to a primarily domestic-driven movement[41][54][57][58][59] the Indian government has continued to send large numbers of troops to the Indian border.[57][59][60]
There have been widespread protests against Indian rule.[57]
Once the most formidable face of Kashmir militancy, Hizbul Mujahideen is slowly fading away as its remaining commanders and cadres are being taken out on a regular interval by security forces.[61] Some minor incidents of grenade throwing and sniper firing at security forces notwithstanding, the situation is under control and more or less peaceful. A record number of tourists including Amarnath pilgrims visited Kashmir during 2012. On 3 August 2012, a top Lashkar-e-Taiba militant commander, Abu Hanzulah involved in various attacks on civilians and security forces was killed in an encounter with security forces in a village in Kupwara district of north Kashmir.[62]
2012–present
Main articles: 2013 India–Pakistan border skirmishes, 2014–15 India–Pakistan border skirmishes, and 2016 Kashmir unrest
According to an Indian Army data – quoted by Reuters – at least 70 young Kashmiris joined the insurgency in the 2014, army records showed, with most joining the banned group Lashkar-e-Taiba, which was accused of carrying out attacks on the Indian city of Mumbai in 2008. Two of the new recruits have doctorates and eight were post graduates, the army data showed.[63] According to BBC, that despite a Pakistani ban on militant activity in Kashmir in 2006, its fighters continue to attempt infiltration into Indian-administered Kashmir. These attempts were curtailed however when people living along the Line of Control which divides Indian and Pakistani Kashmir started to hold public protests against their activities.[64]
Reasons for the insurgency
Rigging of 1987 Assembly elections
Further information: Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly election, 1987
Following the rise of Islamisation in the Kashmir valley, during the 1987 state elections, various Islamic anti-establishment groups including Jamaat-e-Islami Kashmir were organised under a single banner named Muslim United Front (MUF), that is largely current Hurriyat. MUF's election manifesto stressed the need for a solution to all outstanding issues according to Simla Agreement, work for Islamic unity and against political interference from the centre. Their slogan was wanting the law of the Quran in the Assembly.[65] But the MUF won only four seats, even though it had polled 31% votes in the election. However, the elections were widely believed to be rigged, changing the course of politics in the state. The insurgency was sparked by the apparent rigging of state elections in 1987.[31][29][66]
ISI's role
The Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence has allegedly encouraged and aided the Kashmir independence movement through an insurgency[54][55][56][67] due to its dispute on the legitimacy of Indian rule in Kashmir, with the insurgency as an easy way to keep Indian troops distracted and cause international condemnation of India.[41]
Former Pakistan President General Pervez Musharraf in Oct 2014 said during TV interview, "We have source (in Kashmir) besides the (Pakistan) army…People in Kashmir are fighting against (India). We just need to incite them."[68]
The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), in their first ever open acknowledgement in 2011 in US Court, said that the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) sponsors terrorism in Kashmir and it oversees terrorist separatist groups in Kashmir.[18][19][19][20][21]
Mujahideen influence
After the invasion of Afghanistan by the Soviet Union, Mujahideen fighters, with the aid of Pakistan, slowly infiltrated Kashmir with the goal of spreading a radical Islamist ideology.[29]
Religion
Jammu and Kashmir is the only Muslim majority state in Hindu-majority India. Indian-American journalist Asra Nomani states that while India itself is a secular state, Muslims are politically, culturally and economically marginalised when compared to Hindus in India as a whole.[69] The government's decision to transfer 99 acres of forest land in near Amarnath in the Kashmir valley to a Hindu organisation (for setting up temporary shelters and facilities for Hindu pilgrims) solidified this feeling and led to one of the largest protest rallies in Jammu and Kashmir.[70]
Humanitarian abuses
Main article: Human rights abuses in Jammu and Kashmir
After insurgency started in Kashmir valley because of above reasons in late 1980s, Indian troops entered in Kashmir valley to control the insurgency.[71] Some analysts have suggested that the number of Indian troops in Jammu and Kashmir is close to 600,000 although estimates vary and the Indian government refuses to release official figures.[72] The troops have been accused and held accountable for several humanitarian abuses[59] and have engaged in mass extrajudicial killings, torture, rape and sexual abuse.[60]
Indian security forces have been implicated in many reports for enforced disappearances of thousands of Kashmiris whereas the security forces deny having their information and/or custody. This is often in association with torture or extrajudicial killing. Human right activists estimate the number of disappeared to be over eight thousand, last seen in government detention.[73][74] The disappeared are believed to be dumped in thousands of mass graves across Kashmir.[75][76][77][78][79] A State Human Rights Commission inquiry in 2011, has confirmed there are thousands of bullet-ridden bodies buried in unmarked graves in Jammu and Kashmir. Of the 2730 bodies uncovered in 4 of the 14 districts, 574 bodies were identified as missing locals in contrast to the Indian governments insistence that all the graves belong to foreign militants.[80][81]
Military forces in Jammu and Kashmir operate under impunity and emergency powers granted to them by the central government. These powers allow the military to curtail civil liberties, creating further support for the insurgency.[82][83]
The insurgents have also abused human rights, engaging in what some have called an ethnic cleansing by exterminating Kashmiri Pandits from the valley of Kashmir.[84] The government's inability to protect the people from both its own troops and the insurgency has further eroded support for the government.[85]
Amnesty International accused security forces of exploiting the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) that enables them to "hold prisoners without trial". The group argues that the law, which allows security to detain individuals for as many as two years "without presenting charges, violating prisoners’ human rights".[86] The Army sources maintain that "any move to revoke AFSPA in Jammu and Kashmir would be detrimental to the security of the Valley and would provide a boost to the terrorists."[87]
Former Indian Army Chief General V. K. Singh rejected the accusations that the action was not taken in the cases of human rights violations by Army personnel. On 24 October 2010, he has said that 104 Army personnel had been punished in Jammu and Kashmir in this regard, including 39 officers. He also said that 95% of the allegations of human rights abuses against Indian Army were proved to be false, of which he remarked, had apparently been made with the "ulterior motive of maligning the armed forces".[88] However, according to Human Rights Watch, the military courts in India, in general, were proved to be incompetent to deal with cases of serious human rights abuses and were responsible in covering up evidence and protecting the involved officers.[89] Amnesty International in its report in 2015, titled “Denied”-Failures in Accountability in Jammu and Kashmir, says, "...with respect to investigations, an inquiry that is conducted by the same authority accused of the crime raises serious questions about the independence and impartiality of those proceedings”, adding that according to the international law, an independent authority that is not involved in the alleged violations has to investigate such crimes.[90]
These human rights violations are said to have contributed to the rise of resistance in Kashmir.[91][92][93]
Other reasons
Psychological
Psychologist Waheeda Khan, explaining the rebellious nature of the Kashmiris, says that because of the tense situations in the valley from 1990s, the generation gap between parents and young generations has increased. Young generations tend to blame their parents for failing to do anything about the political situation. So they start experimenting with their own aggressive ways to show their curbed feelings and would go against any authority. A prominent psychiatrist of the valley, Margoob, described that children/teenagers are much more vulnerable to passionate actions and reactions, since the young minds are yet to completely develop psychological mechanisms. When they assume that they are "pushed against the wall", they get controlled by the emotions without bothering about the consequences. Also young people easily identify themselves with the "group" rather than with their individual identities. It leads to psychological distress which causes antisocial behaviour and aggressive attitude. Often, this situation gets worsened by the availability of weapons and people becoming familiar to violence after having exposed to conflict for so long. Waheeda Khan remarks, the major concern is that generations of children who are experiencing long-term violence in their lives, may reach adulthood perceiving that violence is a fair means of solving ethinic, religious, or political differences.[94]
Economic
High unemployment and lack of economic opportunities in Kashmir are also said to have intensified the struggle.[95][96][97]
Stone pelting
Main article: Stone Pelting in Kashmir
Since the 2008 protests and 2010 unrest, the turmoil has taken a new dimension when people, particularly youngsters of the Kashmir valley have started pelting stones on security forces to express their aggression and protest for the loss of freedom. In turn they get attacked by the armed personnel with pellets, rubber bullets, sling shots and tear gas shells. This leads to eye-injuries and several other kind of injuries to many people. Security forces also face injuries, and sometimes get beaten up during these events. According to Waheeda Khan, most of the 'stone-pelters' are school and college going students. Large number of these people get arrested during these events for allegedly resorting to stone pelting, after which some of them are also tortured. According to political activist Mannan Bukhari, Kashmiris made stone, an easily accessible and defenseless weapon, their weapon of choice for protest.[98][99]
Kashmiri senior journalist Parvaiz Bukhari remarked:[99][100]
The summer of 2010 witnessed a convulsion in the world’s most militarized zone, the Indian-controlled part of Kashmir, an unprecedented and deadly civil unrest that is beginning to change a few things on the ground. [...] Little known and relatively anonymous resistance activists emerged, organizing an unarmed agitation more fierce than the armed rebellion against Indian rule two decades earlier. And apparently aware of the post 9/11 world, young Kashmiris, children of the conflict, made stones and rocks a weapon of choice against government armed forces, side-stepping the tag of a terrorist movement linked with Pakistan. The unrest represents a conscious transition to an unarmed mass movement, one that poses a moral challenge to New Delhi’s military domination over the region.
Human rights violations by militants
Further information: Human rights abuses by insurgents and Rape by militants
See also: Ethnic cleansing of Kashmiri Hindus
Islamic separatist militants are accused of violence against the Kashmir populace.[101][102][103] They continue serious human rights violations: summary executions, rape, and torture. In the effort to curb support for pro-independence militants, Indian security forces have resorted to arbitrary arrest and collective punishments of entire neighbourhoods, tactics which have only led to further disaffection from India. The militants have kidnapped and killed civil servants and suspected informers.[104] Human Rights Watch alleged that thousands of civilian Kashmiri Hindus have been killed over the past 10 years by Islamic militants organisations or Muslim mobs.[85] The militants committed war rape during the 1980s.[105] Tens of thousands of Kashmiri Pandits have emigrated as a result of the violence. Estimates of the displaced varies from 170,000 to 700,000. Thousands of Kasmiri Pandits had to move to Jammu because of militancy.[106]
Notable terrorist attacks in J&K
July and August 1989 – 3 CRPF personnel and politician Mohd. Yusuf Halwai of NC/F were killed.[107]
1989 kidnapping of Rubaiya Sayeed daughter of the then Home Minister of India Mufti Sayeed.
1995 kidnapping of western tourists in Jammu and Kashmir – Six foreign trekkers from Anantnag district were kidnapped by Al Faran. One was beheaded later, one escaped, and the other four remain missing, presumably killed.
1997 Sangrampora massacre – On 22 March 1997, seven Kashmiri Pandits were killed in Sangrampora village in the Budgam district.[108]
Wandhama massacre – In January 1998, 24 Kashmiri Pandits living in the village of Wandhama were massacred by Pakistani militants. According to the testimony of one of the survivors, the militants dressed themselves as officers of the Indian Army, entered their houses and then started firing blindly. The incident was significant because it coincided with former US president Bill Clinton's visit to India and New Delhi used the massacre to present a case against the alleged Pakistan-supported terrorism in Kashmir.[109]
1998 Prankote massacre – 26 Hindu villagers of Udhampur district were killed by militants.
1998 Champanari massacre – 25 Hindu villagers killed on 19 June 1998 by Islamic militants.
2000 Amarnath pilgrimage massacre – 30 Hindu pilgrims massacred by militants.
Chittisinghpura massacre – 36 Sikhs massacred by LET militants.
2001 terrorist attack on Jammu and Kashmir legislative assembly – On 1 October 2001, a bombing at the Legislative Assembly in Srinagar killed 38.[110]
2002 Raghunath temple attacks – First attack occurred on 30 March 2002 when two suicide bombers attacked the temple. Eleven persons including three security forces personnel were killed and 20 were injured. In second attack, the fidayeen suicide squad attacked the temple second time on 24 November 2002 when two suicide bombers stormed the temple and killed fourteen devotees and injured 45 others.
2002 Qasim Nagar massacre – On 13 July 2002, armed militants believed to be a part of the Lashkar-e-Toiba threw hand grenades at the Qasim Nagar market in Srinagar and then fired on civilians standing nearby killing 27 and injuring many more.[111]
2003 Nadimarg Massacre – 24 Hindus killed in Nadimarg, Kashmir on 23 March 2003 by Lashkar-e-Taiba militants.
20 July 2005 Srinagar Bombing – A car bomb exploded near an armoured Indian Army vehicle in the famous Church Lane area in Srinagar killing 4 Indian Army personnel, one civilian and the suicide bomber. Militant group Hizbul Mujahideen, claimed responsibility for the attack.[112]
Budshah Chowk attack – A militant attack on 29 July 2005 at Srinigar's city centre, Budshah Chowk, killed 2 and left more than 17 people injured. Most of those injured were media journalists.[113]
Assassination of Ghulam Nabi Lone – On 18 October 2005, suspected Kashmiri militants killed Jammu and Kashmir's then education minister Ghulam Nabi Lone. Militant group called Al Mansurin claimed responsibility for the attack.[114] Abdul Ghani Lone, a prominent All Party Hurriyat Conference leader, was assassinated by unidentified gunmen during a memorial rally in Srinagar. The assassination resulted in wide-scale demonstrations against the Indian forces for failing to provide enough security cover for Lone.[111]
2006 Doda massacre – On 3 May 2006, militants massacred 35 Hindus in Doda and Udhampur districts in Jammu and Kashmir.[115]
On 12 June 2006, one person was killed and 31 were wounded when terrorists hurled three grenades on Vaishnodevi shrine-bound buses at the general bus stand.[116]
2014 Kashmir Valley attacks – There were four attacks on 5 December 2014 on army, police and civilians resulted in 21 deaths and several injured. Their motive was to disrupt the ongoing assembly elections.[117]
2016 Uri attack – Four armed terrorists sneaked into an army camp and lobbed grenades onto tents causing massive fire culminating in the death of 19 military personnel.
Tactics
India
Over time the Indian government has increasingly relied on military presence to control the insurgency.[59] The military has committed human rights violations.[118] The government would often dissolve assemblies, arrest elected politicians and impose president's rule. The government also rigged elections in 1987.[31] In recent times there have been signs that the government is taking local elections more seriously.[119] The government has also funneled development aid to Kashmir and Kashmir has now become the biggest per capita receiver of Federal aid.[120]
Pakistan
The Pakistani central government originally supported, trained and armed the insurgency in Kashmir,[18][19][19][20][21][121] sometimes known as "ultras" (extremists),[22][23] however after groups linked to the Kashmiri insurgency twice attempted to assassinate president Pervez Musharraf, Musharraf decided to end support for such groups.[48] His successor, Asif Ali Zardari has continued the policy, calling insurgents in Kashmir "terrorists".[54]
But the Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence hasn't followed the lead of the government and has continued its support for insurgent groups in Kashmir[54][55][56] although Pakistani support for the insurgency has certainly waned.[59]
Insurgents
Since around 2000 the 'insurgency' has become far less violent and has instead taken on the form of protests and marches.[70] Certain groups have also chosen to lay down their arms and look for a peaceful resolution to the conflict.[122]
Groups
The different insurgent groups have different aims in Kashmir. Some want complete independence from both India and Pakistan, others want unification with Pakistan and still others just want greater autonomy from the Indian government.[123]
A 2010 survey found that 43% in J&K and 44% in AJK would favour complete independence from both India and Pakistan, with support for the independence movement unevenly distributed across the region.[124][125]
Identity
Over the last two years, the militant group, Lashkar-e-Toiba has split into two factions: Al Mansurin and Al Nasirin. Another new group reported to have emerged is the "Save Kashmir Movement". Harkat-ul-Mujahideen (formerly known as Harkat-ul-Ansar) and Lashkar-e-Toiba are believed to be operating from Muzaffarabad, Azad Kashmir and Muridke, Pakistan respectively.[citation needed]
Other less well known groups are the Freedom Force and Farzandan-e-Milat. A smaller group, Al-Badr, has been active in Kashmir for many years and is still believed to be functioning. All Parties Hurriyat Conference, an organisation that uses moderate means to press for the rights of the Kashmiris, is often considered as the mediator between New Delhi and insurgent groups.[citation needed]
Al-Qaeda
It is unclear if Al Qaeda has a presence in Jammu and Kashmir. Donald Rumsfeld suggested that they were active[126] and in 2002 the SAS hunted for Osama bin Laden in Jammu and Kashmir.[127] Al Qaeda claims that it has established a base in Jammu and Kashmir.[128] However, there has been no evidence for any of these assertions.[126][127][128] The Indian army also claims that there is no evidence of Al Qaeda presence in Jammu and Kashmir.[129] Al Qaeda has established bases in Pakistani administered Kashmir and some, including Robert Gates have suggested that they have helped to plan attacks in India.[129][130][131]
Casualties
According to Sumantra Bose in his book, Kashmir: Roots of Conflict, Paths to Peace, around 40000 (Indian estimates) to 80000 (Hurriyat estimates) civilians, separatist guerilla fighters and Indian security personnel died from the time period of 1989 to 2002 in both Kashmir Valley and Jammu . More than 4600 security personnel, 13500 civilians and 15937 militants including 3000 from outside Jammu and Kashmir (mostly Pakistanis and some Afghans) were killed in this fourteen-year period. Also in this period, 55,538 incidents of violence were recorded. Indian forces engaged in counter insurgency operations captured around 40,000 firearms, 150,000 explosive devices, and over 6 million rounds of assorted ammunition.[132] Jammu and Kashmir Coalition of Civil Society posits a figure of 70,000 deaths, most of them civilians killed by Indian forces.[133]
See also
Kashmir Conflict
List of massacres in Jammu and Kashmir
Human rights abuses in Jammu and Kashmir
All Parties Hurriyat Conference
Timeline of the Kashmir conflict
History of Jammu and Kashmir
Pakistan and state-sponsored terrorism
Partition of India
JKEDI Siege
Indo-Pakistani wars and conflicts
Ikhwan (Kashmir)
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Social fact
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This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (September 2010) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
In sociology, social facts are values, cultural norms, and social structures that transcend the individual and can exercise social control.
French sociologist Émile Durkheim defined the term, and argued that the discipline of Sociology should be understood as the empirical study of social facts. For Durkheim, social facts "...consist of manners of acting, thinking and feeling external to the individual, which are invested with a coercive power by virtue of which they exercise control over him."[1]
Contents
[hide]
1 Durkheim's social fact
2 Mauss's total social fact
3 See also
4 References
5 Sources
6 Further reading
7 External links
Durkheim's social fact[edit]
In The Rules of Sociological Method Durkheim laid out a theory of sociology as 'the science of social facts'. He considered social facts to "consist of representations and actions" which meant that "they cannot be confused with organic phenomena, nor with physical phenomena, which have no existence save in and through the individual consciousness."[1] Durkheim says that a social fact is a thing that many people do very similarly because the socialized community that they belong to has influenced them to do these things.[2]
Durkheim defined the social fact this way:
"A social fact is any way of acting, whether fixed or not, capable of exerting over the individual an external constraint;
or:
which is general over the whole of a given society whilst having an existence of its own, independent of its individual manifestations".[1]
He viewed it as a concrete idea that affected a person's everyday life.[3]
Durkheim's examples of social facts included social institutions such as kinship and marriage, currency, language, religion, political organization, and all societal institutions we must account for in everyday interactions with other members of our societies. Deviating from the norms of such institutions makes the individual unacceptable or misfit in the group.
Among the most noted of Durkheim's work was his discovery of the "social fact" of suicide rates. By carefully examining police suicide statistics in different districts, Durkheim demonstrated that the suicide rate of Catholic communities is lower than that of Protestant communities. He ascribed this to a social (as opposed to individual) cause.[4] This was considered groundbreaking and remains influential.
Durkheim's discovery of social facts was significant because it promised to make it possible to study the behavior of entire societies, rather than just of particular individuals. Durkheim points to individual actions as instances or representations of different types of actions in society.[5] Some contemporary, interpretivist, sociologists like Max Atkinson and Jack Douglas refer to Durkheim's studies for two quite different purposes, however:
Durkheim's studies are graphic demonstrations of how careful the social researcher must be to ensure that data gathered for analysis is accurate. Durkheim's reported suicide rates were, it is now clear, largely an artifact of the way particular deaths were classified as "suicide" or "non-suicide" by different communities. What he actually discovered was not different suicide rates at all—but different ways of thinking about suicide.
His studies are also an entry point into the study of social meaning—and the way that apparently identical individual acts often cannot be classified empirically. Social acts (even such an apparently private and individual act as suicide), in this modern view, are always seen (and classified) by social actors. Discovering the social facts about such acts, it follows, is generally neither possible nor desirable—but discovering the way individuals perceive and classify particular acts is what offers insight. A further complication is introduced by asking about the status of our "discovery" of these perceptions and classifications. After all, don't such "discoveries" also reflect socially embedded practices of classification? But if the alleged discoveries of perceptions of social facts aren't therefore dubious, it is hard to see why the original claims about the social facts are. [6] [7]
Mauss's total social fact[edit]
For Marcel Mauss (Durkheim's nephew and sometime collaborator) a total social fact (French fait social total) is "an activity that has implications throughout society, in the economic, legal, political, and religious spheres".[8] Diverse strands of social and psychological life are woven together through what he came to call total social facts. A total social fact informs and organizes seemingly quite distinct practices and institutions.[9]
Marcel Mauss popularized the term in his book, The Gift:
"These phenomena are at once legal, economic, religious, aesthetic, morphological and so on. They are legal in that they concern individual and collective rights, organized and diffuse morality; they may be entirely obligatory, or subject simply to praise or disapproval. They are at once political and domestic, being of interest both to classes and to clans and families. They are religious; they concern true religion, animism, magic and diffuse religious mentality. They are economic, for the notions of value, utility, interest, luxury, wealth, acquisition, accumulation, consumption and liberal and sumptuous expenditure are all present..."
—  Marcel Mauss[10]
See also[edit]
Sociology
Positivism
Sociological positivism
Antipositivism
Sociological perspective
Philosophy of social science
References[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b c Durkheim, Émile (1982) [1st pub. 1895]. Lukes, Steven, ed. The Rules of Sociological Method and Selected Texts on Sociology and its Method. W. D. Halls (translator). New York: Free Press.
Jump up ^ "Emile Durkheim: What Is a Social Fact?". www.csudh.edu. Retrieved 2016-02-09.
Jump up ^ Durkheim, Emile (1982). "What is a Social Fact". The Rules of Sociological Method: 74.
Jump up ^ Durkheim, E. Suicide. 1897.
Jump up ^ Schmaus, Warren (1994). Durkheim's philosophy of science and the sociology of knowledge : creating an intellectual niche. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press. p. 38. ISBN 0226742512.
Jump up ^ "Deviance and Social Control Unit M5: Suicide (2)" (PDF).
Jump up ^ Douglas, Jack D (1967). Social Meanings of Suicide. Princeton University Press. ISBN 9780691621173.
Jump up ^ Edgar (1999), 64
Jump up ^ Edgar (2002), 157
Jump up ^ Mauss (1966), 76–77
Sources[edit]
Edgar, Andrew. (1999). "Cultural Anthropology". in Edgar, Andrew and Sedgwick, Peter R. (eds.). Key Concepts in Cultural Theory. New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-11404-2
Edgar, Andrew. (2002). "Mauss, Marcel (1872–1950)". in Edgar, Andrew and Sedgwick, Peter R. (eds.). Cultural Theory: the Key Thinkers. New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-23281-4
Mauss, Marcel. (1966). The gift; forms and functions of exchange in archaic societies. London: Cohen & West.
Further reading[edit]
Shaffer, L.S. (2006). "Durkheim’s aphorism, the Justification Hypothesis, and the nature of social facts." Sociological Viewpoints, fall issue, 57–70. Full text.
External links[edit]
What is a Social Fact? at the Wayback Machine (archived October 3, 2012) From Émile Durkheim, The Rules of the Sociological Method, (Edited by Steven Lukes; translated by W.D. Halls). New York: Free Press, 1982, pp. 50–59.
[hide]
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Port (computer networking)
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Communications endpoint in an operating system
This article is about software communication ports. For physical ports, see Computer port (hardware).
This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (October 2016) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
In computer networking, a port is an endpoint of communication. Physical as well as wireless connections are terminated at ports of hardware devices. At the software level, within an operating system, a port is a logical construct that identifies a specific process or a type of network service.
The software port is always associated with an IP address of a host and the protocol type of the communication. It completes the destination or origination network address of a message. Ports are identified for each protocol and address combination by 16-bit unsigned numbers, commonly known as the port number.
Ports provide a multiplexing service for multiple services or multiple communication sessions at one network address. Specific port numbers are commonly reserved to identify specific services. The lowest numbered 1024 port numbers are called the well-known port numbers, and identify the historically most commonly used services. In the client–server model of application architecture, a multiplexing service is established, so that multiple simultaneous communication sessions may be initiated for the same service. The most commonly used protocols that use ports are the Transmission Control Protocol (TCP) and the User Datagram Protocol (UDP).
Contents
1 Networking model
2 Examples
3 Use in URLs
4 Common port numbers
5 History
6 See also
7 References
Networking model[edit]
Transport layer protocols, such as the Transmission Control Protocol (TCP) and the User Datagram Protocol (UDP), transfer data using protocol data units (PDUs). For TCP, the PDU is a segment, and a datagram for UDP. Both protocols use a header field for recording the source and destination port number. A port number is a 16-bit unsigned integer, thus ranging from 0 to 65535. For TCP, port number 0 is reserved and cannot be used, while for UDP, the source port is optional and a value of zero means no port. A process associates its input or output channels via an Internet socket, which is a type of file descriptor, with a transport protocol, an IP address, and a port number. This is known as binding, and enables the process to send and receive data via the network. The operating system's networking software has the task of transmitting outgoing data from all application ports onto the network, and forwarding arriving network packets to processes by matching the packet's IP address and port number. For TCP, only one process may bind to a specific IP address and port combination. Common application failures, sometimes called port conflicts, occur when multiple programs attempt to use the same port number on the same IP address with the same protocol.
Applications implementing common services often use specifically reserved well-known port numbers for receiving service requests from clients. This process is known as listening, and involves the receipt of a request on the well-known port and establishing a one-to-one server-client dialog, using the same local port number. Other clients may continue to connect to the listening port; this works because a TCP connection is identified by a tuple consisting of the local address, the local port, the remote address, and the remote port.[1] The well-known ports are defined by convention overseen by the Internet Assigned Numbers Authority (IANA). The core network services, such as the World-Wide Web, typically use well-known port numbers. In many operating systems special privileges are required for applications to bind to these ports, because these are often deemed critical to the operation of IP networks. Conversely, the client end of a connection typically uses a high port number allocated for short term use, therefore called an ephemeral port.
The port numbers are encoded in the transport protocol packet header, and they can be readily interpreted not only by the sending and receiving computers, but also by other components of the networking infrastructure. In particular, firewalls are commonly configured to differentiate between packets based on their source or destination port numbers. Port forwarding is an example application of this.
The practice of attempting to connect to a range of ports in sequence on a single computer is commonly known as port scanning. This is usually associated either with malicious cracking attempts or with network administrators looking for possible vulnerabilities to help prevent such attacks. Port connection attempts are frequently monitored and logged by computers. The technique of port knocking uses a series of port connections (knocks) from a client computer to enable a server connection.
Examples[edit]
An example for the use of ports is the Internet mail system. A server used for sending and receiving email generally needs two services. The first service is used to transport email to and from other servers. This is accomplished with the Simple Mail Transfer Protocol (SMTP). The SMTP service application usually listens on TCP port 25 for incoming requests. The second service is usually either the Post Office Protocol (POP) or the Internet Message Access Protocol (IMAP) which is used by e-mail client applications on users' personal computers to fetch email messages from the server. The POP service listens on TCP port number 110. Both services may be running on the same host computer, in which case the port number distinguishes the service that was requested by a remote computer, be it a user's computer or another mail server.
While the listening port number of a server is well defined (IANA calls these the well-known ports), the client's port number is often chosen from the dynamic port range (see below). In some applications, the clients and the server each use specific port numbers assigned by the IANA. A good example of this is DHCP in which the client always uses UDP port 68 and the server always uses UDP port 67.
Use in URLs[edit]
Port numbers are sometimes seen in web or other uniform resource locators (URLs). By default, HTTP uses port 80 and HTTPS uses port 443, but a URL like http://www.example.com:8080/path/ specifies that the web browser connects instead to port 8080 of the HTTP server.
Common port numbers[edit]
Main article: List of TCP and UDP port numbers
The Internet Assigned Numbers Authority (IANA) is responsible for the global coordination of the DNS Root, IP addressing, and other Internet protocol resources. This includes the registration of commonly used port numbers for well-known Internet services.
The port numbers are divided into three ranges: the well-known ports, the registered ports, and the dynamic or private ports.
The well-known ports (also known as system ports) are those from 0 through 1023. The requirements for new assignments in this range are stricter than for other registrations,[2] examples include:
20: File Transfer Protocol (FTP) Data Transfer
21: File Transfer Protocol (FTP) Command Control
22: Secure Shell (SSH) Secure Login
23: Telnet remote login service, unencrypted text messages
25: Simple Mail Transfer Protocol (SMTP) E-mail routing
53: Domain Name System (DNS) service
80: Hypertext Transfer Protocol (HTTP) used in the World Wide Web
110: Post Office Protocol (POP3)
119: Network News Transfer Protocol (NNTP)
123: Network Time Protocol (NTP)
143: Internet Message Access Protocol (IMAP) Management of digital mail
161: Simple Network Management Protocol (SNMP)
194: Internet Relay Chat (IRC)
443: HTTP Secure (HTTPS) HTTP over TLS/SSL
The registered ports are those from 1024 through 49151. IANA maintains the official list of well-known and registered ranges.[3] The dynamic or private ports are those from 49152 through 65535. One common use for this range is for ephemeral ports.
History[edit]
The concept of port numbers was established by the early developers of the ARPANET in informal co-operation of software authors and system administrators.
The term port number was not yet used at this time. It was preceded by the use of the term socket number in the early development stages of the network. A socket number for a remote host was a 40-bit quantity.[4] The first 32 bits were similar to today's IPv4 address, but at the time the most-significant 8 bits were the host number. The least-significant portion of the socket number (bits 33 through 40) was an entity called Another Eightbit Number, abbreviated AEN.[5] Today, network socket refers to a related but distinct concept, namely the internal address of an endpoint (used within the node only).
On March 26, 1972, Vint Cerf and Jon Postel called for documenting the then-current usages and establishing a socket number catalog in RFC 322. Network administrators were asked to submit a note or place a phone call, "describing the function and socket numbers of network service programs at each HOST".[6]
This catalog was subsequently published as RFC 433 in December 1972 and included a list of hosts and their port numbers and the corresponding function used at each host in the network. This first registry function served primarily as documentation of usage and indicated that port number usage was conflicting between some hosts for "useful public services".[5]
The document promised a resolution of the conflicts based on a standard that Postel had published in May 1972 in RFC 349, in which he first proposed official assignments of port numbers to network services and suggested a dedicated administrative function, which he called a czar, to maintain a registry.[7]
The 256 values of the AEN were divided into the following ranges:
0 through 63: network-wide standard functions
64 through 127: host-specific functions
128 through 239: reserved for future use
240 through 255: any experimental function
The Telnet service received the first official assignment of the value 1. In detail, the first set of assignments was:[7]
1: Telnet
3: File transfer
5: Remote job entry
7: Echo
9: Discard
In the early ARPANET, the AEN was also called a socket name,[8] and was used with the Initial Connection Protocol (ICP), a component of the Network Control Program (NCP).[9][10] NCP was the forerunner of the modern Internet protocols. Today the terminology service name is still closely connected with port numbers, the former being text strings used in some network functions to represent a numerical port number.
See also[edit]
Network socket
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Postel, John. "RFC 793". Retrieved 29 June 2012.
Jump up ^ Michelle Cotton; Lars Eggert et al. (August 2011). Internet Assigned Numbers Authority (IANA) Procedures for the Management of the Service Name and Transport Protocol Port Number Registry. IETF. doi:10.17487/RFC6335. BCP 165. RFC 6335. https://tools.ietf.org/html/rfc6335. Retrieved April 2014.
Jump up ^ "Port Numbers". Internet Assigned Numbers Authority (IANA).
Jump up ^ RFC 36, Protocol Notes, S. Crocker (16 March 1970)
^ Jump up to: a b RFC 433, Socket number list, J. Postel, N. Neigus (22 December 1972)
Jump up ^ RFC 322, Well Known Socket Numbers, V. Cerf, J. Postel (26 March 1972)
^ Jump up to: a b RFC 349, Proposed Standard Socket Numbers J. Postel (30 May 1972)
Jump up ^ RFC 197, Initial Connection Protocol--Reviewed, A. Shoshani, E. Harslem (14 July 1971)
Jump up ^ NIC 7104, ARPANET Protocol Handbook
Jump up ^ Postel, Jon; Feinler, E. (1978). ARPANET Protocol Handbook. Menlo Park, CA: Network Information Center.
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