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Mongol invasions of Japan
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Mongol invasions of Japan
Part of the Mongol invasion of East Asia[disambiguation needed] and Kublai Khan's Campaigns

The samurai Suenaga facing Mongol and Korean arrows and bombs
Date
1274, 1281
Location
Northern Kyūshū, Japan
Result
Decisive Japanese victory
Belligerents
Japan
Imperial Court
Kamakura shogunate
Hōjō clan
Sō clan
Shōni clan
Sashi clan
Taira clan
Kikuchi clan
Ōtomo clan
Shimazu clan
Matsura clan
Mongol Empire
Yuan dynasty
Goryeo (Korea)
Commanders and leaders
Emperor Kameyama
Hōjō Tokimune
Shōni Sukeyoshi
Ōtomo Yoriyasu
Shōni Tsuneyasu
Shōni Kageyasu
Kikuchi Takefusa
Takezaki Suenaga
Michiyasu Shiroishi
Fukuda Kaneshige
Tōgō Korechika
Hida Nagamoto
Mitsui Yasunaga
Sō Sukekuni
Taira no Kagetaka
Sashi Husashi
Sashi Nao
Sashi Tōdō
Sashi Isamu
Ishiji Kane
Ishiji Jirō
Yamashiro Kai Mongol :
Kublai Khan
Holdon
Korea :
King Wonjong
Kim Bang-gyeong
Strength
1274: 2,000-6,000[1]
1281: 40,000 (?)
Reinforcements by Rokuhara Tandai : 60,000 (not yet arrived) 1274: a force of Mongol, Chinese and Korean soldiers, numbering 23,000–39,700[2]
with 600–800 ships (300 large vessels and 400–500 smaller craft)
1281: two forces of Mongol, Chinese and Korean soldiers, numbering 100,000 and 40,000
with 3,500 and 900 ships (respectively)
Casualties and losses
1274/1281: Minimal[citation needed]
1274: 13,500[3]–22,500[citation needed]
1281: 100,000[4]–130,500[citation needed]
20,000–30,000 captured[5]
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The Mongol invasions of Japan (元寇, Genkō), which took place in 1274 and 1281, were major military efforts undertaken by Kublai Khan to conquer the Japanese archipelago after the submission of Goryeo (Korea) to vassaldom. Ultimately a failure, the invasion attempts are of macro-historical importance because they set a limit on Mongol expansion and rank as nation-defining events in the history of Japan.
The Mongol invasions are considered a precursor to early modern warfare. One of the most notable technological innovations during the war was the use of explosive, hand-thrown bombs.[6]
The invasions are referred to in many works of fiction, and are the earliest events for which the word kamikaze ("divine wind") is widely used, originating in reference to the two typhoons faced by the Mongol fleets.
Contents
[hide]
1 Background
2 Contact
3 First invasion preparations
4 First invasion (1274)
5 Main battles of Battle of Bun'ei
5.1 Battle of Tsushima Island – Mongol victory
5.2 Battle of Iki Island – Mongol victory
5.3 Battle of Hirado Island , Taka Island and Nokono Island – Mongol victory
5.4 Battle of Akasaka – Japanese victory
5.5 Battle of Torikai-Gata – Japanese victory
5.6 Withdrawal of Mongol army
6 Developments leading to the second invasion
7 Second invasion (1281)
8 Main battles of the Kōan Campaign
8.1 Battle of Tsushima Island – Japanese victory
8.2 Battle of Shikano Island – Japanese victory
8.3 Battle of Iki Island – Japanese victory
8.4 Battle of Mikuriya – annihilation of Mongol navy
8.5 Battle of Taka Island – annihilation of Mongol army
9 Military significance
9.1 Technological significance
10 Gallery
11 See also
12 Notes
13 References
14 Further reading
15 External links
Background[edit]
After a series of Mongol invasions of Korea between 1231 and 1281, Goryeo signed a treaty in favor of the Mongols and became a vassal state. Kublai was declared Khagan of the Mongol Empire in 1260 (although this was not widely recognized by the Mongols in the west) and established his capital at Khanbaliq (within modern Beijing) in 1264.
Japan at the time was ruled by the Shikken (shogunate regents) of the Hōjō clan, who had intermarried with and wrested control from Minamoto no Yoriie, shōgun of the Kamakura shogunate, after his death in 1203. The inner circle of the Hōjō clan had become so preeminent that they no longer consulted the council of the shogunate (Hyōjō (評定)), the Imperial Court of Kyoto, or their gokenin vassals, and made their decisions at private meetings in their residences (yoriai (寄合)).
The Mongols also made attempts to subjugate the native peoples of Sakhalin—the Ainu, Orok, and Nivkh peoples—from 1260 to 1308.[7]
Contact[edit]
Letter from Kublai Khan to the "King of Japan" (日本國王), written in Classical Chinese (the lingua franca in East Asia at the time), dated 8th Month, 1266. Now stored in Tōdai-ji, Nara, Japan.
In 1266, Kublai Khan dispatched emissaries to Japan with a letter saying:
Cherished by the Mandate of Heaven, the Great Mongol emperor sends this letter to the king of Japan. The sovereigns of small countries, sharing borders with each other, have for a long time been concerned to communicate with each other and become friendly. Especially since my ancestor governed at heaven's command, innumerable countries from afar disputed our power and slighted our virtue. Goryeo rendered thanks for my ceasefire and for restoring their land and people when I ascended the throne. Our relation is feudatory like a father and son. We think you already know this. Goryeo is my eastern tributary. Japan was allied with Goryeo and sometimes with China since the founding of your country; however, Japan has never dispatched ambassadors since my ascending the throne. We are afraid that the Kingdom is yet to know this. Hence we dispatched a mission with our letter particularly expressing our wishes. Enter into friendly relations with each other from now on. We think all countries belong to one family. How are we in the right, unless we comprehend this? Nobody would wish to resort to arms.[8]
Kublai essentially demanded that Japan become a vassal and send tribute under a threat of conflict. However, the emissaries returned empty-handed. A second set of emissaries were sent in 1268, returning empty-handed like the first. Both sets of emissaries met with the Chinzei Bugyō, or Defense Commissioner for the West, who passed on the message to Shikken, Hōjō Tokimune, Japan's ruler in Kamakura and to the Emperor of Japan in Kyoto.
After discussing the letters with his inner circle, there was much debate, but the Shikken had his mind made up; he had the emissaries sent back with no answer. The Mongols continued to send demands, some through Korean emissaries and some through Mongol ambassadors on March 7, 1269; September 17, 1269; September 1271; and May 1272. However, each time, the bearers were not permitted to land in Kyushu.
The Imperial Court suggested compromise,[9] but really had little effect in the matter, due to political marginalization after the Jōkyū War. The uncompromising shogunate ordered all those who held fiefs in Kyūshū, the area closest to the Korean Peninsula and thus most likely to be attacked, to return to their lands and forces in Kyūshū moved west, further securing the most likely landing points.
After acknowledging its importance, the Imperial Court led great prayer services, and much government business was put off to deal with this crisis.
First invasion preparations[edit]
The Khan was willing to go to war as early as 1268 after having been rebuffed twice, but found that his empire did not have the resources to provide him with a sufficient navy at that time. With Mongol entry into the Korean court by marriage of the Korean crown prince to Kublai Khan's daughter, a mass construction of ships began on Korea's south-eastern shores, while the Mongols continued to demand Japan's surrender.
Kublai Khan founded the Yuan dynasty in 1271. In 1272, King Chungnyeol offered counsel to Kublai Khan. According to Goryeosa, Japan is yet to know the world is hallowed. So dispatch emissaries and convey our military power to Japan. Battle ships and military rations are well prepared. If you appoint me, I encourage you to the extent of my power.[10] According to the History of Yuan, King of Goryeo ask Kublai Khan for conquering Japan. I am building 150 ships and encourage your conquest of Japan.[11]
A stone defense wall, (Genko Borui), in Hakata, now Fukuoka
First invasion (1274)[edit]
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According to the Yuanshi, the Yuan fleet set out with an estimated 15,000 Mongol and Chinese soldiers and 1,600–8,000 Korean soldiers in 300 large vessels and 400–500 smaller craft along with several thousand sailors, although figures vary considerably depending on the source and many modern historians consider the numbers exaggerated.[12] The primary port for the operation was Quanzhou in Fujian, then the center of China's maritime trade.[13] They landed on Komodahama beach on Tsushima Island on October 5, 1274. Sō Sukekuni, governor of Tsushima, led a cavalry unit of 80 to defend the island, but he and his outnumbered unit were killed in the engagement.
The Mongols and Koreans subsequently invaded Iki. Tairano Takakage, the Governor of Iki, fought the invaders with about 100 of his cavalrymen, but he killed himself after his unit was defeated.
The Mongol forces landed on November 19 in Hakata Bay, a short distance from Dazaifu, the ancient administrative capital of Kyūshū. The following day brought the Battle of Bun'ei (文永の役), also known as the "First Battle of Hakata Bay". The Japanese coalition force opposing them included 120 armed samurai each with a warband and likely numbered between 3,000 and 6,000 strong.[14] Later accounts have both sides believing themselves to be drastically outnumbered by the enemy; the Yuanshi provides an estimate of 102,000 for the Japanese force, while the Japanese Hachiman Gudokun describes the invaders as outnumbering the Japanese 10 to 1.[15] Conlan argues that the Yuanshi's account of the battle suggests that both the Japanese and Yuan forces were of similar size. Conlan estimated that both armies numbered around 3,000 each (not including the Yuan sailors).[16]
The Mongol fleet destroyed in a typhoon, ink and water on paper, by Kikuchi Yōsai, 1847
The Japanese were inexperienced in managing such a large force (all of North Kyūshū had been mobilized), and the Mongols made significant initial progress. It had been approximately 50 years since the last major combat event in Japan (Go-Toba's adherents in 1221), leaving not a single Japanese general with adequate experience in moving large bodies of troops. In addition, the style of warfare that was customary within feudal Japan involved single combat, even on large battlefields.
The Mongols possessed foreign weapons which included superior long-range armaments (the short composite bows that the Mongols were famous for, with poisoned arrows, fire arrows, bow-launched arrows with small rocket engines attached and gunpowder-packed exploding arrows and grenades with ceramic shells thrown by slings to terrify the enemy's horses), and easily had the upper hand in open land combat. The Japanese force at Hakata Bay needed time to await the arrival of reinforcements, with which they would be able to overwhelm the Mongol invaders.
Around nightfall, a typhoon caused the Mongol ship captains to suggest that the land force reembark in order to avoid the risk of being marooned on Japanese soil. By daybreak, only a few ships had not set out to sea. Those that had were destroyed by the storm. Some accounts offer casualty reports that suggest 200 Mongol ships were lost. However, small Japanese boats were much more swift and maneuverable than Mongol ships, and the Japanese were able to board the remaining ships of the crippled Mongol army. The samurai approached and boarded the ships under cover of darkness and fell on the invaders ferociously. In the small confines of the ships, during the predawn darkness, the Mongols (trained as cavalrymen and horse archers) were unable to bring their bows to bear effectively. However, the long, thin Japanese swords got stuck and snapped off in the thick, boiled leather armor of the Mongols, causing Japanese blacksmiths to reevaluate their swords after the first invasion. This led to the beginning of the divergence of the katana from existing tachi swords in the 13th and 14th century.[17]
A story widely known in Japan is that back in Kamakura, Tokimune was overcome with fear when the invasion finally came, and wanting to overcome his cowardice, he asked Mugaku Sogen, his Zen master also known as Bukko, for advice. Bukko replied he had to sit in meditation to find the source of his cowardice in himself. Tokimune went to Bukko and said, "Finally there is the greatest happening of my life." Bukko asked, "How do you plan to face it?" Tokimune screamed, "Katsu!" ("Victory!") as if he wanted to scare all the enemies in front of him. Bukko responded with satisfaction, "It is true that the son of a lion roars as a lion!"[18] Since that time, Tokimune was instrumental in spreading Zen and Bushido in Japan among the samurai.
Main battles of Battle of Bun'ei[edit]
Battle of Tsushima Island – Mongol victory[edit]
On October 5, About 1,000 soldiers of Mongolian Army landed at Komoda Beach.[19] Sō Sukekuni (ja) (宗助国), Shugodai of Tsushima Island was killed in action. The Mongolians slaughtered many dwellers of Tsushima island.[20]
Battle of Iki Island – Mongol victory[edit]
On October 14, Taira no Kagetaka (ja), Shugodai of Iki led about 100 soldiers. They were defeated by the Mongolian army and he committed suicide in Hizume Castle (樋詰城).[21] About 1,000 Japanese soldiers were killed there.
Battle of Hirado Island , Taka Island and Nokono Island – Mongol victory[edit]
On October 16 to 17, the Mongolian army attacked the base of the Sashi clan. Hundreds of Japanese soldiers and Sashi Fusashi (ja), Sashi Tomaru (佐志留) and Sashi Isamu (佐志勇) were killed.[22]
Battle of Akasaka – Japanese victory[edit]
Kagesuke Shoni and his forces in Akasaka
The Mongolian Army landed on Sawara District and encamped at Akasaka.[23] On seeing this situation, Kikuchi Takefusa surprised the Mongolian army. The Mongolians escaped to Sohara, after losing about 100 soldiers.[23]
Battle of Torikai-Gata – Japanese victory[edit]
Suenaga and escaping Mongolians
Thousands of Mongolian soldiers were massed in Torikai-Gata. Takezaki Suenaga (竹崎季長), one of the Japanese commanders, attacked the Mongolian army and fought them. Soon, reinforcements led by Shiraishi Michiyasu (ja) arrived and defeated the Mongolians soundly. The Mongolian casualties of this battle were about 3,500.[24]
Withdrawal of Mongol army[edit]
Due to the defeat in battle of Torikai-Gata, the Mongolian army was exhausted and withdrew to their ships. On seeing this situation, the Japanese army engaged in night attacks and killed many soldiers. Finally, Hong Dagu decided to withdraw to the Yuan-held continent. In the midst of withdrawal, they met a typhoon, most of their ships sank and many soldiers drowned.[25]
Developments leading to the second invasion[edit]
The defensive wall at Hakata
Starting in 1275, the shogunate increased efforts to defend against the second invasion, which they thought was sure to come. In addition to better organizing the samurai of Kyūshū, they ordered the construction of forts and a large stone wall (石塁, Sekirui), and other defensive structures at many potential landing points, including Hakata Bay, where a two meter high wall was constructed in 1276.[26]
Religious services increased and the Hakozaki Shrine, having been destroyed by the Yuan forces, was rebuilt. A coastal watch was instituted and rewards were given to some 120 valiant samurai. There was even a plan for a raid on Goryeo (modern-day Korea) to be carried out by Shōni Tsunesuke, a general from Kyūshū, though this was never executed.
After the failed invasion, Kublai Khan was tired of being ignored and not being allowed to land, so five Yuan emissaries were dispatched in September 1275 and sent to Kyūshū, refusing to leave without a reply. Tokimune responded by having them sent to Kamakura and then beheading them.[27] The graves of those five executed Yuan emissaries exist to this day at Jōryū Temple in Fujisawa, Kanagawa, near the Tatsunokuchi Execution Place in Kamakura.[28] Then again on July 29, 1279, five more Yuan emissaries were sent in the same manner, and again beheaded, this time in Hakata. Expecting another invasion, on Feb 21, 1280, the Imperial Court ordered all temples and shrines to pray for victory over the Yuan.
Second invasion (1281)[edit]
Japanese samurai boarding Yuan ships in 1281.
In the spring of 1281, the Mongols sent two separate forces. Per the Yuanshi, an impressive force of 900 ships containing 17,000 sailors, 10,000 Korean soldiers, and 15,000 Mongols and Chinese set out from Masan, Korea, while an even larger force of 100,000 sailed from southern China in 3,500 ships, for a combined force of 142,000 soldiers and sailors. Japanese sources also mention 150,000 men in the invading force.[16] Many modern historians believe these to be exaggerated figures, as were common in medieval chronicles. Professor Thomas Conlan states that they were likely exaggerated by an order of magnitude (implying 14,000 soldiers and sailors), expressing skepticism that a medieval kingdom managed an invasion on the scale of D-Day during World War II across over ten times the distance, and questions if even 10,000 soldiers attacked Japan in 1281.[16] Morris Rossabbi states that Conlan was correct in his assertion that the invasion force was much smaller than traditionally believed, but argues that the expenditures lavished on the mission confirm that the fighting force was sizable and much larger than 10,000 soldiers and 4,000 sailors. He puts forward the alternative figure of 70,000 soldiers and sailors, half of what is spoken of in the Yuanshi and later Japanese claims.[29] Turnbull thinks that 140,000+ is an exaggeration, but does not offer his own precise estimate for the size of the army. Rather, he only states that given the contributions of the Southern Song, the second invasion should've been around three times larger than the first. As he earlier listed the common figure of 23,000 for the first invasion uncritically, unlike the estimate of 140,000+ for the second, that would imply an invasion force of ~70,000, on par with Rossabbi's estimate.[30]
The Mongols' plan called for an overwhelming coordinated attack by the combined imperial Yuan fleets. The Chinese fleet of the Yuan was delayed by difficulties in provisioning and manning the large number of ships they had.[31] The Mongol fleet set sail, suffered heavy losses at Tsushima, and turned back. In the summer, the fleet took Iki-shima and moved on to Kyūshū, landing at several different locations. In a number of individual skirmishes, known collectively as the Kōan Campaign (弘安の役) or the "Second Battle of Hakata Bay", the Mongol forces were driven back to their ships. The Japanese army was heavily outnumbered, but had fortified the coastal line with two-meter high walls, and was easily able to repulse the auxiliaries that were launched against it. Beginning August 15, the now-famous kamikaze, a massive typhoon, assaulted the shores of Kyūshū for two days straight, and destroyed much of the Mongol fleet.[31] Sensing the oncoming typhoon, Korean and south Chinese mariners retreated and unsuccessfully docked in Imari Bay where they were destroyed by the storm.[32]
Furthermore, it is now believed that the destruction of the Mongol fleet was greatly facilitated by an additional factor. Most of the invasion force was composed of hastily acquired flat-bottomed Chinese riverboats and ships built in Goryeo and all of a similar type. According to Goryeosa, Southern Song-type ships were too costly and their construction was too slow, so the traditional types were constructed instead.[33] Such ships (unlike ocean-going ships, which have a curved keel to prevent capsizing) were difficult to use on high seas, let alone during a massive typhoon.
Main battles of the Kōan Campaign[edit]
Battle of Tsushima Island – Japanese victory[edit]
On May 21, the Mongolian Army landed on Tsushima island and invaded. They met fierce resistance there and later withdrew.[34]
Battle of Shikano Island – Japanese victory[edit]
Japanese soldiers in Shikano Island
On the morning of June 8, the Japanese army divided their force into two and attacked along Umi no Nakamichi.[35] The Japanese army lost 300 soldiers but defeated Hong Dagu, who nearly died in this battle, and Zhang Cheng.[36]
On June 9 Zhang Cheng solidified the defense of his army but the Mongolian army was again defeated by the fierce Japanese attacks.[37] After this defeat the Mongolian army escaped to Iki Island.[37]
Battle of Iki Island – Japanese victory[edit]
Tsunesuke Shoni and Hisatsune Shimazu
On June 29, a Japanese army of approximately 10,000, led by the Matsura clan, Ryūzōji clan and Takagi clan began an all-out attack on Iki Island.[38] On July 2, Ryōzōji Iekiyo landed on Setoura beach and defeated the Mongolian army. As a result, the Mongolian army abandoned Iki Island and withdrew to Hirado Island.[39]
Battle of Mikuriya – annihilation of Mongol navy[edit]
On July 5, Takezaki Suenaga attacked and annihilated the Mongolian Navy.[40] After this battle, most of the commanders of the Mongolian army escaped to their own country.[41][42]
Battle of Taka Island – annihilation of Mongol army[edit]
Fierce battle in Taka Island
On July 7, there were about 100,000 soldiers of the Mongol army without commanders.[42][43][44][45] Upon realizing this situation, the Japanese army launched an attack. Togo Korechika, Togo Koretoo, Fujiwara Sukekado and Shimazu Nagahisa annihilated the remaining Mongolian army and took 20,000 to 30,000 prisoners in this battle.[42] At the completion of this battle, Japan's victory was confirmed.
Military significance[edit]
From a military perspective, the failed invasions of Kublai Khan were the first of only three instances when the samurai fought foreign troops rather than amongst themselves; the others being Japanese invasions of Korea (1592–98) and the Japanese invasion of Ryukyu (1609). It is also the first time samurai clans fought for the sake of Japan itself instead of for more narrowly defined clan interests. The invasions also exposed the Japanese to an alien fighting style which, lacking the single combat that characterized traditional samurai combat, they saw as inferior. This difference is noted in the Hachiman Gudōkun:
According to our manner of fighting we must first call out by name someone from the enemy ranks, and then attack in single combat. But the Mongols took no notice at all of such conventions. They rushed forward all together in a mass, grappling with any individuals they could catch and killing them.[46]
The Mongol method of advances and withdrawals accompanied by bells, drums and war cries was also unknown in Japan, as was the technique of Mongolian archers, which involved shooting arrows en masse into the air rather than long-ranged one-on-one combat. The Zen Buddhism of Hojo Tokimune and his Zen master Bukko had gained credibility beyond national boundaries, and the first mass followings of Zen teachings among samurai began to flourish.
The Mongol invasions of Japan facilitated a change in the designs of Japanese swords. Thin tachi and chokuto style blades were often unable to cut through the boiled leather armor of the Mongols, with the blades often chipping or breaking off.[47] Tachi blades were shortened and thickened, with the katana eventually being introduced as a result.
The failed invasions also mark the first use of the word kamikaze ("Divine Wind"). The fact that the typhoon that helped Japan defeat the Mongol Navy in the first invasion occurred in late November, well after the normal Pacific typhoon season (May to October), perpetuated the Japanese belief that they would never be defeated or successfully invaded, which remained an important aspect of Japanese foreign policy until the very end of World War II. The failed invasions also demonstrated a weakness of the Mongols – the inability to mount naval invasions successfully[48] (see also Mongol invasions of Vietnam.) After the death of Kublai, his successor, Temür Khan, unsuccessfully demanded the submission of Japan in 1295.
The Mongols and the Ashikaga shogunate of Japan made peace in the late 14th century during the reign of Toghon Temür, the last Yuan emperor in Khanbaliq. Long before the peace agreement, there was stable trade in East Asia under the dominance of the Mongols and Japan.
As a consequence of the destruction of the Mongol fleets, Japan's independence was guaranteed. Simultaneously, a power struggle within Japan led to the dominance of military governments and diminishing Imperial power.[49]
Technological significance[edit]
Stoneware bombs, known in Japanese as Tetsuhau (iron bomb), or in Chinese as Zhentianlei (thunder crash bomb), excavated from Takashima shipwreck, October 2011.
The Mongol invasions are an early example of gunpowder warfare. One of the most notable technological innovations during the war was the use of explosive bombs.[6] The bombs are known in Chinese as "thunder crash bombs" and were fired from catapults, inflicting damage on enemy soldiers. An illustration of a bomb is depicted in a Japanese scroll, showing their use by the Mongols against mounted samurai. Archaeological evidence of the use of gunpowder was finally confirmed when multiple shells of the explosive bombs were discovered in an underwater shipwreck off the shore of Japan by the Kyushu Okinawa Society for Underwater Archaeology. X-rays by Japanese scientists of the excavated shells provided proof that they contained gunpowder.[50]
Gallery[edit]
Japanese attack ships
Mongol soldiers, second version
Mongol ships, second version
See also[edit]
Genkō Bōrui
Korea under Yuan rule
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ Thomas, p. 261-263; cites a variety of estimate from various Japanese historians as well as the author's own.
Jump up ^ 『高麗史』巻一百四 列伝十七 金方慶「以蒙漢軍二萬五千、我軍（高麗軍）八千、梢工引海水手六千七百、戦艦九百餘艘、留合浦、以待女眞軍、女眞後期、乃發船。」
Jump up ^ 『高麗史』巻二十八 世家二十八 忠烈王一 元宗十五年（十一月）己亥（二十七日）「己亥、東征師還合浦、遣同知樞密院事張鎰勞之。軍不還者無慮萬三千五百餘人。」
Jump up ^ 『高麗史』巻二十九 世家二十九 忠烈王二 忠烈王七年閏（八）月条「是月、忻都茶丘范文虎等還元、官軍不返者、無慮十萬有幾。」
Jump up ^ 『元史』巻二百八 列傳第九十五 外夷一 日本國「（至元十八年）官軍六月入海、七月至平壷島（平戸島）、移五龍山（鷹島?）、八月一日、風破舟、五日、文虎等諸將各自擇堅好船乘之、棄士卒十餘萬于山下、衆議推張百戸者爲主帥、號之曰張總管、聽其約束、方伐木作舟欲還、七日日本人來戰、盡死、餘二三萬爲其虜去、九日、至八角島、盡殺蒙古、高麗、漢人、謂新附軍爲唐人、不殺而奴之、閶輩是也、蓋行省官議事不相下、故皆棄軍歸、久之、莫靑與呉萬五者亦逃還、十萬之衆得還者三人耳。」
^ Jump up to: a b Stephen Turnbull (19 February 2013). The Mongol Invasions of Japan 1274 and 1281. Osprey Publishing. pp. 41–42. ISBN 978-1-4728-0045-9. Retrieved 16 April 2013.
Jump up ^ The conquest of Ainu lands: ecology and culture in Japanese expansion, 1590–1800 By Brett L. Walker, p.133
Jump up ^ Original text in Chinese: 上天眷命大蒙古國皇帝奉書日本國王朕惟自古小國之君境土相接尚務講信修睦況我祖宗受天明命奄有區夏遐方異域畏威懷德者不可悉數朕即位之初以高麗無辜之民久瘁鋒鏑即令罷兵還其疆域反其旄倪高麗君臣感戴來朝義雖君臣歡若父子計王之君臣亦已知之高麗朕之東藩也日本密邇高麗開國以來亦時通中國至於朕躬而無一乘之使以通和好尚恐王國知之未審故特遣使持書布告朕志冀自今以往通問結好以相親睦且聖人以四海為家不相通好豈一家之理哉以至用兵夫孰所好王其圖之不宣至元三年八月日
Jump up ^ Smith, Bradley Japan: A History in Art 1979 p.107
Jump up ^ Goryeosa 『高麗史』世家巻第二十七 元宗十三年 三月己亥（March 11, 1272） 「惟彼日本 未蒙聖化。 故發詔使 繼糴軍容 戰艦兵糧 方在所須。儻以此事委臣 庶幾勉盡心力 小助王師」[1]
Jump up ^ History of Yuan 『元史』 卷十二 本紀第十二 世祖九 至元十九年七月壬戌（August 9, 1282）「高麗国王請、自造船百五十艘、助征日本。」
Jump up ^ Turnbull, p. 41
Jump up ^ Allaire, Gloria (2000), "Zaiton", Trade, Travel, and Exploration in the Middle Ages: An Encyclopedia, Abingdon: Routledge .
Jump up ^ Turnbull 2013: "About 120 armed samurai received rewards for their participation in 1275... If the average warband was 50-strong then the Japanese defenders may have been about 6,000. Other non-rewarded samurai took part, some with as few as one follower, so perhaps a figure between 3,000 and 6,000 is most likely for 1274."
Jump up ^ Turnbull 2013, p. 42: "For partial justification of their defeat in 1274, the number of Japanese warriors ranged against the invaders is given in the Yuan Shi as the very unlikely figure of 102,000 ... Hachiman Gudokun, by contrast, sees the brave Japanese as being outnumbered by the Mongols by a factor of ten to one."
^ Jump up to: a b c Conlan, p. 264
Jump up ^ Sato 105
Jump up ^ Jonathan Clements (7 February 2013). A Brief History of the Samurai. Little, Brown Book Group. p. 93. ISBN 978-1-4721-0772-5.
Jump up ^ 『八幡ノ蒙古記』「同十一年十月五日卯時に、對馬國府八幡宮假御殿の内より、火焔おひたゝしく、もえいつ、國府在家の人々、焼亡出来しよと見るに、もゆへき物もなきを、怪しみけるほとに、同日申時に、對馬の西おもて、佐須浦に、異國船見ゆ、」（１ウ）其数四五百艘はかりに、凡三四萬人もやあらんと、見るはかり寄来る、同日酉時、國府の地頭につく、即地頭宗馬允資國、八十餘騎、同日丑時、彼浦にゆきつく、翌日卯時、通人真継男を使者として、蒙古人に、事のしさいを尋る処に、散々に舟よりいる、大船七八艘より、あさち原へ、おりたつ勢、一千人もあらんと見ゆ、其時、宗馬允、陣をとりて戦ふ、いはなつ矢に異國人、数しらす、いとらる、此中に大将軍と、おほし」（２オ）き者四人、あし毛なる馬にのりて、一はんに、かけむかふ者、宗馬弥二郎に右の乳の上を、いられて、馬よりおつ、此時、馬允に射倒さるゝ者、四人、宗馬允かく戦ふといへとも、終にうたれぬ、同子息宗馬次郎、養子弥二郎、同八郎親頼、刑部丞郎等に三郎、庄太郎、入道源八、在廰左近馬允手人、肥後國御家人、口井藤三、源三郎、已上十二人、同時に討死す、蒙古、佐須浦に火をつけて、焼拂ふよし、宗馬允か郎等、小太郎、兵衛次郎」（２ウ）博多にわたりて告しらす、」
Jump up ^ 『高麗史』 巻一百四 列伝十七 金方慶「入對馬島、撃殺甚衆」
Jump up ^ 『八幡ノ蒙古記』「同十四日申時に壱岐嶋の西おもてに蒙古の兵船つく、其中に二艘より四百人はかりおりて、赤旗をさして東の方を三度、敵の方を三度拜す、其時、守護代平内左衛門尉景隆并御家人百餘騎、庄三郎か城の前にて矢合す、蒙古人か矢は、二時はかりいる間に守護代か方にも二人手負、異敵は大勢なり、終に叶ふへくもなかりけれは、城のうちへ引退て合戦す、同十五日に、攻めおとされ」（３オ）て城の内にて自害す、」
Jump up ^ 『八幡ノ蒙古記』「同十六□（日カ）、十七日の間、平戸、能古、鷹嶋の男女多く捕らる、松浦黨敗す。」
^ Jump up to: a b 『蒙古襲来絵詞』詞四「たけふさ（武房）にけうと（凶徒）あかさか（赤坂）のちん（陣）をか（駆）けお（落）とされて、ふたて（二手）になりて、おほせい（大勢）はすそはら（麁原）にむ（向）きてひ（退）く。こせい（小勢）はへふ（別府）のつかハら（塚原）へひ（退）く、」
Jump up ^ 『高麗史』 巻八十七　表巻第二「十月、金方慶與元元帥忽敦洪茶丘等征日本、至壹岐戰敗、軍不還者萬三千五百餘人」
Jump up ^ 『高麗史』巻一百四 列伝十七 金方慶「諸軍與戰、及暮乃解、方慶謂忽敦茶丘曰、『兵法千里縣軍、其鋒不可當、我師雖少、已入敵境、人自爲戰、即孟明焚船淮陰背水也、請復戰』、忽敦曰、『兵法小敵之堅、大敵之擒、策疲乏之兵、敵日滋之衆、非完計也、不若回軍』復亨中流矢、先登舟、遂引兵還、會夜大風雨、戰艦觸岩多敗、?堕水死、到合浦、」
Jump up ^ 福岡市教育委員会 (1969). "福岡市今津元寇防塁発掘調査概報". Comprehensive Database of Archaeological Site Reports in Japan. Retrieved 2016-09-02.
Jump up ^ Reed, Edward J. (1881). Japan: its History, Traditions, and Religions, p. 291., p. 291, at Google Books
Jump up ^ "常立寺". www.kamakura-burabura.com. Archived from the original on 12 August 2017. Retrieved 30 April 2018.
Jump up ^ Rossabi, Morris. "Khubilai Khan: His Life and Times." 1988. Page xiii.
Jump up ^ Turbull 2013, p. 57
^ Jump up to: a b Winters, Harold et al. (2001). Battling the Elements, p. 14., p. 14, at Google Books
Jump up ^ Emanuel, Kerry; Emanuel, Professor Department of Earth Atmospheric and Planetary Sciences Program in Atmospheres Oceans and Climate Kerry (1 September 2005). "Divine Wind: The History and Science of Hurricanes". Oxford University Press, USA. Retrieved 30 April 2018 – via Google Books.
Jump up ^ Goryeosa 『高麗史』 列伝巻十七 「若依蛮様則工費多将不及期」「用本國船様督造」 Archived 2009-02-12 at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ 『高麗史』 巻一百四 列伝十七 金方慶「方慶與忻都茶丘朴球金周鼎等發、至日本世界村大明浦」
Jump up ^ 『高麗史節要』巻二十 十四葉 忠烈王七年六月壬申（八日）「六月壬申（八日）、金方慶金周鼎朴球朴之亮荊萬戸等、與日本兵力戰、斬首三百餘級、官軍潰、茶丘乗馬走、王萬戸復横撃之、斬五十餘級、日本兵之退、茶丘僅免、翼日復戰敗績、」
Jump up ^ 『高麗史』巻一百四 列伝十七 金方慶「六月、方慶周鼎球之亮荊萬戸等、與日本兵合戰、斬三百餘級、日本兵突進、官軍潰、茶丘棄馬走、王萬戸復横撃之、斬五十餘級、日本兵之退、茶丘僅免、翼日復戰敗績、」
^ Jump up to: a b 『元敦武校尉管軍上百戸張成墓碑銘』「（至元）十八年、樞密院檄君、仍管新附□□（軍百？）率所統、?千戸岳公琇、往征倭、四月□（發？）合浦登海州、以六月六日至倭之志賀島、夜将半、賊兵□□來襲、君與所部據艦戦、至暁、賊船廻退、八日、賊遵陸復來、君率纏弓弩、先登岸迎敵、奪占其□要、賊弗能前、日?、賊軍復集、又返敗之、明日、倭大會兵來戦、君統所部、入陣奮戦、賊不能□（支？）殺傷過□（當？）賊敗去。」
Jump up ^ 『歴代鎮西要略』
Jump up ^ 『元史』巻一百五十四　列傳第四十一 洪福源・附洪俊奇「十七年、授龍虎衞上將軍、征東行省右丞、十八年、與右丞欣都、將舟師四萬、由高麗金州合浦以進、時右丞范文虎等、將兵十萬、由慶元、定海等処渡海、期至日本一岐、平戸等島合兵登岸、兵未交、秋八月、風壞舟而還。」
Jump up ^ 『肥前武雄神社文書』黒尾社大宮司藤原経門申状「肥前国御家人黒尾社大宮司藤原資門謹言上　欲早且依合戦忠節、且任傍例、預勲功賞去弘安四年遺賊合戦事、　右、遺賊襲来之時、於千崎息乗移于賊船、資門乍被疵、生虜一人分取一人了、将又攻上鷹嶋棟原、致合戦忠之刻、生慮二人了、此等子細、於鎮西談議所、被経其沙汰、相尋証人等、被注進之処、相漏平均恩賞之条、愁吟之至、何事如之哉、且如傍例者、到越訴之輩、面々蒙其賞了、且資門自身被疵之条、宰府注進分明也、争可相漏平均軍賞哉、如承及者、防戦警固之輩、皆以蒙軍賞了、何自身手負資門不預忠賞、空送年月之条、尤可有御哀憐哉、所詮於所々戦場、或自身被疵、或分取生慮之条、証人等状?宰府注進分明之上者、依合戦忠節、任傍例欲預平均軍賞、仍恐々言上如件、　永仁四年八月 日」
Jump up ^ 『高麗史』巻二十九 世家二十九 忠烈王二 忠烈王八年六月己丑（一日）の条「蠻軍?把沈聰等六人、自白本逃來言、本明州人、至元十八年六月十八日、従葛剌歹萬戸上船至日本、値悪風船敗、衆軍十三四萬、同栖一山、十月初八日、日本軍至、我軍飢不能戰、皆降日本、擇留工匠及知田者、餘皆殺之、王遣上將軍印侯郎將柳庇、押聰等送干元。/（八月）甲午（九日）、蠻軍五人、自日本逃來」
^ Jump up to: a b c 『元史』巻二百八 列傳第九十五 外夷一 日本國「（至元十八年）官軍六月入海、七月至平壷島（平戸島）、移五龍山（鷹島か）、八月一日、風破舟、五日、文虎等諸將各自擇堅好船乘之、棄士卒十餘萬于山下、衆議推張百戸者爲主帥、號之曰張總管、聽其約束、方伐木作舟欲還、七日日本人來戰、盡死、餘二三萬爲其虜去、九日、至八角島、盡殺蒙古、高麗、漢人、謂新附軍爲唐人、不殺而奴之、?輩是也、蓋行省官議事不相下、故皆棄軍歸、久之、莫靑與呉萬五者亦逃還、十萬之衆得還者三人耳。」
Jump up ^ 『薩摩比志島文書』比志島時範軍忠状案「次月七月七日鷹嶋合戦之時、自陸地馳向事、爰時範依合戦之忠勤、爲預御裁許、粗言上如件、　弘安五年二月　日」
Jump up ^ 『薩摩比志島文書』島津長久證状「同閏七月七日鷹嶋合戦之時、五郎次郎自陸地馳向候之条、令見知候了、若此條僞申候者、日本國中大少神罸可罷蒙長久之身候、恐惶謹言、　弘安五年四月十五日　大炊助長久」
Jump up ^ 『江上系図』「西牟田彌次郎永家。弘安四年。大元大將督六万艘十万人。寇鎭西。此時永家戰于松浦之鷹島抽功。於是爲之賞。肥前國神崎郡中數箇。」
Jump up ^ Turnbull, Stephen R. (2003). Genghis Khan and the Mongol Conquests 1190–1400, p. 19., p. 19, at Google Books
Jump up ^ Satō, Kanzan. Kodansha International. 1983. Page 104
Jump up ^ "The Mongols in World History | Asia Topics in World History". afe.easia.columbia.edu. Archived from the original on 2007-09-27. Retrieved 2018-04-05.
Jump up ^ Davis, Paul K. (2001). 100 decisive battles: from ancient times to the present, p. 146., p. 146, at Google Books
Jump up ^ Delgado, James (February 2003). "Relics of the Kamikaze". Archaeology. Archaeological Institute of America. 56 (1). Archived from the original on 2013-12-29.
References[edit]
Satō, Kanzan (1983) The Japanese Sword. Kodansha International. ISBN 9780870115622
Davis, Paul K. (1999). 100 Decisive Battles: From Ancient Times to the Present. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-514366-9; OCLC 0195143663
Reed, Edward J. (1880). Japan: its History, Traditions, and Religions. London: J. Murray. OCLC 1309476
Sansom, George. (1958). A History of Japan to 1334, Stanford University Press, 1958.
Turnbull, Stephen R. (2003). Genghis Khan and the Mongol Conquests, 1190–1400. London: Taylor & Francis. ISBN 978-0-415-96862-1
Winters, Harold A.; Gerald E. Galloway Jr.; William J. Reynolds and David W. Rhyne. (2001). Battling the Elements: Weather and Terrain in the Conduct of War. Baltimore, Maryland: Johns Hopkins Press. ISBN 9780801866487; OCLC 492683854
Further reading[edit]
Conlan, Thomas. (2001). In Little Need of Divine Intervention, Cornell University Press, 2001 – includes a black-and-white reproduction of the Mōko Shūrai Ekotoba, as well as translations of relevant Kamakura-era documents and an essay by Prof. Conlan concerning the Invasions (in which he argues that the Japanese were better placed to withstand the Mongols than traditionally given credit for). The essay is available in pdf form at this link.
External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Mongol invasions of Japan.
Mongol Invasion Scrolls Online - an interactive viewer detailing the Moko Shurai Ekotoba, developed by Professor Thomas Conlan
Mongol Invasions of Japan - selection of photos by Louis Chor
Mongol Invasions Painting Scrolls - more illustrations from the Moko Shurai Ekotoba
Goryeosa 高麗史 full text from the National Diet Library of Japan [2] [3] [4]
Sasaki, Randall James (2008), The origin of the lost fleet of the Mongol Empire (PDF) (An MA thesis discussing the construction of the invasion fleet, and the discovery of its remains by modern underwater archaeologists)
Comprehensive Database of Archaeological Site Reports in Japan, Nara National Research Institute for Cultural Properties
https://books.google.com/books?id=vFS2iT8QjqEC&pg=PA104&lpg=PA104&dq=japanese+swords+mongol+armor&source=bl&ots=-6wb5pPl1J&sig=JNDNU-JdZEaNBSHCZ1rFV2Sn7RM&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiwsJa7oLvSAhXFQiYKHerEC9Y4ChDoAQg1MAU#v=onepage&q=japanese%20swords%20mongol%20armor&f=false
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Japanese honorifics
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This article is about titles and honorifics in Japan. For more on the implementation of honorifics in the Japanese language, see Honorific speech in Japanese.
This article includes a list of references, but its sources remain unclear because it has insufficient inline citations. Please help to improve this article by introducing more precise citations. (December 2014) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
The Japanese language makes use of honorific suffixes when referring to others in a conversation. These suffixes are attached to the end of names, and are often gender-neutral. Honorific suffixes also indicate the level of the speaker and referred individual's relationship and are often used alongside other components of Japanese honorific speech, called keigo (敬語).
Contents
[hide]
1 Usage
2 Translation
3 Common honorifics
3.1 San
3.2 Sama
3.3 Kun
3.4 Chan
3.4.1 Tan
3.4.2 Bō
3.5 Senpai and kōhai
3.6 Sensei and hakase
3.7 Shi
4 Other titles
4.1 Occupation-related titles
4.2 For criminals and the accused
4.3 For companies
4.4 Dono/tono
4.5 No kimi
4.6 Ue
4.7 Royal and official titles
4.8 Martial arts titles
4.8.1 Shōgō
4.8.2 Other martial arts titles
4.9 Other titles
5 Euphonic suffixes and wordplay
5.1 Baby talk variations
6 Familial honorifics
7 See also
7.1 Other languages
8 References
9 Further reading
10 External links
Usage[edit]
Although honorifics are not part of the basic grammar of the Japanese language, they are a fundamental part of the sociolinguistics of Japanese, and proper use is essential to proficient and appropriate speech. Referring to oneself using an honorific, or dropping an honorific when it is required, is a serious faux pas, in either case coming across as clumsy or arrogant.[citation needed]
They can be applied to either the first or last name depending on which is given. In situations where both the first and last names are spoken, the suffix is attached to whichever comes last in the word order.
An honorific is generally used when referring to the person one is talking to (one's interlocutor), or when referring to an unrelated third party in speech. It is dropped, however, by some superiors, when referring to one's in-group, or in formal writing, and is never used to refer to oneself, except for dramatic effect, or some exceptional cases.
Dropping the honorific suffix when referring to one's interlocutor, which is known as to yobisute (呼び捨て), implies a high degree of intimacy and is generally reserved for one's spouse, younger family members, social inferiors (as in a teacher addressing students in traditional arts), and very close friends. Within sports teams or among classmates, where the interlocutors approximately have the same age or seniority, it can be acceptable to use family names without honorifics. Some people of the younger generation, roughly born since 1970, prefer to be referred to without an honorific. However, dropping honorifics is a sign of informality even with casual acquaintances.
When referring to a third person, honorifics are used except when referring to one's family members while talking to a non-family member, or when referring to a member of one's company while talking to a customer or someone from another company—this is the uchi–soto (in-group/out group) distinction. Honorifics are not used to refer to oneself, except when trying to be arrogant (ore-sama), to be cute (-chan), or sometimes when talking to young children to teach them how to address the speaker.
Use of honorifics is correlated with other forms of honorific speech in Japanese, such as use of the polite form (-masu, desu) versus the plain form—using the plain form with a polite honorific (-san, -sama) can be jarring, for instance.
While these honorifics are solely used on proper nouns, these suffixes can turn common nouns into proper nouns when attached to the end of them. This can be seen on words such as 猫ちゃん ("neko-chan") which turns the common noun neko (cat) into a proper noun which would refer solely to that particular cat, while adding the honorific -chan can also mean cute or small.
Translation[edit]
When translating honorific suffixes into English, separate pronouns or adjectives must be used in order to convey characteristics to the person they are referencing as well. While some honorifics such as "-san" are very frequently used due to their gender neutrality and very simple definition of polite unfamiliarity, other honorifics such as "-chan" or "-kun" are more specific as to the context in which they must be used as well as the implications they give off when attached to a person's name. These implications can only be translated into English using either adjectives or adjective word phrases.
Common honorifics[edit]
San[edit]
Endō-san tanjōbi omedetō (Happy birthday, Mr. Endō)
San (さん) (sometimes pronounced han (はん) in Kansai dialect) is the most commonplace honorific and is a title of respect typically used between equals of any age. Although the closest analog in English are the honorifics "Mr.", "Miss", "Ms.", or "Mrs.", -san is almost universally added to a person's name; "-san" can be used in formal and informal contexts and for any gender. Because it is the most common honorific, it is also the most often used to convert common nouns into proper ones, as seen below.
San may be used in combination with workplace nouns, so a bookseller might be addressed or referred to as honya-san ("bookstore" + san) and a butcher as nikuya-san ("butcher's shop" + san).
San is sometimes used with company names. For example, the offices or shop of a company called Kojima Denki might be referred to as "Kojima Denki-san" by another nearby company. This may be seen on small maps often used in phone books and business cards in Japan, where the names of surrounding companies are written using san.
San can be attached to the names of animals or even inanimate objects. For example, a pet rabbit might be called usagi-san, and fish used for cooking can be referred to as sakana-san, but both would be considered childish (akin to "Mr. Fish" or "Mr. Fishy" to equivalate in English) and would be avoided in formal speech. Married people often refer to their spouse with san.
Due to -san being gender neutral and commonly used, it can be used to refer to people who are not close or whom one does not know. However, it may not be appropriate when using it on someone who is close or when it is clear that other honorifics should be used.
Online, Japanese gamers often append a numeral 3 to another player's name to denote san[citation needed] (e.g., Taro3 conveys Taro-san), since the number three is also pronounced san.
Sama[edit]
Okyaku-sama
Sama (様【さま】) is a more respectful version for people of a higher rank than oneself, toward one's guests or customers (such as a sports venue announcer addressing members of the audience), and sometimes toward people one greatly admires. It is seemingly said to be the origin word for "-san" but there is no major evidence otherwise. Deities such as the native Shinto kami and the Christian God, are referred to as kami-sama, meaning "Revered spirit-sama". When used to refer to oneself, sama expresses extreme arrogance (or self-effacing irony), as in praising one's self to be of a higher rank, as with ore-sama (俺様, "my esteemed self").
Sama customarily follows the addressee's name on postal packages and letters and in business email.
Sama also appears in such set phrases as omachidō sama ("thank you for waiting") or otsukare sama ("thank you for a good job").
With the exception of the Emperor of Japan, sama can be used to informally address the Empress and other members of the Imperial Family. The Emperor is, however, always addressed as Heika (Your Majesty). (See "Royal and official titles" below).
Kun[edit]
Kun
Kun (君【くん】) is generally used by people of senior status addressing or referring to those of junior status, by anyone addressing or it can be used when referring to men in general, male children or male teenagers, or among male friends. It can be used by males or females when addressing a male whom they are emotionally attached to or have known for a long time. Although it may seem rude in workplaces, the suffix is also used by juniors when referring to seniors in both academic situations and workplaces, more typically when the two people are associated.[citation needed]
Although kun is generally used for boys, it is not a hard rule. For example, kun can be used to name a close personal friend or family member of any gender. In business settings, young female employees are addressed as kun by older males of senior status. It can be used by male teachers addressing their female students.
'Kun' can mean different things depending on the gender. "Kun" for females is a more respectful name than calling them cute. Kun is not only used to address females formally; it can also be used for a very close friend or family member. Calling a female 'Kun' is not insulting, and can also mean that the person is respected, although that is not the normal implication. Sisters with the same name, such as 'Miku,' may be differentiated by calling one 'Miku~Chan' and the other 'Miku~San' or 'Sama,' and on some occasions 'Kun.' 'Chan' and 'Kun' sometimes mean similar things. General use of 'Kun' means "sweet and kind."
In the National Diet (Legislature), the Speaker of the House uses kun when addressing Diet members and ministers. An exception was when Takako Doi was the Speaker of the lower house, where she used the title san.
Chan[edit]
Chan
Tan
Chan (ちゃん) is a diminutive suffix; it expresses that the speaker finds a person endearing. It is seemingly said to have come from a "cute" pronouncing of -san (in Japanese, replacing s sounds with ch sounds is seen as cute), although there is no evidence otherwise as this suffix has been used since the early days of ancient Japan. In general, chan is used for babies, young children, friends, grandparents and adolescents. It may also be used towards cute animals, lovers, close friends, any youthful woman, or between friends. Using chan with a superior's name is considered to be condescending and rude.
Although traditionally, honorifics are not applied to oneself, some people adopt the childish affectation of referring to themselves in the third person using chan (childish because it suggests that one has not learned to distinguish between names used for oneself and names used by others). For example, a young woman named Kanako might call herself Kanako-chan rather than using a first person pronoun. "Chan" is only used between people who have known each other for a long time or who are of the same gender. Otherwise, using this for someone, especially adults, only known for a short period of time, can be seen as offensive.
Tan[edit]
Tan (たん) is an even more cute[1] or affectionate variant of "chan". It evokes a small child's mispronunciation of that form of address, or baby talk – similar to how, for example, a speaker of English might use "widdle" instead of "little" when speaking to a baby. Moe anthropomorphisms are often labeled as "-tan", e.g., the commercial mascot Habanero-tan, the manga figure Afghanis-tan or the OS-tans representing operating systems.
Bō[edit]
Bō (坊【ぼう】) is another diminutive that expresses endearment. Like "chan", it is used for babies or young children, but is exclusively used for boys instead of girls.
Senpai and kōhai[edit]
Main article: Senpai and kōhai
Senpai (先輩【せんぱい】) is used to address or refer to one's elder colleagues in a school, dojo, or sports club. So at school, the students in higher grades than oneself are senpai. Teachers are not senpai, but rather they are "Sensei." Neither are students of the same or lower grade: they are referred to as kōhai. In a business environment, those with more experience are senpai.
Sensei and hakase[edit]
Sensei (先生【せんせい】) (literally meaning "former-born") is used to refer to or address teachers, doctors, politicians, lawyers, and other authority figures. It is used to show respect to someone who has achieved a certain level of mastery in an art form or some other skill, such as accomplished novelists, musicians, artists and martial artists. In Japanese martial arts, sensei typically refers to someone who is the head of a dojo. As with senpai, sensei can be used not only as a suffix, but also as a stand-alone title. The term is not generally used when addressing a person with very high academic expertise; the one used instead is hakase (博士【はかせ】) (lit. "Doctor" or "PhD").
Sensei can be used fawningly, and it can also be employed sarcastically to ridicule such fawning. The Japanese media invoke it (rendered in katakana, akin to scare quotes or italics in English) to highlight the megalomania of those who allow themselves to be sycophantically addressed with the term.[citation needed]
Shi[edit]
氏
Shi (氏【し】) is used in formal writing, and sometimes in very formal speech, for referring to a person who is unfamiliar to the speaker, typically a person known through publications whom the speaker has never actually met. For example, the shi title is common in the speech of newsreaders. It is preferred in legal documents, academic journals, and certain other formal written styles. Once a person's name has been used with shi, the person can be referred to with shi alone, without the name, as long as there is only one person being referred to.
Other titles[edit]
Occupation-related titles[edit]
Main article: Corporate title § Japan and South Korea
It is common to use a job title after someone's name, instead of using a general honorific. For example, an athlete (選手, senshu) named Ichiro might be referred to as "Ichiro-senshu" rather than "Ichiro-san", and a master carpenter (棟梁, tōryō) named Suzuki might be referred to as "Suzuki-tōryō" rather than "Suzuki-san".
In a business setting, it is common to refer to people using their rank, especially for positions of authority, such as department chief (部長, buchō) or company president (社長, shachō). Within one's own company or when speaking of another company, title + san is used, so a president is shachō-san. When speaking of one's own company to a customer or another company, the title is used by itself or attached to a name, so a department chief named Suzuki is referred to as Buchō or Suzuki-buchō.
However, when referring to oneself, the title is used indirectly, as using it directly is perceived as arrogant. Thus, a department chief named Suzuki will introduce themselves as 部長の鈴木 Buchō-no-Suzuki, rather than ×鈴木部長 *Suzuki-buchō.
For criminals and the accused[edit]
Convicted and suspected criminals were once referred to without any title, but now an effort is made to distinguish between suspects (容疑者, yōgisha), defendants (被告, hikoku), and convicts (受刑者, jukeisha), so as not to presume guilt before anything has been proven. These titles can be used by themselves or attached to names.
However, although "suspect" and "defendant" began as neutral descriptions, they have become derogatory over time. When actor and musician Gorō Inagaki was arrested for a traffic accident in 2001, some media referred him with the newly made title menbā (メンバー), originating from the English word member, to avoid use of yōgisha (容疑者, suspect).[citation needed] But in addition to being criticized as an unnatural term, this title also became derogatory almost instantly—an example of euphemism treadmill.
For companies[edit]
There are several different words for "our company" and "your company". "Our company" can be expressed with the humble heisha (弊社, "clumsy/poor company") or the neutral jisha (自社, "our own company"), and "your company" can be expressed with the honorific kisha (貴社, "noble company", used in writing) or onsha (御社, "honorable company", used in speech). Additionally, the neutral tōsha (当社, "this company") can refer to either the speaker's or the listener's company. All of these titles are used by themselves, not attached to names.
When mentioning a company's name, it is considered important to include its status depending on whether it is incorporated (株式会社, kabushikigaisha) or limited (有限会社, yūgen gaisha). These are often abbreviated as 株 and 有 respectively.
Dono/tono[edit]
Tono (殿【との】), pronounced dono (どの) when attached to a name, roughly means "lord" or "master". It does not equate noble status; rather it is a term akin to "milord" or French "monseigneur", and lies below sama in level of respect. This title is not commonly used in daily conversation, but it is still used in some types of written business correspondence, as well as on certificates and awards, and in written correspondence in tea ceremonies. It is/was also used to indicate that the person referred to has the same (high) rank as the referrer, yet commands respect from the speaker.
No kimi[edit]
No kimi (の君) is another suffix coming from Japanese history. It was used to denominate Lords and Ladies in the Court, especially during the Heian period. The most famous example is the Prince Hikaru Genji, protagonist of The Tale of Genji who was called "Hikaru no Kimi "(光の君). Nowadays, this suffix can be used as a metaphor for someone who behaves like a prince or princess from ancient times, but its use is very rare. Its main usage remains in historical dramas.
This suffix also appears when addressing lovers in letters from a man to a woman, as in, "Murasaki no kimi" or "My beloved Ms. Murasaki".
Ue[edit]
Ue (上) literally means "above", and denotes a high level of respect. While its use is no longer common, it is still seen in constructions like chichi-ue (父上), haha-ue (母上) and ane-ue (姉上), reverent terms for "father", "mother" and "sister" respectively. Receipts that do not require specification of the payer's name are often filled in with ue-sama.
Royal and official titles[edit]
Heika (陛下) is used for sovereign royalty, similar to "Majesty" in English. For example, Tennō Heika (天皇陛下) means "His Majesty the Emperor", which is used to address the Emperor of Japan, and Kōgō Heika (皇后陛下) means "Her Majesty the Empress", used to address the Empress. Kokuō Heika (国王陛下) means "His Majesty the King", and Joō Heika (女王陛下) means "Her Majesty the Queen". Heika by itself can be used as a direct term of address, equivalent to "Your Majesty".
Denka (殿下) is used for non-sovereign royalty, similar to "Highness". For example, Kako Naishinnō Denka (佳子内親王殿下, "Her Imperial Highness, Princess Kako of Akishino"), and Suwēden Ōkoku, Vikutoria Ōtaishi Denka (スウェーデン王国ヴィクトリア王太子殿下, "Her Royal Highness, Crown Princess Victoria of the Kingdom of Sweden"). Denka can be used by itself, equivalent to "Your Highness."
Hidenka (妃殿下) is used for addressing the consort of a prince, and is used the same way as the other royal titles.
Kakka (閣下) means "Excellency", and is used for heads of state (except those addressed by Heika or Denka), heads of government including the Prime Minister of Japan, cabinet ministers, ambassadors and other high-rank officials such as the Secretary-General of the United Nations, or for generals in an army. It can be used by itself or attached to a specific title like other royal titles.
Daitōryō (大統領) means "President", and is used for any national president, such as the President of the United States. It is most commonly attached to a name. For example, Obama-Daitōryō (オバマ大統領, "President Obama").
Martial arts titles[edit]
See also: Japanese martial arts
Martial artists often address their teachers as sensei. Junior and senior students are organized via a senpai/kōhai system. Also in some systems of karate, O-Sensei is the title of the (deceased) head of the style. This is how the founder of Aikido, Morihei Ueshiba is often referred to by practitioners of that art. The 'O' prefix itself, translating roughly as "great[er]" or "major," is also an honorific.
Various titles are also employed to refer to senior instructors. Which titles are used depends on the particular licensing organization.
Shōgō[edit]
Shōgō (称号, "title", "name", "degree") are martial arts titles developed by the Dai Nippon Butoku Kai,[2] the Kokusai Budoin and the International Martial Arts Federation Europe. Many organizations in Japan award such titles upon a sincere study and dedication of Japanese martial arts. The below mentioned titles are awarded after observing a person's martial arts skills, his/her ability of teaching and understanding of martial arts and the most importantly as a role model and the perfection of one's character.
Renshi (錬士 : れんし): Polished Instructor. (Skilled person or expert teacher) Awarded to 4th Dan and above.
Kyōshi (教士 : きょうし) refers to an advanced teacher. (Senior Teacher/Expert). Awarded to 6th Dan and above.
Hanshi (範士 : はんし) refers to a senior expert considered a "teacher of teachers". This title is used by many different arts for the top few instructors of that style, and is sometimes translated "Grand Master". Awarded to 8th Dan and above.
Meijin (名人): awarded by a special board of examiners.
Other martial arts titles[edit]
Oyakata (親方 : おやかた), master, especially a sumo coach. The literal sense is of someone in loco parentis. Also used by the Yakuza. In ancient times, it was also used by samurai to address the Daimyō they serve, as he was Oyakata-sama, the clan's don.
Shihan (師範: しはん), merely means chief instructor; unlike the titles above it is not related to grade.
Shidōin (指導員:しどういん), intermediate instructor, also unrelated to grade.
Shishō (師匠: ししょう) is another title used for martial arts instructors.
Zeki (関: ぜき), literally "barrier", used for sumo wrestlers in the top two divisions (sekitori).
Levels of black belts sometimes used as martial arts titles
Shodan – 1st dan
Nidan – 2nd dan
Sandan – 3rd dan
Yodan – 4th dan
Godan – 5th dan
Rokudan – 6th dan
Shichidan – 7th dan
Hachidan – 8th dan
Kudan – 9th dan
Jūdan – 10th dan
Other titles[edit]
Shinpu (神父: しんぷ), Catholic priest (lit. Godfather). A Catholic priest (shisai (司祭: しさい) (lit. minister of worship) receives this title.
Bokushi (牧師: ぼくし), Protestant priest. This title is given to a Protestant priest (shisai (司祭: しさい)
Euphonic suffixes and wordplay[edit]
In informal speech, some Japanese people may use contrived suffixes in place of normal honorifics. This is essentially a form of wordplay, with suffixes being chosen for their sound, or for friendly or scornful connotations. Although the range of such suffixes that might be coined is limitless, some have gained such widespread usage that the boundary between established honorifics and wordplay has become a little blurred. Examples of such suffixes include variations on chan (see below), bee (scornful), and rin (friendly).[3] Note that unlike a proper honorific, use of such suffixes is governed largely by how they sound in conjunction with a particular name, and on the effect the speaker is trying to achieve.
Baby talk variations[edit]
Some honorifics have baby talk versions—mispronunciations stereotypically associated with small children and cuteness, and more frequently used in popular entertainment than in everyday speech. The baby talk version of sama is chama (ちゃま).
There are even baby talk versions of baby talk versions. Chan can be changed to tan (たん), and less often, chama (ちゃま) to tama (たま).
Familial honorifics[edit]
Words for family members have two different forms in Japanese. When referring to one's own family members while speaking to a non-family-member, neutral, descriptive nouns are used, such as haha (母) for "mother" and ani (兄) for "older brother". When addressing one's own family members or addressing or referring to someone else's family members, honorific forms are used. Using the suffix -san, as is most common, "mother" becomes okāsan (お母さん) and "older brother" becomes oniisan (お兄さん). The honorifics -chan and -sama may also be used instead of -san, to express a higher level of closeness or reverence, respectively.
The general rule is that a younger family member (e.g., a young brother) addresses an older family member (e.g., a big brother) using an honorific form, while the older family member calls the younger one only by name.
The honorific forms are:
Otōsan (お父さん): father. The descriptive noun is chichi (父).
Ojisan (叔父さん／小父さん／伯父さん): uncle, or also "middle-aged gentleman".
Ojiisan (お祖父さん／御爺さん／お爺さん／御祖父さん): grandfather, or also "male senior-citizen".
Okāsan (お母さん): mother. The descriptive noun is haha (母).
Obasan (伯母さん／小母さん／叔母さん): aunt, or also "middle-aged lady".
Obāsan (お祖母さん／御祖母さん／御婆さん／お婆さん): grandmother, or also "female senior-citizen".
Oniisan (お兄さん): big brother, or also "a young gentleman". The descriptive noun is ani (兄).
Onēsan (お姉さん): big sister, or also "a young lady". The descriptive noun is ane (姉).
The initial o- (お) in these nouns is itself an honorific prefix. In more casual situations the speaker may omit this prefix but will keep the suffix.
Niichan (兄ちゃん) or Niisan (兄さん): when a young sibling addresses his or her own "big brother".
Nēchan (姉ちゃん) or Nēsan (姉さん): when a young sibling addresses his or her own "big sister".
Kāsan (母さん): when a man addresses his own "wife" (the "mother" of their children).
Tōsan (父さん): when a woman addresses her own "husband" (the "father" of their children)
Bāchan (祖母ちゃん): when grandchildren address their "grandma".
Jiichan (祖父ちゃん): when grandchildren address their "grandpa".
See also[edit]
Aizuchi
Honorific speech in Japanese
Etiquette in Japan
Japanese pronouns
Zen ranks and hierarchy
Other languages[edit]
T–V distinction, politeness differences more generally
Chinese honorifics
Chinese titles
Korean honorifics
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Ashcraft, Brian (30 January 2013). "Legendary Sega Consoles Turned into Colorful Anime Ladies". Kotaku. Retrieved 30 January 2017.
Jump up ^ Patrick McCarthy. "Dai Nippon Butokukai". Retrieved 2007-08-25.
Jump up ^ Rin is thought to have been inspired by European girl's names like Katherine and Marilyn; [1]
Akamatsu, Tsutomu. "Honorific Particles in Japanese and Personal Monemes". Cairn.Info 47 (2011)
Hijirida, Kyoko, and Ho-Min Sohn. "Cross‐cultural patterns of honorifics and sociolinguistic sensitivity to honorific variables: Evidence from English, Japanese, and Korean". Francis&Taylor Online 19.3 (1986)
Nakazato, Yuji. "An Honorific Index for Japanese". ProQuest (1997)
Obana, Yasuko. "A Comparison of Honorifics in Japanese and English Languages". Francis&Taylor Online 11.3 (1991)
Shibamoto-Smith, Janet. "Honorifics, Politeness, and Power in Japanese Political Debate". ScienceDirect 43.15 (2011)
Further reading[edit]
Poser, William J. (1990). "Evidence for Foot Structure in Japanese". Language 66.1.78–105. Reprinted in Natsuko Tsujimura (ed.) Japanese Linguistics: Critical Concepts in Linguistics. Oxford: Routledge, 2005, pp. 159–190.
External links[edit]
Look up Category:Japanese suffixes in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Japanese honorifics.
How to use Japanese suffixes
Stason.org
Japanese Dictionary with Hiragana, Katakana and Kanji virtual keyboards
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