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Swedish emigration to the United States
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Poster showing a cross-section of the Cunard Line's immigrant liner RMS Aquitania, launched in 1913.
Thirteen of the vast number of Swedish American pioneers
During the Swedish emigration to the United States in the 19th and early 20th centuries, about 1.3 million Swedes left Sweden for the United States of America. While the virgin land of the U.S. frontier was a magnet for the rural poor all over Europe, some factors encouraged Swedish emigration in particular. The religious repression practiced by the Swedish Lutheran State Church was widely resented, as was the social conservatism and class snobbery of the Swedish monarchy. Population growth and crop failures made conditions in the Swedish countryside increasingly bleak. By contrast, reports from early Swedish emigrants painted the American Midwest as an earthly paradise, and praised American religious and political freedom and undreamed-of opportunities to better one's condition.
Swedish migration to the United States peaked in the decades after the American Civil War (1861–65). By 1890 the U.S. census reported a Swedish-American population of nearly 800,000. Most immigrants became pioneers, clearing and cultivating the prairie, but some forces pushed the new immigrants towards the cities, particularly Chicago. Single young women usually went straight from agricultural work in the Swedish countryside to jobs as housemaids in American towns. Many established Swedish Americans visited the old country in the later 19th century, their narratives illustrating the difference in customs and manners. Some made the journey with the intention of spending their declining years in Sweden, but changed their minds when faced with what they thought an arrogant aristocracy, a coarse and degraded laboring class, and a lack of respect for women.
After a dip in the 1890s, emigration rose again, causing national alarm in Sweden. A broad-based parliamentary emigration commission was instituted in 1907. It recommended social and economic reform in order to reduce emigration by "bringing the best sides of America to Sweden." The commission's major proposals were rapidly implemented: universal male suffrage, better housing, general economic development, and broader popular education. The impact of these measures is hard to assess, as World War I (1914–18) broke out the year after the commission published its last volume, reducing emigration to a mere trickle. From the mid-1920s, there was no longer a Swedish mass emigration.
Contents
1 Early history: the Swedish-American dream
2 19th century
2.1 European mass emigration: push and pull
2.2 Crossing the Atlantic
2.3 Mid-19th century
2.4 Late 19th century
2.5 Religious confusion
3 20th century
3.1 Parliamentary Emigration Commission 1907–1913
4 Swedish Americans
4.1 Memory
5 See also
6 Notes
7 References
8 External links
Early history: the Swedish-American dream[edit]
Main article: New Sweden
The Swedish West India Company established a colony on the Delaware River in 1638, naming it New Sweden. A small, short-lived colonial settlement, New Sweden contained at its height only some 600 Swedish and Finnish settlers (Finland being part of Sweden). It was lost to the Dutch in New Netherland in 1655. Nevertheless, the descendants of the original colonists maintained spoken Swedish until the late 18th century. Modern day reminders of the history of New Sweden are reflected in the presence of the American Swedish Historical Museum in Philadelphia, Fort Christina State Park in Wilmington, Delaware, and The Printzhof in Essington, Pennsylvania.
The historian H. A. Barton has suggested that the greatest significance of New Sweden was the strong and long-lasting interest in America that the colony generated in Sweden. America was seen as the standard-bearer of liberalism and personal freedom, and became an ideal for liberal Swedes. Their admiration for America was combined with the notion of a past Swedish Golden Age with ancient Nordic ideals. Supposedly corrupted by foreign influences, the timeless "Swedish values" would be recovered by Swedes in the New World. This remained a fundamental theme of Swedish, and later Swedish-American, discussion of America, though the recommended "timeless" values changed over time. In the 17th and 18th centuries, Swedes who called for greater religious freedom would often refer to America as the supreme symbol of it. The emphasis shifted from religion to politics in the 19th century, when liberal citizens of the hierarchic Swedish class society looked with admiration to the American Republicanism and civil rights. In the early 20th century, the Swedish-American dream even embraced the idea of a welfare state responsible for the well-being of all its citizens. Underneath these shifting ideas ran from the start the current which carried all before it in the later 20th century: America as the symbol and dream of unfettered individualism.[1]
Swedish debate about America remained mostly theoretical before the 19th century, since very few Swedes had any personal experience of the nation. Emigration was illegal and population was seen as the wealth of nations.[2] However, the Swedish population doubled between 1750 and 1850,[3] and as population growth outstripped economic development, it gave rise to fears of overpopulation based on the influential population theory of Thomas Malthus. In the 1830s, the laws against emigration were repealed.[4]
19th century[edit]
Akenson argues that hard times in Sweden before 1867 produced a strong push effect, but that for cultural reasons most Swedes refused to emigrate and clung on at home. Akenson says the state wanted to keep its population high and:
The upper classes' need for a cheap and plentiful labor force, the instinctive willingness of the clergy of the state church to discourage emigration on both moral and social grounds, and the deference of the lower orders to the arcade of powers that hovered above them—all these things formed an architecture of cultural hesitancy concerning emigration.[5]
Swedish anti-emigration propaganda, representing Per Svensson's dream of the American idyll (left) and the reality of Per's life in the wilderness (right), where he is menaced by a mountain lion, a big snake, and wild Indians, seen scalping and disembowelling a man.[6]
A few "countercultural" deviants from the mainstream did leave and showed the way. The severe economic hardship of the "Great Deprivation" of 1867 to 1869, finally overcame the reluctance and the floodgates opened to produce an "emigration culture""[7]
European mass emigration: push and pull[edit]
Large-scale European emigration to the United States started in the 1840s in Britain, Ireland and Germany. That was followed by a rising wave after 1850 from most Northern European countries, and in turn by Central and Southern Europe. Research into the forces behind this European mass emigration has relied on sophisticated statistical methods.[8] One theory which has gained wide acceptance is Jerome's analysis in 1926 of the "push and pull" factors—the impulses to emigration generated by conditions in Europe and the U.S. respectively. Jerome found that fluctuations in emigration co-varied more with economic developments in the U.S. than in Europe, and deduced that the pull was stronger than the push.[9] Jerome's conclusions have been challenged, but still form the basis of much work on the subject.[10][11]
Emigration patterns in the Nordic countries—Finland, Sweden, Norway, Denmark, and Iceland—show striking variation. Nordic mass emigration started in Norway, which also retained the highest rate throughout the century. Swedish emmigration got underway in the early 1840s, and had the third-highest rate in all of Europe, after Ireland and Norway. Denmark had a consistently low rate of emigration, while Iceland had a late start but soon reached levels comparable to Norway. Finland, whose mass emigration did not start until the late 1880s, and at the time part of the Russian Empire, is usually classified as part of the Eastern European wave.[10]
Crossing the Atlantic[edit]
The Emigrants by Knut Ekwall (1843–1912) represents the artist's vision of what the 19th-century transatlantic experience might be like. Date unknown.
In the Land of Promise, Castle Garden, 1884, by Charles Frederic Ulrich, showing the Emigrant Landing Depot in Manhattan
The first European emigrants travelled in the holds of sailing cargo ships. With the advent of the age of steam, an efficient transatlantic passenger transport mechanism was established at the end of the 1860s. It was based on huge ocean liners run by international shipping lines, most prominently Cunard, White Star, and Inman. The speed and capacity of the large steamships meant that tickets became cheaper. From the Swedish port towns of Stockholm, Malmö and Gothenburg, transport companies operated various routes, some of them with complex early stages and consequently a long and trying journey on the road and at sea. Thus North German transport agencies relied on the regular Stockholm—Lübeck steamship service to bring Swedish emigrants to Lübeck, and from there on German train services to take them to Hamburg or Bremen. There they would board ships to the British ports of Southampton and Liverpool and change to one of the great transatlantic liners bound for New York. The majority of Swedish emigrants, however, travelled from Gothenburg to Hull, UK, on dedicated boats run by the Wilson Line, then by train across Britain to Liverpool and the big ships.[12]
During the later 19th century, the major shipping lines financed Swedish emigrant agents and paid for the production of large quantities of emigration propaganda. Much of this promotional material, such as leaflets, was produced by immigration promoters in the U.S. Propaganda and advertising by shipping line agents was often blamed for emigration by the conservative Swedish ruling class, which grew increasingly alarmed at seeing the agricultural labor force leave the country. It was a Swedish 19th-century cliché to blame the falling ticket prices and the pro-emigration propaganda of the transport system for the craze of emigration, but modern historians have varying views about the real importance of such factors. Brattne and Åkerman have examined the advertising campaigns and the ticket prices as a possible third force between push and pull. They conclude that neither advertisements nor pricing had any decisive influence on Swedish emigration. While the companies remain unwilling, as of 2007[update], to open their archives to researchers, the limited sources available suggest that ticket prices did drop in the 1880s, but remained on average artificially high because of cartels and price-fixing.[13] On the other hand, H. A. Barton states that the cost of crossing the Atlantic dropped drastically between 1865 and 1890, encouraging poorer Swedes to emigrate.[14] The research of Brattne and Åkerman has shown that the leaflets sent out by the shipping line agents to prospective emigrants would not so much celebrate conditions in the New World, as simply emphasize the comforts and advantages of the particular company. Descriptions of life in America were unvarnished, and the general advice to emigrants brief and factual. Newspaper advertising, while very common, tended to be repetitive and stereotyped in content.[15]
Mid-19th century[edit]
The Emigrants by S. V. Helander (1839–1901): a young farmer bids a sober farewell to friends and relatives.
Swedish mass migration took off in the spring of 1841 with the departure of Uppsala University graduate Gustaf Unonius (1810–1902) together with his wife, a maid, and two students. This small group founded a settlement they named New Upsala in Waukesha County, Wisconsin, and began to clear the wilderness, full of enthusiasm for frontier life in "one of the most beautiful valleys the world can offer".[16] After moving to Chicago, Unonius soon became disillusioned with life in the U.S., but his reports in praise of the simple and virtuous pioneer life, published in the liberal newspaper Aftonbladet, had already begun to draw Swedes westward.
The rising Swedish exodus was caused by economic, political, and religious conditions affecting particularly the rural population. Europe was in the grip of an economic depression. In Sweden, population growth and repeated crop failures were making it increasingly difficult to make a living from the tiny land plots on which at least three quarters of the inhabitants depended. Rural conditions were especially bleak in the stony and unforgiving Småland province, which became the heartland of emigration. The American Midwest was an agricultural antipode to Småland, for it, Unonius reported in 1842, "more closely than any other country in the world approaches the ideal which nature seems to have intended for the happiness and comfort of humanity."[17] Prairie land in the Midwest was ample, loamy, and government-owned. From 1841 it was sold to squatters for $1.25 per acre, ($30 per acre ($74/ha) as of 2017), following the Preemption Act of 1841 (later replaced by the Homestead Act). The inexpensive and fertile land of Illinois, Iowa, Minnesota and Wisconsin was irresistible to landless and impoverished European peasants. It also attracted more well-established farmers.
The political freedom of the American republic exerted a similar pull. Swedish peasants were some of the most literate in Europe, and consequently had access to the European egalitarian and radical ideas that culminated in the Revolutions of 1848.[18] The clash between Swedish liberalism and a repressive monarchist regime raised political awareness among the disadvantaged, many of whom looked to the U.S. to realize their republican ideals.
Dissenting religious practitioners also widely resented the treatment they received from the Lutheran State Church through the Conventicle Act. Conflicts between local worshipers and the new churches were most explosive in the countryside, where dissenting pietist groups were more active, and were more directly under the eye of local law enforcement and the parish priest. Before non-Lutheran churches were granted toleration in 1809,[19] clampdowns on illegal forms of worship and teaching often provoked whole groups of pietists to leave together, intent on forming their own spiritual communities in the new land. The largest contingent of such dissenters, 1,500 followers of Eric Jansson, left in the late 1840s and founded a community in Bishop Hill, Illinois.[20]
The first Swedish emigrant guidebook was published as early as 1841, the year Unonius left, and nine handbooks were published between 1849 and 1855.[21] Substantial groups of lumberjacks and iron miners were recruited directly by company agents in Sweden. Agents recruiting construction builders for American railroads also appeared, the first in 1854, scouting for the Illinois Central Railroad.[22]
The Swedish establishment disapproved intensely of emigration. Seen as depleting the labor force and as a defiant act among the lower orders, emigration alarmed both the spiritual and the secular authorities. Many emigrant diaries and memoirs feature an emblematic early scene in which the local clergy warns travellers against risking their souls among foreign heretics. The conservative press described emigrants as lacking in patriotism and moral fibre: "No workers are more lazy, immoral and indifferent than those who immigrate to other places."[23] Emigration was denounced as an unreasoning "mania" or "craze", implanted in an ignorant populace by "outside agents". The liberal press retorted that the "lackeys of monarchism" failed to take into account the miserable conditions in the Swedish countryside and the backwardness of Swedish economic and political institutions.[24] "Yes, emigration is indeed a 'mania'", wrote the liberal Göteborgs Handels- och Sjöfartstidning sarcastically, "The mania of wanting to eat one's fill after one has worked oneself hungry! The craze of wanting to support oneself and one's family in an honest manner!"[25]
The great Swedish famine of 1867-1869, and the distrust and discontent concerning the way the establishment distributed the relief help, is estimated to have contributed greatly to the raising Swedish emigration to the United States.[26]
Late 19th century[edit]
Female laborers at a late-19th-century Swedish sugar beet plantation. Sugar production remained non-mechanized and labor-intensive with low wages throughout the 19th century, fuelling the workers' dream of American opportunity and modern agricultural machinery.
Steam-driven threshing machine near Hallock, Minnesota, 1882
Swedish emigration to the United States reached its height in the 1870–1900 era. The size of the Swedish-American community in 1865 is estimated at 25,000 people, a figure soon to be surpassed by the yearly Swedish immigration. By 1890, the U.S. census reported a Swedish-American population of nearly 800,000, with immigration peaking in 1869 and again in 1887.[27] Most of this influx settled in the North. The great majority of them had been peasants in the old country, pushed away from Sweden by disastrous crop failures[28] and pulled towards America by the cheap land resulting from the 1862 Homestead Act. Most immigrants became pioneers, clearing and cultivating the virgin land of the Midwest and extending the pre-Civil War settlements further west, into Kansas and Nebraska.[29] Once sizable Swedish farming communities had formed on the prairie, the greatest impetus for further peasant migration came through personal contacts. The iconic "America-letter" to relatives and friends at home spoke directly from a position of trust and shared background, carrying immediate conviction. At the height of migration, familial America-letters could lead to chain reactions which would all but depopulate some Swedish parishes, dissolving tightly knit communities which then re-assembled in the Midwest.[21]
Other forces worked to push the new immigrants towards the cities, particularly Chicago. According to historian H. Arnold Barton, the cost of crossing the Atlantic dropped by more than half between 1865 and 1890, which led to progressively poorer Swedes contributing a growing share of immigration (but compare Brattne and Åkerman, see "Crossing the Atlantic" above). The new immigrants were increasingly younger and unmarried. With the shift from family to individual immigration came a faster and fuller Americanization, as young, single individuals with little money took whatever jobs they could get, often in cities. Large numbers even of those who had been farmers in the old country made straight for American cities and towns, living and working there at least until they had saved enough capital to marry and buy farms of their own.[30] A growing proportion stayed in urban centers, combining emigration with the flight from the countryside which was happening in the homeland and all across Europe.[31]
Single young women, most commonly moved straight from field work in rural Sweden to jobs as live-in housemaids in urban America. "Literature and tradition have preserved the often tragic image of the pioneer immigrant wife and mother", writes Barton, "bearing her burden of hardship, deprivation and longing on the untamed frontier ... More characteristic among the newer arrivals, however, was the young, unmarried woman ... As domestic servants in America, they ... were treated as members of the families they worked for and like 'ladies' by American men, who showed them a courtesy and consideration to which they were quite unaccustomed at home."[32] They found employment easily, as Scandinavian maids were in high demand, and learned the language and customs quickly. Working conditions were far better than in Sweden, in terms of wages, hours of work, benefits, and ability to change positions.[33][34] In contrast, newly arrived Swedish men were often employed in all-Swedish work gangs. The young women usually married Swedish men and brought with them in marriage an enthusiasm for ladylike, American manners and middle-class refinements. Many admiring remarks are recorded from the late 19th century about the sophistication and elegance that simple Swedish farm girls would gain in a few years, and about their unmistakably American demeanor.[32]
As ready workers, the Swedes were generally welcomed by the Americans, who often singled them out as the "best" immigrants. There was no significant anti-Swedish nativism of the sort that attacked Irish, German and, especially, Chinese newcomers. The Swedish style was more familiar: "They are not peddlers, nor organ grinders, nor beggars; they do not sell ready-made clothing nor keep pawn shops", wrote the Congregational missionary M. W. Montgomery in 1885; "they do not seek the shelter of the American flag merely to introduce and foster among us ... socialism, nihilism, communism ... they are more like Americans than are any other foreign peoples."[35]
"A childhood acquaintance, much changed": the simple young Swedish peasant women's rapid growth in sophistication in America.
A number of well-established and longtime Swedish Americans visited Sweden in the 1870s, making comments that give historians a window on the cultural contrasts involved. A group from Chicago made the journey in an effort to remigrate and spend their later years in the country of their birth, but changed their minds when faced with the realities of 19th-century Swedish society. Uncomfortable with what they described as the social snobbery, pervasive drunkenness, and superficial religious life of the old country, they returned promptly to America.[36] The most notable visitor was Hans Mattson (1832–1893), an early Minnesota settler who had served as a colonel in the Union Army and had been Minnesota's secretary of state. He visited Sweden in 1868–69 to recruit settlers on behalf of the Minnesota Immigration Board, and again in the 1870s to recruit for the Northern Pacific Railroad. Viewing Swedish class snobbery with indignation, Mattson wrote in his Reminiscences that this contrast was the key to the greatness of America, where "labor is respected, while in most other countries it is looked down upon with slight". He was sardonically amused by the ancient pageantry of monarchy at the ceremonial opening of the Riksdag: "With all respects for old Swedish customs and manners, I cannot but compare this pageant to a great American circus—minus the menagerie, of course."[37]
Mattson's first recruiting visit came immediately after consecutive seasons of crop failure in 1867 and 1868, and he found himself "besieged by people who wished to accompany me back to America." He noted that:
…the laboring and middle classes already at that time had a pretty correct idea of America, and the fate that awaited emigrants there; but the ignorance, prejudice and hatred toward America and everything pertaining to it among the aristocracy, and especially the office holders, was as unpardonable as it was ridiculous. It was claimed by them that all was humbug in America, that it was the paradise of scoundrels, cheats, and rascals, and that nothing good could possibly come out of it.[38]
A more recent American immigrant, Ernst Skarstedt, who visited Sweden in 1885, received the same galling impression of upper-class arrogance and anti-Americanism. The laboring classes, in their turn, appeared to him coarse and degraded, drinking heavily in public, speaking in a stream of curses, making obscene jokes in front of women and children. Skarstedt felt surrounded by "arrogance on one side and obsequiousness on the other, a manifest scorn for menial labor, a desire to appear to be more than one was". This traveller too was incessantly hearing American civilization and culture denigrated from the depths of upper-class Swedish prejudice: "If I, in all modesty, told something about America, it could happen that in reply I was informed that this could not possibly be so or that the matter was better understood in Sweden."[39]
Swedish emigration dropped dramatically after 1890; return migration rose as conditions in Sweden improved. Sweden underwent a rapid industrialization within a few years in the 1890s, and wages rose, principally in the fields of mining, forestry, and agriculture. The pull from the U.S. declined even more sharply than the Swedish "push", as the best farmland was taken. No longer growing but instead settling and consolidating, the Swedish-American community seemed set to become ever more American and less Swedish. The new century, however, saw a new influx.[40]
Religious confusion[edit]
In the 1800s–1900s, the Lutheran State Church supported the Swedish government by opposing both emigration and the clergy's efforts recommending sobriety. This escalated to a point where its priests even were persecuted by the church for preaching sobriety, and the reactions of many congregation members to that contributed to an inspiration to leave the country (which however was against the law until 1840).[41]
20th century[edit]
Parliamentary Emigration Commission 1907–1913[edit]
Main article: Swedish Emigration Commission 1907–1913
Swedish emigrants boarding ship in Gothenburg in 1905
Emigration rose again at the turn of the 20th century, reaching a new peak of about 35,000 Swedes in 1903. Figures remained high until World War I, alarming both conservative Swedes, who saw emigration as a challenge to national solidarity, and liberals, who feared the disappearance of the labor force necessary for economic development. One-fourth of all Swedes had made the United States their home,[42] and a broad national consensus mandated that a Parliamentary Emigration Commission study the problem in 1907. Approaching the task with what Barton calls "characteristic Swedish thoroughness",[43] the Commission published its findings and proposals in 21 large volumes. The Commission rejected conservative proposals for legal restrictions on emigration and in the end supported the liberal line of "bringing the best sides of America to Sweden" through social and economic reform. Topping the list of urgent reforms were universal male suffrage, better housing, and general economic development. The Commission especially hoped that broader popular education would counteract "class and caste differences"[44]
Class inequality in Swedish society was a strong and recurring theme in the Commission's findings. It appeared as a major motivator in the 289 personal narratives included in the report. These documents, of great research value and human interest today, were submitted by Swedes in Canada and the U.S. in response to requests in Swedish-American newspapers. The great majority of replies expressed enthusiasm for their new homeland and criticized conditions in Sweden. Bitter experiences of Swedish class snobbery still rankled after sometimes 40–50 years in America. Writers recalled the hard work, pitiful wages, and grim poverty of life in the Swedish countryside. One woman wrote from North Dakota of how in her Värmland home parish, she had had to earn her living in peasant households from the age of eight, starting work at four in the morning and living on "rotten herring and potatoes, served out in small amounts so that I would not eat myself sick". She could see "no hope of saving anything in case of illness", but rather could see "the poorhouse waiting for me in the distance". When she was seventeen, her emigrated brothers sent her a prepaid ticket to America, and "the hour of freedom struck"[45]
A year after the Commission published its last volume, World War I began and reduced emigration to a mere trickle. From the 1920s, there was no longer a Swedish mass emigration. The influence of the ambitious Emigration Commission in solving the problem is still a matter of debate. Franklin D. Scott has argued in an influential essay that the American Immigration Act of 1924 was the effective cause. Barton, by contrast, points to the rapid implementation of essentially all the Commission's recommendations, from industrialization to an array of social reforms. He maintains that its findings "must have had a powerful cumulative effect upon Sweden's leadership and broader public opinion".[46]
Swedish Americans[edit]
Main article: Swedish Americans
Birgit Ridderstedt and small sons emigrating on the mid-Atlantic, bound for Portland, Maine, and on to Chicago in 1950
The Midwest remained the heartland of the Swedish-American community, but its position weakened in the 20th century: in 1910, 54% of the Swedish immigrants and their children lived in the Midwest, 15% in industrial areas in the East, and 10% on the West Coast. Chicago was effectively the Swedish-American capital, accommodating about 10% of all Swedish Americans—more than 100,000 people—making it the second-largest Swedish city in the world (only Stockholm had more Swedish inhabitants).[29]
Defining themselves as both Swedish and American, the Swedish-American community retained a fascination for the old country and their relationship to it. The nostalgic visits to Sweden which had begun in the 1870s continued well into the 20th century, and narratives from these trips formed a staple of the lively Swedish-American publishing companies.[47] The accounts testify to complex feelings, but each contingent of American travellers were freshly indignant at Swedish class pride and Swedish disrespect for women. It was with renewed pride in American culture that they returned to the Midwest.[48]
Distribution of Swedish Americans in 2000 by county, according to the United States Census
In the 2000 U.S. Census, about four million Americans claimed to have Swedish roots.[49] Minnesota remains by a wide margin the state with the most inhabitants of Swedish descent—9.6% of the population as of 2005[update].[50]
Memory[edit]
The best-known artistic representation of the Swedish mass migration is the epic four-novel suite The Emigrants (1949–1959) by Vilhelm Moberg (1898–1973). Portraying the lives of an emigrant family through several generations, the novels have sold nearly two million copies in Sweden and have been translated into more than twenty languages.[51] The tetralogy has been filmed by Jan Troell as The Emigrants (1971) and The New Land (1972), and forms the basis of Kristina from Duvemåla, a 1995 musical by former ABBA members Benny Andersson and Björn Ulvaeus.
In Sweden, the Småland city of Växjö is home to the Swedish Emigrant Institute (Svenska Emigrantinstitutet), founded in 1965 "to preserve records, interviews, and memorabilia relating to the period of major Swedish emigration between 1846 and 1930".[52] The House of the Emigrants (Emigranternas Hus) was founded in Gothenburg, the main port for Swedish emigrants, in 2004. The centre shows exhibitions on migration and has a research hall for genealogy.[53] In the U.S., there are hundreds of active Swedish-American organizations as of 2007[update], for which the Swedish Council of America functions as an umbrella group. There are Swedish-American museums in Philadelphia, Chicago, Minneapolis, and Seattle.[29] Rural cemeteries such as the Moline Swedish Lutheran Cemetery in central Texas also serve as a valuable record of the first Swedish people to come to America.[54]
See also[edit]
Nordstjernan (newspaper)
American Swedish Historical Museum
American Swedish Institute
Swedish colonization of the Americas
Swedish language in the United States
Swedish-American relations
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ Barton, A Folk Divided, 5–7.
Jump up ^ Kälvemark, 94–96.
Jump up ^ See Beijbom, "Review Archived 2 June 2006 at the Wayback Machine.".
Jump up ^ Barton, A Folk Divided, 11.
Jump up ^ Donald Harman Akenson, Ireland, Sweden, and the Great European Migration, 1815-1914 (McGill-Queen's University Press; 2011) p 70
Jump up ^ The pictures originally illustrated a cautionary tale published in 1869 in the Swedish periodical Läsning för folket, the organ of the Society for the Propagation of Useful Knowledge (Sällskapet för nyttiga kunskapers spridande). See Barton, A Folk Divided, 71.
Jump up ^ Akenson, Ireland, Sweden, and the Great European Migration, 1815-1914 pp 37-39
Jump up ^ Åkerman, passim.
Jump up ^ Norman, 150–153.
^ Jump up to: a b Runblom and Norman, 315.
Jump up ^ Norman, passim.
Jump up ^ Brattne and Åkerman, 179–181.
Jump up ^ Brattne and Åkerman, 179–181, 186–189, 199–200.
Jump up ^ Barton, 38.
Jump up ^ Brattne and Åkerman, 187–192.
Jump up ^ Unonius, quoted in Barton, A Folk Divided, 13.
Jump up ^ Quoted in Barton, A Folk Divided, 14.
Jump up ^ Cipollo, 115, estimates adult literacy in Sweden at 90% in 1850, which places it highest among the European countries he has surveyed.
Jump up ^ Gritsch, Eric W. A History of Lutheranism. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2002. p. 180.
Jump up ^ Barton, A Folk Divided, 15–16.
^ Jump up to: a b Barton, A Folk Divided, 17.
Jump up ^ Barton, A Folk Divided, 18.
Jump up ^ Proclaimed in an article in the newspaper Nya Wermlandstidningen in April 1855; quoted by Barton, A Folk Divided, 20–22.
Jump up ^ Göteborgs Handels- och Sjöfartstidning, 1849, quoted in Barton, A Folk Divided, 24.
Jump up ^ 1851, quoted and translated by Barton, A Folk Divided, 24.
Jump up ^ Häger, Olle; Torell, Carl; Villius, Hans (1978). Ett satans år: Norrland 1867. Stockholm: Sveriges Radio. Libris 8358120. ISBN 91-522-1529-6 (inb.)
Jump up ^ The exact figure is 776,093 people (Barton, A Folk Divided, 37).
Jump up ^ 1867 and 1868 were the worst years for crop failure, which ruined many smallholders; see Barton, A Folk Divided, 37.
^ Jump up to: a b c Swenson Center Archived 18 April 2015 at the Wayback Machine..
Jump up ^ Beijbom, "Chicago Archived 6 October 2013 at the Wayback Machine."
Jump up ^ Barton, A Folk Divided, 38–41.
^ Jump up to: a b Barton, A Folk Divided, 41.
Jump up ^ Joy K. Lintelman (2009). I Go to America: Swedish American Women and the Life of Mina Anderson. Minnesota Historical Society. pp. 57–58. ISBN 9780873516365.
Jump up ^ Dirk Hoerder; Elise van Nederveen Meerkerk; Silke Neunsinger, eds. (2015). Towards a Global History of Domestic and Caregiving Workers. BRILL. p. 78. ISBN 9789004280144.
Jump up ^ Quoted by Barton, A Folk Divided, 40.
Jump up ^ Private letters by Anders Larsson in the 1870s, summarized by Barton, A Folk Divided, 59.
Jump up ^ Quoted by Barton, A Folk Divided, 60–61.
Jump up ^ Barton, A Folk Divided, 61–62.
Jump up ^ Svensk-amerikanska folket i helg och söcken (Ernst Teofil Skarstedt. Stockholm: Björck & Börjesson. 1917)
Jump up ^ Barton, A Folk Divided, 80.
Jump up ^ Vår svenska stam på utländsk mark; Svenska öden och insatser i främmande land; I västerled, Amerikas förenta stater och Kanada, Ed. Axel Boëthius, Stockholm 1952, Volume I, pp. 92, 137, 273 & 276; for the whole section
Jump up ^ 1.4 million first- and second-generation Swedish immigrants lived in the U.S. in 1910, while Sweden's population at the time was 5.5 million; see Beijbom, "Review Archived 2 June 2006 at the Wayback Machine.".
Jump up ^ Barton, A Folk Divided, 149.
Jump up ^ The phrase is from Ernst Beckman's original liberal parliamentary motion for instituting the Commission; quoted by Barton, A Folk Divided, 149.
Jump up ^ Quoted from Volume VII of the Survey by Barton, A Folk Divided, 152.
Jump up ^ Barton, A Folk Divided,165.
Jump up ^ For Swedish American publishing, see Barton, A Folk Divided, 212–213, 254.
Jump up ^ Barton, A Folk Divided, 103 ff.
Jump up ^ American FactFinder, Fact Sheet "Swedish" Archived 13 September 2009 at the Wayback Machine..
Jump up ^ American FactFinder: Minnesota, Selected Social Characteristics in the United States, 2005.
Jump up ^ Moberg biography by JoAnn Hanson-Stone at the Swedish Emigrant Institute Archived 6 October 2013 at the Wayback Machine..
Jump up ^ "The Swedish Emigrant Institute". UtvandrarnasHus.se. Svenska Emigrantinstitutet. Archived from the original on 6 October 2013.
Jump up ^ House of the Emigrants.
Jump up ^ Scott, Larry E. "Swedish Texans". University of Texas Institute of Texan Cultures at San Antonio, 2006.
References[edit]
Akenson, Donald Harman. (2011) Ireland, Sweden and the Great European Migration, 1815-1914 (McGill-Queens University Press)
Åkerman, Sune (1976). Theories and Methods of Migration Research in Runblom and Norman, From Sweden to America, 19–75.
American FactFinder, United States Census, 2000. Consulted 30 June 2007.
Andersson, Benny, and Ulvaeus, Björn. Kristina from Duvemåla (musical), consulted 7 May 2007.
Barton, H. Arnold (1994). A Folk Divided: Homeland Swedes and Swedish Americans, 1840–1940. Uppsala: Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis.
Barton, H. Arnold Swedish America in Fifty Years—2050, a paper read to the Swedish American Historical Society on the occasion of the 1996 celebration of the Swedish Immigration Jubilee. Consulted 7 May 2007.
Beijbom, Ulf. Chicago, the Essence of the Promised Land at the Swedish Emigrant Institute. Click on "History", then "Chicago." Consulted 6 May 2007.
Beijbom, Ulf (1996). A Review of Swedish Emigration to America at AmericanWest.com, consulted 2 February 2007.
Brattne, Berit, and Sune Åkerman (1976). The Importance of the Transport Sector for Mass Emigration in Runblom and Norman, From Sweden to America, 176–200.
Cipolla, Carlo (1966). Literacy and Development in the West. Harmondsworth.
Elovson, Harald (1930). Amerika i svensk litteratur 1750–1820. Lund.
Glynn, Irial: Emigration Across the Atlantic: Irish, Italians and Swedes compared, 1800-1950 , European History Online, Mainz: Institute of European History, 2011, retrieved: June 16, 2011.
Lintelman, Joy K. (2009). I Go to America: Swedish American Women and the Life of Mina Anderson. Minnesota Historical Society. ISBN 9780873516365.
Kälvemark, Ann-Sofie (1976). Swedish Emigration Policy in an International Perspective, 1840–1925, in Runblom and Norman, From Sweden to America, 94–113.
Norman, Hans (1976). The Causes of Emigration in Runblom and Norman, From Sweden to America, 149–164.
Runblom, Harald, and Hans Norman (eds.) (1976). From Sweden to America: A History of the Migration. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
Scott, Franklin D. (1965). Sweden's Constructive Opposition to Emigration, Journal of Modern History, Vol. 37, No. 3. (Sep., 1965), 307–335. in JSTOR
The Swedish Emigrant Institute. Consulted 30 June 2007.
Swenson Center, a research institute at Augustana College, Illinois. Consulted 7 May 2007.
External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Immigration to the United States from Sweden.
Press
Nordstjernan - The Swedish Newspaper founded in New York 1872
Organizations
The New Sweden Centre — museum, tours and reenactors
The Swedish-American Historical Society is a non-profit organization founded in 1948 to "Record the Achievements of the Swedish Pioneers." The society publishes the academic journal The Swedish-American Historical Quarterly
Articles
The Swedish Emigration to America
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Sillgatan: The Emigrant Path through Göteborg
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Music
From Sweden To America 1996 CD: 23 of the 31 tracks on the vinyl release.
From Sweden To America 1981 LP: available in digital format at iTunes and Amazon mp3.
Historical Markers
First Swedish Settlers in Wisconsin Wisconsin Historical Markers
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History of smoking
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
For more about the practice, see Smoking.
Smokers in an Inn by Mattheus van Hellemont (1650s)
The history of smoking dates back to as early as 4000 BC in the Americas in shamanistic rituals. With the arrivals of the Europeans in the 16th century, the consumption, cultivation, and trading of tobacco quickly spread. With the modernization of farm equipment and manufacturing bore the cigarette following reconstruction in the United States. This method of consumption quickly expanded the scope of consumption, which grew until the scientific controversies of the 1960s, and condemnation in the 1980s.
Cannabis was common in the Middle East before the arrival of tobacco, and is known to have existed in at least 5000 BC. Early consumption of cannabis was a common social activity involving the type of water pipe called a hookah.
Previously eaten for its medicinal properties, opium smoking became widespread during the 19th century from British trade with China. This spawned the many infamous Opium dens. In the latter half of the century, opium smoking became popular in the artistic communities of Europe. While Opium dens continued to exist throughout the world, the trend among the Europeans abated during the First World War, and among the Chinese during the cultural revolution.
More widespread cigarette usage as well as increased life expectancy during the 1920s made adverse health effects more noticeable. In 1929, Fritz Lickint of Dresden, Germany, published formal statistical evidence of a lung cancer–tobacco link, which subsequently led a strong anti-smoking movement in Nazi Germany. The subject remained largely taboo until 1954 with the British Doctors Study, and in 1964 United States Surgeon General's report. Tobacco became stigmatized, which led to the largest civil settlement in United States history, the Tobacco Master Settlement (MSA).
Contents
[hide]
1 Early usages
2 Popularization of smokes
2.1 Europe
2.2 South Asia
2.3 The Middle East
2.4 East Asia
2.5 Sub-Saharan Africa
3 Opium
4 Social stigma
4.1 Early opposition
4.2 Nascent political resistance
4.3 Scientific rationalization
5 Other substances
6 See also
7 References
7.1 Notes
7.2 Bibliography
Early usages[edit]
A carving from the temple at Palenque, Mexico, depicting a Mayan priest using a smoking tube.
Smoking has been practiced in one form or another since ancient times. Tobacco and various hallucinogenic drugs were smoked all over the Americas as early as 5000 BC in shamanistic rituals and originated in the Peruvian and Ecuadorian Andes.[1] Many ancient civilizations, such as the Babylonians, Indians and Chinese, burnt incense as a part of religious rituals, as did the Israelites and the later Catholic and Orthodox Christian churches.
In Ancient Greece, smoke was used as healing practice and the Oracle of Delphi made prophecies while intoxicated by inhaling natural gases from a natural bore hole. The Greek historian Herodotos also wrote that the Scythians used cannabis for ritual mourning purposes and, to some degree, pleasure. He describes how Scythians burned hemp seed (IV, 75):
“ At once it begins to smoke, giving off a vapour unsurpassed by any vapour-bath one could find in Greece. The Scythians enjoy it so much that they howl with pleasure.[2] ”
James L. Butrica criticized this view, emphasizing that the term "ἀγάμενοι" should be translated as "astounded" or "in mourning", as this is "closer to what one might expect in a ritual connected with death".[3] This type of ritual has been confirmed as a result of archeological discoveries.[4][5]
Aztec women are handed flowers and smoking tubes before eating at a banquet, Florentine Codex, 16th century.
Robicsek posits that smoking in the Americas probably originated in incense-burning ceremonies, and was later adopted for pleasure or as a social tool.[6] The Maya employed it in classical times (at least from the 10th century) and the Aztecs included it in their mythology. The Aztec goddess Cihuacoahuatl had a body consisting of tobacco, and the priests that performed human sacrifices wore tobacco gourds as symbols of divinity. Even today certain Tzeltal Maya sacrifice 13 calabashes of tobacco at New Year.[7] The smoking of tobacco and various other hallucinogenic drugs was used to achieve trances and to come into contact with the spirit world. Reports from the first European explorers and conquistadors to reach the Americas tell of rituals where native priests smoked themselves into such high degrees of intoxication that it is unlikely that the rituals were limited to just tobacco. No concrete evidence of exactly what they smoked exists, but the most probable theory is that the tobacco was much stronger, consumed in extreme amounts, or was mixed with other, unknown psychoactive drugs.
A ceremonial pipe of the Mississippian Culture.
In early North America the most common form of smoking by indigenous peoples was in pipes, either for social or religious purposes (which varied between different cultures). Sometimes pipes were smoked by representatives of warring tribes, and later with European settlers, as a gesture of goodwill, diplomacy, or to seal a peace treaty (hence the misnomer, "peace pipe"). In the Caribbean, Mexico and Central and South America, early forms of cigarettes include smoking reeds or cigars were the most common smoking tools. Only in modern times has the use of pipes become fairly widespread. Smoking is depicted in engravings and on various types of pottery as early as the 9th century, but it is not known whether it was limited to just the upper class and priests.[8]
After Europeans arrived in the Americas in the late 15th century tobacco smoking as a recreational activity became widespread. At the banquets of Aztec nobles, the meal would commence by passing out fragrant flowers and smoking tubes for the dinner guests. At the end of the feast, which would last all night, the remaining flowers, smoking tubes and food would be given as a kind of alms to old and poor people who had been invited to witness the social occasion, or it would be rewarded to the servants.[9]
Popularization of smokes[edit]
Europe[edit]
Gentlemen Smoking and Playing Backgammon in an Interior by Dirck Hals, 1627.
A Frenchman named Jean Nicot (from whose name the word nicotine derives) introduced tobacco to France in 1560 from Spain. From there, it spread to England. The first report of a smoking Englishman is of a sailor in Bristol in 1556, seen "emitting smoke from his nostrils."[10] Like tea, coffee and opium, tobacco was just one of many intoxicants originally used as a form of medicine.[11]
Early modern European medical science was still to a great extent based on humorism, the idea that everything had a specific humoral nature that varied between hot and cold, dry and moist. Tobacco was often seen as something that was beneficial in its heating and drying properties and was assigned an endless list of beneficial properties. The concept of ingesting substances in the form of smoke was also entirely new and was met with both astonishment and great skepticism by Europeans.
The debate raged among priests, scientists and laymen whether tobacco was a bane or boon and both sides had powerful supporters. The English king James I was one of the first outspoken skeptics and wrote A Counterblaste to Tobacco, an unforgiving literary assault on what he believed was a menace to society. Though rife with, at times, irrelevant and partial arguments, it did address some of the health issues and pointed out the peculiar fact that tobacco was frequently assigned conflicting, and at times almost miraculous, properties:
“ It makes a man sober that was drunke. It refreshes a weary man, and yet makes a man hungry. Being taken when they goe to bed, it makes one sleepe soundly, and yet being taken when a man is sleepie and drowsie, it will, as they say, awake his braine, and quicken his understanding. As for curing of the Pockes, it serves for that use but among the pockie Indian slaves. Here in England it is refined, and will not deigne to cure heere any other than cleanly and gentlemanly diseases.[12] ”
South Asia[edit]
Djarum Blacks, a popular brand of Indonesian clove-flavoured cigarettes called kretek.
Cannabis smoking in India has been known since at least 2000 BC[13] and is first mentioned in the Atharvaveda, which dates back a few hundred years BC. Fumigation (dhupa) and fire offerings (homa) are prescribed in the Ayurveda for medical purposes and have been practiced for at least 3,000 years while smoking, dhumrapana (literally "drinking smoke"), has been practiced for at least 2,000 years.
Fumigation and fire offerings have been performed with various substances, including clarified butter (ghee), fish offal, dried snake skins, and various pastes molded around incense sticks and lit to spread the smoke over wide areas. The practice of inhaling smoke was employed as a remedy for many different ailments. It was not limited to just cannabis, but various plants and medicinal concoctions recommended to promote general health were also used.
Before modern times, smoking was done with pipes with stems of various lengths, or chillums. Today dhumapana has been replaced almost entirely by cigarette smoking, but both dhupa and homa are still practiced. Beedi, a type of handrolled herbal cigarette consisting of cloves, ground betel nut, and tobacco, usually with rather low proportion of tobacco, are a modern descendant of the historical dhumapana.[14]
In Indonesia, a specific type of cigarette that includes cloves called kretek was invented in the early 1880s as a way of delivering the therapeutic properties of clove oil, or eugenol, to the lungs. It quickly became a popular cough remedy, and in the early 20th century kretek, producers began to market pre-rolled clove cigarettes. In the 1960s and 70s, kretek took on the form of a national symbol, with tax breaks compared to "white" cigarettes[15] and the production began to shift from traditional hand-rolling to machine-rolling.
The industrial method passed the hand-rolled type in numbers in the mid-1980s and today kretek dominates up to 90% of the Indonesian cigarette market. The production is one of the largest sources of income for the Indonesian government and the production, which is spread out on some 500 independent manufacturers, employs some 180,000 people directly and over 10 million indirectly.[16]
The Middle East[edit]
A Persian girl smoking by Muhammad Qasim. Isfahan, 17th century.
Cannabis smoking was common in the Middle East before the arrival of tobacco, and, early on, was a common social activity centered on the type of water pipe called a hookah. As today, the pipes often had several tubes to accommodate multiple smokers, or smokers would pass the nozzle around in the many smoking houses that functioned as social hubs in major centers of Muslim culture like Istanbul, Baghdad, and Cairo. Smoking, especially after the introduction of tobacco, was an essential component of Muslim society and culture and became integrated with important traditions like weddings, funerals and was expressed in architecture, clothing, literature and poetry.[17]
There is reference to tobacco in Persian poem dating from before 1536, but because of the lack of any corroborating sources, the authenticity of the source has been questioned. The next reliable eyewitness account of tobacco smoking is by a Spanish envoy in 1617, but by this time the practice was already deeply engrained in Persian society.
The water pipe called Argila (or hookah) was created in Persia. The pipes of the rich were made of finely crafted glass and precious metals while common people used coconuts with bamboo tubing, and these were used to smoke cannabis before the arrival of tobacco.
The two substances in combination became very popular and were also smoked in normal "dry" pipes. The water pipe, however, remained the most common smoking tool until the introduction of the cigarette in the 20th century. Foreign visitors to the region often remarked that smoking was immensely popular among Persians. On Ramadan, the Muslim period of fasting when no food is eaten while the sun is up, among the first thing many Persians did after sunset was light their pipes.
Both sexes smoked, but for women it was a private affair enjoyed in the seclusion of private homes. In the 19th century Iran was one of the world's largest tobacco exporters, and the habit had by then become a national Iranian trait.[18]
East Asia[edit]
A man smoking a kiseru on the cover of Komon gawa ("Elegant chats on fashion"), a novel by Santō Kyōden published in 1790.
After the European discovery of the Americas, tobacco spread to Asia—first via Spanish and Portuguese sailors, and later by the Dutch and English. Spain and Portugal were active in Central and South America, where cigarettes and cigars were the smoking tools of choice, and their sailors smoked mostly cigars. The English and Dutch had contact with the pipe smoking natives of North America, and adopted the habit. While the southern Europeans began smoking earlier, it was the long-stemmed pipes of the northerners that became popular in East and Southeast Asia. Tobacco smoking arrived through expatriates in the Philippines and was introduced as early as the 1570s.[19]
By the early 17th century the kiseru, a long-stemmed Japanese pipe inspired by Dutch clay pipes, was common enough to be mentioned in Buddhist text books for children. The practice of tobacco smoking evolved as a part of the Japanese tea ceremony by employing many of the traditional object used to burn incense for tobacco smoking. The kō-bon (the incense tray) became the tabako-bon, the incense burner evolved into a pot for tobacco embers and the incense pot became an ash tray.
During the Edo period, weapons were frequently used as objects of ostentation, indicating wealth and social status. Since only samurai were allowed to carry weapons, an elaborate kiseru slung from the waist served a similar purpose. After the Meiji restoration and abolishing of the caste system, many craftsmen who previously decorated swords switched to designing kiserus and buckles for tobacco pouches. Though mass-production of cigarettes began in the late 19th century, not until after World War II did the kiseru go out of style and become an object of tradition and relative obscurity.[20]
Sub-Saharan Africa[edit]
A Nama woman smoking in the Kalahari Desert in Namibia.
Cannabis smoking was introduced to Sub-Saharan Africa through Ethiopia and the east African coast by either Indian or Arab traders in the 13th century or earlier and spread on the same trade routes as those that carried coffee, which originated in the highlands of Ethiopia.[21] It was smoked in calabash water pipes with terra cotta smoking bowls, apparently an Ethiopian invention later conveyed to eastern, southern, and central Africa.
Around 1600, French merchants introduced tobacco in what is now Gambia and Senegal. At the same time, caravans from Morocco brought tobacco to the area around Timbuktu, and the Portuguese brought the commodity (and the plant) to southern Africa. This established the popularity of tobacco throughout all of Africa by the 1650s. Imported tobacco and tobacco pipes became prized and valuable trading goods and were both quickly absorbed into African cultural traditions, rituals, and politics. The practice spawned a rich artistic tradition of decorated pipes of wood, ceramics, and eventually metal in an endless variety of themes and motifs of all shapes and sizes.
Tobacco and cannabis were used, much like elsewhere in the world, to confirm social relations, but also created entirely new ones. In what is today Congo, a society called Bena Diemba ("People of Cannabis") was organized in the late 19th century in Lubuko ("The Land of Friendship").
The Bena Diemba were collectivist pacifists that rejected alcohol and herbal medicines in favor of cannabis.[22] Certain other herbs have been and still are smoked by certain African communities. Tabwa shamans smoke lubowe (Amaranthus dubius), a plant said to help shamans see invisible spirit sorcerers, even though there are no reports of the substance being hallucinogenic.[citation needed]
Some groups, such as the Fang of Gabon consume eboga (Tabernanthe iboga), a mind-altering drug in religious rituals. In modern Africa, smoking is, in most areas, considered an expression of modernity, and many of the strong adverse opinions that prevail in the West receive less attention.[23]
Opium[edit]
Main article: Opium
An illustration of an opium den on the cover of Le Petit Journal, July 5, 1903.
In the 19th century, smoking opium became common. Previously it had only been eaten, and then primarily for its medical properties. A massive increase in opium smoking in China was more or less directly instigated by the British trade deficit with Qing dynasty China. As a way to amend this problem, the British began exporting large amounts of opium grown in the Indian colonies.
The social problems and the large net loss of currency led to several Chinese attempts to stop the imports, which eventually culminated in the First and Second Opium Wars. Opium smoking later spread with Chinese immigrants and spawned many infamous opium dens in China towns around South and Southeast Asia and Europe.
In the latter half of the 19th century, opium smoking became popular in the artistic community in Europe, especially Paris in artists' neighborhoods such as Montparnasse and Montmartre being virtual opium capitals. While opium dens that catered primarily to emigrant Chinese continued to exist in China Towns around the world, the trend among the European artists largely abated after the outbreak of World War I.[24]
Social stigma[edit]
Early opposition[edit]
Ever since smoking was introduced outside of the Americas, there has been much vehement opposition to it. Arguments ranged from socio-economic, with tobacco called a usurper of good farm land—to purely moralistic, where many religiously devout individuals saw tobacco as another form of immoral intoxication. Many arguments were presented to the effect that smoking was harmful, and even if the critics were in the end right about many of their claims, the complaints were usually not based on scientific arguments, and if they were, these often relied on humorism and other pre-modern scientific methods.
Dr Eleazar Duncon, 1606, wrote [25] that tobacco "...is so hurtful and dangerous to youth that it might have the pernicious nation expressed in the name, and that it were as well known by the name of Youths-bane as by the name of tobacco."
Early 17th century descriptive notices of various characteristic types and fashions of men portray tobacconists and smokers as individuals who suffer from false self-images and mistaken illusions about the properties of tobacco taking.[26] Though physicians such as Benjamin Rush claimed tobacco use (including smoking) negatively impacted health as far back as 1798,[27] not until the early 20th century did researchers begin to conduct serious medical studies.
1907 advertisement for Grimault's Indian Cigarettes, emphasising their alleged efficacy for the relief of asthma and other respiratory conditions
Nascent political resistance[edit]
For more about the movement in Nazi Germany, see Anti-tobacco movement in Nazi Germany.
For information on the social acceptance female smoking, see Women and smoking.
The late-19th century invention of automated cigarette-making machinery in the American South made possible mass production of cigarettes at low cost, and cigarettes became elegant and fashionable among society men as the Victorian era gave way to the Edwardian. In 1912, American Dr. Isaac Adler was the first to strongly suggest that lung cancer is related to smoking.[28]
Prior to World War I, lung cancer was a rare disease that most physicians never saw in their career.[29][30]
With the postwar rise in cigarette smoking, however, the significant increase in lung cancer promoted nascent investigations into the link between smoking and cancer. In 1929, Fritz Lickint of Dresden, Germany, published a formal statistical evidence of a lung cancer–tobacco link, based on a study that showed lung cancer sufferers were likely to be smokers.[31] Lickint also argued that tobacco use was the best way to explain the fact that lung cancer struck men four or five times more often than women (since women smoked much less).[31]
In Germany, anti-smoking groups, often associated with anti-liquor groups,[32] first published advocacy against the consumption of tobacco in the journal Der Tabakgegner (The Tobacco Opponent), by the Bohemian organization between 1912 and 1932. The Deutsche Tabakgegner (German Tobacco Opponents) was published in Dresden from 1919 to 1935, and was the second journal on this subject.[33]
After Adolf Hitler rose to power during the great depression, he condemned his earlier smoking habit as a waste of money.[34] In later years, Hitler viewed smoking as "decadent"[35] and "the wrath of the Red Man against the White Man, vengeance for having been given hard liquor,"[34] lamenting that "...so many excellent men have been lost to tobacco poisoning."[36]
Nazi reproductive policy likewise strengthened the anti-smoking movement. Women who smoked were considered vulnerable to premature aging and loss of physical attractiveness—unsuitable to be wives and mothers in a German family. Werner Huttig of the Nazi Party's Rassenpolitisches Amt (Office of Racial Politics) said that a smoking mother's breast milk contained nicotine,[37] a claim modern research has verified.[38] Nazi political resistance to smoking, however, did not cross enemy lines.
Scientific rationalization[edit]
A true breakthrough came in 1948, when the British epidemiologist Richard Doll published the first major studies that demonstrated that smoking could cause serious health damage.[39] While some physicians in the United States once pitched cigarettes as health-improving products, some commentators now argue that it is unethical for physicians, as role models, to smoke at all.[40]
In 1950, Richard Doll published research in the British Medical Journal that showed a close link between smoking and lung cancer.[41] Four years later, in 1954 the British Doctors Study, a study of some 40 thousand doctors over 20 years, confirmed the suggestion, based on which the government issued advice that smoking and lung cancer rates were related.[42] The British Doctors Study lasted till 2001, with result published every ten years and final results published in 2004 by Doll and Richard Peto.[43] Much early research was also done by Dr. Ochsner. Reader's Digest magazine for many years published frequent anti-smoking articles.
In 1964 the United States Surgeon General's Report on Smoking and Health began the font, suggesting a link between smoking and cancer. This eventually led to bans on certain advertising, and requirements for warning labels on tobacco products.
Since the 1990s, smoking defense groups have reacted against legislation in some countries with increased taxes, restrictions on where to smoke, and anti-smoking campaigns. These groups feel that new regulations and the general atmosphere are oppressive, and stigmatization placed on them is excessive. Some smoking defense groups are independent,[44] while others are funded by tobacco companies.[45]
In the 21st century, smoking has become stigmatized throughout Western societies[46], but it is still a frequent practice among individuals with lower socioeconomic status.[47] Research implies that the act of smoking generates intimidating impressions, and it has been suggested that individuals with low socioeconomic status are motivated to smoke by a desire to appear intimidating and forceful.[48][49]
Other substances[edit]
For more about the rise in consumption in the 1980s, see Crack epidemic (United States).
In the early 1980s, the majority of cocaine shipped to the United States that arrived at Miami came through the Bahamas. However, overproduction of cocaine powder in those islands drove the price down by as much as 80 percent. Confronted with falling profits for their illegal product, drug dealers decided to convert the powder to crack, a solid, smokable form of cocaine, that they could sell in smaller quantities to more people. It was cheap, simple to produce, ready to use, and highly profitable. As early as 1980, reports of crack appeared in Los Angeles, San Diego, Houston, and the Caribbean.[50]
This growth in popularity abated in the late 1990s. Described by criminologist Alfred Blumstein, this change resulted from four factors: tighter gun restrictions in areas where crack cocaine is prevalent, a shrinking market and its institutionalization, the robustness of the economy, and the availability of jobs.[51]
See also[edit]
History of tobacco
Smoking in Syria
References[edit]
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ See Gately; Wilbert
Jump up ^ Sander L. Gilman and Zhou Xun, "Introduction" in Smoke, p. 12
Jump up ^ Butrica, James L. (2002). "The Medical Use of Cannabis Among the Greeks and Romans" (PDF). Journal of Cannabis Therapeutics. 2 (2): 54–55. doi:10.1300/J175v02n02_04.
Jump up ^ Artamonov, M. I. (1965). "Frozen tombs of the Scythians" (PDF). Scientific American. 212 (5): 100–09. doi:10.1038/scientificamerican0565-100.
Jump up ^ Curry, Andrew (May 22, 2015). "Gold Artifacts Tell Tale of Drug-Fueled Rituals and "Bastard Wars"". National Geographic News. Retrieved May 27, 2015. Belinski asked criminologists in nearby Stavropol to analyze a black residue inside the vessels. The results came back positive for opium and cannabis.
Jump up ^ Robicsek (1978), p. 30
Jump up ^ Francis Robicsek, "Ritual Smoking in Central America" in Smoke, p. 33
Jump up ^ Francis Robicsek, "Ritual Smoking in Central America" in Smoke, p. 35
Jump up ^ Coe, pp. 74–81
Jump up ^ Lloyd & Mitchinson
Jump up ^ Tanya Pollard, "The Pleasures and Perils of Smoking in Early Modern England" in Smoke, p. 38
Jump up ^ James I, A Counterblaste to Tobacco
Jump up ^ Marihuana and medicine, p. 3
Jump up ^ P. Ram Manohar, "Smoking and Ayurvedic Medicine in India" in Smoke, pp. 68–75
Jump up ^ Website of US Embassy in Jakarta, JUNE 3, 1999: WHERE THERE'S SMOKE, THERE'S KRETEK: THE CIGARETTE INDUSTRY IN INDONESIA. Accessed July 20, 2007.
Jump up ^ Mark Hanusz, "A Century of Kretek" in Smoke, pp. 140–143
Jump up ^ Sander L. Gilman and Zhou Xun, "Introduction" in Smoke, p. 20–21
Jump up ^ Rudi Mathee, "Tobacco in Iran" in Smoke, pp. 58–67
Jump up ^ Barnabas Tatsuya Suzuki, "Tobacco Culture in Japan" in Smoke, pp. 76–83
Jump up ^ Timon Screech, "Tobacco in Edo Period Japan" in Smoke, pp. 92-99
Jump up ^ Phillips, pp. 303–319
Jump up ^ Allen F. Roberts, "Smoking in Sub-Saharan Africa" in Smoke, pp. 53–54
Jump up ^ Allen F. Roberts, "Smoking in Sub-Saharan Africa" in Smoke, pp. 46–57
Jump up ^ Jos Ten Berge, "The Belle Epoque of Opium"in Smoke, p. 114
Jump up ^ In a letter discovered in c.2009 by Royal College of Physicians of Edinburgh (RCPE) librarians, "Doctor's 400-year-old letter strikes chord with Holyrood plan to curb tobacco sale". The Scotsman. 19 September 2009.
Jump up ^ 17th century books of characters. See Halliwell
Jump up ^ Goldberg, p. 147
Jump up ^ Isaac Adler. "Primary Malignant Growth of the Lung and Bronchi". (1912) New York, Longmans, Green. pp. 3-12. Reprinted (1980) by A Cancer Journal for Clinicians
Jump up ^ Witschi (November 2001). "A Short History of Lung Cancer". Toxicol Sci. 64 (1): 4–6. PMID 11606795. doi:10.1093/toxsci/64.1.4.
Jump up ^ Adler I. Primary malignant growths of the lungs and bronchi. New York: Longmans, Green; 1912., cited in Spiro SG, Silvestri GA (September 1, 2005). "One hundred years of lung cancer.". Am J Respir Crit Care Med. 172 (5): 523–529. PMID 15961694. doi:10.1164/rccm.200504-531OE.
^ Jump up to: a b Commentary: Schairer and Schoniger's forgotten tobacco epidemiology and the Nazi quest for racial purity - Proctor 30 (1): 31 - International Journal of Epidemiology
Jump up ^ Proctor 1999, p. 178
Jump up ^ Proctor 1999, p. 177
^ Jump up to: a b Proctor 1999, p. 219
Jump up ^ Clark, Briggs & Cooke 2005, p. 1374
Jump up ^ Proctor 1999, p. 173
Jump up ^ Proctor 1999, p. 187
Jump up ^ Anders Dahlström; Christina Ebersjö; Bo Lundell (August 2008). "Nicotine in breast milk influences heart rate variability in the infant". Acta Pædiatrica. 97 (8): 1075–1079. PMID 18498428. doi:10.1111/j.1651-2227.2008.00785.x. Retrieved 2008-11-15.
Jump up ^ Sander L. Gilman and Zhou Xun, "Introduction" in Smoke, p. 25
Jump up ^ JM Appel. Smoke and Mirrors: One Case for Ethical Obligations of the Physician as Public Role Model Cambridge Quarterly of Healthcare Ethics, Volume 18, Issue 01, January 2009, pp 95-100.
Jump up ^ Doll, Richard; Hill, A. Bradford (September 30, 1950). "Smoking and carcinoma of the lung. Preliminary report". British Medical Journal. 2 (4682): 739–48. PMC 2038856  . PMID 14772469. doi:10.1136/bmj.2.4682.739.
Jump up ^ Doll Richard; Bradford Hilly A (June 26, 1954). "The mortality of doctors in relation to their smoking habits. A preliminary report". British Medical Journal. 1 (4877): 1451–55. PMC 2085438  . PMID 13160495. doi:10.1136/bmj.1.4877.1451.
Jump up ^ Doll R, Peto R, Boreham J, Sutherland I (2004). "Mortality in relation to smoking: 50 years' observation on male British doctors.". BMJ (Clinical research ed.). 328 (7455): 1519. PMC 437139  . PMID 15213107. doi:10.1136/bmj.38142.554479.AE.
Jump up ^ https://web.archive.org/web/20091027005941/http://geocities.com/~msrc/ Minnesota FORCES - example of independent smoker's rights group
Jump up ^ https://mysmokersrights.rjrt.com/SGRHome.jsp R.J. Reynolds smoker's rights organization - example of tobacco company funded group
Jump up ^ Evans-Polce, Rebecca J.; Castaldelli-Maia, Joao M.; Schomerus, Georg; Evans-Lacko, Sara E. (November 2015). "The downside of tobacco control? Smoking and self-stigma: A systematic review". Social Science & Medicine (1982). 145: 26–34. ISSN 1873-5347. PMC 4630105  . PMID 26439764. doi:10.1016/j.socscimed.2015.09.026.
Jump up ^ Graham, Hilary (January 2012). "Smoking, Stigma and Social Class". Journal of Social Policy. 41 (1): 83–99. ISSN 1469-7823. doi:10.1017/S004727941100033X.
Jump up ^ Aronson, Olov. "Smoking Motivation in the Face of Stigmatization: A Bourdieusian Analysis of Impressions". ResearchGate. Retrieved 2017-09-22.
Jump up ^ Aronson, Olov; Bergh, Daniel. "Smoking Motivation in the Face of Stigmatization: A Bourdieusian Analysis of Impressions.". Stigma and Health. doi:10.1037/sah0000118.
Jump up ^ "DEA History Book, 1876 - 1990 (drug usage & enforcement), US Department of Justice, 1991, USDoJ.gov webpage: DoJ-DEA-History-1985-1990 Archived 2006-08-23 at the Wayback Machine..
Jump up ^ Blumstein, Alfred. "Youth Violence, Guns, and the Illicit-Drug Industry". 86 J. Crim. L. & Criminology 10 (1995-1996). JSTOR 1143998.
Bibliography[edit]
Ashes to Ashes: The History of Smoking and Health (1998) edited by S. Lock, L.A. Reynolds and E.M. Tansey 2nd ed. Rodopi. ISBN 90-420-0396-0
Coe, Sophie D. (1994) America's first cuisines ISBN 0-292-71159-X
Gately, Iain (2003) Tobacco: A Cultural History of How an Exotic Plant Seduced Civilization ISBN 0-8021-3960-4
Goldberg, Ray (2005) Drugs Across the Spectrum. 5th ed. Thomson Brooks/Cole. ISBN 0-495-01345-5
Greaves, Lorraine (2002) High Culture: Reflections on Addiction and Modernity. edited by Anna Alexander and Mark S. Roberts. State University of New York Press. ISBN 0-7914-5553-X
James I of England, A Counterblaste to Tobacco
Lloyd, J & Mitchinson, J: "The Book of General Ignorance". Faber & Faber, 2006
Marihuana and Medicine (1999), editor: Gabriel Nahas ISBN 0-89603-593-X
Phillips, J. E. (1983). "African Smoking and Pipes". The Journal of African History. 24 (3): 302–319. JSTOR 181897. doi:10.1017/s0021853700022039.
Robicsek, Francis (1978) The Smoking Gods: Tobacco in Maya Art, History, and Religion ISBN 0-8061-1511-4
Smoke: A Global History of Smoking (2004) edited by Sander L. Gilman and Zhou Xun ISBN 1-86189-200-4
Wilbert, Johannes (1993) Tobacco and Shamanism in South America ISBN 0-300-05790-3
Proctor, Robert (1999). "The Nazi War on Cancer". Princeton University Press. ISBN 0-691-07051-2. .
Clark, George Norman; Briggs, Asa; Cooke, A. M. (2005). "A History of the Royal College of Physicians of London". Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-925334-X. .
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