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Byzantine Iconoclasm
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For other uses, see Iconoclasm.
A simple cross: example of iconoclast art in the Hagia Irene Church in Istanbul
Byzantine Iconoclasm, Chludov Psalter, 9th century.[1]
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Byzantine Iconoclasm (Greek: Εἰκονομαχία, Eikonomachía, literally, "image struggle" or "war on icons") refers to two periods in the history of the Byzantine Empire when the use of religious images or icons was opposed by religious and imperial authorities within the Eastern Church and the temporal imperial hierarchy. The "First Iconoclasm", as it is sometimes called, lasted between about 726 and 787. The "Second Iconoclasm" was between 814 and 842. According to the traditional view, Byzantine Iconoclasm was started by a ban on religious images by Emperor Leo III and continued under his successors. It was accompanied by widespread destruction of images and persecution of supporters of the veneration of images. The Western church remained firmly in support of the use of images throughout the period, and the whole episode widened the growing divergence between the Eastern and Western traditions in what was still a unified church, as well as facilitating the reduction or removal of Byzantine political control over parts of Italy.
Iconoclasm, Greek for "breaker of icons" (Medieval Greek εἰκονοκλάστης, equivalent to Greek εἰκονο- icono- [icon] + κλάστης - [breaker]), is the deliberate destruction within a culture of the culture's own religious icons and other symbols or monuments, usually for religious or political motives. People who engage in or support iconoclasm are called iconoclasts, a term that has come to be applied figuratively to any person who breaks or disdains established dogmata or conventions. Conversely, people who revere or venerate religious images are derisively called "iconolaters" (εἰκονολάτρες). They are normally known as "iconodules" (εἰκονόδουλοι), or "iconophiles" (εἰκονόφιλοι). These terms were, however, not a part of the Byzantine debate over images. They have been brought into common usage by modern historians (from the seventeenth century) and their application to Byzantium increased considerably in the late twentieth century. The Byzantine term for the debate over religious imagery, "iconomachy" means "struggle over images" or "image struggle".
Iconoclasm has generally been motivated theologically by an Old Covenant interpretation of the Ten Commandments, which forbade the making and worshipping of "graven images" (Exodus 20:4, Deuteronomy 5:8, see also Biblical law in Christianity). The two periods of iconoclasm in the Byzantine Empire during the 8th and 9th centuries made use of this theological theme in discussions over the propriety of images of holy figures, including Christ, the Virgin (or Theotokos) and saints. It was a debate triggered by changes in Orthodox worship, which were themselves generated by the major social and political upheavals of the seventh century for the Byzantine Empire.
Traditional explanations for Byzantine iconoclasm have sometimes focused on the importance of Islamic prohibitions against images influencing Byzantine thought. According to Arnold J. Toynbee,[2] for example, it was the prestige of Islamic military successes in the 7th and 8th centuries that motivated Byzantine Christians to adopt the Islamic position of rejecting and destroying devotional and liturgical images. The role of women and monks in supporting the veneration of images has also been asserted. Social and class-based arguments have been put forward, such as that iconoclasm created political and economic divisions in Byzantine society; that it was generally supported by the Eastern, poorer, non-Greek peoples of the Empire[3] who had to constantly deal with Arab raids. On the other hand, the wealthier Greeks of Constantinople and also the peoples of the Balkan and Italian provinces strongly opposed Iconoclasm.[3] Re-evaluation of the written and material evidence relating to the period of Byzantine Iconoclasm by scholars including John Haldon and Leslie Brubaker, has challenged many of the basic assumptions and factual assertions of the traditional account.
Contents
1 Background
2 Sources
3 The first iconoclast period: 730–787
3.1 Ecumenical councils
4 The second iconoclast period: 814–842
5 Arguments in the struggle over icons
5.1 Iconoclast arguments
5.2 Iconophile arguments
6 Art
7 Reaction in the West
8 See also
9 Notes
10 References
11 Further reading
Background[edit]
19th-century Italian painting, The Iconoclasts, by Domenico Morelli
Christian worship by the sixth century had developed a clear belief in the intercession of saints. This belief was also influenced by a concept of hierarchy of sanctity, with the Trinity at its pinnacle, followed by the Virgin Mary, referred to in Greek as the Theotokos ("birth-giver of God") or Meter Theou ("Mother of God"), the saints, living holy men, women, and spiritual elders, followed by the rest of humanity. Thus, in order to obtain blessings or divine favour, early Christians, like Christians today, would often pray or ask an intermediary, such as the saints or the Theotokos, or living fellow Christians believed to be holy, to intercede on their behalf with Christ. A strong sacramentality and belief in the importance of physical presence also joined the belief in intercession of saints with the use of relics and holy images (or icons) in early Christian practices.[4]
Believers would, therefore, make pilgrimages to places sanctified by the physical presence of Christ or prominent saints and martyrs, such as the site of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem. Relics, or holy objects (rather than places) which were a part of the remains, or had come into contact with, Christ, the Virgin or a saint, were also widely utilized in Christian practices at this time. Relics, a firmly embedded part of veneration by this period, provided physical presence of the divine but were not infinitely reproducible (an original relic was required), and still usually required believers to undertake pilgrimage or have contact with somebody who had.
The use and abuse of images had greatly increased during this period, and had generated a growing opposition among many in the church, although the progress and extent of these views is now unclear. Images in the form of mosaics and paintings were widely used in churches, homes and other places such as over city gates, and had since the reign of Justinian I been increasingly taking on a spiritual significance of their own, and regarded at least in the popular mind as capable of possessing capacities in their own right, so that "the image acts or behaves as the subject itself is expected to act or behave. It makes known its wishes ... It enacts evangelical teachings, ... When attacked it bleeds, ... [and] In some cases it defends itself against infidels with physical force ...".[5] Key artefacts to blur this boundary emerged in c. 570 in the form of miraculously created acheiropoieta or "images not made by human hands". These sacred images were a form of contact relic, which additionally were taken to prove divine approval of the use of icons. The two most famous were the Mandylion of Edessa (where it still remained) and the Image of Camuliana from Cappadocia, by then in Constantinople. The latter was already regarded as a palladium that had won battles and saved Constantinople from the Persian-Avar siege of 626, when the Patriarch paraded it around the walls of the city. Both were images of Christ, and at least in some versions of their stories supposedly made when Christ pressed a cloth to his face (compare with the later, western Veil of Veronica and Turin shroud). In other versions of the Mandylion's story it joined a number of other images that were believed to have been painted from the life in the New Testament period by Saint Luke or other human painters, again demonstrating the support of Christ and the Virgin for icons, and the continuity of their use in Christianity since its start.
The events of the seventh century, which was a period of major crisis for the Byzantine Empire, formed a catalyst for the expansion of the use of images of the holy and caused a dramatic shift in responses to them. Whether the acheiropoieta were a symptom or cause, the late sixth to eighth centuries witnessed the increasing thinning of the boundary between images not made by human hands, and images made by human hands. Images of Christ, the Theotokos and saints increasingly came to be regarded, as relics, contact relics and acheiropoieta already were, as points of access to the divine. By praying before an image of a holy figure, the believer's prayers were magnified by proximity to the holy. This change in practice seems to have been a major and organic development in Christian worship, which responded to the needs of believers to have access to divine support during the insecurities of the seventh century. It was not a change orchestrated or controlled by the Church. The events which have traditionally been labelled 'Byzantine Iconoclasm' may be seen as the efforts of the organised Church and the imperial authorities to respond to these changes and to try to reassert some institutional control over popular practice.
The rise of Islam in the seventh century had also caused some consideration of the use of holy images. Early Islamic belief stressed the impropriety of iconic representation. Earlier scholarship tried to link Byzantine Iconoclasm directly to Islam by arguing that Byzantine emperors saw the success of the early Caliphate and decided that Byzantine use of images (as opposed to Islamic aniconism) had angered God. This does not seem entirely plausible however. The use of images had probably been increasing in the years leading up to the outbreak of iconoclasm.[6] One notable change came in 695, when Justinian II put a full-faced image of Christ on the obverse of his gold coins. The effect on iconoclast opinion is unknown, but the change certainly caused Caliph Abd al-Malik to break permanently with his previous adoption of Byzantine coin types to start a purely Islamic coinage with lettering only.[7] This appears more like two opposed camps asserting their positions (pro and anti images) than one empire seeking to imitate the other. More striking is the fact that Islamic iconoclasm rejected any depictions of living people or animals, not only religious images. By contrast, Byzantine iconomachy concerned itself only with the question of the holy presence (or lack thereof) of images. Thus, although the rise of Islam may have created an environment in which images were at the forefront of intellectual question and debate, Islamic iconoclasm does not seem to have had a direct causal role in the development of the Byzantine image debate.[citation needed]
The goal of the iconoclasts was to restore the church to the strict opposition to images in worship that they believed characterized at the least some parts of the early church. Theologically, one aspect of the debate, as with most in Christian theology at the time, revolved around the two natures of Jesus. Iconoclasts believed that icons could not represent both the divine and the human natures of the Messiah at the same time, but separately. Because an icon which depicted Jesus as purely physical would be Nestorianism, and one which showed Him as both human and divine would not be able to do so without confusing the two natures into one mixed nature, which was Monophysitism, all icons were thus heretical. Reference was also made to the prohibitions on the worship of graven images in the Mosaic Law but the nature of Biblical law in Christianity has always been in dispute. However, no detailed writings setting out iconoclast arguments have survived; we have only brief quotations and references in the writings of the iconodules.
Sources[edit]
Argument about icons before the emperor, in the Skylitzis Chronicle
A thorough understanding of the Iconoclast period in Byzantium is complicated by the fact that most of the surviving sources were written by the ultimate victors in the controversy, the iconodules. It is thus difficult to obtain a complete, objective, balanced, and reliably accurate account of events and various aspects of the controversy.[8] The period was marked by intensely polarized debate amongst at least the clergy, and both sides came to regard the position of the other as heresy, and accordingly made efforts to destroy the writings of the other side when they had the chance. Leo III is said to have ordered the destruction of iconodule texts at the start of the controversy, and the records of the final Second Council of Nicaea record that books with missing pages were reported and produced to the council.[9] Many texts, including works of hagiography and historical writing as well as sermons and theological writings, were undoubtedly "improved", fabricated or backdated by partisans, and the difficult and highly technical scholarly process of attempting to assess the real authors and dates of many surviving texts remains ongoing. Most iconoclastic texts are simply missing, including a proper record of the council of 754, and the detail of iconoclastic arguments have mostly to be reconstructed with difficulty from their vehement rebuttals by iconodules.
Major historical sources for the period include the chronicles of Theophanes the Confessor[10] and the Patriarch Nikephoros,[11] both of whom were ardent iconodules. Many historians have also drawn on hagiography, most notably the Life of St. Stephen the Younger,[12] which includes a detailed, but highly biased, account of persecutions during the reign of Constantine V. No account of the period in question written by an iconoclast has been preserved, although certain saints' lives do seem to preserve elements of the iconoclast worldview.[13]
Major theological sources include the writings of John of Damascus,[14] Theodore the Studite,[15] and the Patriarch Nikephoros, all of them iconodules. The theological arguments of the iconoclasts survive only in the form of selective quotations embedded in iconodule documents, most notably the Acts of the Second Council of Nicaea and the Antirrhetics of Nikephoros.[16]
The first iconoclast period: 730–787[edit]
The torture and martyrdom of the iconophile Bishop Euthymius of Sardeis by the iconoclast Byzantine Emperor Michael II in 824, in a 13th-century manuscript
An immediate precursor of the controversy seems to have been a large submarine volcanic eruption in the summer of 726 in the Aegean Sea between the island of Thera (modern Santorini) and Therasia, probably causing tsunamis and great loss of life. Many, probably including Leo III, interpreted this as a judgement on the Empire by God, and decided that use of images had been the offence.[17]
The classic account of the beginning of Byzantine Iconoclasm relates that sometime between 726 and 730 the Byzantine Emperor Leo III the Isaurian ordered the removal of an image of Christ, prominently placed over the Chalke Gate, the ceremonial entrance to the Great Palace of Constantinople, and its replacement with a cross. Fearing that they intended sacrilege, some of those who were assigned to the task were murdered by a band of iconodules. Accounts of this event (written significantly later) suggest that at least part of the reason for the removal may have been military reversals against the Muslims and the eruption of the volcanic island of Thera,[18] which Leo possibly viewed as evidence of the Wrath of God brought on by image veneration in the Church.[19]
Leo is said to have described mere image veneration as "a craft of idolatry." He apparently forbade the veneration of religious images in a 730 edict, which did not apply to other forms of art, including the image of the emperor, or religious symbols such as the cross. "He saw no need to consult the Church, and he appears to have been surprised by the depth of the popular opposition he encountered".[20] Germanos I of Constantinople, the iconophile Patriarch of Constantinople, either resigned or was deposed following the ban. Surviving letters Germanos wrote at the time say little of theology. According to Patricia Karlin-Hayter, what worried Germanos was that the ban of icons would prove that the Church had been in error for a long time and therefore play into the hands of Jews and Muslims.[21]
Patriarch Germanos I of Constantinople with icons supported by angels
This interpretation is now in doubt, and the debate and struggle may have initially begun in the provinces rather than in the imperial court. Letters survive written by the Patriarch Germanos in the 720s and 730s concerning Constantine, the bishop of Nakoleia, and Thomas of Klaudioupolis. In both sets of letters (the earlier ones concerning Constantine, the later ones Thomas), Germanos reiterates a pro-image position while lamenting the behaviour of his subordinates in the church, who apparently had both expressed reservations about image worship. Germanos complains "now whole towns and multitudes of people are in considerable agitation over this matter".[22] In both cases, efforts to persuade these men of the propriety of image veneration had failed and some steps had been taken to remove images from their churches. Significantly, in these letters Germanos does not threaten his subordinates if they fail to change their behaviour, he does not seem to refer to a factional split in the church, but rather to an ongoing issue of concern, and Germanos refers to the Emperor Leo III, often presented as the original Iconoclast, as a friend of images. Germanos' concerns are mainly that the actions of Constantine and Thomas should not confuse the laity.
At this stage in the debate there is no clear evidence for an imperial involvement in the debate, except that Germanos says he believes that Leo III supports images, leaving a question as to why Leo III has been presented as the arch-iconoclast of Byzantine history. Almost all of the evidence for the reign of Leo III is derived from textual sources, the majority of which post-date his reign considerably, most notably the Life by Stephen the Younger and the Chronicle of Theophanes the Confessor. These important sources are fiercely iconophile and are hostile to the Emperor Constantine V (741-775). As Constantine's father, Leo also became a target. Leo's actual views on icon veneration remain obscure, but in any case may not have influenced the initial phase of the debate.
During this initial period, concern on both sides seems to have had little to do with theology and more with practical evidence and effects. There was initially no church council, and no prominent patriarchs or bishops called for the removal or destruction of icons. In the process of destroying or obscuring images, Leo is said to have "confiscated valuable church plate, altar cloths, and reliquaries decorated with religious figures",[20] but he took no severe action against the former patriarch or iconophile bishops.
In the West, Pope Gregory III held two synods at Rome and condemned Leo's actions, and in response Leo confiscated papal estates in Calabria and Sicily, detaching them as well as Illyricum from Papal governance and placing them under the governance of the Patriarch of Constantinople.[23]
Ecumenical councils[edit]
Leo died in 741, and his son and heir, Constantine V (741–775), was personally committed to an anti-image position. Despite his successes as an emperor, both militarily and culturally, this has caused Constantine to be remembered unfavourably by a body of source material which is preoccupied by his opposition to image veneration. In 754 Constantine summoned the Council of Hieria in which some 330 to 340 bishops participated and which was the first church council to concern itself primarily with religious imagery. Constantine seems to have been closely involved with the council, and it endorsed an iconoclast position, with 338 assembled bishops declaring, "the unlawful art of painting living creatures blasphemed the fundamental doctrine of our salvation--namely, the Incarnation of Christ, and contradicted the six holy synods. . . . If anyone shall endeavour to represent the forms of the Saints in lifeless pictures with material colours which are of no value (for this notion is vain and introduced by the devil), and does not rather represent their virtues as living images in himself, etc. . . . let him be anathema." This Council claimed to be the legitimate "Seventh Ecumenical Council",[24] but its legitimacy is disregarded by both Eastern and Western traditions as no patriarchs or representatives of the five patriarchs were present: Constantinople was vacant while Antioch, Jerusalem and Alexandria were controlled by Muslims, and Rome did not send a representative.
An icon of the Seventh Ecumenical Council (17th century, Novodevichy Convent, Moscow)
The iconoclast Council of Hieria was not the end of the matter, however. In this period complex theological arguments appeared, both for and against the use of icons. Constantine himself wrote opposing the veneration of images, while John of Damascus, a Syrian monk living outside of Byzantine territory, became a major opponent of iconoclasm through his theological writings.[25]
It has been suggested that monasteries became secret bastions of icon-support, but this view is controversial. A possible reason for this interpretation is the desire in some historiography on Byzantine Iconoclasm to see it as a preface to the later Protestant Reformation in western Europe, in which monastic establishments suffered damage and persecution.[citation needed] In opposition to this view, others have suggested that while some monks continued to support image veneration, many others followed church and imperial policy.[citation needed]
The surviving sources accuse Constantine V of moving against monasteries, having relics thrown into the sea, and stopping the invocation of saints. Monks were forced to parade in the Hippodrome, each hand-in-hand with a woman, in violation of their vows. In 765 St Stephen the Younger was killed, and was later considered a martyr to the Iconophile cause. A number of large monasteries in Constantinople were secularised, and many monks fled to areas beyond effective imperial control on the fringes of the Empire.[25]
Constantine's son, Leo IV (775–80) was less rigorous, and for a time tried to mediate between the factions. When he died, his wife Irene took power as regent for her son, Constantine VI (780–97). Though icon veneration does not seem to have been a major priority for the regency government, Irene called an ecumenical council a year after Leo's death, which restored image veneration. This may have been an effort to secure closer and more cordial relations between Constantinople and Rome.
Irene initiated a new ecumenical council, ultimately called the Second Council of Nicaea, which first met in Constantinople in 786 but was disrupted by military units faithful to the iconoclast legacy. The council convened again at Nicaea in 787 and reversed the decrees of the previous iconoclast council held at Constantinople and Hieria, and appropriated its title as Seventh Ecumenical Council. Thus there were two councils called the "Seventh Ecumenical Council," the first supporting iconoclasm, the second supporting icon veneration.
Unlike the iconoclast council, the iconophile council included papal representatives, and its decrees were approved by the papacy. The Eastern Orthodox Church considers it to be the last genuine ecumenical council. Icon veneration lasted through the reign of Empress Irene's successor, Nikephoros I (reigned 802–811), and the two brief reigns after his.
The second iconoclast period: 814–842[edit]
Late 14th-early 15th century icon illustrating the "Triumph of Orthodoxy" under the Byzantine empress Theodora over iconoclasm in 843. (National Icon Collection 18, British Museum).
Emperor Leo V the Armenian instituted a second period of Iconoclasm in 815, again possibly motivated by military failures seen as indicators of divine displeasure, and a desire to replicate the military success of Constantine V. The Byzantines had suffered a series of humiliating defeats at the hands of the Bulgarian Khan Krum, in the course of which emperor Nikephoros I had been killed in battle and emperor Michael I Rangabe had been forced to abdicate.[26] In June 813, a month before the coronation of Leo V, a group of soldiers broke into the imperial mausoleum in the Church of the Holy Apostles, opened the sarcophagus of Constantine V, and implored him to return and save the empire.[27]
Soon after his accession, Leo V began to discuss the possibility of reviving iconoclasm with a variety of people, including priests, monks, and members of the senate. He is reported to have remarked to a group of advisors that:
all the emperors, who took up images and venerated them, met their death either in revolt or in war; but those who did not venerate images all died a natural death, remained in power until they died, and were then laid to rest with all honors in the imperial mausoleum in the Church of the Holy Apostles.[28]
Leo next appointed a "commission" of monks "to look into the old books" and reach a decision on the veneration of images. They soon discovered the acts of the Iconoclastic Synod of 754.[29] A first debate followed between Leo's supporters and the clerics who continued to advocate the veneration of icons, the latter group being led by the Patriarch Nikephoros, which led to no resolution. However, Leo had apparently become convinced by this point of the correctness of the iconoclast position, and had the icon of the Chalke gate, which Leo III is fictitiously claimed to have removed once before, replaced with a cross.[30] In 815 the revival of iconoclasm was rendered official by a Synod held in the Hagia Sophia.
Leo was succeeded by Michael II, who in an 824 letter to the Carolingian emperor Louis the Pious lamented the appearance of image veneration in the church and such practices as making icons baptismal godfathers to infants. He confirmed the decrees of the Iconoclast Council of 754.
Michael was succeeded by his son, Theophilus. Theophilus died leaving his wife Theodora regent for his minor heir, Michael III. Like Irene 50 years before her, Theodora presided over the restoration of icon veneration in 843, on the condition that Theophilus not be condemned. Since that time the first Sunday of Great Lent has been celebrated in the Orthodox Church and in Byzantine Rite Catholicism as the feast of the "Triumph of Orthodoxy".
Arguments in the struggle over icons[edit]
Iconoclast arguments[edit]
This page of the Iconodule Chludov Psalter, illustrates the line "They gave me gall to eat; and when I was thirsty they gave me vinegar to drink" with a picture of a soldier offering Christ vinegar on a sponge attached to a pole. Below is a picture of the last Iconoclast Patriarch of Constantinople, John VII rubbing out a painting of Christ with a similar sponge attached to a pole. John is caricatured, here as on other pages, with untidy straight hair sticking out in all directions, which was meant to portray him as wild and barbaric.
Nikephoros I of Constantinople upholding an icon and trampling John VII of Constantinople. Chludov Psalter.
What accounts of iconoclast arguments remain are largely found in quotations or summaries in iconodule writings. It is thus difficult to reconstruct a balanced view of the popularity or prevalence of iconoclast writings. The major theological arguments, however, remain in evidence because of the need in iconophile writings to record the positions being refuted. Debate seems to have centred on the validity of the depiction of Jesus, and the validity of images of other figures followed on from this for both sides. The main points of the iconoclast argument were:
Iconoclasm condemned the making of any lifeless image (e.g. painting or statue) that was intended to represent Jesus or one of the saints. The Epitome of the Definition of the Iconoclastic Conciliabulum held in 754 declared:
"Supported by the Holy Scriptures and the Fathers, we declare unanimously, in the name of the Holy Trinity, that there shall be rejected and removed and cursed one of the Christian Church every likeness which is made out of any material and colour whatever by the evil art of painters.... If anyone ventures to represent the divine image (χαρακτήρ, kharaktír) of the Word after the Incarnation with material colours, he is an adversary of God. .... If anyone shall endeavour to represent the forms of the Saints in lifeless pictures with material colours which are of no value (for this notion is vain and introduced by the devil), and does not rather represent their virtues as living images in himself, he is an adversary of God"[31]
For iconoclasts, the only real religious image must be an exact likeness of the prototype -of the same substance- which they considered impossible, seeing wood and paint as empty of spirit and life. Thus for iconoclasts the only true (and permitted) "icon" of Jesus was the Eucharist, the Body and Blood of Christ, according to Orthodox and Catholic doctrine.
Any true image of Jesus must be able to represent both his divine nature (which is impossible because it cannot be seen nor encompassed) and his human nature (which is possible). But by making an icon of Jesus, one is separating his human and divine natures, since only the human can be depicted (separating the natures was considered nestorianism), or else confusing the human and divine natures, considering them one (union of the human and divine natures was considered monophysitism).
Icon use for religious purposes was viewed as an inappropriate innovation in the Church, and a return to pagan practice.
"Satan misled men, so that they worshipped the creature instead of the Creator. The Law of Moses and the Prophets cooperated to remove this ruin...But the previously mentioned demiurge of evil...gradually brought back idolatry under the appearance of Christianity."[32]
It was also seen as a departure from ancient church tradition, of which there was a written record opposing religious images. The Spanish Synod of Elvira (c. 305) had declared that "Pictures are not to be placed in churches, so that they do not become objects of worship and adoration",[33] and some decades later Eusebius of Caesaria may have writren a letter to Constantia (Emperor Constantine's sister) saying "To depict purely the human form of Christ before its transformation, on the other hand, is to break the commandment of God and to fall into pagan error";[34] Bishop Epiphanius of Salamis wrote his letter 51 to John, Bishop of Jerusalem (c. 394) in which he recounted how he tore down an image in a church and admonished the other bishop that such images are "opposed . . . to our religion",[35] although the authenticity of this letter has also long been disputed, and remains uncertain.[36] However, as Christianity increasingly spread among gentiles with traditions of religious images, and especially after the conversion of Constantine (c. 312), the legalization of Christianity, and, later that century, the establishment of Christianity as the state religion of the Roman Empire, many new people came into the new large public churches, which began to be decorated with images that certainly drew in part on imperial and pagan imagery: "The representations of Christ as the Almighty Lord on his judgment throne owed something to pictures of Zeus. Portraits of the Mother of God were not wholly independent of a pagan past of venerated mother-goddesses. In the popular mind the saints had come to fill a role that had been played by heroes and deities."[37]
Iconophile arguments[edit]
The chief theological opponents of iconoclasm were the monks Mansur (John of Damascus), who, living in Muslim territory as advisor to the Caliph of Damascus, was far enough away from the Byzantine emperor to evade retribution, and Theodore the Studite, abbot of the Stoudios monastery in Constantinople.
John declared that he did not worship matter, "but rather the creator of matter." He also declared, "But I also venerate the matter through which salvation came to me, as if filled with divine energy and grace." He includes in this latter category the ink in which the gospels were written as well as the paint of images, the wood of the Cross, and the body and blood of Jesus. This distinction between worship and veneration is key in the arguments of the iconophiles.
The iconophile response to iconoclasm included:
Assertion that the biblical commandment forbidding images of God had been superseded by the incarnation of Jesus, who, being the second person of the Trinity, is God incarnate in visible matter. Therefore, they were not depicting the invisible God, but God as He appeared in the flesh. They were able to adduce the issue of the incarnation in their favour, whereas the iconoclasts had used the issue of the incarnation against them. They also pointed to other Old Testament evidence: God instructed Moses to make two golden statues of cherubim on the lid of the Ark of the Covenant according to Exodus 25:18–22, and God also told Moses to embroider the curtain which separated the Holy of Holies in the Tabernacle tent with cherubim Exodus 26:31. Moses was also instructed by God to embroider the walls and roofs of the Tabernacle tent with figures of cherubim angels according to Exodus 26:1.
Further, in their view idols depicted persons without substance or reality while icons depicted real persons. Essentially the argument was that idols were idols because they represented false gods, not because they were images. Images of Christ, or of other real people who had lived in the past, could not be idols. This was considered comparable to the Old Testament practice of only offering burnt sacrifices to God, and not to any other gods.
Regarding the written tradition opposing the making and veneration of images, they asserted that icons were part of unrecorded oral tradition (parádosis, sanctioned in Catholicism and Orthodoxy as authoritative in doctrine by reference to Basil the Great, etc.), and pointed to patristic writings approving of icons, such as those of Asterius of Amasia, who was quoted twice in the record of the Second Council of Nicaea. What would have been useful evidence from modern art history as to the use of images in Early Christian art was unavailable to iconodules at the time.
Much was made of acheiropoieta, icons believed to be of divine origin, and miracles associated with icons. Both Christ and the Theotokos were believed in strong traditions to have sat on different occasions for their portraits to be painted.
Iconophiles further argued that decisions such as whether icons ought to be venerated were properly made by the church assembled in council, not imposed on the church by an emperor. Thus the argument also involved the issue of the proper relationship between church and state. Related to this was the observation that it was foolish to deny to God the same honor that was freely given to the human emperor, since portraits of the emperor were common and the iconoclasts did not oppose them.
Emperors had always intervened in ecclesiastical matters since the time of Constantine I. As Cyril Mango writes, "The legacy of Nicaea, the first universal council of the Church, was to bind the emperor to something that was not his concern, namely the definition and imposition of orthodoxy, if need be by force." That practice continued from beginning to end of the Iconoclast controversy and beyond, with some emperors enforcing iconoclasm, and two empresses regent enforcing the re-establishment of icon veneration.
Art[edit]
14th-century miniature of the destruction of a church under the orders of the iconoclast emperor Constantine V Copronymus
The iconoclastic period has drastically reduced the number of survivals of Byzantine art from before the period, especially large religious mosaics, which are now almost exclusively found in Italy and Saint Catherine's Monastery in Egypt. Important works in Thessaloniki were lost in the Great Thessaloniki Fire of 1917 and the Greco-Turkish War (1919–1922). A large mosaic of a church council in the Imperial Palace was replaced by lively secular scenes, and there was no issue with imagery per se. The plain Iconoclastic cross that replaced a figurative image in the apse of St Irene's is itself an almost unique survival, but careful inspection of some other buildings reveals similar changes. In Nicaea, photographs of the Church of the Dormition, taken before it was destroyed in 1922, show that a pre-iconoclasm standing Theotokos was replaced by a large cross, which was itself replaced by the new Theotokos seen in the photographs.[38] The Image of Camuliana in Constantinople appears to have been destroyed, as mentions of it cease.[39]
Reaction in the West[edit]
The period of Iconoclasm decisively ended the so-called Byzantine Papacy under which, since the reign of Justinian I a century before, the popes in Rome had been initially nominated by, and later merely confirmed by, the emperor in Constantinople, and many of them had been Greek-speaking. By the end of the controversy the pope had approved the creation of a new emperor in the West, and the old deference of the Western church to Constantinople had gone. Opposition to icons seems to have had little support in the West and Rome took a consistently iconodule position.
When the struggles flared up, Pope Gregory II had been pope since 715, not long after accompanying his Syrian predecessor Pope Constantine to Constantinople, where they successfully resolved with Justinian II the issues arising from the provocative anti-Western decisions of the Quinisext Council of 692, which no Western prelates had attended. Of the delegation of 13 Gregory was one of only two non-Easterners; it was to be the last visit of a pope to the city until 1969. There had already been conflicts with Leo III over his very heavy taxation of areas under Roman jurisdiction.[40]
See also[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Byzantine Iconoclasm.
Quotations related to Byzantine Iconoclasm at Wikiquote
Aniconism in Christianity
Feast of Orthodoxy
Libri Carolini
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ Byzantine iconoclasm
Jump up ^ Toynbee, Arnold Joseph. A Study of History: Abridgement of volumes VII-X. p. 259.
^ Jump up to: a b Mango (2002)
Jump up ^ Brubaker, Leslie; Haldon, John (6 January 2011). "1". Byzantium in the Iconoclast Era, C. 680-850: A History. United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. p. 32. ISBN 978-0-521-43093-7. Retrieved 10 January 2015.
Jump up ^ Kitzinger, 101 quoted, 85-87; 95-115
Jump up ^ Kitzinger (1977), 105
Jump up ^ Cormack, 98-106
Jump up ^ Brubaker and Haldon (2001)
Jump up ^ Noble, 69
Jump up ^ C. Mango and R. Scott, trs., The Chronicle of Theophanes Confessor (Oxford, 1997).
Jump up ^ C. Mango, ed. and tr., The short history of Nikephoros (Washington, 1990).
Jump up ^ M.-F. Auzépy, tr., La vie d'Étienne le jeune par Étienne le Diacre (Aldershot, 1997).
Jump up ^ I. Ševčenko, "Hagiography in the iconoclast period," in A. Bryer and J. Herrin, eds., Iconoclasm (Birmingham, 1977), 113–31.
Jump up ^ A. Louth, tr., Three treatises on the divine images (Crestwood, 2003).
Jump up ^ C.P. Roth, tr., On the holy icons (Crestwood, 1981).
Jump up ^ M.-J. Mondzain, tr., Discours contre les iconoclastes (Paris, 1989), Exodus 20:1-17.
Jump up ^ Mango (1977), 1; Beckwith, 169
Jump up ^ Volcanism on Santorini / eruptive history at decadevolcano.net
Jump up ^ According to accounts by Patriarch Nikephoros and the chronicler Theophanes
^ Jump up to: a b Warren Treadgold, A History of the Byzantine State and Society, Stanford University Press, 1997
Jump up ^ The Oxford History of Byzantium: Iconoclasm, Patricia Karlin-Hayter, Oxford University Press, 2002.
Jump up ^ Mango (1977), 2-3
Jump up ^ David Knowles – Dimitri Oblensky, "The Christian Centuries: Volume 2, The Middle Ages", Darton, Longman & Todd, 1969, p. 108-109.
Jump up ^ "Internet History Sourcebooks Project".
^ Jump up to: a b Cormack,
Jump up ^ Pratsch, 204–5.
Jump up ^ Pratsch, Theodoros, 210.
Jump up ^ Scriptor incertus 349,1–18, cited by Pratsch, Theodoros, 208.
Jump up ^ Pratsch, Theodoros, 211-12.
Jump up ^ Pratsch, Theodoros, 216-17.
Jump up ^ [1]
Jump up ^ Epitome, Iconoclast Council at Hieria, 754
Jump up ^ Literatures, Prof. John P. Adams, Modern and Classical Languages and. "CANONS OF THE CHURCH COUNCIL ELVIRA (Granada) ca. 309 A. D."
Jump up ^ The letter's text is incomplete, and its authenticity and authorship uncertain. David M. Gwynn, From Iconoclasm to Arianism: The Construction of Christian Tradition in the Iconoclast Controversy [Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 47 (2007) 225–251], p. 227-245.
Jump up ^ Paragraph 9, text
Jump up ^ Gwynn, p. 237
Jump up ^ Henry Chadwick, The Early Church (The Penguin History of the Church, 1993), 283.
Jump up ^ Kitzinger (1977), 104-105
Jump up ^ Beckwith, 88
Jump up ^ Beckwith, 169
References[edit]
Beckwith, John, Early Christian and Byzantine Art, Penguin History of Art (now Yale), 2nd edn. 1979, ISBN 0140560335
Brubaker, L. and Haldon, J. (2001), Byzantium in the Iconoclast Era, c. 680-850: the Sources Birmingham
Cormack, Robin, Writing in Gold, Byzantine Society and its Icons, 1985, George Philip, London, ISBN 054001085-5
Kitzinger, Ernst (1977), Byzantine art in the making: main lines of stylistic development in Mediterranean art, 3rd-7th century, Faber & Faber, ISBN 0571111548 (US: Cambridge UP, 1977)
Mango, Cyril (1977), "Historical Introduction," in Bryer & Herrin, eds., Iconoclasm, Centre for Byzantine Studies, University of Birmingham, ISBN 0704402262
Mango, Cyril (2002), The Oxford History of Byzantium
Noble, Thomas F. X., Images, Iconoclasm, and the Carolingians, 2011, University of Pennsylvania Press, ISBN 0812202961, 9780812202960, google books
Pratsch, T., Theodoros Studites (759–826): zwischen Dogma und Pragma (Frankfurt am Main, 1997)
Further reading[edit]
Leslie Brubaker, Inventing Byzantine Iconoclasm, Bristol Classical Press, London 2012.
L. Brubaker and J. Haldon, ‘’Byzantium in the Iconoclast Era, c. 680-850’’ Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011.
A. Cameron, "The Language of Images: the Rise of Icons and Christian Representation" in D. Wood (ed) The Church and the Arts (Studies in Church History, 28) Oxford: Blackwell, 1992, pp. 1–42.
H.C. Evans & W.D. Wixom (1997). The glory of Byzantium: art and culture of the Middle Byzantine era, A.D. 843-1261. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art. ISBN 9780810965072.
Fordham University, Medieval Sourcebook: John of Damascus: In Defense of Icons.
A. Karahan, "Byzantine Iconoclasm: Ideology and Quest for Power". In: Eds. K. Kolrud and M. Prusac, Iconoclasm from Antiquity to Modernity, Ashgate Publishing Ltd: Farnham Surrey, 2014, 75-94. ISBN 978-1-4094-7033-5.
R. Schick, The Christian Communities of Palestine from Byzantine to Islamic Rule: A Historical and Archaeological Study (Studies in Late Antiquity and Early Islam 2) Princeton, NJ: Darwin Press, 1995, pp. 180–219.
P. Brown, "A Dark-Age Crisis: Aspects of the Iconoclastic Controversy," English Historical Review 88/346 (1973): 1–33.
F. Ivanovic, Symbol and Icon: Dionysius the Areopagite and the Iconoclastic Crisis, Eugene: Pickwick, 2010.
E. Kitzinger, "The Cult of Images in the Age of Iconoclasm," Dumbarton Oaks Papers 8 (1954): 83–150.
Yuliyan Velikov, Image of the Invisible. Image Veneration and Iconoclasm in the Eighth Century. Veliko Turnovo University Press, Veliko Turnovo 2011. ISBN 978-954-524-779-8 (in Bulgarian).
Thomas Bremer, "Verehrt wird Er in seinem Bilde..." Quellenbuch zur Geschichte der Ikonentheologie. SOPHIA - Quellen östlicher Theologie 37. Paulinus: Trier 2015, ISBN 978-3-7902-1461-1 (in German).
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Arsenic contamination of groundwater
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Groundwater arsenic contamination areas
Arsenic contamination of groundwater is a form of groundwater pollution which is often due to naturally occurring high concentrations of arsenic in deeper levels of groundwater. It is a high-profile problem due to the use of deep tubewells for water supply in the Ganges Delta, causing serious arsenic poisoning to large numbers of people. A 2007 study found that over 137 million people in more than 70 countries are probably affected by arsenic poisoning of drinking water. The problem became serious health concern after mass poisoning of water in Bangladesh.[1] Arsenic contamination of ground water is found in many countries throughout the world, including the US.[2]
Approximately 20 major incidents of groundwater floarsenic contamination have been reported.[3] Of these, four major incidents occurred in Asia, in Thailand, Taiwan, and Mainland China.[4] The location of potentially hazardous wells have been mapped in China.[5]
Contents
[hide]
1 Speciation of arsenic compounds in water
2 Contamination specific nations and regions
2.1 Pakistan
2.2 Bangladesh
2.3 Chile
2.4 India and Bangladesh
2.5 Argentina
2.6 United States
2.6.1 Regulation
2.6.2 Case studies and incidents
2.7 Nepal
3 Water purification solutions
3.1 Small-scale water treatment
3.2 Large-scale water treatment
4 Dietary intake
5 See also
6 References
7 Further reading
8 External links
Speciation of arsenic compounds in water[edit]
Arsenic contaminated water typically contains arsenous acid and arsenic acid or their derivatives. Their names as "acids" is a formality, these species are not aggressive acids but are merely the soluble forms of arsenic near neutral pH. These compounds are extracted from the underlying rocks that surround the aquifer. Arsenic acid tends to exist as the ions [HAsO4]2− and [H2AsO4]− in neutral water, whereas arsenous acid is not ionized.
Arsenic acid (H3AsO4), arsenous acid (H3AsO3) and their derivatives are typically encountered in arsenic contaminated ground water.
Contamination specific nations and regions[edit]
Pakistan[edit]
Contaminated Water Could Poison 60 Million in Pakistan in 2017 With 'Alarmingly High' Arsenic Levels. 50-60 million people are consuming highly contaminated water which is above 50 ppb (WHO recommended is 10 ppb). A recent report (Science, 2017) Shows more the investigation of 1200 samples was carried out and approximately more than 66% samples contained arsenic above WHO recommended limit.[6]
Bangladesh[edit]
Bangladesh is the most affected country by arsenic poisoning through drinking water. Govt. and other agencies like UNICEF installed wells to provide fresh water in underdeveloped areas of Bangladesh, but later on they found disease related to consumption of this water. About 7-11 million wells or hand pumped wells are providing arsenic polluted water to local people. 20% of the total deaths are related to arsenic related cancer here.[7][8][9]
Chile[edit]
Estimation of Arsenic Intake from Drinking Water and Food (Raw and Cooked) in a Rural Village of Northern Chile. Urine as a Biomarker of Recent Exposure (2015).[10]
India and Bangladesh[edit]
Arsenic contamination of the groundwater in Bangladesh is a serious problem. Prior to the 1970s, Bangladesh had one of the highest infant mortality rates in the world. Ineffective water purification and sewage systems as well as periodic monsoons and flooding exacerbated these problems. As a solution, UNICEF and the World Bank advocated the use of wells to tap into deeper groundwater. Millions of wells were constructed as a result. Because of this action, infant mortality and diarrheal illness were reduced by fifty percent. However, with over 8 million wells constructed, approximately one in five of these wells is now contaminated with arsenic above the government's drinking water standard.
In the Ganges Delta, the affected wells are typically more than 20 meters and less than 100 meters deep.[citation needed] Groundwater closer to the surface typically has spent a shorter time in the ground, therefore likely absorbing a lower concentration of arsenic; water deeper than 100 m is exposed to much older sediments which have already been depleted of arsenic.[11]
The issue came to international attention in 1995.[12][13][14] The study conducted in Bangladesh involved the analysis of thousands of water samples as well as hair, nail, and urine samples. They found 900 villages with arsenic above the government limit.
Criticism has been leveled at the aid agencies, who denied the problem during the 1990s while millions of tube wells were sunk. The aid agencies later hired foreign experts who recommended treatment plants that were inappropriate to the conditions, were regularly breaking down, or were not removing the arsenic.[15]
In West Bengal, India, water is mostly supplied from rivers. Groundwater comes from deep tubewells, which are few in number. Because of the low quantity of deep tubewells, the risk of arsenic poisoning in West Bengal is comparatively less.[16] According to the World Health Organisation, "In Bangladesh, West Bengal (India), and some other areas most drinking-water used to be collected from open dug wells and ponds with little or no arsenic, but with contaminated water transmitting diseases such as diarrhoea, dysentery, typhoid, cholera, and hepatitis. Programmes to provide 'safe' drinking-water over the past 30 years have helped to control these diseases, but in some areas they have had the unexpected side-effect of exposing the population to another health problem—arsenic."[17] The acceptable level as defined by WHO for maximum concentrations of arsenic in safe drinking water is 0.01 mg/L. The Bangladesh government's standard is a fivefold greater rate, with 0.05 mg/L being considered safe. WHO has defined the areas under threat: Seven of the twenty districts of West Bengal have been reported to have ground water arsenic concentrations above 0.05 mg/L. The total population in these seven districts is over 34 million while the number using arsenic-rich water is more than 1 million (above 0.05 mg/L). That number increases to 1.3 million when the concentration is above 0.01 mg/L. According to a British Geological Survey study in 1998 on shallow tube-wells in 61 of the 64 districts in Bangladesh, 46 percent of the samples were above 0.01 mg/L and 27 percent were above 0.050 mg/L. When combined with the estimated 1999 population, it was estimated that the number of people exposed to arsenic concentrations above 0.05 mg/L is 28-35 million and the number of those exposed to more than 0.01 mg/L is 46-57 million (BGS, 2000).[17]
Throughout Bangladesh, as tube wells get tested for concentrations of arsenic, ones which are found to have arsenic concentrations over the amount considered safe are painted red to warn residents that the water is not safe to drink.
One solution is "By using surface water and instituting effective withdrawal regulation. West Bengal and Bangladesh are flooded with surface water. We should first regulate proper watershed management. Treat and use available surface water, rain-water, and others. The way we're doing [it] at present is not advisable."[16] Another avenue would be looking at the nutrition content which is also seen to be responsible for mitigating the effects of Arsenic. Malnutrition is seen to increase the adverse effects of arsenic.[18]
In Bihar, Groundwater in 13 districts have been found to be contaminated with Arsenic with quantities exceeding 0.05 mg/L. All these districts are situated close to large rivers like Ganga and Gandak.[19]
Argentina[edit]
The central portion of Argentina is affected by arsenic-contaminated groundwater. Specifically, the La Pampa produces water containing 4-5300 microgram As per litre.[20]
United States[edit]
Regulation[edit]
A drinking water standard of 0.05 mg/L (equal to 50 parts per billion, or ppb) arsenic was originally established in the United States by the Public Health Service in 1942. The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) studied the pros and cons of lowering the arsenic Maximum Contaminant Level (MCL) for years in the late 1980s and 1990s. No action was taken until January 2001, when the Clinton administration in its final weeks promulgated a new standard of 0.01 mg/L (10 ppb) to take effect January 2006.[21] The Bush administration suspended the midnight regulation, but after some months of study, the new EPA administrator Christine Todd Whitman approved the new 10 ppb arsenic standard and its original effective date of January 2006.[22] Many locations exceed this limit.[23] A 2017 Lancet Public Health study found that this rule change led to fewer cancer deaths.[24][25]
Many public water supply systems across the United States obtained their water supply from groundwater that had met the old 50 ppb arsenic standard but exceeded the new 10 ppb MCL. These utilities searched for either an alternative supply or an inexpensive treatment method to remove the arsenic from their water. In Arizona, an estimated 35 percent of water-supply wells were put out of compliance by the new regulation; in California, the percentage was 38 percent .[26]
The proper arsenic MCL continues to be debated. Some have argued that the 10 ppb federal standard is still too high, while others have argued that 10 ppb is needlessly strict. Individual states are able to establish lower arsenic limits; New Jersey has done so, setting a maximum of 0.005 mg/L for arsenic in drinking water.[27]
A study of private water wells in the Appalachian mountains found that six percent of the wells had arsenic above the U.S. MCL of 0.010 mg/L.[28]
Case studies and incidents[edit]
Fallon, Nevada has long been known to have groundwater with relatively high arsenic concentrations (in excess of 0.08 mg/L).[29] Even some surface waters, such as the Verde River in Arizona, sometimes exceed 0.01 mg/L arsenic, especially during low-flow periods when the river flow is dominated by groundwater discharge.[30]
A study conducted in a contiguous six-county area of southeastern Michigan investigated the relationship between moderate arsenic levels and 23 selected disease outcomes. Disease outcomes included several types of cancer, diseases of the circulatory and respiratory system, diabetes mellitus, and kidney and liver diseases. Elevated mortality rates were observed for all diseases of the circulatory system. The researchers acknowledged a need to replicate their findings.[31]
Nepal[edit]
Nepal is subject to a serious problem with arsenic contamination. The problem is most severe in the Terai region, the worst being near Nawalparasi District, where 26 percent of shallow wells failed to meet WHO standard of 10 ppb. A study by Japan International Cooperation Agency and the Environment in the Kathmandu Valley showed that 72% of deep wells failed to meet the WHO standard, and 12% failed to meet the Nepali standard of 50 ppb.[32]
Water purification solutions[edit]
Small-scale water treatment[edit]
A review of methods to remove arsenic from groundwater in Pakistan summarizes the most technically viable inexpensive methods.[33]
A simpler and less expensive form of arsenic removal is known as the Sono arsenic filter, using three pitchers containing cast iron turnings and sand in the first pitcher and wood activated carbon and sand in the second.[34] Plastic buckets can also be used as filter containers.[35] It is claimed that thousands of these systems are in use and can last for years while avoiding the toxic waste disposal problem inherent to conventional arsenic removal plants. Although novel, this filter has not been certified by any sanitary standards such as NSF, ANSI, WQA and does not avoid toxic waste disposal similar to any other iron removal process.
In the United States small "under the sink" units have been used to remove arsenic from drinking water. This option is called "point of use" treatment. The most common types of domestic treatment use the technologies of adsorption (using media such as Bayoxide E33, GFH, or titanium dioxide) or reverse osmosis. Ion exchange and activated alumina have been considered but not commonly used.
Chaff-based filters have been reported to reduce the arsenic content of water to 3 microgram/litre. This is especially important in areas where the potable water is provided by filtering the water extracted from the underground aquifer.[36]
Large-scale water treatment[edit]
In some places, such as the United States, all the water supplied to residences by utilities must meet primary (health-based) drinking water standards. Regulations may need large-scale treatment systems to remove arsenic from the water supply. The effectiveness of any method depends on the chemical makeup of a particular water supply. The aqueous chemistry of arsenic is complex, and may affect the removal rate that can be achieved by a particular process.
Some large utilities with multiple water supply wells could shut down those wells with high arsenic concentrations, and produce only from wells or surface water sources that meet the arsenic standard. Other utilities, however, especially small utilities with only a few wells, may have no available water supply that meets the arsenic standard.
Coagulation/filtration (also known as flocculation) removes arsenic by coprecipitation and adsorption using iron coagulants. Coagulation/filtration using alum is already used by some utilities to remove suspended solids and may be adjusted to remove arsenic.
Iron oxide adsorption filters the water through a granular medium containing ferric oxide. Ferric oxide has a high affinity for adsorbing dissolved metals such as arsenic. The iron oxide medium eventually becomes saturated, and must be replaced. The sludge disposal is a problem here too.
Activated alumina is an adsorbent that effectively removes arsenic. Activated alumina columns connected to shallow tube wells in India and Bangladesh have removed both As(III) and As(V) from groundwater for decades. Long-term column performance has been possible through the efforts of community-elected water committees that collect a local water tax for funding operations and maintenance.[37] It has also been used to remove undesirably high concentrations of fluoride.
Ion exchange has long been used as a water softening process, although usually on a single-home basis. Traditional anion exchange resins are effective in removing As(V), but not As(III), or arsenic trioxide, which doesn't have a net charge. Effective long-term ion exchange removal of arsenic requires a trained operator to maintain the column.
Both Reverse osmosis and electrodialysis (also called electrodialysis reversal) can remove arsenic with a net ionic charge. (Note that arsenic oxide, As2O3, is a common form of arsenic in groundwater that is soluble, but has no net charge.) Some utilities presently use one of these methods to reduce total dissolved solids and therefore improve taste. A problem with both methods is the production of high-salinity waste water, called brine, or concentrate, which then must be disposed of.
Subterranean Arsenic Removal (SAR) Technology SAR Technology
In subterranean arsenic removal (SAR), aerated groundwater is recharged back into the aquifer to create an oxidation zone which can trap iron and arsenic on the soil particles through adsorption process. The oxidation zone created by aerated water boosts the activity of the arsenic-oxidizing microorganisms which can oxidize arsenic from +3 to +5 state SAR Technology. No chemicals are used and almost no sludge is produced during operational stage since iron and arsenic compounds are rendered inactive in the aquifer itself. Thus toxic waste disposal and the risk of its future mobilization is prevented. Also, it has very long operational life, similar to the long lasting tube wells drawing water from the shallow aquifers.
Six such SAR plants, funded by the World Bank and constructed by Ramakrishna Vivekananda Mission, Barrackpore & Queen's University Belfast, UK are operating in West Bengal. Each plant has been delivering more than 3,000 litres of arsenic and iron-free water daily to the rural community. The first community water treatment plant based on SAR technology was set up at Kashimpore near Kolkata in 2004 by a team of European and Indian engineers led by Bhaskar Sen Gupta of Queen's University Belfast for TiPOT.[38][39][40][41]
SAR technology had been awarded Dhirubhai Ambani Award, 2010 from IChemE UK for Chemical Innovation. Again, SAR was the winner of the St. Andrews Award for Environment, 2010. The SAR Project was selected by the Blacksmith Institute - New York & Green Cross- Switzerland as one of the "12 Cases of Cleanup & Success" in the World's Worst Polluted Places Report 2009. (Refer: www.worstpolluted.org).
Currently, large scale SAR plants are being installed in US, Malaysia, Cambodia, and Vietnam.
Dietary intake[edit]
Researchers from Bangladesh and the United Kingdom have claimed that dietary intake of arsenic adds a significant amount to total intake where contaminated water is used for irrigation.[42][43][44]
See also[edit]
Arsenic poisoning
Grainger challenge
Toxic heavy metal
References[edit]
Jump up ^ See:
"Arsenic in drinking water seen as threat," USAToday.com, August 30, 2007.
See page 6 of: Peter Ravenscroft, "Predicting the global distribution of arsenic pollution in groundwater." Paper presented at: "Arsenic -- The Geography of a Global Problem," Royal Geographic Society Arsenic Conference held at: Royal Geographic Society, London, England, August 29, 2007. This conference is part of The Cambridge Arsenic Project.
Jump up ^ Smedley, PL; Kinniburgh, DG (2002). "A review of the source, behaviour and distribution of arsenic in natural waters". Applied Geochemistry. 17 (5): 517–568. doi:10.1016/S0883-2927(02)00018-5.
Jump up ^ Mukherjee A.; Sengupta M. K.; Hossain M. A. (2006). "Arsenic contamination in groundwater: A global perspective with emphasis on the Asian scenario" (PDF). Journal of Health Population and Nutrition. 24 (2): 142–163.
Jump up ^ Chowdhury U. K.; Biswas B. K.; Chowdhury T. R. (2000). "Groundwater arsenic contamination in Bangladesh and West Bengal, India". Environmental Health Perspectives. Brogan &#38. 108 (4): 393–397. doi:10.2307/3454378. JSTOR 3454378. PMC 1638054  . PMID 10811564.
Jump up ^ Rodríguez-Lado L., Sun G., Berg M., Zhang Q., Xue H., Zheng Q., Johnson C.A. (2013). "Groundwater arsenic contamination throughout China". Science. 341 (6148): 866–868. doi:10.1126/science.1237484. CS1 maint: Multiple names: authors list (link)
Jump up ^ "Arsenic in drinking water threatens up to 60 million in Pakistan". Science | AAAS. 2017-08-23. Retrieved 2017-09-11.
Jump up ^ Uddin, Riaz; Huda, Naz Hasan (May 2011). "Arsenic Poisoning in Bangladesh". Oman Medical Journal. 26 (3): 207. doi:10.5001/omj.2011.51. ISSN 1999-768X. PMC 3191694  . PMID 22043419.
Jump up ^ "How the West poisoned Bangladesh". The Independent. 2010-03-21. Retrieved 2017-09-17.
Jump up ^ "Bangladesh: 20 Million Drink Arsenic-Laced Water". Human Rights Watch. 2016-04-06. Retrieved 2017-09-17.
Jump up ^ Diaz, Oscar Pablo; Arcos, Rafael; Tapia, Yasna; Pastene, Rubén; Velez, Dínoraz; Devesa, Vicenta; Montoro, Rosa; Aguilera, Valeska; Becerra, Miriam (2015-05-22). "Estimation of Arsenic Intake from Drinking Water and Food (Raw and Cooked) in a Rural Village of Northern Chile. Urine as a Biomarker of Recent Exposure". International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health. 12 (5): 5614–5633. doi:10.3390/ijerph120505614.
Jump up ^ Singh A. K. (2006). "Chemistry of arsenic in groundwater of Ganges-Brahmaputra river basin" (PDF). Current Science. 91 (5): 599–606.
Jump up ^ David Bradley, "Drinking the water of death", The Guardian, 5 January 1995
Jump up ^ Amit Chatterjee; Dipankar Das; Badal K. Mandal; Tarit Roy Chowdhury; Gautam Samanta; Dipankar Chakraborti (1995). "Arsenic in ground water in six districts of West Bengal, India: the biggest arsenic calamity in the world. Part I. Arsenic species in drinking water and urine of the affected people". Analyst. 120 (3): 643–651. doi:10.1039/AN9952000643.
Jump up ^ Dipankar Das; Amit Chatterjee; Badal K. Mandal; Gautam Samanta; Dipankar Chakraborti; Bhabatosh Chanda (1995). "Arsenic in ground water in six districts of West Bengal, India: the biggest arsenic calamity in the world. Part 2. Arsenic concentration in drinking water, hair, nails, urine, skin-scale and liver tissue (biopsy) of the affected people". Analyst. 120 (3): 917–925. doi:10.1039/AN9952000917. PMID 7741255.
Jump up ^ New Scientist, Interview: Drinking at the west's toxic well 31 May 2006.
^ Jump up to: a b The Times of India, 'Use surface water. Stop digging', interview, 26 September 2004.
^ Jump up to: a b World Health Organization, Arsenic in Drinking Water, accessed 5 February 2007.
Jump up ^ Pierce, Brandon L.; Maria Argos; Yu Chen; Stephanie Melkonian; Faruque Parvez; Tariqul Islam; Alauddin Ahmed; Rabiul Hasan; Paul J. Rathouz; Habibul Ahsan (December 22, 2010). "Arsenic Exposure, Dietary Patterns, and Skin Lesion Risk in Bangladesh: A Prospective Study". American Journal of Epidemiology. 173: 345–354. doi:10.1093/aje/kwq366. PMC 3105269  . PMID 21178101.
Jump up ^ "Groundwater in 13 Districts of Bihar contaminated with Arsenic". Biharprabha News. Retrieved 25 September 2013.
Jump up ^ Smedley P.L., Kinniburgh D.G., Macdonald D.M.J., Nicolli H.B., Barros A.J., Tullio J.O., Pearce J.M., Alonso M.S. (2005). "Arsenic associations in sediments from the loess aquifer of La Pampa, Argentina". Applied Geochemistry. 20: 989–1016. doi:10.1016/j.apgeochem.2004.10.005. CS1 maint: Multiple names: authors list (link)
Jump up ^ The history of arsenic regulation, Southwest Hydrology, May/June 2002, p.16.
Jump up ^ EPA announces arsenic standard for drinking water of 10 parts per billion, EPA press release, 10/31/2001.
Jump up ^ Twarakavi, N. K. C.; Kaluarachchi, J. J. (2006). "Arsenic in the shallow ground waters of conterminous United States: assessment, health risks, and costs for MCL compliance". Journal of American Water Resources Association. 42 (2): 275–294. doi:10.1111/j.1752-1688.2006.tb03838.x.
Jump up ^ Bakalar, Nicholas (2017-10-24). "Arsenic Reductions in Drinking Water Tied to Fewer Cancer Deaths". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2017-10-26.
Jump up ^ Nigra, Anne E.; Sanchez, Tiffany R.; Nachman, Keeve E.; Harvey, David E.; Chillrud, Steven N.; Graziano, Joseph H.; Navas-Acien, Ana (2017-10-22). "The effect of the Environmental Protection Agency maximum contaminant level on arsenic exposure in the USA from 2003 to 2014: an analysis of the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES)". The Lancet Public Health. 0 (0). doi:10.1016/S2468-2667(17)30195-0. ISSN 2468-2667.
Jump up ^ Alison Bohlen (2002) States move forward to meet new arsenic standard, Southwest Hydrology, May/June 2002, p.18-19.
Jump up ^ Megan A. Ferguson and others, Lowering the detection limit for arsenic: implications for a future practical quantitation limit, American Water Works Association Journal, Aug. 2007, p.92-98.
Jump up ^ John G. Shiber, "Arsenic in domestic well water and health in Central Appalachia, USA"
Jump up ^ Frederick Rubel Jr. and Steven W. Hathaway (1985) Pilot Study for removal of arsenic from drinking water at the Fallon, Nevada, Naval Air Station, Environmental Protection Agency, EPA/600/S2-85/094.
Jump up ^ M. Taqueer A. Qureshi (1995) Sources of Arsenic in the Verde River and Salt River Watersheds, Arizona, M.S. thesis, Arizona State University, Tempe.
Jump up ^ , Jaymie R. Meliker, Arsenic in drinking water and cerebrovascular disease, diabetes mellitus, and kidney disease in Michigan: a standardized mortality ratio analysis Environmental Health Magazine. Volume 2:4. 2007. Accessed 9 Sept. 2008.
Jump up ^ http://southasia.oneworld.net/todaysheadlines/nepal-filters-to-provide-arsenic-free-drinking-water
Jump up ^ Fatima Hashmi and Joshua M. Pearce, "Viability of Small-Scale Arsenic-Contaminated Water Purification Technologies for Sustainable Development in Pakistan", Sustainable Development, 19(4), pp. 223-234, 2011. pdfOpen access full text
Jump up ^ "Evaluation of Performance of Sono 3-Kolshi Filter for Arsenic Removal from Groundwater Using Zero Valent Iron Through Laboratory and Field Studies" (PDF). (272 KiB)
Jump up ^ "SONO ARSENIC FILTER FROM BANGLADESH - 1" (PDF). (102 KiB) - pictures with descriptions.
Jump up ^ Newspaper article (in Hungarian) published by Magyar Nemzet on April 15, 2012.
Jump up ^ SARKAR, S; GUPTA, A; BISWAS, R; DEB, A; GREENLEAF, J; SENGUPTA, A (1 May 2005). "Well-head arsenic removal units in remote villages of Indian subcontinent: Field results and performance evaluation". Water Research. 39 (10): 2196–2206. doi:10.1016/j.watres.2005.04.002. PMID 15913703.
Jump up ^ 12 Cases of Cleanup & Success
Jump up ^ "World's Worst Polluted Places Report 2009"
Jump up ^ Scientific American
Jump up ^ Reuters Global
Jump up ^ Mustak Hossain (2006-07-13). "Toxic rice harvested in southwestern Bangladesh". SciDev.Net.
Jump up ^ Williams, P.N.; Islam, M. R.; Adomako, E. E.; Raab, A.; Hossain, S. A.; Zhu, Y. G.; Feldmann, J.; Meharg, A. A. (2006). "Increase in Rice Grain Arsenic for Regions of Bangladesh Irrigating Paddies with Elevated Arsenic in Groundwaters". Environ. Sci. Technol. 40 (16): 4903–4908. doi:10.1021/es060222i. PMID 16955884.
Jump up ^ * Raghvan T. "Screening of Rice Cultivars for Grain Arsenic Concentration and Speciation". American Society of Agronomy Proceeding.
Further reading[edit]
Nickson RT, McArthur JM, Ravenscroft P (2000). "Mechanism of arsenic release to groundwater, Bangladesh and West Bengal". Applied Geochemistry. 15 (4): 403–413. doi:10.1016/S0883-2927(99)00086-4.
Korte N. E.; Fernando Q. (1991). "A Review of Arsenic(III) in Groundwater". Critical Reviews in Environmental Control. 21 (1): 1–39. doi:10.1080/10643389109388408.
Smith AH, Lingas EO, Rahman M (2000). "Contamination of drinking-water by arsenic in Bangladesh: a public health emergency". Bulletin of the World Health Organization. 78 (9): 1093–1103. doi:10.1590/S0042-96862000000900005. PMC 2560840  . PMID 11019458.
Harvey CF, Swartz CH, Badruzzaman AB (2002). "Arsenic mobility and groundwater extraction in Bangladesh". Science. 298 (5598): 1602–1606. doi:10.1126/science.1076978. PMID 12446905.
Raghvan T. "Screening of Rice Cultivars for Grain Arsenic Concentration and Speciation". American Society of Agronomy Proceeding.
Hossain MF (2006). "Arsenic contamination in Bangladesh - An overview". Agriculture, Ecosystems & Environment. 113 (1–4): 1–16. doi:10.1016/j.agee.2005.08.034.
External links[edit]
ATSDR - Case Studies in Environmental Medicine: Arsenic Toxicity
Arsenic in groundwater IGRAC International Groundwater Resources Assessment Centre
Arsenic in Groundwater: A World Problem - IAH publication, Netherlands National Chapter, 2008
SOS-Arsenic.net - information and awareness raising site, focused on Bangladesh.
Contamination of drinking-water by arsenic in Bangladesh: a public health emergency - at SOS-Arsenic.net
Subterranean Arsenic Treatment Technology in West Bengal
12 Cases of Cleanup & Success
www.wbphed.gov.in - Arsenic Scenario of West Bengal
Drinking Death in Groundwater: Arsenic Contamination as a Threat to Water Security for Bangladesh, ACDIS Occasional Paper by Mustafa Moinuddin
St Andrews Prize for Environment 2010
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