text:
Cultivation theory
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Cultivation theory examines the long-term effects of television. "The primary proposition of cultivation theory states that the more time people spend 'living' in the television world, the more likely they are to believe social reality aligns with reality portrayed on television."[1] The images and ideological messages transmitted through popular television media heavily influence perceptions of the real world.
Cultivation theory is positivistic, meaning it assumes the existence of objective reality and value-neutral research.[2] A study conducted by Jennings Bryant and Dorina Miron in 2004, which surveyed almost 2,000 articles published in three top mass-communication journals since 1956, found that Cultivation Theory was the third-most frequently utilized theory, showing that it continues to be one of the most popular theories in mass-communication research.[3]
Contents
[hide]
1 Definition
2 Background
2.1 Cultural Indicators Project
3 Assumptions
4 Research strategy analyzing the role of the media
4.1 Step 1: message system analysis
4.2 Step 2: questions regarding viewers' social realities
4.3 Step 3: surveying the audience
4.4 Step 4: cultivation differential
5 Perceptions of violence
5.1 Positive correlation between TV viewing and fear of criminal victimization
5.2 Perceived activity of the police
5.3 General mistrust of people
6 Key terms in cultivation analysis
6.1 Mainstreaming
6.2 Resonance
6.3 Mean World Index
6.4 Dramatic violence
6.5 Heavy viewers
6.6 Magic bullet theory
6.7 Television reality
7 Research applications
7.1 Cultivation effects in children
7.2 International cultivation analysis
7.3 Lifetime television exposure analysis
7.4 Impact on psychosocial health
7.5 "InterTV"
7.6 Music videos
7.7 Video games
7.8 Gender and sexuality
7.8.1 LGBT
7.8.2 Women
7.8.3 Sexual attitudes
7.9 Race and ethnicity
7.10 Politics and policy preferences
7.11 New media
7.12 Sports
8 Criticisms
8.1 Theoretical leap
8.2 Lived experience
8.3 Forms of violence
8.4 Humanist critique
8.5 Perceived reality
8.6 Utility
9 See also
10 References
11 Further reading
Definition[edit]
Cultivation theory suggests that exposure to media, over time, subtly "cultivates" viewers' perceptions of reality. Gerbner and Gross assert: "Television is a medium of the socialization of most people into standardized roles and behaviors. Its function is in a word, enculturation".[4]Within his analysis of cultivation, Gerbner draws attention to three entities—institutions, messages, and publics.[5]
Though most researchers tend to focus on television as it is the most common form of media consumption in the world, Cultivation Theory has been shown to encompass many different forms of media, such as newspapers, film, and even photographs. This can apply anytime social observation occurs in any form outside a natural environment.[6]
Initial research on the theory establishes that concern regarding the effects of television on audiences stem from the unprecedented centrality of television in American culture.[1] Gerbner posited that television as a mass medium of communication had formed into a common symbolic environment that bound diverse communities together, socializing people into standardized roles and behaviors.[7] He thus compared the power of television to that of religion, stating television was to modern society what religion once was in earlier times. Thus, Gerbner's research focused on the larger meaning of heavy television consumption instead of the meaning behind specific messages.[8]
Background[edit]
Cultural Indicators Project[edit]
Developed by George Gerbner and Larry Gross in 1976, cultivation theory derived from several large-scale research projects in a comprehensive project entitled Cultural Indicators. The Cultural Indicators Project began as a stand-alone study commissioned by Lyndon B. Johnson for the National Commission on the Causes and Prevention of Violence.[4] The commission was formed to address issues of violence in American culture; one specific area of interest for the Johnson administration was the effects of television violence on audiences. Gerbner subsequently began work on the federally funded Cultural Indicators Project at the Annenberg School of Communications.[9] Congress then facilitated the creation of the Surgeon General's Scientific Advisory Committee on Television and Social Behavior in 1972. This new committee funded a number of studies on the effects of television: Gerbner's Cultural Indicators was one of those chosen. Through Gerbner's involvement with Cultural Indicators, he began to produce the Violence Index, a yearly content analysis of prime-time television that would show how violence was portrayed on television, from season to season. This allowed viewers the access to data regarding the frequency of violence in television shows but also raised questions regarding the accuracy of the study and the research hypotheses used. While the Violence Index received criticism, Gerbner and his team updated the Index to make sure that the data being produced was accurately composed, and addressed any criticisms posted. Gerbner's research found that violence was portrayed in prime time more frequently compared to violence in the real world.[10]
Gerbner's project came about during an increasing divide between political conservatives and private commercial investors in the late 1960s.[11] Performing the task of middleman, Gerbner and his team acted as impartial researchers, examining the effects and implications of television consumption without having any vested political or financial interest in its outcome. This standpoint allotted Gerbner access to a number of grants that continued to fund the Cultural Indicators Project throughout the 1970s.[4]
Assumptions[edit]
Cultivation theory holds three core assumptions. The first assumption highlights the medium, the second, the audience, and the final assumption deals with the function of the medium on audiences and their ability to react to it.
Television is fundamentally different from other forms of mass media.[12]
This first assumption lists the differences between television and other forms of mass media. Television is visual and auditory, and therefore doesn't require viewers to be literate. It has the potential to be free, aside from the initial cost of obtaining a television (although free access to television is generally quite limited). There are multiple added costs for television viewing, including the necessity of a converter box to access most local television broadcasting and the high monthly fees required for accessing cable television. These costs may prohibit poor and low-income families from viewing television. However, television is still ageless in the sense that anyone from any walk of life can use it, and most importantly, anyone is able to comprehend the content that is broadcast through television. Television programming uses storytelling and engaging narratives to capture people's attention.
Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, & Signorielli argued that while religion or education had previously been greater influences on social trends, now "[t]elevision is the source of the most broadly shared images and messages in history ...Television cultivates from infancy the very predispositions and preferences that used to be acquired from other primary sources ... The repetitive pattern of television's mass-produced messages and images forms the mainstream of a common symbolic environment."[4]
Television has a lower threshold for consumption than print media (because of the need for literacy) and film (because it requires a level of financial capability).[2] According to Gerbner, television has become the "central cultural arm of our society."[12]
Television shapes the way individuals within society think and relate to each other.
Gerbner and Gross write that "the substance of the consciousness cultivated by TV is not so much specific attitudes and opinions as more basic assumptions about the facts of life and standards of judgment on which conclusions are based."[13] Simply put, the realities created by television are not based on real facts but on speculation.
Gerbner observed that television reaches people, on average, more than seven hours a day. Television offers "a centralized system of story-telling".[14] Gerbner asserts that television's major cultural function is to stabilize social patterns and to cultivate resistance to change. We live in terms of the stories we tell and television tells these stories through news, drama, and advertising to almost everybody most of the time.[12]
Cultivation Theory doesn't predict what we will do after watching a violent television program, but rather posits a connection between our worry and fear about a violence-filled world and exposure to violent programming on television.
Television's effects are limited.
Assumption three paradoxically asserts that television is a part of a larger sociocultural system. Therefore, although the effects of watching television may be increased or decrease at any point in time, its effect is consistently present.[12]
Gerbner's ice age analogy states that "just as an average temperature shift of a few degrees can lead to an ice age or the outcomes of elections can be determined by slight margins, so too can a relatively small but pervasive influence make a crucial difference. The size of an effect is far less critical than the direction of its steady contribution."[15] Rather than focus on the total impact of violent television, this analogy focuses more on the fact that there once was or is an impact to viewers just through exposure. Gerbner argues that watching television doesn't cause a particular behavior, but instead watching television over time adds up to our perception of the world around us.[10]
Research strategy analyzing the role of the media[edit]
Cultivation theory is the final step in a four-part process that looks at the effects of television on society.[5] The first two steps include institutional process analysis and message system analysis. While cultivation theory focuses on macrosystems of television's influence on society as a whole, the first two steps deal with the creation of media messages and how these messages are portrayed in front of an audience.[8]
Step 1: message system analysis[edit]
The first part of this strategy is known as message system analysis, which has been used since 1967 to track the most stable and recurrent images in media content. Described by Gerbner, Gross, Morgan and Signorielli as a "tool for making systematic, reliable, and cumulative observations about television content", it not only tracks the perceived awareness of an individual about what he or she is viewing on television, but also represents the ongoing collective messages shown on television that shape larger community impressions over an extended period of time. Although information provided through media channels is not always reliable, message system analysis provides a method for characterizing the messages transmitted through television.[4]
"Based on message system analyses, cultivation researchers develop hypotheses about what people would think about various aspects of reality if everything they knew about some issue or phenomenon were derived from television's dominant portrayals."[5] This step entails creating a detailed content analysis on the consistent images, themes, and messages in any one particular show.
Another facet of the message-system analysis Gerbner discovered was something Griffin called "equal violence, unequal risk." The research Gerbner conducted showed that the amount of violence portrayed in media stayed consistent, but the distribution of that violence was never equal. The children and the elderly, for example, are more common recipients of violence than young or middle-aged adults. Gerbner often discovered trends in violence toward minority groups, with African Americans and Hispanics being the recipients of violence more often than Caucasians; two other demographics that experienced similar inequality were women and "blue-collar" workers. Griffin wrote: "The ironic result of this tendency is that the demographics shown, inaccurately, to be more in danger of violence than the rest are the demographics that will walk away from the media more afraid of violence.[7]
Step 2: questions regarding viewers' social realities[edit]
The second part of this process focuses on people's feelings about their day-to-day lives to gain a larger understanding of how they perceive their realities. Findings from the message system analysis process guide researchers to formulate questions about social reality for the subjects of a study (in this case, television viewers).[13]
Step 3: surveying the audience[edit]
The third part of this process brings Step 2 into action: asking audience participants questions about their understanding of their lives, and surveying television consumption levels. After questions are formulated based on social reality, Gerbner and Gross explain that, "To each of these questions there is a "television answer", which is like the way things appear in the world of television, and another and different answer which is biased in the opposite direction, closer to the way things are in the observable world".[13] These questions are then used to evaluate detailed characteristics of the participants under evaluation. Measurement items include the breadth of television consumption, habitual characteristics relating to television, and the social, economic, and political makeup of the participants.
Step 4: cultivation differential[edit]
The final part of this process is Cultivation Differential. This is described as "the percentage of difference in response between light and heavy television viewers."[10] Certain measures are evaluated including, "...sex, age, education, and other characteristics. The margin of heavy viewers over light viewers giving the "television answers" within and across groups is the "cultivation differential" indicating conceptions about social reality that viewing tends to cultivate."[13] According to Griffin: "Cultivation deals with how TV's content might affect viewers—particularly the viewers who spend lots of time glued to the tube. This is where most of the action takes place in the theory."[7] Gerbner found that the effect of television on its viewers is not unidirectional, that the "use of the term cultivation for television's contribution to conception of social reality... (does not) necessarily imply a one-way, monolithic process. The effects of a pervasive medium upon the composition and structure of the symbolic environment are subtle, complex, and intermingled with other influences. This perspective, therefore, assumes an interaction between the medium and its publics."[4]
This cultivation differential is what Gerbner sought to discover in his research. Griffin defines this as "the difference in the percentage giving the television answer within comparable groups of light and heavy TV viewers."[7] Gerbner wanted to find how often individuals who watched a significant amount of television were influenced by what they saw in the media. Gerbner believed there was no before-television stage in a person's life. He alleged the media influences a person the moment they are born.
There are four attitudes that Gerbner focused on: (1) the chances of involvement with violence, (2) fear of walking alone at night, (3) perceived activity of police, and (4) general mistrust of people.[7] When a person watches more television, that person is more likely to think he or she has a higher chance of being involved violence and is more mistrustful of others. See also the description of mean world syndrome below.
Perceptions of violence[edit]
Gerbner's initial work specifically looked at the effects of television violence on American audiences.[16] Violence underscored the larger part of Gerbner's work on cultivation theory, as he and his team speculated that violence had an effect on the way Americans perceive safety, crime, and general lawlessness in both their immediate communities and the greater population. Therefore, they measured dramatic violence, which Gerbner defines as "the overt expression or threat of physical force as part of the plot."[7] Gerbner's research also focuses on the impact of television viewing on high-use television users and their interpretation of the prevalence of crime on television versus real life. He argues that since a high percentage of television programs include violent or crime-related content, viewers who spend a lot of time watching television are inevitably exposed to high levels of crime and violence portrayed. Thus, increased exposure causes viewers to judge the world around them as more violent and crime-filled than it may actually be in reality.[17]
In 1968, Gerbner conducted a survey to demonstrate this theory. From his results he placed television viewers into three categories; "light viewers" (less than 2 hours a day), "medium viewers" (2–4 hours a day) and "heavy viewers" (more than 4 hours a day). He found that heavy viewers held beliefs and opinions similar to those portrayed on television rather than ones based in real-world circumstances, which demonstrates the compound effect of media influence.[8] Those whom Gerbner classified as heavy viewers experience shyness, loneliness, and depression much more than those who do not watch television or who do not watch television nearly as much.[18] From this study, Gerbner also began working on what would become his Mean World Index, which subscribes to the notion that heavy consumption of violence-related television content leads the viewer to believe the world is more dangerous than it actually is.
Positive correlation between TV viewing and fear of criminal victimization[edit]
"In most of the surveys Gerbner conducted, the results reveal a small but statistically significant relationship between TV consumption and fear about becoming the victim of a crime. The question at the start of the chapter is illustrative: Those with light viewing habits predict their weekly odds of being a victim are 1 out of 100; those with heavy viewing habits fear the risk 1 out of 10. Actual crime statistics indicate that 1 out of 10,000 is more realistic."[7]
Supporting this finding is a survey done with college students that showed a significant correlation between the attention paid to local crime and fear. This survey also showed a significant correlation between fears of crime and violence and the number of times the respondents viewed television per week.[19]
Local television news also plays a role in influencing viewers' perception of high criminal activity due to events reported on the news. While news agencies boast their allegiance to report factual, timely news, they rely "heavily on sensational coverage of crime and other mayhem with particular emphasis on homicide and violence" (Hamilton, 1998; Klite, Bardwell, & Salzman, 1995, 1997). Thus, viewers are more likely to develop a heightened sense of fear of crime because of the nature of information spread by local news outlets.
Perceived activity of the police[edit]
"People with heavy viewing habits believe that 5 percent of society is involved in law enforcement. Their video world is peopled with police officers, judges, and government agents. People with light viewing habits estimates a more realistic 1 percent."[7]
General mistrust of people[edit]
"Those with heavy viewing habits are suspicious of other people's motives. They subscribe to statements that warn people to expect the worst." These people would be likely to believe statements such as: "Most people are just looking out for themselves"; "In dealing with others, you can't be too careful"; and "Do unto others before they do unto You." This mindset is what Griffin calls the mean world syndrome.[7]
Gerbner's original analysis shows that heavy viewers are much more likely to be afraid of walking alone at night. The reluctance of these individuals has also been seen on a more global scale because heavy viewers in the United States are much more likely to believe they, as a nation, should stay out of world affairs.[17]
Key terms in cultivation analysis[edit]
Mainstreaming[edit]
"Mainstreaming is the blurring, blending, and bending process by which heavy TV viewers from disparate groups develop a common outlook on the world through constant exposure to the same images and labels on TV."[7] Mainstreaming through television plays a central role in society. There are many people that do not have access to television, but the reach of television is so expansive that it has become the primary channel responsible for shaping what is mainstream in our culture.[7] The mainstream is more than the sum of all cross-currents and sub-currents; it represents the broadest range of shared meanings and assumptions in the most general, functional and stable way.[20] Heavy television viewing may override individual differences and perspectives, creating more of an American (and increasingly global) "melting pot" of social, cultural and political ideologies.[20]
Gerbner found that ideas and opinions commonly held by heavy viewers as a result of mainstreaming have to do with politics and economics. According to Griffin, Gerbner's research led to the conclusion that heavy viewers tend to label themselves as middle class citizens who are politically moderate. Gerbner also found people who labeled themselves as either liberal or conservative among those who mainly watched TV occasionally. Interestingly enough, however, he also found that "cultural indicators noted that their positions on social issues are decidedly conservative."[7]
Resonance[edit]
Resonance occurs when things viewed on television are congruent with the actual lived realities of viewers. Gerbner writes that this provides a double dose of messages that resonate and amplify cultivation.[14] Additionally, Gerbner et al. defines resonance as the similarity between everyday reality and television narratives. The example they give is of minority groups whose fictional television character is stereotypically more frequently victimized on television, creating an exaggerated perception of violence for individuals who watch more television[20] Griffin sums it up nicely, when he states, "Gerbner claimed that other heavy viewers grow more apprehensive through the process of resonance."[7] Furthermore, Gerbner said, "The congruence of the television world and real-life circumstances may 'resonate' and lead to markedly amplified cultivation patterns."[7] This cultivation could have a large effect on our society if these viewers insist on receiving more security from the government, their work place, family, friends, etc. Resonance seeks to explain why heavy TV viewers often have an amplified vigilance about the world.
As either mainstreaming or resonance, cultivation produces first-order or second-order effects. First-order effects refers to the learning of facts, while second-order effects involve "hypotheses about more general issues and assumptions" that people make about their environments.[4]
Mean World Index[edit]
Gerbner et al. developed the Mean World Index. The Mean World Index finds that long-term exposure to television in which violence is frequent cultivates the image of a mean and dangerous world. Viewers who consumed television at a higher rate believed that greater protection by law enforcement is needed and reported that most people "cannot be trusted" and are "just looking out for themselves".[15] The Mean World Index consists of three statements:
Most people are just looking out for themselves.
You can't be too careful in dealing with people.
Most people would take advantage of you if they got the chance.
Dramatic violence[edit]
Dramatic violence is the "overt expression or serious threat of physical force as part of the plot."[7] Shows such as Law & Order SVU and CSI: Miami use murder to frame each episode of their shows, thus underscoring the presence of dramatic and gratuitous violence.[21] The idea of dramatic violence underscores the relationship between fear and entertainment. Though death is being used as a plot point, it also functions to cultivate a particular image of looming violence.
Heavy viewers[edit]
Heavy viewers are individuals who watch at least four hours of television a day,[7] however Nielsen notes that heavy viewers are now defined as those that watch more than 11 hours of television a day.[22] Heavy viewers are consistently characterized as being more susceptible to the images and messages on television. They also rely on television more to cultivate their perceptions of the real world.[9] In a recent study done on the cultivation effects of reality television, an Indiana University study found that young girls who regularly watched the MTV hit Teen Mom had an unrealistic view of teen pregnancy.[23]
Several cognitive mechanisms that explain cultivation effects have been put forth by Shrum (1995; 1996; 1997).[24][25][26] Shrum's availability heuristic explanation suggests that heavy viewers tend to have more frequent, recent, and vivid instances of television reality on the "top of the head" (i.e., available and accessible) when surveyors ask them questions, resulting in more responses that relate to television viewing and also speedier responses. Another mechanism that might explain the cultivation phenomenon is a cognitive-narrative mechanism. Previous research suggests that the realism of television narratives in combination with individual-level "transportability", or the ability to adopt a less critical stance toward a narrative, might facilitate cultivation effects (e.g., Bilandzic & Busselle, 2008).[27]
Magic bullet theory[edit]
The magic bullet theory (also known as the hypodermic-syringe model, transmission-belt model, or hypodermic needle model) is a linear model of communication. This theory talks about "the audiences directly influenced by the mass media" and "the media's power on the audiences".
The "magic bullet" theory graphically assumes that the media's message is a bullet fired from the "media gun" into the viewer's "head" (1995).[28] Similarly, the "hypodermic needle model" uses the same idea of direct "injection." It suggests that the media delivers its messages straight into the passive audience's mind (Croteau, Hoynes 1997).[29] This passive audience is immediately affected by these messages.
Television reality[edit]
Television reality describes the effects television viewing has on heavy viewers. Cultivation theory research seems to indicate that heavy television viewing can result in the creation of a television reality, which is a set of facts and beliefs based on television content rather than actual facts.[30] Generally, the beliefs of heavy television viewers about the real world are consistent with the repetitive and emphasized images and themes presented on television.[20] As such, heavy viewing cultivates a television-shaped view of the world.[31]
While viewers might differ in their demographic characteristics, the amount of television viewing can make a difference in terms of their conceptions of social reality.[32] For instance, people's different degrees of sex-role stereotypes can be traced back to the independent contribution of TV viewing just like others such as sex, age, class, and education.[32] Television viewing time is a main element of creating television reality to the audiences or the viewers. According to Gerbner's research, the more time spent 'living' in the world of television, the more likely people are to report perceptions of social reality which can be traced to television's most persistent representations of life and society.[32]
Since the 1960s, communication scholars have examined television's contributions to viewers' perceptions of a wide variety of topics and issues. Little effort has been made to investigate the influence of television on perceptions of social reality among adolescents, particularly in the areas of sexism, sex roles, mean world, and television reality.[33]
The work of several researchers support the concept of television reality as a consequence of heavy viewing. According to Wyer and Budesheim's research, television messages or information, even when they are not necessarily considered truthful, can still be used in the process of constructing social judgments. Furthermore, indicted invalid information may still be used in subsequent audience's judgments.[34]
Research applications[edit]
Although Gerbner's research focused on violence on TV this theory can be applied to a variety of different situations. Many other theorists have done studies related to the cultivation theory which incorporated different messages than Gerbner's original intent. This research has been conducted in order to defeat two criticisms of the theory; its breadth and lumping of genres.
Cultivation effects in children[edit]
"There was a positive relationship between childhood television viewing levels and the social reality beliefs in young adulthood. The results of this study suggest that television viewed during childhood may affect the social reality beliefs a person holds as an adult."[7] "Accordingly, the present study focuses on the potential effect of childhood television viewing on social reality beliefs during adulthood. The focus of the present study will be childhood exposure to television genres that tend to be violent. Given that it has been argued and demonstrated that measuring exposure to violent content is a more appropriate method for cultivation analyses than measuring overall television exposure levels."[1]
Another longitudinal study shows how television exposure is associated with overall self-esteem in children. Nicole Martins and Kristen Harrison measured the amount of television viewing in elementary school children and their overall level of self-esteem (not related to perceptions about the body) after television exposure over time. They found that higher levels of television viewing predicted lower self-esteem for White girls, Black girls, and Black boys, but higher self-esteem for White boys. This relationship indicates that exposure to portrayals of White males on television, which tend to be positive, and those of Black men and women and White women which tend to be negative, shape the way children understand their own identities.[35]
International cultivation analysis[edit]
International cultivation analysis attempts to answer the question of whether the medium or the system is the message. Gerbner et al. found that countries where the television programs were less repetitive and homogeneous than the United States produced less predictable and consistent results.[20] The variety of television content is also an important factor. Increased diversity and balance within television channels or programs leads viewers to report similar preferences. Furthermore, importing television programs internationally can elicit variable responses depending on the cultural context and the type of television program. For example, exposure of US television programs to Korean females portrayed a liberal perspective of gender roles and family. However, for the Korean male television viewers, US programs brought out increased hostility and protection of Korean culture. Another study showed that Australian students who watched US television programs (especially adventure and crime shows) were more likely to view Australia as dangerous;[20] however, they didn't transfer this danger to America, even though they were watching US television programs. A study conducted by Minnebo and Eggermont in 2007 found that heavy television viewers, over the age of 30, in Belgium "were more likely to believe that most young people are substance users."[5]
Lifetime television exposure analysis[edit]
In order to accurately survey and represent findings from cultivation theory research, the duration of television exposure has become a topic for further research. It's stated that "cultivation effect only occurs after long-term, cumulative exposure to stable patterns of content on television."[9] However, research that tracks long-term media exposure is very rare and if conducted, must be thoroughly planned out in order to secure dependable results. In a study conducted in 2009, participants were asked to list the number of Grey's Anatomy episodes they had viewed in prior and current seasons. The purpose of the study was to gain a perspective of how viewers see doctors based on impressions from television. Findings from the study showed a positive association with Grey's Anatomy's portrayal with real-world doctors' acts of courage. The finding wasn't surprising, as many episodes within Grey's Anatomy often show doctors as courageous, either by employing a detailed view of an operation, or crediting doctors for their empathy in specific patient scenarios. Gerbner and colleagues argue that cultivation effects span total television viewing, not genre- or program-specific viewing (Gerbner et al., 2002).[36] In a study conducted by Jonathan Cohen and Gabriel Weimann, they found that cultivation through television is more prevalent within the age group of older teenagers and young adults, thus supporting the claim that a cumulative exposure to television throughout a viewer's life has a steady impact on their cultivation longevity.[37]
Impact on psychosocial health[edit]
A study conducted by Hammermeister, Brock, Winterstein, and Page compares the psychosocial health of viewers that reported no television use, viewers who followed the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) suggested consumption of up to 2 hours of television per day, and viewers with high exposure to television. They surveyed 430 participants within the United States implemented via survey method. They found that there was more of an impact on the psychosocial health of women who participated in the study and, "revealed that all the psychosocial variables examined in this study contributed significantly to the one function equation with depression, hopelessness, self-esteem, and weight satisfaction being the strongest discriminators" (Hammermeister, Brock, Winterstein, Page, 260). Findings also exposed the similarity in psychosocial health data between participants who watched up to 2 hours of television per day and participants who opt out of television consumption all together.[18]
"InterTV"[edit]
InterTV is a concept forecasting the inevitable melding of television and online media. Described by Shanahan and Morgan as television's "convergence" with computers, they argue that computers will essentially act as an extension of television through the creation of related websites and online news articles covered within the traditional television journalism realm. Additionally, television programming will also suffer a shift to an online platform in result of streaming services such as Netflix and Hulu. According to Shanahan and Morgan, this may not be the worst thing, as it allows advertisers a direct source in which they can gather information regarding viewers. They state that, "within a market filled with individual interests, desires and the channels to serve them, such a data-gathering enterprise would still allow advertisers to assemble mass audiences from the fragmented media systems". In a sense, this would allow viewers some way to control the content they are fed through the online platform. While advertisers are infringing on viewer information, the correlated result requires them to shift any programming or storyline content to the satisfaction of the viewer. This poses an interesting example in terms of extending the impact of cultivation theory, instead empowering the viewer to cultivate their own television use experience.[9]
Music videos[edit]
Kathleen Beullens, Keith Roe, and Jan Van den Bulck conducted research relating to alcohol consumption in music videos. The research revealed that high exposure to music videos develops an unrealistic perception of alcohol consumption. Musicians in these videos endorse alcohol in their songs and create a false reality about alcohol and its effects."[38]
Video games[edit]
Research conducted by Dmitri Williams draws the comparison of the effects of television to interactive video games. He argues that while the parameters and basic content of the game developed is through the employment of game developers, creators and designers, the role of the "other player" within the game is also essential in the progression of the story within the video game. Essentially, an interactive game allows players to build relationships with others, and thus is more dynamic and unpredictable as compared to traditional television. Williams attempts to research the question of whether video games are as influential as television from a cultivation theory standpoint. Does it impact our social reality? In the field study, participants were asked to play a MMORPG game, one in which participants interacted with other players in real time. Crime measures divided into four categories were used to evaluate the correlation between the research hypotheses and cultivation theory. The study proved a strong correlation between the impact of cultivation on participants and the players of the MMORPG game.[39]
See also Behm-Morawitz and Ta study below, under "Race and ethnicity".[40]
Gender and sexuality[edit]
LGBT[edit]
Sara Baker Netzley conducted research in a similar fashion to Gerbner in the way that homosexuals were depicted on television. This study found that there was an extremely high level of sexual activity in comparison to the amount of homosexual characters that appeared on television. This has led those who are heavy television consumers to believe that the gay community is extremely sexual. Much like the idea of a mean and scary world it gives people a parallel idea of an extremely sexualized gay community."[41]
In a study conducted by Jerel Calzo and Monique Ward, they first begin by analyzing recent research conducted on the portrayal of gay and lesbian characters on television. While growth in the representation of gay and lesbian characters has continued to grow, they found that most television shows frame gay and lesbian characters in a manner that reinforces homosexual stereotypes. Diving into discussion, they even use examples such as Ellen and Will & Grace, describing the storyline content as reinforcing "stereotypes by portraying these characters as lacking stable relationships, as being preoccupied with their sexuality (or not sexual at all), and by perpetuating the perception of gay and lesbian people as laughable, one-dimensional figures (Cooper, 2003; Fouts & Inch, 2005; Herman, 2005)". Their findings confirmed that media genres played an important role in the attitudes developed regarding homosexuality. They also were surprised by the finding that prior prime-time shows, which are no longer on air, reinforced a larger magnitude of acceptance within the LGBTQ realm. They then suggested that because genre played a large impact in the perception that viewers gained while watching certain television shows, more research should be designated towards, "more genre-driven effects analyses".[42]
Women[edit]
Beverly Roskos-Ewoldsen, John Davies and David Roskos-Ewoldsen posit that perceptions of women are integrated in a rather stereotypical fashion compared to portrayals of men on television. They state that, "men are characters in TV shows at about a 2 to 1 ratio to women(Gerbner et al., 2002)". Viewers who consume more television usually also have more sexist views of women (Gerbner et al., 2002; Morgan, 1990).[43] Research has also shown that women are more likely to be portrayed as victims on television than men.[44]
Alexander Sink and Dana Mastro studied women and gender depictions on American primetime television. Although women are often perceived to have better representation on television in recent years, these researchers show that this is not necessarily the case. Women are significantly proportionally underrepresented on primetime television, making up only 39% of characters despite the fact that women make up 50.9% of the population in the US. Men were also portrayed as more dominant than women, and although men were more often objectified, women were consistently portrayed as hyperfeminized and hypersexualized. Fewer older women appeared during primetime compared to men, and were often shown to be less competent than older male characters.[45]
Sexual attitudes[edit]
A study by Bradley J. Bond and Kristin L. Drogos examined the relationship between exposure to the television program Jersey Shore and sexual attitudes and behavior in college-aged adults. They found a positive relationship between time spent watching Jersey Shore and increased sexual permissiveness. This effect was found to be stronger in the younger participants than older participants, and held true even when the researchers controlled for other influences on participants' sexual attitudes such as religious beliefs and parents' attitudes. This higher level of sexually permissive behavior and attitudes was not a result of higher overall exposure to television, but to higher exposure to Jersey Shore, a highly sexualized program, specifically.[46]
Race and ethnicity[edit]
Meghan S. Sanders and Srividya Ramasubramanian studied perceptions which African American media consumers hold about fictional characters portrayed in film and television. They found that, while study participants tended to view all African American characters positively, social class, rather than race or ethnicity, mattered more in perceptions about the warmth and competence of a character. Their study suggests that the race and ethnicity of media consumers need to be taken into account in cultivation studies because media consumers with different backgrounds likely perceive media portrayals and their faithfulness to reality differently.[47]
A study by Elizabeth Behm-Morawitz and David Ta examined the cultivation effects of video games on White students' perceptions of Black and Asian individuals. While no significant effects were found for perceptions of Asian individuals, researchers found that increased time spent playing video games, no matter what genre, held less positive views of Black people. They also found that real-life interaction with Black individuals did not change this effect. Behm-Morawitz and Ta suggest that the stable, negative racial and ethnic stereotypes portrayed in video game narratives of any genre impact real-world beliefs in spite of more varied real-life interaction with racial and ethnic minorities.[40]
Politics and policy preferences[edit]
Diana C. Mutz and Lilach Nir conducted a study of how fictional television narratives can influence viewers' policy preferences and positive or negative attitudes regarding the justice system in the real world. They found that positive portrayals of the criminal justice system were associated with more positive views toward the system in real life, whereas negative television portrayals were associated with viewers feeling that the criminal justice system often works unfairly. Furthermore, researchers found that these attitudes did influence viewers' policy preferences concerning the criminal justice system in real life.[48]
A study by Anita Atwell Seate and Dana Mastro studied news coverage of immigration and its relationship with immigration policy preferences and negative attitudes about immigrants. They found that exposure to negative messages about immigrants in the news influenced anxious feelings towards the outgroup (i.e. immigrants), particularly when the news showed an example of a member of this outgroup on the program. This exposure did not necessarily influence immigration policy preferences, but long-term exposure to messages of this kind can affect policy preferences.[49]
Katerina-Eva Matsa explores cultivation effects through her thesis on television's impact on political engagement in Greece. She describes the role of satirical television within the cultural realm in Greece and how this form of television engrains the perception that Greek political institutions are corrupt, thus negatively influencing the public's overall opinion of politics in Greece.[50]
New media[edit]
Michael Morgan, James Shanahan, and Nancy Signorielli conceptualize applications of cultivation theory to the study of new media. They note that media technology has never been static, and that there will always be new forms of media. However, in the present, older methods for cultivation analysis may have to move away from counting hours of television viewed, and take up a big data approach. These authors argue that, although many were skeptical that cultivation theory would be applicable with the increasing importance of new media, these media still use narrative, and since those narratives affect us, cultivation theory is still relevant for new media.[51]
Stephen M. Croucher applies cultivation theory to his theory of social media and its effects on immigrant cultural adaptation. He theorizes that immigrants who use dominant social media while they are still in the process of adapting to their new culture will develop perceptions about their host society through the use of this media. He believes that this cultivation effect will also impact the way immigrants interact with host country natives in offline interactions.[52]
Sports[edit]
Cultivation theory attempts to predict that media viewing has an effect on the values and beliefs that people have and the things they believe are "reality". A study conducted by David Atkin from the University of Connecticut revealed insights about television viewing of sports and the values of its viewers. An hypothesis that was researched stated "Level of agreement with sports-related values (i.e., being physically fit, athletic, and active) is positively related to participation in sports-related media and leisure activities" (Atkin 324). Studies were conducted and research was presented and the conclusion was that the hypothesis was correct. The study specifically found that "those for whom being physically fit, being athletic and being active are important also engage in more sports media" (Atkin). In this instance, cultivation theory is present because heavier exposure is related to greater agreement with the values that are presented.
Another related study felt that attendance at live and mediated sporting events might cultivate audience values that are consistent with the value of sports.[citation needed]
In an article titled "Sport in Society: Cultures, Commerce, Media and Politics", discussion was started about sports and cultivation theory. Cultivation theory can be applicable to many different aspects of society. The research shared "the line of research has found that, as exposure to television increases, an individual's beliefs and opinions of the real-world become more similar to that of the television world." This statement proves to be support of the previous hypothesis and is support for cultivation theory being present in the sports world. If someone engages in sports media, their beliefs of being physically fit and active will then become more and more similar to the beliefs of those they are watching and listening to in the sports media.[citation needed]
Cultivation theory and sports are just beginning to be studied. There are many more aspects that are being studied. One other aspect is the difference between those who participate in sporting events and those who watch them. Another part of cultivation theory can be explained by people being less active, because of what they watch on television and the rise in obesity levels. Because people don't see a lot of active people on television, their "reality" is that people no longer need to be active 30 or so minutes per day.[citation needed]
Cultivation theory can be applied to sports as it can be applied to many other areas of media. A prime example of this is America's shift toward so-called "violent sports". A survey taken in 98 show that only 67% of American teenagers considered themselves baseball fans, compare that to football which is 78%. Just as we consume violent TV shows we also love the more violent sports. This 98 study relates perfectly to current TV ratings, as football has by far the most hours watched since 2005 at 111.9 million hours. Leo W. Jeffres, Jae-Won Lee, and Kimberly A. Neuendorf say that "new "media logic" that favors more violent, action-oriented sports, while slower-paced sports have been relegated to secondary status in the United States."
Past cultivation theory research supports the idea that the more someone watches television, the more that individual believes that the television content is like real world reality. This is likely to be found true when it comes to televised violence. But with new research emerging we now know that this cultivation effect is not likely to arise among individuals who watch sports. For example, an individual who happens to watch a lot of football is not going to view the world as a frightening place because of the violence that goes on during games.
Although there was no true correlation between the cultivation theory and sports, there has been research done on the level of violence in sports content and the effects it has on viewers. Results found by Raney and Depalma (2006) found that individuals were less likely to report being in a positive mood after watching violent sports content and its effect on viewers (Wanta 2013).
Criticisms[edit]
A number of scholars have critiqued Gerbner's assertions about cultivation theory, particularly its intentions and its scope. One critique of the theory analyzes the objective of the theory. Communications professor Jennings Bryant posits that cultivation research focuses more on the effects rather than who or what is being influenced. Bryant goes on to assert that the research to date has more to do with the "whys" and "hows" of a theory as opposed to gathering normative data as to the "whats", "whos", and "wheres".[53]
Theoretical leap[edit]
Critics have also faulted the logical consistency of cultivation analysis, noting that the methods employed by cultivation analysis researchers do not match the conceptual reach of the theory. The research supporting this theory uses social scientific methods to address questions related to the humanities.[2] Another possibility is that the relationship between TV viewing and fear of crime is like the relationship between a runny nose and a sore throat. Neither one causes the other—they are both caused by something else.".[7][better source needed] Many also question the breadth of Gerbner's research. When using the Cultural Indicators strategy, Gerbner separated his research into three parts. The second part focused on the effects of media when looking at gender, race/ethnicity, and occupation. Michael Hughes writes: "it does not seem reasonable that these three variables exhaust the possibilities of variables available…which may be responsible for spurious relationships between television watching and the dependent variables in the Gerbner et al. analysis."[17]:287 Also, the variables Gerbner did choose can also vary by the amount of time a person has available to watch TV.
Lived experience[edit]
Another critique comes from Daniel Chandler: "those who live in high-crime areas are more likely to stay at home and watch television and also to believe that they have a greater chance of being attacked than are those in low-crime areas." He claims as well, "when the viewer has some direct lived experience of the subject matter this may tend to reduce any cultivation effect."[54] While television does have some effect on how we perceive the world around us, Gerbner's study does not consider the lived experiences of those that do inhabit high crime areas.
Forms of violence[edit]
Gerbner is also criticized for his lumping of all forms of violence. Chandler argues, "different genres—even different programmes—contribute to the shaping of different realities, but cultivation analysis assumes too much homogeneity in television programmes".[54] This point is addressed by Horace Newcomb (1978) who argues that violence is not presented as uniformly on television as the theory assumes; therefore, television cannot be responsible for cultivating the same sense of reality for all viewers.[55] When considering different programs that are on television, it makes sense that scholars would criticize Gerbner's lack of categories. For example, Saturday morning cartoon "play" violence is in combination with a murder on Law and Order. This does not seem to logically fuse together. Morgan and Shanahan understand this dispute, but they contend "that people (especially heavy viewers) do not watch isolated genres only, and that any 'impact' of individual program types should be considered in the context of the overall viewing experience".[5] A study by Karyn Riddle attempts to address this critique, however, by combining heuristic processing models with cultivation theory to examine how not just exposure to violence in television, but also how vividly it is portrayed impacts cultivation effects. She found that there was an interaction effect for portrayals which were vivid and viewed frequently. In this case, real world beliefs were significantly affected.[56]
Humanist critique[edit]
Cultivation analysis has also been criticized by humanists for examining such a large cultural question. Because the theory discusses cultural effects, many humanists feel offended, thinking that their field has been misinterpreted. Horace Newcomb (1978) writes "More than any other research effort in the area of television studies the work of Gerbner and Gross and their associates sits squarely at the juncture of the social sciences and the humanities."[55]:265
The theory has also received criticism for ignoring other issues such as the perceived realism of the televised content, which could be essential in explaining people's understanding of reality.[57] Wilson, Martins, & Markse (2005) argue that attention to television might be more important to cultivating perceptions than only the amount of television viewing.[58] In addition, C. R. Berger (2005) writes that because the theory ignores cognitive processes, such as attention or rational thinking style, it is less useful than desired.[59]
Perceived reality[edit]
The correlation between cultivation effects and perceived reality have been criticized due to the inconsistent findings from various research conducted on the subject. Hawkins and Pingree (1980) found that participants that reported a lower perceived reality scoring actually showed a stronger cultivation impact. Potter (1986) found that, "different dimensions and levels of perceived reality were associated with different magnitudes of cultivation effects". Additionally, a study conducted by Shrum, Wyer and O'Guinn (1994) showed a zero percentage correlation between perceived reality and cultivation effects.
Utility[edit]
Cultivation analysis has been criticized that its claims are not always useful in explaining the phenomenon of interest: how people see the world. Some also argue that violence is not presented as uniformly on television as the theory assumes, so television cannot be reliably responsible for cultivating the same sense of reality for all viewers. In addition, cultivation analysis is criticized for ignoring other issues such as the perceived realism of the televised content, which might be critical in explaining people's understanding of reality. Attention to television might be more important to cultivating perceptions than simply the amount of television viewing, so the fact that the cultivation analysis theory seems to ignore cognition such as attention or rational thinking style deems it to be less useful.[2]
See also[edit]
Psychology portal
Annenberg School for Communication at the University of Pennsylvania
Consensus reality
Media influence
Reality TV
References[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b c Riddle, K. (2009). Cultivation Theory Revisited: The Impact of Childhood Television Viewing Levels on Social Reality Beliefs and Construct Accessibility in Adulthood (Conference Papers). International Communication Association. pp. 1–29.
^ Jump up to: a b c d West, R. & Turner, L. H. (2010). Introducing Communication Theory: Analysis and Application (Fourth ed.). New York, NY: McGraw-Hill.
Jump up ^ Bryant, J.; Mirion, D. (2004). "Theory and research in mass communication". Journal of Communication. 54: 662–704. doi:10.1093/joc/54.4.662.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g Gerbner, G.; Gross, L.; Morgan, M. & Signorielli, N. (1986). "Living with television: The dynamics of the cultivation process". In J. Bryant & D. Zillman. Perspectives on media effects. Hilldale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. pp. 17–40.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e Morgan, M.; Shanahan, J. (2010). "The State of Cultivation". Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media. 54 (2): 337–355. doi:10.1080/08838151003735018.
Jump up ^ Arendt, F. (2010). Cultivation effects of a newspaper on reality estimates and explicit and implicit attitudes. Journal of Media Psychology: Theories, Methods, And Applications, 22(4), 147-159
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r Griffin, E. (2012). Communication Communication Communication. New York: McGraw-Hill. pp. (8), 366–377.
^ Jump up to: a b c Potter, W. James (1 December 2014). "A Critical Analysis of Cultivation Theory". Journal of Communication. 64 (6): 1015–1036. doi:10.1111/jcom.12128. ISSN 1460-2466.
^ Jump up to: a b c d Shanahan, J; Morgan, M (1999). Television and its viewers: Cultivation theory and research. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 286–302. ISBN 978-1-4331-1368-0.
^ Jump up to: a b c West, Richard; Turner, Lynn (2014). Introducing Communication Theory: Analysis and Application. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill Education. pp. 420–436. ISBN 978-0-07-353428-2.
Jump up ^ "The Man Who Counts the Killings". The Atlantic. Retrieved 24 November 2015.
^ Jump up to: a b c d Gerbner, G.; Gross, L.; Jackson-Beeck, M.; Jeffries-Fox, S.; Signorielli, N. (1978). "Cultural indicators violence profile no. 9". Journal of Communication. 28 (3): 176–207. doi:10.1111/j.1460-2466.1978.tb01646.x.
^ Jump up to: a b c d Gerbner, G. & Gross, L. (1972). "Living with television: The violence profile". Journal of Communication. 26 (2): 173–199. doi:10.1111/j.1460-2466.1976.tb01397.x. PMID 932235.
^ Jump up to: a b Gerbner, G. (1998). "Cultivation Analysis: An Overview". Mass Communication and Society. 1 (3–4): 175–194. doi:10.1080/15205436.1998.9677855.
^ Jump up to: a b Gerbner, G.; Gross, L.; Morgan, M.; Signorielli, N. (1980). "The "Mainstreaming" of America: Violence Profile No. 11". Journal of Communication. 30 (3): 10–29. doi:10.1111/j.1460-2466.1980.tb01987.x.
Jump up ^ "Media Effects Theories". Oregon State University.
^ Jump up to: a b c Hughes, Michael (1980). "The Fruits of Cultivation Analysis: A Reexamination of Some Effects of Television Watching". Public Opinion Quarterly. 44 (3): 287–302. doi:10.1086/268597.
^ Jump up to: a b Hammermeister, Joe; Barbara Brock; David Winterstein; Randy Page (2005). "Life Without TV? Cultivation Theory and Psychosocial Characteristics of Television-Free Individuals and Their Television-Viewing Counterparts" (PDF). Health Communication. 17 (4): 253–264. doi:10.1207/s15327027hc1703_3.
Jump up ^ Reber, Bryan H.; Yuhmim Chang (1 September 2000). "Assessing cultivation theory and public health model for crime reporting". Newspaper Research Journal. 21 (4): 99–112.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f Gerbner G, Gross L, Morgan M, Signorielli N (1994). "Growing up with television: The cultivation perspective". In M. Morgan. Against the mainstream: The selected works of George Gerbner. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. pp. 193–213.
Jump up ^ Berger, A. A. (Ed.). (1987). Television in society. Transaction Publishers.
Jump up ^ "Tipping the Scale: Heavy TV Viewers=a Big Opportunity for Advertisers". www.nielsen.com. Retrieved 24 November 2015.
Jump up ^ "Study: Heavy viewers of 'Teen Mom' and '16 and Pregnant' have unrealistic views of teen pregnancy: IUB Newsroom: Indiana University". news.indiana.edu. Retrieved 24 November 2015.
Jump up ^ Shrum, L.J. (1995). "Assessing the social influence of television: A social cognitive perspective on cultivation effects". Communication Research. 22 (4): 402–429. doi:10.1177/009365095022004002.
Jump up ^ Shrum, L.J. (1996). "Psychological processes underlying cultivation effects: Further tests of construct accessibility". Human Communication Research. 22 (4): 482–509. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2958.1996.tb00376.x.
Jump up ^ Shrum, L.J. (1997). "The role of source confusion in cultivation effects may depend on processing strategy: A comment on Mares (1996)". Human Communication Research. 24 (2): 349–358. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2958.1997.tb00418.x.
Jump up ^ Bilandzic, H.; Busselle, R.W (2008). "Transportation and transportability in the cultivation of genre-consistent attitudes and estimates". Journal of Communication. 58 (3): 508–529. doi:10.1111/j.1460-2466.2008.00397.x.
Jump up ^ Arthur Asa, Berger (5 July 1995). Essentials of Mass Communication Theory (1 ed.). London: SAGE Publications.
Jump up ^ Croteau, D.; Hoynes, W (1997). "Industries and Audience". London: Pine Forge Press.
Jump up ^ Tony R., DeMars (2000). Modeling Behavior from Images of Reality in Television Narratives. US: The Edwin Mellen Press, Ltd. p. 36.
Jump up ^ Hawkins, R. P.; Pingree, S.; Alter, I (1987). Searching for cognitive processes in the cultivation effect: Adult and adolescent samples in the United States and Australia. pp. 553–577.
^ Jump up to: a b c Gerbner, George; Larry Gross; Nancy Signorielli; Michael Morgan (1980). "Aging with Television: Image on Television Drama and Conceptions of Social Reality". Journal of Communication 30. 30 (1): 37–47. doi:10.1111/j.1460-2466.1980.tb01766.x. PMID 7372841.
Jump up ^ Jong G. Kang; Stephen S. Andersen; Michael Pfau (1996). "Television Viewing and Perception of Social Reality Among Native American Adolescents" (PDF). Illinois State University, Augustana College University of Wisconsin, Madison.
Jump up ^ Wyer, Robert S.; William H. Unverzagt (1985). "Effects of Instructions to Disregard Information on Its Subsequent Recall and Use in Making Judgments". Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 48 (3): 533–549. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.48.3.533. PMID 3989660.
Jump up ^ Martins, Nicole; Harrison, Kristen (16 March 2011). "Racial and Gender Differences in the Relationship Between Children's Television Use and Self-Esteem". Communication Research. 39 (3): 338–357. doi:10.1177/0093650211401376.
Jump up ^ Quick. "The Effects of Viewing Grey's Anatomy on Perceptions of Doctors and Patient Satisfaction". Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media. Archived from the original on 9 June 2010.
Jump up ^ Cohen, J. & Weimann, G. (2000). "Cultivation revisited: Some genres have some effects on some viewers". Communication Reports. 13 (2): 99–114. doi:10.1080/08934210009367728.
Jump up ^ Beullens, K.; Roe, K.; Van; den Bulck, J. (2012). "Music Video Viewing as a Marker of Driving After the Consumption of Alcohol". Substance Use & Misuse. 47 (2): 155–165. doi:10.3109/10826084.2012.637449.
Jump up ^ Williams, Dmitri (2006). "Virtual cultivation: Online worlds, offline perceptions". Journal of Communication ISSN 0021-9916.
^ Jump up to: a b Behm-Morawitz, Elizabeth; Ta, David (1 January 2014). "Cultivating Virtual Stereotypes?: The Impact of Video Game Play on Racial/Ethnic Stereotypes". Howard Journal of Communications. 25 (1): 1–15. doi:10.1080/10646175.2013.835600. ISSN 1064-6175.
Jump up ^ Netzley, S (2010). "Visibility That Demystifies Gays, Gender, and Sex on Television". Journal of Homosexuality. 57 (8): 968–986. doi:10.1080/00918369.2010.503505.
Jump up ^ Jerel P. Calzo M.A. & L. Monique Ward (2009). "Media Exposure and Viewers' Attitudes Toward Homosexuality: Evidence for Mainstreaming or Resonance?". Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media. 53 (2): 280–299. doi:10.1080/08838150902908049.
Jump up ^ Roskos-Ewoldsen, Beverly; Davies, John; Roskos-Ewoldsen, David (2004). "Implications of the mental models approach for cultivation theory". Communications: The European Journal of Communication Research. 29 (3). doi:10.1515/comm.2004.022.
Jump up ^ Romer, D.; Jamieson, K. H.; Aday, S. (2003). "Television news and the cultivation of fear of crime". Journal of Communication. 53 (1): 88–104. doi:10.1111/j.1460-2466.2003.tb03007.x.
Jump up ^ Sink, Alexander; Mastro, Dana (2 January 2017). "Depictions of Gender on Primetime Television: A Quantitative Content Analysis". Mass Communication and Society. 20 (1): 3–22. doi:10.1080/15205436.2016.1212243. ISSN 1520-5436.
Jump up ^ Bond, Bradley J.; Drogos, Kristin L. (2 January 2014). "Sex on the Shore: Wishful Identification and Parasocial Relationships as Mediators in the Relationship Between Jersey Shore Exposure and Emerging Adults' Sexual Attitudes and Behaviors". Media Psychology. 17 (1): 102–126. doi:10.1080/15213269.2013.872039. ISSN 1521-3269.
Jump up ^ Sanders, Meghan S.; Ramasubramanian, Srividya (1 January 2012). "An Examination of African Americans' Stereotyped Perceptions of Fictional Media Characters". Howard Journal of Communications. 23 (1): 17–39. doi:10.1080/10646175.2012.641869. ISSN 1064-6175.
Jump up ^ Mutz, Diana C.; Nir, Lilach (31 March 2010). "Not Necessarily the News: Does Fictional Television Influence Real-World Policy Preferences?". Mass Communication and Society. 13 (2): 196–217. doi:10.1080/15205430902813856. ISSN 1520-5436.
Jump up ^ Seate, Anita Atwell; Mastro, Dana (2 April 2016). "Media's influence on immigration attitudes: An intergroup threat theory approach". Communication Monographs. 83 (2): 194–213. doi:10.1080/03637751.2015.1068433. ISSN 0363-7751.
Jump up ^ Matsa, K. E. (2010). Laughing at politics: effects of television satire on political engagement in Greece (PDF) (Thesis). Georgetown University.
Jump up ^ Morgan, Michael; Shanahan, James; Signorielli, Nancy (3 September 2015). "Yesterday's New Cultivation, Tomorrow". Mass Communication and Society. 18 (5): 674–699. doi:10.1080/15205436.2015.1072725. ISSN 1520-5436.
Jump up ^ Croucher, Stephen M. (1 November 2011). "Social Networking and Cultural Adaptation: A Theoretical Model". Journal of International and Intercultural Communication. 4 (4): 259–264. doi:10.1080/17513057.2011.598046. ISSN 1751-3057.
Jump up ^ Bryant, Jennings. (1 March 1986). "The Road Most Traveled: Yet Another Cultivation Critique". Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media. 30 (2): 231–335. doi:10.1080/08838158609386621.
^ Jump up to: a b Chandler, Daniel. Cultivation Theory. Aberystwyth University, 18 September 1995.
^ Jump up to: a b Newcomb, H (1978). "Assessing the violence profile studies of Gerbner and Gross: A humanistic critique and suggestion". Communication Research. 5: 264–283. doi:10.1177/009365027800500303.
Jump up ^ Riddle, Karyn (28 May 2010). "Always on My Mind: Exploring How Frequent, Recent, and Vivid Television Portrayals Are Used in the Formation of Social Reality Judgments". Media Psychology. 13 (2): 155–179. doi:10.1080/15213261003800140. ISSN 1521-3269.
Jump up ^ Minnebo, J.; Van Acker, A. (2004). "Does television influence adolescents' perceptions of and attitudes toward people with mental illness?". Journal of Community Psychology. 32: 267–275. doi:10.1002/jcop.20001.
Jump up ^ Wilson, B. J.; Martins, N.; Marske, A. L. (2005). "Children's and parents' fright reactions to kidnapping stories in the news". Communication Monographs. 72: 46–70. doi:10.1080/0363775052000342526.
Jump up ^ Berger, C. R. (2005). "Slippery slopes to apprehension: Rationality and graphical depictions of increasingly threatening trends". Communication Research. 32: 3–28. doi:10.1177/0093650204271397.
Further reading[edit]
Gerbner, G.; Gross, L.; Morgan, M.; Signorielli, N.; Jackson-Beeck, M. (1979). "The Demonstration of Power: Violence Profile No. 10". Journal of Communication. 29: 177–196. doi:10.1111/j.1460-2466.1979.tb01731.x.
[hide]
v
t
e
Media culture
Media
Mass media
Mainstream media
24-hour news cycle
Corporate media
News broadcasting
News media
Film
Internet
Radio
Television
Ideology
Mainstream
Advanced capitalism
American Dream
Bipartisanship
Consumerism
Pensée unique
Pop music
Deception
Forms
Advertising
Propaganda
Public relations
Spin
Tabloid journalism
Techniques
Cult of personality
Dumbing down
Framing
Media circus
Media event
Narcotizing dysfunction
Recuperation
Sensationalism
Others
Crowd manipulation
Managing the news
Media manipulation
Philosophers
Theodor W. Adorno
Jean Baudrillard
Edward Bernays
Noam Chomsky
Guy Debord
Walter Lippmann
Marshall McLuhan
Counterculture
Boycott
Civil disobedience
Culture jamming
Demonstration
Graffiti
Occupation
Political satire
Protest
Punk
Strike action
In academia
Influence of mass media
Media studies
Semiotic democracy
The Lonely Crowd
Issues
Anonymity
Concentration of media ownership
Freedom of speech
Media bias
Privacy
Synonyms
Advanced capitalism
Culture industry
Mass society
Post-Fordism
Society of the Spectacle
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Cultivation_theory&oldid=842654251"
Categories:
Communication theory
Hidden categories:
All articles with unsourced statements
Articles with unsourced statements from December 2017
All articles lacking reliable references
Articles lacking reliable references from March 2017
Navigation menu
Personal tools
Not logged in
Talk
Contributions
Create account
Log in
Namespaces
Article
Talk
Variants
Views
Read
Edit
View history
More
Search
Navigation
Main page
Contents
Featured content
Current events
Random article
Donate to Wikipedia
Wikipedia store
Interaction
Help
About Wikipedia
Community portal
Recent changes
Contact page
Tools
What links here
Related changes
Upload file
Special pages
Permanent link
Page information
Wikidata item
Cite this page
Print/export
Create a book
Download as PDF
Printable version
Languages
العربية
Čeština
Deutsch
Español
فارسی
한국어
Bahasa Indonesia
Italiano
Latviešu
Magyar
Nederlands
Norsk
Русский
Suomi
Українська
中文
7 more
Edit links
This page was last edited on 23 May 2018, at 20:09.
Text is available under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License; additional terms may apply. By using this site, you agree to the Terms of Use and Privacy Policy. Wikipedia® is a registered trademark of the Wikimedia Foundation, Inc., a non-profit organization.
Privacy policy
About Wikipedia
Disclaimers
Contact Wikipedia
Developers
Cookie statement
Mobile view
Enable previews

values: mw-page-base noprint

values: mw-head-base noprint

values: firstHeading firstHeading en

values: siteSub noprint

values: jump-to-nav mw-jump

value: sup

value: p

values:
/wiki/American_culture
mw-redirect
American culture

values:
/wiki/Mass_medium
mw-redirect
Mass medium

values: Edit section: Cultural Indicators Project

values:
/wiki/Television_violence
mw-redirect
Television violence

values:
/wiki/Resistance_to_change
mw-redirect
Resistance to change

values: Edit section: Research strategy analyzing the role of the media

values: Edit section: Step 1: message system analysis

values: Research on the effects of violence in mass media

values:
/wiki/African_American
mw-redirect
African American

values: Edit section: Step 2: questions regarding viewers' social realities

values: Edit section: Step 3: surveying the audience

values: Edit section: Step 4: cultivation differential

values: Edit section: Positive correlation between TV viewing and fear of criminal victimization

values:
/wiki/Local_television
mw-redirect
Local television

values: Edit section: Perceived activity of the police

values: Edit section: General mistrust of people

values: Edit section: Key terms in cultivation analysis

values: Edit section: Cultivation effects in children

values: Edit section: International cultivation analysis

values: Edit section: Lifetime television exposure analysis

values: Edit section: Impact on psychosocial health

values: Massively multiplayer online role-playing game

values: Edit section: Politics and policy preferences

values: This claim needs references to reliable sources. (December 2017)

values:
noprint Inline-Template Template-Fact
white-space:nowrap;

values: This accusation is quite general in communication field and may be true. However, this source seems to general to properly build the case for this assertion. A proper peer-reviewed scientific article is needed to show that cultivation theory really doesn't isolation properly cause and effect. (March 2017)

values: noprint Inline-Template noprint noexcerpt Template-Fact

values:
/wiki/Race_(classification_of_humans)
mw-redirect
Race (classification of humans)

values:
/wiki/Saturday_morning_cartoon
mw-redirect
Saturday morning cartoon

values: display:table-cell;padding:0.2em 0.2em 0.2em 0.3em;vertical-align:middle

values: margin:0.5em 0 0.5em 1em;border:solid #aaa 1px

values:
/wiki/Media_influence
mw-redirect
Media influence

values:
nofollow
external text
//doi.org/10.1093%2Fjoc%2F54.4.662

values: Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media

values:
nofollow
external text
//doi.org/10.1111%2Fjcom.12128

values:
nofollow
external text
//www.worldcat.org/issn/1460-2466

values:
/wiki/PubMed_Identifier
mw-redirect
PubMed Identifier

values:
nofollow
external text
//www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/932235

values:
nofollow
external text
//doi.org/10.1086%2F268597

values:
nofollow
external text
//doi.org/10.1207%2Fs15327027hc1703_3

values:
nofollow
external text
//www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/7372841

values:
nofollow
external text
//www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/3989660

values: Communication Research (Journal) (page does not exist)

values:
nofollow
external text
http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals/HBEM

values:
nofollow
external text
//www.worldcat.org/issn/1064-6175

values:
nofollow
external text
//doi.org/10.1515%2Fcomm.2004.022

values:
nofollow
external text
//www.worldcat.org/issn/1520-5436

values:
nofollow
external text
//www.worldcat.org/issn/1521-3269

values:
nofollow
external text
//www.worldcat.org/issn/0363-7751

values:
nofollow
external text
//www.worldcat.org/issn/1751-3057

values:
/wiki/Mental_illness
mw-redirect
Mental illness

values:
nofollow
external text
//doi.org/10.1002%2Fjcop.20001

values: -moz-column-width: 30em; -webkit-column-width: 30em; column-width: 30em; list-style-type: decimal;

values: nowraplinks collapsible autocollapse navbox-inner

values: Category:All articles with unsourced statements

values: Category:Articles with unsourced statements from December 2017

values: Category:All articles lacking reliable references

values: Category:Articles lacking reliable references from March 2017

values: Discussion about edits from this IP address [ctrl-alt-n]

values: A list of edits made from this IP address [ctrl-alt-y]

values: You are encouraged to create an account and log in; however, it is not mandatory

values: You're encouraged to log in; however, it's not mandatory. [ctrl-alt-o]

values:
/wiki/Cultivation_theory
View the content page [ctrl-alt-c]
c

values: Discussion about the content page [ctrl-alt-t]

values: p-namespaces navigation vectorTabs p-namespaces-label

values:
p-variants
navigation
vectorMenu emptyPortlet
p-variants-label

values: Past revisions of this page [ctrl-alt-h]

values: A list of all special pages [ctrl-alt-q]

values: Permanent link to this revision of the page

values: Link to connected data repository item [ctrl-alt-g]

values: Printable version of this page [ctrl-alt-p]

values: نظرية الغرس الثقافي – Arabic

values:
interlanguage-link interwiki-cs
display: none;

values: نظریه کاشت – Persian

values:
interlanguage-link interwiki-lv
display: none;

values:
interlanguage-link interwiki-hu
display: none;

values:
interlanguage-link interwiki-nl
display: none;

values:
interlanguage-link interwiki-no
display: none;

values: Гипотеза культивации – Russian

values:
interlanguage-link interwiki-fi
display: none;

values: Теорія культивації – Ukrainian

values:
interlanguage-link interwiki-uk
display: none;

values: All languages (initial selection from common choices by you and others)

values: /static/images/wikimedia-button-1.5x.png 1.5x, /static/images/wikimedia-button-2x.png 2x

values: /static/images/poweredby_mediawiki_132x47.png 1.5x, /static/images/poweredby_mediawiki_176x62.png 2x

values:
suggestions
display: none; font-size: 13px;

values: mediawiki ltr sitedir-ltr mw-hide-empty-elt ns-0 ns-subject page-Cultivation_theory rootpage-Cultivation_theory skin-vector action-view


text:
Hindi Wikipedia
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
This article may be expanded with text translated from the corresponding article in Hindi. (August 2012) Click [show] for important translation instructions. [show]
View a machine-translated version of the Hindi article.
Google's machine translation is a useful starting point for translations, but translators must revise errors as necessary and confirm that the translation is accurate, rather than simply copy-pasting machine-translated text into the English Wikipedia.
Do not translate text that appears unreliable or low-quality. If possible, verify the text with references provided in the foreign-language article.
You must provide copyright attribution in the edit summary by providing an interlanguage link to the source of your translation. A model attribution edit summary (using German): Content in this edit is translated from the existing German Wikipedia article at [[:de:Exact name of German article]]; see its history for attribution.
You should also add the template {{Translated|hi|हिन्दी विकिपीडिया}} to the talk page.
For more guidance, see Wikipedia:Translation.
Hindi Wikipedia
हिन्दी विकिपीडिया
Screenshot [show]
.
Type of site
Internet encyclopedia project
Available in
Hindi
Owner
Wikimedia Foundation
Slogan(s)
एक मुक्त ज्ञानकोष
Website
hi.wikipedia.org
Commercial
No
Registration
Optional
Launched
11 July 2003
The Hindi Wikipedia is the Hindi edition of Wikipedia. It was launched in July 2003. As of 2017, it had 121,234 articles.
Contents
[hide]
1 Google Translator Toolkit usage
2 Timeline
3 Users and editors
4 References
5 External links
Google Translator Toolkit usage[edit]
The Hindi Wikipedia was launched on 11 July 2003. In July 2010, Google announced that they had been working with Hindi Wikipedians to translate English language articles into Hindi and had so far (since 2008) translated 600,000 words in Hindi using a combination of Google Translate and manual checking.[1] This coordinated translation has been responsible for a 20% rate of growth and counting for the site.
As of 2013 (and considering statistics since 2007), January to May 2008 is the only period in which the Hindi Wikipedia experienced multiple consecutive months with two-figures growth (in number of words), bringing it from 1.7 to 2.8 million words.[2]
Timeline[edit]
11 July 2003 – Hindi Wikipedia launched
25 January 2005 – Number of articles on Hindi Wikipedia reached 1,000.
16 January 2007 – Number of articles on Hindi Wikipedia reached 5,000.
14 March 2007 – Number of articles on Hindi Wikipedia reached 10,000.
6 December 2007 – Number of articles on Hindi Wikipedia reached 15,000.
29 May 2008 – Number of articles on Hindi Wikipedia reached 20,000.
11 July 2008 – Hindi Wikipedia five years completed.
9 May 2009 – Number of articles on Hindi Wikipedia reached 30,000.
8 September 2009 – Hindi Wikipedia becomes the largest version of Wikipedia in Indian languages.
14 September 2009 – Number of articles on Hindi Wikipedia reached 50,000.
13 February 2010 – Hindi Wikipedia has more than 25,000 members.
20 June 2010 – Hindi Wikipedia has more than 30,000 members.
26 November 2010 – Hindi Wikipedia has more than 37,000 members.
29 January 2011 – Hindi Wikipedia has more than 40,000 members.
14 August 2011 – Hindi Wikipedia, the number of members exceeds 50,000.
30 August 2011 – Number of articles becomes more than 100,000
Users and editors[edit]
Hindi Wikipedia statistics
Number of user accounts
Number of articles
Number of files
Number of administrators
323235 122870 3131 9

References[edit]
Jump up ^ Translating wikipedia. Retrieved on 27 Oct 2010.
Jump up ^ Wikipedia statistics. Retrieved on 29 Oct 2013.
External links[edit]
(in Hindi) Hindi Wikipedia
[hide]
v
t
e
List of Wikipedias by article count
5,000,000+
English
Cebuano
2,000,000+
Swedish
German
1,000,000+
French
Dutch
Russian
Italian
Spanish
Waray
Polish
Vietnamese
Japanese
500,000+
Portuguese
Chinese
Ukrainian
Persian
Catalan
Arabic
200,000+
Norwegian (bokmål/riksmål)
Serbo-Croatian
Finnish
Hungarian
Indonesian
Korean
Czech
Romanian
Serbian
Malay
Turkish
Basque
Esperanto
Bulgarian
Armenian
Danish
Min Nan
Slovak
Minangkabau
Kazakh
Hebrew
100,000+
Lithuanian
Croatian
Estonian
Chechen
Slovene
Belarusian
Galician
Greek
Norwegian (nynorsk)
Simple English
Azerbaijani
Uzbek
Latin
Urdu
Hindi
Thai
Volapük
Georgian
Tamil
50,000+
Welsh
Tajik
Macedonian
Tagalog
Malagasy
Occitan
Latvian
Kyrgyz
Bosnian
Tatar
Newar
Albanian
Telugu
Piedmontese
Breton
Cantonese
Belarusian (Taraškievica)
Southern Azerbaijani
Bengali
Asturian
Malayalam
Haitian
Javanese
Luxembourgish
20,000+
Marathi
Afrikaans
Scots
Western Punjabi
Irish
Icelandic
Bashkir
Chuvash
West Frisian
Sundanese
Swahili
Burmese
Lombard
Aragonese
Yoruba
Nepali
Gujarati
Punjabi
Ido
Low Saxon
Sicilian
Bishnupriya Manipuri
Bavarian
Alemannic
Kurdish (Kurmanji)
Kannada
Interlingua
Quechua
Kurdish (Sorani)
10,000+
Mongolian
Egyptian Arabic
Samogitian
Yiddish
Odia
Faroese
Mengrelian
Sanskrit
Venetian
Ossetian
Hill Mari
1,000+
Fiji Hindi
Pashto
Sindhi
Northern Sami
Dutch Low Saxon
Classical Chinese
Silesian
Crimean Tatar
Assamese
Konkani
Uyghur
Guarani
Maltese
Extremaduran
Ripuarian
Aramaic
Wolof
100+
Zulu
Tulu
Xhosa
Bambara
Venda
Cree
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Hindi_Wikipedia&oldid=817029826"
Categories:
Wikipedias by language
Internet properties established in 2003
Hindi-language websites
Hindi-language encyclopedias
21st-century encyclopedias
Hidden categories:
Use dmy dates from May 2016
Use Indian English from May 2016
All Wikipedia articles written in Indian English
Articles to be expanded from August 2012
All articles to be expanded
Articles needing translation from Hindi Wikipedia
Pages using deprecated image syntax
Articles with Hindi-language external links
Use dmy dates from February 2012
Navigation menu
Personal tools
Not logged in
Talk
Contributions
Create account
Log in
Namespaces
Article
Talk
Variants
Views
Read
Edit
View history
More
Search
Navigation
Main page
Contents
Featured content
Current events
Random article
Donate to Wikipedia
Wikipedia store
Interaction
Help
About Wikipedia
Community portal
Recent changes
Contact page
Tools
What links here
Related changes
Upload file
Special pages
Permanent link
Page information
Wikidata item
Cite this page
Print/export
Create a book
Download as PDF
Printable version
In other projects
Wikimedia Commons
Languages
Afrikaans
العربية
অসমীয়া
Azərbaycanca
বাংলা
Беларуская
Беларуская (тарашкевіца)
Български
Català
Чӑвашла
Čeština
Esperanto
Euskara
فارسی
Français
Gaeilge
한국어
Հայերեն
हिन्दी
Bahasa Indonesia
Italiano
עברית
ქართული
Қазақша
لۊری شومالی
Lietuvių
Magyar
Македонски
მარგალური
مصرى
Bahasa Melayu
Nederlands
日本語
Oʻzbekcha/ўзбекча
ਪੰਜਾਬੀ
Polski
Português
Русский
Simple English
Српски / srpski
Srpskohrvatski / српскохрватски
Suomi
Tagalog
தமிழ்
ไทย
Türkçe
Українська
اردو
文言
粵語
中文
Edit links
This page was last edited on 25 December 2017, at 15:45.
Text is available under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License; additional terms may apply. By using this site, you agree to the Terms of Use and Privacy Policy. Wikipedia® is a registered trademark of the Wikimedia Foundation, Inc., a non-profit organization.
Privacy policy
About Wikipedia
Disclaimers
Contact Wikipedia
Developers
Cookie statement
Mobile view
Enable previews

key: html

type: local

value: div

attrs: id class

values: mw-page-base noprint

values: mw-head-base noprint

value: a

attrs: id class lang

values: firstHeading firstHeading en

values: siteSub noprint

values: jump-to-nav mw-jump

value: img

attrs: alt src width height srcset data-file-width data-file-height

value: td

attrs: href class title

values: hi:हिन्दी विकिपीडिया

value: b

value: small

value: i

attrs: class id href

values: NavToggle NavToggle1 #

attrs: class style

values: background:transparent;text-align:center;padding-right: 3em; font-weight: normal; text-align: left

attrs: rel class href

value: li

attrs: href title

values: text-align: left; display: none; background: transparent;

values:
mbox-text-span NavFrame collapsed
border:none;
NavFrame1

values:
plainlinks metadata ambox ambox-notice
presentation

values:
/wiki/File:Wikipedia%27s_W.svg
image
Favicon of Wikipedia

attrs: alt src width height data-file-width data-file-height

values: text-align: center; display: none; background: transparent;

values:
NavFrame collapsed
border:none;
NavFrame2

values:
/wiki/Internet_encyclopedia_project
mw-redirect
Internet encyclopedia project

values: Edit section: Google Translator Toolkit usage

values:
reflist mw-references-wrap
list-style-type: decimal;

values:
/wiki/Cebuano_Wikipedia
mw-redirect
Cebuano Wikipedia

values:
/wiki/Min_Nan_Wikipedia
mw-redirect
Min Nan Wikipedia

values:
/wiki/Minangkabau_Wikipedia
mw-redirect
Minangkabau Wikipedia

values:
/wiki/Chechen_Wikipedia
mw-redirect
Chechen Wikipedia

values:
/wiki/Volap%C3%BCk_Wikipedia
mw-redirect
Volapük Wikipedia

values:
/wiki/Tajik_Wikipedia
mw-redirect
Tajik Wikipedia

values:
/wiki/Piedmontese_Wikipedia
mw-redirect
Piedmontese Wikipedia

values:
/wiki/Southern_Azerbaijani_Wikipedia
mw-redirect
Southern Azerbaijani Wikipedia

values:
/wiki/Haitian_Creole_Wikipedia
mw-redirect
Haitian Creole Wikipedia

values:
/wiki/Western_Punjabi_Wikipedia
mw-redirect
Western Punjabi Wikipedia

values:
/wiki/Icelandic_Wikipedia
mw-redirect
Icelandic Wikipedia

values:
/wiki/Bashkir_Wikipedia
mw-redirect
Bashkir Wikipedia

values:
/wiki/Sundanese_Wikipedia
mw-redirect
Sundanese Wikipedia

values:
/wiki/Lombard_Wikipedia
mw-redirect
Lombard Wikipedia

values:
/wiki/Nepali_Wikipedia
mw-redirect
Nepali Wikipedia

values:
/wiki/Gujarati_Wikipedia
mw-redirect
Gujarati Wikipedia

values:
/wiki/Ido_Wikipedia
mw-redirect
Ido Wikipedia

values:
/wiki/Low_Saxon_Wikipedia
mw-redirect
Low Saxon Wikipedia

values:
/wiki/Bishnupriya_Manipuri_Wikipedia
mw-redirect
Bishnupriya Manipuri Wikipedia

values:
/wiki/Bavarian_Wikipedia
mw-redirect
Bavarian Wikipedia

values:
/wiki/Kurdish_(Kurmanji)_Wikipedia
mw-redirect
Kurdish (Kurmanji) Wikipedia

values:
/wiki/Interlingua_Wikipedia
mw-redirect
Interlingua Wikipedia

values:
/wiki/Quechua_Wikipedia
mw-redirect
Quechua Wikipedia

values:
/wiki/Kurdish_(Sorani)_Wikipedia
mw-redirect
Kurdish (Sorani) Wikipedia

values:
/wiki/Faroese_Wikipedia
mw-redirect
Faroese Wikipedia

values:
/wiki/Mengrelian_Wikipedia
mw-redirect
Mengrelian Wikipedia

values:
/wiki/Venetian_Wikipedia
mw-redirect
Venetian Wikipedia

values:
/wiki/Hill_Mari_Wikipedia
mw-redirect
Hill Mari Wikipedia

values:
/wiki/Fiji_Hindi_Wikipedia
mw-redirect
Fiji Hindi Wikipedia

values:
/wiki/Classical_Chinese_Wikipedia
mw-redirect
Classical Chinese Wikipedia

values:
/wiki/Guarani_Wikipedia
mw-redirect
Guarani Wikipedia

values:
/wiki/Maltese_Wikipedia
mw-redirect
Maltese Wikipedia

values:
/wiki/Aramaic_Wikipedia
mw-redirect
Aramaic Wikipedia

values:
/wiki/Venda_Wikipedia
mw-redirect
Venda Wikipedia

values:
/wiki/Cree_Wikipedia
mw-redirect
Cree Wikipedia

values: nowraplinks collapsible autocollapse navbox-inner

values: Category:Internet properties established in 2003

values: Category:Use Indian English from May 2016

values: Category:All Wikipedia articles written in Indian English

values: Category:Articles to be expanded from August 2012

values: Category:Articles needing translation from Hindi Wikipedia

values: Category:Pages using deprecated image syntax

values: Category:Articles with Hindi-language external links

values: Category:Use dmy dates from February 2012

values: Discussion about edits from this IP address [ctrl-alt-n]

values: A list of edits made from this IP address [ctrl-alt-y]

values: You are encouraged to create an account and log in; however, it is not mandatory

values: You're encouraged to log in; however, it's not mandatory. [ctrl-alt-o]

values:
/wiki/Hindi_Wikipedia
View the content page [ctrl-alt-c]
c

values: Discussion about the content page [ctrl-alt-t]

values: p-namespaces navigation vectorTabs p-namespaces-label

values:
p-variants
navigation
vectorMenu emptyPortlet
p-variants-label

values: Past revisions of this page [ctrl-alt-h]

values: p-views navigation vectorTabs p-views-label

values:
p-cactions
navigation
vectorMenu emptyPortlet
p-cactions-label

values:
mw-wiki-logo
/wiki/Main_Page
Visit the main page

values:
/wiki/Main_Page
Visit the main page [ctrl-alt-z]
z

values: Featured content – the best of Wikipedia

values: Find background information on current events

values:
/wiki/Special:Random
Load a random article [ctrl-alt-x]
x

values: portal navigation p-navigation p-navigation-label

values: Guidance on how to use and edit Wikipedia

values: About the project, what you can do, where to find things

values: A list of recent changes in the wiki [ctrl-alt-r]

values: portal navigation p-interaction p-interaction-label

values: List of all English Wikipedia pages containing links to this page [ctrl-alt-j]

values: Recent changes in pages linked from this page [ctrl-alt-k]

values:
/wiki/Wikipedia:File_Upload_Wizard
Upload files [ctrl-alt-u]
u

values: portal navigation p-wikibase-otherprojects p-wikibase-otherprojects-label

values:
uls-settings-trigger
Language settings
0
button
true

values: ويكيبيديا الهندية – Arabic

values: হিন্দী ৱিকিপিডিয়া – Assamese

values: হিন্দি উইকিপিডিয়া – Bangla

values: Вікіпедыя на хіндзі – Belarusian

values: Вікіпэдыя на мове гіндзі – Belarusian (Taraškievica orthography)

values: Уикипедия на хинди – Bulgarian

values: Хинди Википедийĕ – Chuvash

values: ویکی‌پدیای هندی – Persian

values: 힌디어 위키백과 – Korean

values: Հնդկերեն Վիքիպեդիա – Armenian

values: हिन्दी विकिपीडिया – Hindi

values: ויקיפדיה בהינדי – Hebrew

values: ჰინდი ვიკიპედია – Georgian

values: Хиндише Уикипедия – Kazakh

values: ویکی پدیا هئنی – Northern Luri

values: Википедија на хинди – Macedonian

values: ჰინდი ვიკიპედია – Mingrelian

values: ويكيبيديا هندى – Egyptian Arabic

values: ヒンディー語版ウィキペディア – Japanese

values: ਹਿੰਦੀ ਵਿਕੀਪੀਡੀਆ – Punjabi

values: Википедия на языке хинди – Russian

values: Википедија на хинду језику – Serbian

values: இந்தி விக்கிப்பீடியா – Tamil

values: วิกิพีเดียภาษาฮินดี – Thai

values: Вікіпедія мовою гінді – Ukrainian

values: ہندی ویکیپیڈیا – Urdu

values: 印地語維基百科 – Chinese

values: mediawiki ltr sitedir-ltr mw-hide-empty-elt ns-0 ns-subject page-Hindi_Wikipedia rootpage-Hindi_Wikipedia skin-vector action-view