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Poverty in Canada
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Poverty in Canada remains prevalent within some segments of society and according to a 2008 report by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, the rate of poverty in Canada, is among the highest of the OECD member nations, the world's wealthiest industrialized nations.[1] There is no official government definition and therefore, measure, for poverty in Canada. However, Dennis Raphael, author of Poverty in Canada: Implications for Health and Quality of Life[2][3] reported that the United Nations Development Program, the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development and Canadian poverty researchers[notes 1][4] find that relative poverty is the "most useful measure for ascertaining poverty rates in wealthy developed nations such as Canada."[1][5][6][7] In its report released the Conference Board.[8]
Currently, an income inequality measure known as low income cut-off (LICO) published by Statistics Canada is frequently used as a poverty rate and is 10.8% as of 2005.[9] The Central Intelligence Agency uses the LICO as the relative measure results in a higher poverty figure than an absolute one. The Fraser Institute, a conservative think-tank, alleges that the federal Canadian government exaggerates poverty rates, and publishes their own measure, known as the basic needs poverty measure. According to this measure, poverty has declined significantly over the past 60 years and is 4.9% as of 2004.[10][10] Statistics Canada has refused to endorse any metric as a measure of poverty, including the low-income cut off it publishes, without a mandate to do so from the federal government.
Some elements that work towards reducing poverty in Canada include Canada's strong economic growth, government transfers to persons of $164 billion per annum as of 2008,[11] universal medical and public education systems, and minimum wage laws in each of the provinces and territories of Canada.
In recent times, after a spike in poverty and low-income rates around the 1996 recession, relative poverty has continued to decline. Certain groups experience higher low-income rates. These include children,[12] families with single-parent mothers, aboriginals, the mentally ill, the physically handicapped, recent immigrants,[13][14] and students.[citation needed]
Contents
[hide]
1 History
2 Definition of poverty
3 Measures of poverty in Canada
3.1 Absolute poverty measures
3.1.1 Basic needs poverty measure
3.1.2 Market basket measure
3.2 Relative poverty measures
3.2.1 Low-income cut-off (LICO)
3.2.2 Low Income Measure
3.2.3 Gini coefficient
4 Poverty reduction
5 Indigenous children in Canada
6 Assistance for poor people in Canada
6.1 Government transfers and intervention
6.1.1 Reduced tax burden
6.1.2 Social programs
6.1.3 Working income tax benefit
6.1.4 Child credits
6.1.5 Minimum wage laws
7 Notes
8 See also
9 References
10 Further reading
11 External links
History[edit]
See also: Economic history of Canada and The Great Depression in Canada
Canada's history is marked by identified periods of growth and recession, and an evolving response of government intervention to assist low-income Canadians.
Reflecting the practice in the British Isles, organized assistance to the poor was largely the realm of churches.[15] In the early 20th century, the Catholic Encyclopedia reported that there were eighty-seven hospitals in Canada under the control and direction of various Catholic religious communities.[16]
After the Great Depression, Bennett and Mackenzie King spurred the first stages of Canada's welfare state, and the size and role of the government began to grow immensely over the next decades. Many social programs developed during this time designed to increase the Canadian citizen's quality of life.
According to one estimate, 15% of Canadians lived in poverty by 1961,[17] while at the end of the Sixties, Statistics Canada estimated that the number of Canadians living in poverty (using measurements drawn up by Jenny Podoluk) had fallen from about 25% of the population in 1961 to about 18% in 1969.[18] A Senate inquiry in 1969, however, estimated that as many as 1 in 4 Canadians were living in poverty that year.[19] From 1969 to 1982, the proportion of families with incomes below the poverty line fell from 20.8% to 13.9%.[20] According to one definition, nearly two-fifths of Canadians lived in poverty in 1951, falling slightly to more than one-fifth in 1961 and to slightly less than one-fifth by 1968.[21]
In recent years, newly arrived immigrants have higher than average low-income rates, although each immigrant arrival cohort year experiences a declining low-income rate over time.
Definition of poverty[edit]
The most widely discussed conceptual issue related to poverty is the definition of poverty, specifically the difference between absolute and relative poverty.[22][notes 2][5][23]
Measures of poverty in Canada[edit]
Further information: Measuring poverty
Canada has no official poverty measure because Statistics Canada has stated that unless politicians express a social consensus on the definition of poverty, there will be no measure because they feel that it is not Statistics Canada's role to determine what constitutes a necessity.[24] There is a debate on whether an absolute or relative measure is more useful. An absolute measure of poverty can provide insight on deprivation, or the inability to provide for basic needs, while a relative measure of poverty encompasses the issues of social exclusion and inequality.[25]
Some researchers and governments instead use multiple measures to measure the depth and extent of poverty in Canada.[26][27]
Absolute poverty measures[edit]
Basic needs poverty measure[edit]
Further information: Basic needs
Source: Fraser Institute
The basic needs approach is one of the major approaches to the measurement of absolute poverty in developing countries. It attempts to define the absolute minimum resources necessary for long-term physical well-being, usually in terms of consumption goods. The poverty line is then defined as the amount of income required to satisfy those needs. The 'basic needs' approach was introduced by the International Labour Organization's World Employment Conference in 1976.[28][29] "Perhaps the high point of the WEP was the World Employment Conference of 1976, which proposed the satisfaction of basic human needs as the overriding objective of national and international development policy. The basic needs approach to development was endorsed by governments and workers' and employers' organizations from all over the world. It influenced the programmes and policies of major multilateral and bilateral development agencies, and was the precursor to the human development approach."[28][29]
A traditional list of immediate "basic needs" is food (including water), shelter and clothing.[30] Many modern lists emphasize the minimum level of consumption of 'basic needs' of not just food, water, and shelter, but also sanitation, education, and healthcare. Different agencies use different lists.
Professor Chris Sarlo, an economist at Nipissing University in North Bay, Canada and a senior fellow of the Fraser Institute, uses Statistics Canada's socio-economic databases, particularly the Survey of Household Spending to determine the cost of a list of household necessities. This is calculated for various communities across Canada and adjusted for family size. Sarlo's basic needs measure is based on various data sources including Statistics Canada's databases (for example Survey of Household Spending) and CMHC housing information to determine the cost of a list of household necessities (food, shelter, clothing, health care, personal care, essential furnishings, transportation and communication, laundry, home insurance, and miscellaneous) for various communities across Canada and then, based on family size, determines how many households have insufficient income to afford those necessities. Before 2004, the determination of the poverty rate was based on pre-tax income inclusive of government social program income such as welfare, employment insurance, and old-age pensions. Taxes were not particularly relevant as households at or beneath the poverty rate would pay little or no income tax. More recently, the after-tax incomes have been used as the indicator of household well-being. Like most measures, it is based on reported income and is therefore subject to error related to unreported employment and the underground economy. With this information, he determines the proportion of Canadian households that have insufficient income to afford those necessities. Based on his basic needs poverty threshold, the poverty rate has declined from about 12% of Canadian households to about 5% since the 1970s.[31] Based on Sarlo's basic needs, the poverty rate in Canada has fallen dramatically over the past 51 years. In 2004 it was 4.9%, representing 1.6 million Canadians.[10]
Market basket measure[edit]
The Government of Canada's Department of Human Resources and Skills Development Canada constructed their own absolute measure through the creation the Market Basket Measure (MBM) in 2003. The MBM costs a broader range of essential goods and services than the Fraser Institute measure.[32][33] MBM thresholds take into account community size, location and household and composition, estimating the disposable income required to meet basic needs.[34][35] Forty eight Canadian communities have been included in the measure.[27]
The government of Newfoundland and Labrador are now developing a market basket measure which is more granular, costing out a set of basic goods in over 400 communities in the province.[27]
Relative poverty measures[edit]
Further information: Economic inequality, Income inequality metrics, and Relative deprivation
Relative poverty measures, the most prominent being income distribution measures, also known as income inequality metrics, reveal information about disparities of income within a population. So, for instance, if a society becomes richer, even those in the bottom income bands may see their incomes rise as well. A measure which accounts for this rise, increasing with the average income of the society, is known as a "relative measure of poverty."[36] Relative poverty measures are considered by some to be the most useful for advanced industrial nations like Canada.[notes 3] According to a 2008 report by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), the rate of poverty in Canada, is among the highest of the OECD member nations, the world's wealthiest industrialized nations.[1] There is no official government definition and therefore, measure, for poverty in Canada. However, Dennis Raphael, author of Poverty in Canada: Implications for Health and Quality of Life[2][3] reported that the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and Canadian poverty researchers[notes 4][4] find that relative poverty is the "most useful measure for ascertaining poverty rates in wealthy developed nations such as Canada."[1][5][6][7][8]
In lieu of an official poverty measure, the LICO is regarded as a poverty measure by various groups. It has been referred to as "the most accepted measure" of poverty.[37] Internationally, the Low Income Measure and the Gini coefficient are a prominent income distribution metrics.
Low-income cut-off (LICO)[edit]
Source: Statistics Canada
Low-income cut-off (LICO) rates are often quoted by the media as a measure of poverty[37] even though Statistics Canada has stated it is not a poverty measure.[24] It is also used by statistics collators like the Central Intelligence Agency in lieu of an official measure, although the CIA also notes that it "results in higher figures than found in many comparable economies."[38]
The measure has been reported by Statistics Canada since the 1960s.[39] They were reported only in their "pre-tax" form until 2000, at which point Statistics Canada started to publish both pre and after-tax LICO rates. After-tax LICO rates have been retroactively calculated back to 1986. The measure is intended to represent an income threshold below which a family will likely devote a larger share of its income on the necessities of food shelter and clothing than the average family.[40] As of 2011, 8.8% of Canadians are in a family whose income is below the after-tax low-income cut-off.[41]
There are 7 family sizes and 5 community sizes, resulting in 35 total LICO groups, each one evaluated on a pre and after-tax basis (70 calculations in total). The LICO is currently set at 63% of the average family income within each group. This stems from the 1992 Family Expenditures Survey, which showed the average family spent 43% of its after-tax income on food, shelter and clothing, plus Statistics Canada added an additional 20% margin.
Statistics Canada prefers using the after-tax LICO over the pre-tax LICO "to draw conclusions about [families] overall economic well-being";[42] however, the pre-tax measures are needed depending on the study being conducted because some sources of data, such as the census, contain only pre-tax income information. It can also be useful to know the pre-tax income profile of groups before the effects of progressive tax rates.
Low Income Measure[edit]
The Low Income Measure is a purer measure of relative income. It is defined as 50% of median income, adjusted for family size. In effect, this measure indicates the percentage or number of people in the bottom income quartile.
It is considered an especially useful measure for international comparisons, and is popular with anti-poverty groups and some foreign governments (e.g., Ireland).[36] It results in a higher measure of poverty compared to other measures. In 2011, it was estimated to be 12.6% on an after-tax basis.[41]
Gini coefficient[edit]
Gini coefficient, income distribution by country.
Main article: Gini coefficient
The Gini coefficient is a measure of statistical dispersion most prominently used as a measure of inequality of income distribution or inequality of wealth distribution. It is defined as a ratio with values between 0 and 1: the numerator is the area between the Lorenz curve of the distribution and the uniform distribution line; the denominator is the area under the uniform distribution line. Thus, a low Gini coefficient indicates more equal income or wealth distribution, while a high Gini coefficient indicates more unequal distribution. 0 corresponds to perfect equality (everyone having exactly the same income) and 1 corresponds to perfect inequality (where one person has all the income, while everyone else has zero income). The Gini coefficient requires that no one have a negative net income or wealth.
Serious consideration of the Gini coefficient for public policy implications is rare in Canada. Discussion of income inequality in the Canadian media generally implies that income inequality should be continually reduced as an objective, whereas international economists evaluating Gini coefficients generally focus on the idea of targeting an optimal range for the Gini coefficient. Some researchers have suggested the optimal Gini coefficient range is about .25-.40 (Wolfgang Kitterer, 2006, More Growth through Redistribution?). As of 2004, the Gini coefficient for Canada was estimated to be 0.315 on an after-tax basis.[43]
Poverty reduction[edit]
Several Canadian provinces are introducing poverty reduction strategies, following the examples set by the European Union, Ireland and the United Kingdom. Newfoundland & Labrador, Nova Scotia, Quebec, Ontario and Manitoba are all developing provincial strategies. Quebec and Manitoba have enshrined their efforts in legislation. Newfoundland & Labrador has established a provincial ministry. Ontario has set a cabinet roundtable to address child poverty, as per the Liberals's campaign promise.
Because of these moves, each province is exploring the development of a measurement tool to track any progress made on reducing poverty, such as the use of a Deprivation Index.
As of 2015, there is no federal plan to reduce poverty.
Indigenous children in Canada[edit]
According to a left-wing think tank, the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, "Based on data from the 2006 census, this study found that the average child poverty rate for all children in Canada is 17%, while the average child poverty rate for all Indigenous children is more than twice that figure, at 40%." "50% — of status First Nations children live below the poverty line. This number grows to 62% in Manitoba and 64% in Saskatchewan."[44] The study referred to used the Low Income Measure as their definition for poverty, which always shows a high rate. Nonetheless, the much higher LIM statistics for indigenous families indicates a much higher level of poverty among that demographic.
Assistance for poor people in Canada[edit]
Government transfers and intervention[edit]
Reduced tax burden[edit]
See also: Income taxes in Canada
The Canadian income tax system is highly progressive. This can be seen by comparing the 2005 pre-tax low-income cut-off rate of 15.3%[45] with the after-tax rate of only 10.8%.[46] It is also evident in the Gini coefficient, which was estimated to be 0.428 on a pre-tax basis but only 0.315 on an after-tax basis.[43] The Conference Board of Canada 2013 study noted the Canadian system provides relief to the poor which contributes to lowering poverty rates in Canada. Their 2013 report stated that without Canada's tax system and transfers, the poverty rate would have been 23 per cent not the current 12 per cent.[4]
Social programs[edit]
See also: Social programs in Canada
The Conference Board of Canada 2013 study noted "that due to the tax system and transfers to the poor, income inequality is 27 per cent lower than it otherwise would be."[4] Canada has a wide range of government transfers to persons, which totaled $176.6 billion in 2009.[11] Some of the transfers designed to assist low-income people in Canada include Welfare and Old age security. There is also an extensive mandatory Employment Insurance program designed to assist workers who have become unemployed to lessen the chance of them falling into poverty.
In addition to government transfers, there are number of other publicly funded services and social programs that benefit those with low-incomes like Medicare, Public education for grade school; subsidized post-secondary education, Subsidized housing, and Employment equity programs, which often target various groups of people who are deemed to be susceptible to having low-incomes.
Working income tax benefit[edit]
Main article: Working income tax benefit (WITB)
See also: Welfare trap
The WITB was introduced in 2007 to encourage low income people to enter the labour force, and to provide them with increased financial support. The WITB has been expanded considerably since its introduction. As of 2012, it is worth up to $970 for a single individual, $1762 for couples and single parent families.[47] A person or couple must have at least $3,000 in employment income, and not be a student, to be eligible for WITB. Benefits increase, and then decrease, with income, and are completely clawed back at an income of $11,011 for singles, $15,205 for couples or single parents (in 2012).These credits are not taxed (see Income taxes in Canada#Income not taxed).
Child credits[edit]
Main article: Child tax credit
Low-income Canadians are eligible for the Canada Child Tax Benefit (a federal benefit), and provincial child tax credits or benefits and Québec family allowances. For example, Ontario pays a benefit scheduled to grow to $180 per month by 2011 for a family earnings less than $20,000 with two children.[48] These credits are not taxed (see Income taxes in Canada#Income not taxed).
Minimum wage laws[edit]
Main article: List of minimum wages in Canada
Under the Constitution of Canada, the responsibility for enacting and enforcing labour laws including minimum wages in Canada rests with the ten provinces, the three territories also having been granted this power by virtue of federal legislation. This means that each province and territory has its own minimum wage. The lowest general minimum wage currently in force is that of the Northwest Territories ($10.00/hour), the highest is that of Nunavut and Ontario ($11.50/hour).[49] Some provinces allow lower wages to be paid to liquor servers and other tip earners, and/or to inexperienced employees
Although listed here under assistance, some theories suggest that minimum wage laws are a net detriment to low-income people as a whole, because they reduce the attractiveness of hiring low-skilled staff (see Minimum wage#Debate over consequences).
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ The Conference Board of Canada "uses the OECD's relative measure of child poverty, which calculates the proportion of children living in households where disposable income is less than 50 per cent of the median in each country." The Conference Board 2013 cautioned that Canada's high poverty rate, ranks among the worst of the 17 countries they compared. "Canada's child poverty rate was 15.1 per cent, up from 12.8 per cent in the mid-1990s. Only the United States ranked lower.
Jump up ^ The book was described as "the most authoritative study of poverty and social exclusion in Britain at the start of the 21st century. It reports on the most comprehensive survey of poverty and social exclusion, ever to be undertaken in Britain: The Poverty and Social Exclusion Survey. This enormously rich data set records levels of poverty not just in terms of income and wealth but by including information about the goods and services which the British public say are necessary to avoid poverty."
Jump up ^ In 1992 Sarlo argued that the difference between absolute and relative poverty thresholds is artificial since "what is considered to be a necessity depends to some extent on the conditions in the larger society in which one is a member (Sarlo 1992: 19)." In 1992 and again in 2001 Sarlo clarified that the basic needs poverty line is not absolute but relative, since the poverty threshold must be "connected to the society in which people live" but that an "aspect of poverty remains timeless" (Sarlo 2001:11). This is the "irreducible core of necessities invariant through time:"..."water, food, shelter and clothing (Sarlo 1992: 19)" which remains the same through time but the "quantity and quality" are relative to one's society.
Jump up ^ The Conference Board of Canada "uses the OECD's relative measure of child poverty, which calculates the proportion of children living in households where disposable income is less than 50 per cent of the median in each country." The Conference Board 2013 cautioned that Canada's high poverty rate, ranks among the worst of the 17 countries they compared. "Canada's child poverty rate was 15.1 per cent, up from 12.8 per cent in the mid-1990s. Only the United States ranked lower.
See also[edit]
Poverty by country
Campaign 2000
References[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b c d "Growing unequal? Income distribution and poverty in OECD countries". Paris, France: Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). 2008. Missing or empty |url= (help)
^ Jump up to: a b Dennis Raphael Foreword by Rob Rainer and Jack Layton (13 April 2007). Poverty in Canada: Implications for Health and Quality of Life (1st ed.). Canadian Scholars Press. ISBN 155130323X.
^ Jump up to: a b Dennis Raphael Foreword by Rob Rainer and Jack Layton (2011). Poverty in Canada: Implications for Health and Quality of Life (1st ed.). Canadian Scholars Press.
^ Jump up to: a b c d "Child Poverty". Ottawa, ON: Conference Board of Canada. 2013.
^ Jump up to: a b c Raphael, Dennis (June 2009). "Poverty, Human Development, and Health in Canada: Research, Practice, and Advocacy Dilemmas". Canadian Journal of Nursing Research (CJNR). 41 (2): 7–18. |access-date= requires |url= (help)
^ Jump up to: a b Child poverty in rich nations: Report card no. 6 (Report). Innocenti Research Centre. 2005.
^ Jump up to: a b Human development report: Capacity development: Empowering people and institutions (Report). Geneva: United Nations Development Program. 2008.
^ Jump up to: a b "Canada falling behind on poverty, inequality, says report of Canada ranked 7th out of 17 developed countries". CBC. February 2013.
Jump up ^ "Poverty Measure in Canada Analysis". CBC. Retrieved 4 January 2007.
^ Jump up to: a b c "Poverty in Canada 2006 update" (PDF). Fraser Institute. November 2006. Retrieved 3 December 2007.
^ Jump up to: a b Government transfer payments to persons, Statistics Canada, 8 November 2007, URL accessed 4 December 2007
Jump up ^ Innocenti Report Card (PDF) (Report). UNICEF. 2001.
Jump up ^ The rise in low-income rates among immigrants in Canada, Analytical Studies Branch research paper series, Statistics Canada, June 2003, URL accessed 20 September 2006
Jump up ^ Chronic Low Income and Low-income Dynamics Among Recent Immigrants, Statistics Canada, January 2007, URL accessed 30 January 2007
Jump up ^ Poverty - A short history, Tristat Resources, URL accessed 2 December 2007
Jump up ^ Poverty and Pauperism, Catholic Encyclopedia, URL accessed 2 December 2007
Jump up ^ https://books.google.com/books?id=kmgXcDQNNzgC&pg=PA481&dq=louis+st.+laurent+poverty&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0CCUQ6AEwATgKahUKEwithIuiyKTIAhVHOBQKHWSWCD4#v=onepage&q=louis%20st.%20laurent%20poverty&f=false
Jump up ^ The Canadian economy: problems and policies by G. C. Ruggeri
Jump up ^ http://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.com/articles/social-security
Jump up ^ Daniel Drache; Duncan Cameron, Royal Commission on the Economic Union and Development Prospects for Canada (1985). The Other MacDonald Report: The Consensus on Canada's Future That the MacDonald Commission Left Out. James Lorimer & Company. p. 64. ISBN 978-0-88862-900-5. CS1 maint: Uses authors parameter (link)
Jump up ^ Annual Report, United Church of Canada. Board of Evangelism and Social Service, 1970
Jump up ^ David Gordon (2006). Christina Pantazis; David Gordon; Ruth Levitas, eds. The concept and measurement of poverty. Poverty and social exclusion in Britain:The Millennium Survey. Bristol, UK: Policy Press. pp. 29–70.
Jump up ^ Richard Shillington (September 2011). "Defining Poverty and Determining the Number of Poor — Long-Term Trends". Tristat Resources. Missing or empty |url= (help)page=12
^ Jump up to: a b On poverty and low income, Statistics Canada, 1997, URL accessed 2 December 2007
Jump up ^ [1] Archived June 22, 2009, at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ Low Income in Canada: 2000-2006 Using the Market Basket Measure - October 2008, Human Resources and Skills Development Canada
^ Jump up to: a b c Standing Committee on Human Resources, Social Development and the Status of Persons with Disabilities, 17 April 2008
^ Jump up to: a b "The World Employment Programme at ILO" (PDF).
^ Jump up to: a b Richard Jolly (October 1976). "The World Employment Conference: The Enthronement of Basic Needs". Development Policy Review. A9 (2): 31–44. doi:10.1111/j.1467-7679.1976.tb00338.x.
Jump up ^ Denton, John A. (1990). Society and the official world: a reintroduction to sociology. Dix Hills, N.Y: General Hall. p. 17. ISBN 0-930390-94-6.
Jump up ^ Poverty in Canada: 2006 Update
Jump up ^ http://fraser.stg.devlin.ca/Commerce.Web/product_files/The%20Market%20Basket%20Measure%20of%20Poverty-Sarlo.pdf
Jump up ^ "What do we Mean by Poverty?". Shillington.ca. 1999-01-15. Retrieved 2011-02-28.
Jump up ^ "Market Basket Measure Report now available". Rhdcc.gc.ca. 2005-03-07. Retrieved 2011-02-28.
Jump up ^ "Low Income Incidence / Financial Security / Indicators of Well-being in Canada". .hrsdc.gc.ca. Retrieved 2011-02-28.
^ Jump up to: a b "LICOs - Absolute or relative poverty measure??". Canadiansocialresearch.net. 2008-06-04. Retrieved 2011-02-28.
^ Jump up to: a b Poverty Measure in Canada Analysis, CBC, URL accessed 4 January 2007
Jump up ^ Population below poverty line, The World Factbook, CIA, updated on March 20, 2008.
Jump up ^ What's behind a poverty line?, Canadian Council on Social Development, 9 June 2000, URL accessed 2 December 2007
Jump up ^ Low Income Cut-offs for 2005 and Low Income Measures for 2004, Statistics Canada, 2006, URL accessed 2 December 2007
^ Jump up to: a b "Persons in low income, by economic family type". 0.statcan.gc.ca. 2013-06-27. Retrieved 2015-10-12.
Jump up ^ Low income definitions, Statistics Canada, 2005, URL accessed 2 December 2007
^ Jump up to: a b Income Inequality and Redistribution in Canada: 1976 to 2004, Statistics Canada, 11 May 2007, URL accessed 2 December 2007
Jump up ^ Macdonald, David; Wilson, Daniel (June 2013). Poverty or Prosperity Indigenous Children in Canada (PDF) (Report). Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives. Retrieved 19 June 2013.
Jump up ^ Persons in low income before tax, by prevalence in percent, Statistics Canada, 1 May 2007, URL accessed 4 December 2007
Jump up ^ Persons in low income after tax, by prevalence in percent , Statistics Canada, 1 May 2007, URL accessed 4 December 2007
Jump up ^ Woolley, Frances. "Five Years of the Working Income Tax Benefit". Retrieved November 3, 2012.
Jump up ^ Making It A Little Easier For Low-Income Ontario Families, Government of Ontario press release, 22 February 2008, URL accessed 22 February 2008
Jump up ^ "Minimum Wage by Province". retailcouncil.org Retail Council of Canada. 2014-10-14. Retrieved 2015-03-08.
Further reading[edit]
Coon, Garson George (1998). Examining beliefs about the causes of unemployment and poverty: An analysis of the causal models from the research literature (D.S.W. thesis). Wilfrid Laurier University.
Jeffery, Heather Elizabeth (1999). The construction of homelessness as a social problem: Linking contributing factors, mediating factors and interventive strategies (M.S.W. thesis). Wilfrid Laurier University.
Morrison, Susan M. (1992). Mothers and Other Making Change: Empowerment through self-help and social action (M.A. thesis). Wilfrid Laurier University.
Roberts, Alison J. Rice (2001). A qualitative study of presently and formerly homeless female adolescents (Ontario) (M.A. thesis). Wilfrid Laurier University.
Raphael, Dennis (2011), Poverty in Canada: Implications for Health and Quality of Life, 2nd edition, Canadian Scholars' Press, ISBN 1551303949
Snyder, Linda L. (2000). Women's employment initiatives as a means of addressing poverty: A comparative study of Canadian and Chilean examples (D.S.W. thesis). Wilfrid Laurier University.
External links[edit]
Stats & Facts, Canadian Council on Social Development
http://www.urbancentre.utoronto.ca/policyarchive/11policyarchivehousing.html#
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Sun path
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Sun's seasonal declination differences, viewed from some northern mid-latitude
Sun path polar chart for any location at the latitude of Rotterdam
Sun path, sometimes also called day arc, refers to the daily and seasonal arc-like path that the Sun appears to follow across the sky as the Earth rotates and orbits the Sun. The Sun's path affects the length of daytime experienced and amount of daylight received along a certain latitude during a given season.
The relative position of the Sun is a major factor in the heat gain of buildings and in the performance of solar energy systems.[1] Accurate location-specific knowledge of sun path and climatic conditions is essential for economic decisions about solar collector area, orientation, landscaping, summer shading, and the cost-effective use of solar trackers.[2][3]
Contents
[hide]
1 Effect of the Earth's axial tilt
1.1 Shadow of Vertical Stick at Solar Noon
1.2 Duration of daylight
2 Building design simulation
3 Visualization
4 See also
5 References
6 External links
Effect of the Earth's axial tilt[edit]
This section is too long. Consider splitting it into new pages, adding subheadings, or condensing it. (June 2017)
Sun paths at any latitude and any time of the year can be determined from basic geometry.[4] The Earth's axis of rotation tilts about 23.5 degrees, relative to the plane of Earth's orbit around the Sun. As the Earth orbits the Sun, this creates the 47° declination difference between the solstice sun paths, as well as the hemisphere-specific difference between summer and winter.
In the Northern Hemisphere, the winter sun (December, January, February) rises in the southeast, transits the celestial meridian at a low angle in the south (more than 43° above the southern horizon in the tropics), and then sets in the southwest. It is on the south (equator) side of the house all day long. A vertical window facing south (equator side) is effective for capturing solar thermal energy. For comparison, the winter sun in the Southern Hemisphere (June, July, August) rises in the northeast, peaks out at a low angle in the north (more than halfway up from the horizon in the tropics), and then sets in the northwest. There, the north-facing window would let in plenty of solar thermal energy to the house.
In the Northern Hemisphere in summer (June, July, August), the Sun rises in the northeast, peaks out slightly south of overhead point (lower in the south at higher latitude), and then sets in the northwest, whereas in the Southern Hemisphere in summer (December, January, February), the Sun rises in the southeast, peaks out slightly north of overhead point (lower in the north at higher latitude), and then sets in the southwest. A simple latitude-dependent equator-side overhang can easily be designed to block 100% of the direct solar gain from entering vertical equator-facing windows on the hottest days of the year. Roll-down exterior shade screens, interior translucent-or-opaque window quilts, drapes, shutters, movable trellises, etc. can be used for hourly, daily or seasonal sun and heat transfer control (without any active electrical air conditioning).
Everywhere around the world during the equinoxes (March 20/21 and September 22/23) except for the poles, the sun rises due east and sets due west. In the Northern Hemisphere, the equinox sun peaks in the southern half (about halfway up from the horizon at mid latitude) of the sky, while in the Southern Hemisphere, that sun peaks in the northern half of the sky. When facing the equator, the sun appears to move from left to right in the Northern Hemisphere and from right to left in the Southern Hemisphere.
The latitude (and hemisphere)-specific solar path differences are critical to effective passive solar building design. They are essential data for optimal window and overhang seasonal design. Solar designers must know the precise solar path angles for each location they design for, and how they compare to place-based seasonal heating and cooling requirements.
In the U.S., the precise location-specific altitude-and-azimuth seasonal solar path numbers are available from NOAA – the "equator side" of a building is south in the Northern Hemisphere, and north in the Southern Hemisphere, where the peak summer solstice solar altitude occurs on December 21.
Shadow of Vertical Stick at Solar Noon[edit]
On the equator, the sun will be straight overhead and a vertical stick will cast no shadow at solar noon on the equinoxes. On the vernal equinox, north of the subsolar point (on the equator) the vertical stick's shadow will point a little westwards of true north (NNW) reading 336.5° from true north and little eastwards of true south (SSE) reading 156.5° from true north. On the autumnal equinox, north of the subsolar point (on the equator), the shadow will point a little eastwards of true north (NNE) reading 23.5° from true north (and south of the subsolar, the shadow will point a little westward of true south (SSW) reading 203.5° from true north).
The same stick will cast no shadow on the summer solstice in the Northern Hemisphere when the subsolar point is on the Tropic of Cancer 23.44° north of equator. Although north of 23.44°N the shadow will point towards true north and south of 23.44°N the shadow will point towards true south. The reverse occurs on the winter solstice in the Northern Hemisphere when the subsolar point will be on the Tropic of Capricorn 23.44°S and a vertical stick will cast no shadow along that point. But north of the Tropic of Capricorn solar noon shadows will point towards true north and south of the Tropic of Capricorn shadows will point towards true south.
The solar noon shadows of objects on points beyond and below subsolar points will point towards true north and true south respectively only when the solar declination has its maximum positive (δ☉ = +23.44°) or maximum negative (δ☉ = −23.44°) value. On the other hand, on the equinoxes when the sun is neither declined north nor south (δ☉ = 0°) and solar time noon shadows point NNW north of the equator and SSE south of the equator on the vernal equinox (and point NNE north of the equator and SSW south of the equator on the autumnal equinox).
Duration of daylight[edit]
Within the polar circles (north of the Arctic Circle and south of the Antarctic Circle), each year will experience at least one day when the Sun remains below the horizon for 24 hours (on the winter solstice), and at least one day when the Sun remains above the horizon for 24 hours (on the summer solstice).
In the middle latitudes (between the tropics and the polar circles, where most humans live), the length of daytime, as well as solar altitude and azimuth, vary from one day to the next, and from season to season. The difference between the lengths of a long summer day and of a short winter day increases as one moves farther away from the Equator.[2]
This solargraph exposed over the course of a year shows the Sun's paths of diurnal motion, as viewed from Budapest in 2014.
(Credit: Elekes Andor)
Building design simulation[edit]
This section does not cite any sources. Please help improve this section by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (September 2013) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
Before the days of modern, inexpensive, 3D computer graphics, a heliodon (precisely-movable light source) was used to show the angle of the sun on a physical model of a proposed building. Today, mathematical computer models calculate location-specific solar gain (shading) and seasonal thermal performance, with the ability to rotate and animate a 3D color graphic model of a proposed building design.
Heating and cooling issues in passive solar building design can be counterintuitive. Precise performance calculations and simulations are essential to avoid reinventing the wheel and duplicating expensive experimental design errors, such as skylights that turn a building into a solar furnace in summer (see Daylighting#Sawtooth roof).
Visualization[edit]
The pictures below show the following perspectives from Earth, marking the hourly positions of the Sun on both solstice days. When connected, the suns form two day arcs, the paths along which the Sun appears to follow on the celestial sphere in its diurnal motion. The longer arc is always the midsummer path while the shorter arc the midwinter path. The two arcs are 46.88° (2 × 23.44°) apart, indicating the declination difference between the solstice suns.
In addition, some "ghost" suns are visible below the horizon, as much as 18° down, during which twilight occurs. The pictures can be used for both the northern and the southern hemispheres of Earth. A theoretical observer is supposed to stand near the tree on a small island in the middle of the sea. The green arrows represent the cardinal directions.
In the Northern Hemisphere, north is to the left. The Sun rises in the east (far arrow), culminates in the south (to the right) while moving to the right, and sets in the west (near arrow). Both rise and set positions are displaced towards the north in midsummer and the south in midwinter.
In the Southern Hemisphere, south is to the left. The Sun rises in the east (near arrow), culminates in the north (to the right) while moving to the left, and sets in the west (far arrow). Both rise and set positions are displaced towards the south in midsummer and the north in midwinter.
The following selected cases are depicted.
On the abstract line of the Equator (90° latitude), the Sun's maximum altitude is great during the entire year, but it does not form a perfect right angle with the ground at noon everyday. In fact it happens two days of the year, during the equinoxes. The solstices are the dates that the Sun stays farthest away from the zenith but anyway also in those cases it's high in the sky, reaching an altitude of 66.56° either to the north or the south. All days of the year, solstices included, have the same length of 12 hours.
Solstice day arcs as viewed from 20° latitude. The Sun culminates at 46.56° altitude in winter and 93.44° altitude in summer. In this case an angle larger than 90° means that the culmination takes place at an altitude of 86.56° in the opposite cardinal direction. For example, in the southern hemisphere, the Sun remains in the north during winter, but can reach over the zenith to the south in midsummer. Summer days are longer than winter days, but approximately the difference is no more than only two and a half hours. The daily path of the Sun is steep at the horizon the whole year round, resulting in a twilight of only about one hour and 20 minutes in the morning and in the evening.
Solstice day arcs as viewed from 50° latitude. During the winter solstice Sun does not rise more than 16.56° above the horizon at midday, but 63.44° in summer solstice above the same horizon direction. The difference in the length of the day between summer and winter, from here to the north, begin to be striking – slightly more than 8 hours at winter solstice, to more than 16 hours during the summer solstice. Likewise is the difference in direction of sunrise and sunset. At this latitude at midnight (around 1 a.m. with summer legal hour) the summer sun is 16.56° below the horizon, which means that astronomical twilight continues the whole night. This phenomenon is known as the grey nights, nights when it does not get dark enough for astronomers to do their observations of the deep sky. Above 60° latitude, the Sun would be even closer to the horizon, only 6.56° away from it. Then civil twilight continues almost all night, only a little bit of nautical twilight obviously around the local midnight. And above 66.56° latitude, there is no sunset at all, a phenomenon referred to as the midnight sun.
Solstice day arcs as viewed from 70° latitude. At local noon the winter Sun culminates at −3.44°, and the summer Sun at 43.44°. Said another way, during the winter the Sun does not rise above the horizon, it is the polar night. There will be still a strong twilight though. At local midnight the summer Sun culminates at 3.44°, said another way, it does not set, it is the polar day.
Solstice day arcs as viewed from either pole (90° latitude). At the time of the summer or winter solstices, the Sun is 23.44° degrees above or below the horizon, respectively, irrespective of time of day. Whilst the Sun is up (during summer months) it will circle around the whole sky (clockwise from the North Pole and counter-clockwise from the South Pole), appearing to stay at the same angle from the horizon, therefore the concept of day or night is meaningless. The angle of elevation will gradually change on an annual cycle, with the Sun reaching its highest point at the summer solstice, and rising or setting at the equinox, with extended periods of twilight lasting several days after the autumn equinox and before the spring equinox.
Solstice day arcs as viewed from selected latitudes
0° latitude (the Equator)
20° latitude
50° latitude
70° latitude
90° latitude (either pole)
See also[edit]
Ecliptic
Passive solar design
Solar access
Pyranometer
Pyrheliometer
Heliostat
Daylighting
Analemma
Effect of sun angle on climate
Position of the Sun
Equinox
Solstice
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "Solar Resource Information". National Renewable Energy Laboratory. Retrieved 2009-03-28.
^ Jump up to: a b Khavrus, V.; Shelevytsky, I. (2010). "Introduction to solar motion geometry on the basis of a simple model". Physics Education. 45 (6): 641. Bibcode:2010PhyEd..45..641K. doi:10.1088/0031-9120/45/6/010.
Jump up ^ Khavrus, V.; Shelevytsky, I. (2012). "Geometry and the physics of seasons". Physics Education. 47 (6): 680. doi:10.1088/0031-9120/47/6/680.
Jump up ^ Librorum, Helluo (2012). "Notes from Noosphere: The simple geometry of sun, moon, and star paths". notesfromnoosphere.blogspot.com. Retrieved September 19, 2013. [unreliable source?]
External links[edit]
U.S. Naval Observatory Sun or Moon Altitude/Azimuth Table
The simple geometry of sun, moon, and star paths
Sun path calculation and visualization on Android
Sun path in augmented reality
Sun path by location and date
Sun positions, diagram and paths around the world by location and date
Seasonal and Hourly Sun Path Design Issue Tutorial
Sun path on map, charts and table, sun position for every location and date
Sun position by location and date
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Jaguars–Titans rivalry
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Jaguars–Titans rivalry
Jacksonville Jaguars
Tennessee Titans
First meeting
September 3, 1995
Oilers 10, Jaguars 3
Latest meeting
September 23, 2018
Titans 9, Jaguars 6
Next meeting
December 6, 2018
Statistics
Meetings total
47 (including the playoffs)
All-time series
Titans lead 28–20 (including postseason)
Postseason results
Titans lead 1–0
January 23, 2000: Titans 33, Jaguars 14
Largest victory
Jaguars: 37–7 (2006);
Titans: 41–14 (1999)
Current win streak
Titans: 3 wins (2017–present)
Championship Success
Super Bowl Championships (0)
JAX – None
TEN – None
Conference Championships (1)
JAX – None
TEN – 1999
Division Championships (12)
JAX (3) – 1998, 1999, 2017
TEN (9) – 1960, 1961, 1962, 1967, 1991, 1993, 2000, 2002, 2008
The Jaguars–Titans rivalry is a professional American football rivalry between the Jacksonville Jaguars and Tennessee Titans in the National Football League (NFL)'s AFC South division.
The first game of the rivalry was played on September 3, 1995, at EverBank Field (then Jacksonville Municipal Stadium) in Jacksonville, Florida. In the first regular season game for Jacksonville's new expansion franchise, the Titans, then known as the Houston Oilers, defeated the Jaguars 10–3. The rivalry intensified during the 1999–2000 postseason, when the 14–2 Jaguars, champions of the AFC Central division, hosted the newly named Titans, who were 13–3. The Titans erased a 14–10 halftime deficit to eventually win 33–14. The Titans then lost to the St. Louis Rams in Super Bowl XXXIV. In recent years, the rivalry featured two of the most productive running backs in the NFL: Maurice Jones-Drew of Jacksonville and Chris Johnson of Tennessee.
Contents
1 History
1.1 1990s
1.2 2000s
1.3 2010s
2 Game results
2.1 1990s (Titans 6–5)
2.2 2000s (Titans 12–8)
2.3 2010s (Titans 10–7)
3 Notes
4 References
5 External links
History[edit]
The Jacksonville Jaguars and Tennessee Titans prepare to kickoff the first half at LP Field in Nashville, Tennessee, on Sunday, November 10, 2013
1990s[edit]
In 1993, the NFL awarded expansion franchises to the cities of Charlotte, North Carolina, and Jacksonville, Florida. The Charlotte franchise would become the Carolina Panthers of the National Football Conference, and the Jacksonville franchise would become the Jacksonville Jaguars of the American Football Conference. The Jaguars would compete in the Central division of the AFC along with the Cincinnati Bengals, Cleveland Browns, Houston Oilers, and Pittsburgh Steelers. Since 1995, the Jaguars have played most of their home games at what was originally called Jacksonville Municipal Stadium (now named TIAA Bank Field) on the site of the original Gator Bowl stadium.
On September 3, 1995, the Jaguars played their first ever regular season game in Jacksonville against the Oilers, who had existed since the founding of the American Football League in 1960. Houston receiver Haywood Jeffries caught the game's only touchdown in a 10-3 Oilers victory. Four weeks later, the clubs met again in Houston. In the fourth quarter, Desmond Howard caught a 15-yard pass from Jaguars quarterback Mark Brunell to lift Jacksonville to a 17-16 win. Following the 1995 season, Oilers owner Bud Adams confirmed that his team would relocate to Nashville, Tennessee in time for the 1998 season. The announcement resulted in low attendance at the Houston Astrodome and the loss of many of the Oilers' radio affiliates. In another meeting in Jacksonville on September 8, 1996, Brunell threw the Jaguars' game-winning touchdown to Keenan McCardell to secure a 34-27 victory. Three months later in front of an Astrodome crowd of only 20,196, Oilers quarterback Steve McNair collected 308 passing yards as he led Houston to a 23-17 victory. A year earlier than originally expected, the Oilers left Houston and moved their home games to the Liberty Bowl in Memphis, Tennessee. The Jaguars held off a second half rally by the Oilers to win in Memphis 30-24 on November 2, 1997. Two weeks later in Jacksonville, the Jaguars completed their sweep of the Oilers with a 17-9 win.
By the 1998 season, the Oilers were playing their home games in Nashville at Vanderbilt Stadium. In Nashville on September 27, 1998, two fourth quarter field goals by Jacksonville kicker Mike Hollis lifted the Jaguars to a 27-22 victory, their fourth straight against the Oilers. The streak ended on December 13 in Jacksonville when Al Del Greco's 41-yard field goal lifted the Oilers to a 16-13 win. The Jaguars won the AFC Central title in 1998 but lost in the playoffs to the New York Jets. For the 1999 season, the Oilers changed their name to the Tennessee Titans and began playing their home games at their new stadium, Adelphia Coliseum (now named Nissan Stadium). In Jacksonville on September 26, 1999, the Titans rallied from a 17-7 deficit to defeat the Jaguars 20-19. Three months later in Nashville the Titans dominated the Jaguars 41-14. Despite this result, Jacksonville won the AFC Central for a second consecutive season and finished the regular season with a 14-2 record, both losses to Tennessee. Jacksonville was the No. 1 seed in the AFC and had a first-round bye, but the No. 4 seed Tennessee, with a record of 13-3, hosted the Buffalo Bills in a wild card game. The Titans dramatically defeated the Bills 22-16 by means of the Music City Miracle play and traveled to Indianapolis the following weekend, where they defeated the Colts 19-16. Meanwhile, Jacksonville won its divisional round home game over the Miami Dolphins 62-7. On January 23, 2000, the Titans and Jaguars met for the third time in the 1999 season in Jacksonville for the AFC Championship Game. At halftime, the Jaguars led 14-10, but the Titans stormed back to win 33-14.[1] For the first time since 1961, the franchise had won the AFL/AFC title. The Titans faced the St. Louis Rams in Super Bowl XXXIV, only to lose 23-16 in a game that came down to the final play.
2000s[edit]
The Titans and Jaguars continued their late 90s success into the early 2000s and remained competitive with one another, staying in the same division when the NFL realigned its divisions. The Jaguars and Titans joined the Indianapolis Colts and the newly-formed Houston Texans to form the AFC South. Though Brunell and McNair eventually left for other teams, they were eventually replaced at quarterback by David Garrard and Vince Young. Running backs Maurice Jones Drew for the Jaguars and Chris Johnson for the Titans began playing in this decade, becoming two of the most dominant halfbacks in the league. However, the rise of the Colts led by Peyton Manning and a departure of talent from the Jaguars and Titans over the years led to a decline in the two teams' success towards the end of the 2000s. Until 2017, the Jaguars last made the playoffs in 2007 and the Titans last qualified in 2008.
2010s[edit]
The Jaguars and Titans began this decade without much success, both missing the playoffs each year until 2017. Jaguars quarterback David Garrard was released after the 2010 season and replaced by 2011 draft pick Blaine Gabbert, who was ultimately unsuccessful during his tenure with the team.[2] The Titans drafted quarterback Jake Locker in the same draft after releasing Vince Young due to offseason troubles, but injuries plagued Locker's career and he retired after only four years.[3]
On December 22, 2013, Maurice Jones-Drew and Chris Johnson faced each other one final time at EverBank Field in Jacksonville, where the Titans won over the Jaguars 20–16. Jones-Drew last played for the Oakland Raiders in 2014, while Johnson later played for the New York Jets and Arizona Cardinals and is a free agent as of the end of 2017. On December 18, 2014, the 2–12 Jaguars defeated the 2–12 Titans 21–13 on Thursday Night Football in Jacksonville.[4] The Titans' and Jaguars' respective coaching staffs faced off in the Senior Bowl on January 24, 2015. Ken Whisenhunt's staff coached the North while Gus Bradley's staff directed the South.[5]
By 2015, Gabbert and Locker had been replaced by new quarterbacks Blake Bortles and Marcus Mariota on the Jaguars and Titans, respectively. After years of bottom feeding in the AFC South, the two teams took advantage of a Colts team missing their star quarterback Andrew Luck due to injury in 2017 and returned to the playoffs that year. Though the Jaguars had already clinched the AFC South, the Titans made it in by beating the Jaguars in week 17.[6]
Game results[edit]
Jaguars' victory Titans' victory Postseason meeting
Note: All game dates occur on Sunday unless indicated otherwise.
Source: Pro-Football-Reference.[7]
1990s (Titans 6–5)[edit]
Season
Date
Winner
Result
Location
Series
1995[a] September 3 Houston Oilers 10–3 Jacksonville Municipal Stadium (Jacksonville) 1–0 HOU
October 1 Jacksonville Jaguars 17–16 Astrodome (Houston) 1–1
1996[a] September 8 Houston Oilers 34–27 Jacksonville Municipal Stadium (Jacksonville) 2–1 HOU
December 8 Jacksonville Jaguars 23–17 Astrodome (Houston) 2–2
1997[a] November 2 Jacksonville Jaguars 30–24 Liberty Bowl (Memphis) 3–2 JAX
November 16 Jacksonville Jaguars 17–9 Alltel Stadium (Jacksonville) 4–2 JAX
1998[a] September 27 Jacksonville Jaguars 27–22 Vanderbilt Stadium (Nashville) 5–2 JAX
December 13 Tennessee Oilers 16–13 Alltel Stadium (Jacksonville) 5–3 JAX
1999 October 26 Tennessee Titans 20–19 Alltel Stadium (Jacksonville) 5–4 JAX
December 26 Tennessee Titans 41–14 Adelphia Coliseum (Nashville) 5–5
January 23, 2000 Tennessee Titans 33–14 Alltel Stadium (Jacksonville) 6–5 TEN
2000s (Titans 12–8)[edit]
Season
Date
Winner
Result
Location
Series
2000 October 16 (Mon.) Tennessee Titans 27–13 Adelphia Coliseum (Nashville) 7–5 TEN
November 26 Jacksonville Jaguars 16–13 Alltel Stadium (Jacksonville) 7–6 TEN
2001 September 23 Jacksonville Jaguars 13–6 Alltel Stadium (Jacksonville) 7–7
November 4 Tennessee Titans 28–24 Adelphia Coliseum (Nashville) 8–7 TEN
2002 October 13 Tennessee Titans 23–14 The Coliseum (Nashville) 9–7 TEN
December 22 Tennessee Titans 28–10 Alltel Stadium (Jacksonville) 10–7 TEN
2003 October 26 Tennessee Titans 30–17 Alltel Stadium (Jacksonville) 11–7 TEN
November 16 Tennessee Titans 10–3 The Coliseum (Nashville) 12–7 TEN
2004 September 26 Jacksonville Jaguars 15–12 The Coliseum (Nashville) 12–8 TEN
November 21 Tennessee Titans 18–15 Alltel Stadium (Jacksonville) 13–8 TEN
2005 November 20 Jacksonville Jaguars 31–28 The Coliseum (Nashville) 13–9 TEN
January 1, 2006 Jacksonville Jaguars 40–13 Alltel Stadium (Jacksonville) 13–10 TEN
2006 November 5 Jacksonville Jaguars 37–7 Alltel Stadium (Jacksonville) 13–11 TEN
December 17 Tennessee Titans 24–17 LP Field (Nashville) 14–11 TEN
2007 September 9 Tennessee Titans 13–10 Jacksonville Municipal Stadium (Jacksonville) 15–11 TEN
November 11 Jacksonville Jaguars 28–13 LP Field (Nashville) 15–12 TEN
2008 September 7 Tennessee Titans 17–10 LP Field (Nashville) 16–12 TEN
November 16 Tennessee Titans 24–14 Jacksonville Municipal Stadium (Jacksonville) 17–12 TEN
2009 October 4 Jacksonville Jaguars 37–17 Jacksonville Municipal Stadium (Jacksonville) 17–13 TEN
November 1 Tennessee Titans 30–13 LP Field (Nashville) 18–13 TEN
2010s (Titans 10–7)[edit]
Season
Date
Winner
Result
Location
Series
2010 October 18 (Mon.) Tennessee Titans 30–3 EverBank Field (Jacksonville) 19–13 TEN
December 5 Jacksonville Jaguars 17–6 LP Field (Nashville) 19–14 TEN
2011 September 11 Jacksonville Jaguars 16–14 EverBank Field (Jacksonville) 19–15 TEN
December 24 (Sat.) Tennessee Titans 23–17 LP Field (Nashville) 20–15 TEN
2012 November 25 Jacksonville Jaguars 24–19 EverBank Field (Jacksonville) 20–16 TEN
December 30 Tennessee Titans 38–20 LP Field (Nashville) 21–16 TEN
2013 November 10 Jacksonville Jaguars 29–27 LP Field (Nashville) 21–17 TEN
December 22 Tennessee Titans 20–16 EverBank Field (Jacksonville) 22–17 TEN
2014 October 12 Tennessee Titans 16–14 LP Field (Nashville) 23–17 TEN
December 18 (Thurs.) Jacksonville Jaguars 21–13 EverBank Field (Jacksonville) 23–18 TEN
2015 November 19 (Thurs.) Jacksonville Jaguars 19–13 EverBank Field (Jacksonville) 23–19 TEN
December 6 Tennessee Titans 42–39 Nissan Stadium (Nashville) 24–19 TEN
2016 October 27 (Thurs.) Tennessee Titans 36–22 Nissan Stadium (Nashville) 25–19 TEN
December 24 (Sat.) Jacksonville Jaguars 38–17 EverBank Field (Jacksonville) 25–20 TEN
2017 September 17 Tennessee Titans 37–16 EverBank Field (Jacksonville) 26–20 TEN
December 31 Tennessee Titans 15-10 Nissan Stadium (Nashville) 27–20 TEN
2018 September 23 Tennessee Titans 9-6 TIAA Bank Field (Jacksonville) 28–20 TEN
Notes[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b c d The Tennessee Titans were known as the Houston Oilers from 1960–96 and as the Tennessee Oilers from 1997–98.
References[edit]
Jump up ^ AFC Championship - Tennessee Titans at Jacksonville Jaguars - January 23rd, 2000 - Pro Football Reference
Jump up ^ Michael DiRocco (March 12, 2014). "Jacksonville Jaguars trade Blaine Gabbert to San Francisco 49ers". ESPN.com.
Jump up ^ Jake Locker announces retirement from NFL NFL.com (March 10, 2015)
Jump up ^ "Jacksonville Jaguars vs. Tennessee Titans Results". The Football Database. 2015. Retrieved January 10, 2015.
Jump up ^ "Titans Coaching Staff to Participate in Senior Bowl". The Tennessee Titans. December 30, 2014. Retrieved January 11, 2015.
Jump up ^ Adam Wells (December 31, 2017). "Tennessee Titans Clinch Playoff Berth with Win vs. Jaguars". Bleacher Report.
Jump up ^ "Boxscore finder: Jacksonville Jaguars vs Houston Oilers/Tennessee Titans". February 16, 2015. Retrieved February 16, 2015.
External links[edit]
Jaguars-Titans head-to-head record
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Founded in 1960
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