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Custom (law)
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Custom in law is the established pattern of behavior that can be objectively verified within a particular social setting. A claim can be carried out in defense of "what has always been done and accepted by law." Related is the idea of prescription; a right enjoyed through long custom rather than positive law.[1]
Customary law (also, consuetudinary or unofficial law) exists where:
a certain legal practice is observed and
the relevant actors consider it to be law (opinio juris).
Most customary laws deal with standards of community that have been long-established in a given locale. However the term can also apply to areas of international law where certain standards have been nearly universal in their acceptance as correct bases of action – in example, laws against piracy or slavery (see hostis humani generis). In many, though not all instances, customary laws will have supportive court rulings and case law that has evolved over time to give additional weight to their rule as law and also to demonstrate the trajectory of evolution (if any) in the interpretation of such law by relevant courts.
Contents
1 Nature, definition and sources of customary law
1.1 Customary law as an indefinite repertoire of norms
1.2 Law as necessarily rule-governed
2 Customary law and codification
3 International law
4 Customary law within contemporary legal systems
5 Custom in torts
6 Customary legal systems
7 See also
8 References
8.1 Citations
8.2 Sources
9 External links
Nature, definition and sources of customary law[edit]
A central issue regarding the recognition of custom is determining the appropriate methodology to know what practices and norms actually constitutes customary law. It is not immediately clear that classic Western theories of jurisprudence can be reconciled in any useful way with conceptual analyses of customary law, and thus some scholars (like John Comaroff and Simon Roberts)[2] have characterised customary law norms in their own terms. Yet, there clearly remains some disagreement, which is seen in John Hund's critique of Comaroff and Roberts' theory, and preference for the contributions of H. L. A. Hart. Hund argues that Hart's The Concept of Law solves the conceptual problem with which scholars who have attempted to articulate how customary law principles may be identified, defined and how they operate in regulating social behaviour and resolving disputes.[3]
Customary law as an indefinite repertoire of norms[edit]
Comaroff and Roberts' famous work, "Rules and Processes",[2] attempted to detail the body of norms that constitute Tswana law in a way that was less legalistic (or rule-oriented) than had Isaac Schapera. They defined "mekgwa le melao ya Setswana" in terms of Casalis and Ellenberger definition: melao therefore being rules pronounced by a chief and mekgwa as norms that become customary law through traditional usage.[4] Importantly, however, they noted that the Tswana seldom attempt to classify the vast array of existing norms into categories[4] and they thus termed this the 'undifferentiated nature of the normative repertoire'. Moreover, they observe the co-existence of overtly incompatible norms that may breed conflict, either due to circumstances in a particular situation, or inherently due to their incongruous content.[5] This lack of rule classification and failure to eradicate internal inconsistencies between potentially conflicting norms allows for much flexibility in dispute settlement and is also viewed as a 'strategic resource' for disputants who seek to advance their own success in a case. The latter incongruities (especially of inconsistencies of norm content) are typically solved by elevating one of the norms (tacitly) from 'the literal to the symbolic'.[6] This allows for the accommodation of both as they now theoretically exist in different realms of reality. This is highly contextual, which further illustrates that norms cannot be viewed in isolation and are open to negotiation. Thus, although there are a small number of so-called non-negotiable norms, the vast majority are viewed and given substance contextually, which is seen as fundamental to the Tswana.
Comaroff and Roberts describe how outcomes of specific cases have the ability to change the normative repertoire, as the repertoire of norms is seen to be both in a state of formation and transformation at all times.[7] These changes are justified on the grounds that they are merely giving recognition to de facto observations of transformation [219]. Furthermore, the legitimacy of a chief is a direct determinant of the legitimacy of his decisions.[8] In the formulation of legislative pronouncements, as opposed to decisions made in dispute resolution,[9] the chief first speaks of the proposed norm with his advisors, then council of headmen, then the public assembly debate the proposed law and may accept or reject it. A chief can proclaim the law even if the public assembly rejects it, but this is not often done; and, if the chief proclaims the legislation against the will of the public assembly, the legislation will become melao, however it is unlikely that it will be executed because its effectiveness depends on the chief's legitimacy and the norm's consistency with the practices (and changes in social relations) and will of the people under that chief.[9]
Regarding the invocation of norms in disputes, Comaroff and Roberts used the term, "paradigm of argument", to refer to the linguistic and conceptual frame used by a disputant, whereby 'a coherent picture of relevant events and actions in terms of one or more implicit or explicit normative referents' is created.[10] In their explanation, the complainant (who always speaks first) thus establishes a paradigm the defendant can either accept and therefore argue within that specific paradigm or reject and therefore introduce his or her own paradigm (usually, the facts are not contested here). If the defendant means to change the paradigm, they will refer to norms as such, where actually norms are not ordinarily explicitly referenced in Tswana dispute resolution as the audience would typically already know them and just the way one presents one's case and constructs the facts will establish one's paradigm. The headman or chief adjudicating may also do same: accept the normative basis implied by the parties (or one of them), and thus not refer to norms using explicit language but rather isolate a factual issue in the dispute and then make a decision on it without expressly referring to any norms, or impose a new or different paradigm onto the parties.[10]
Law as necessarily rule-governed[edit]
Hund finds Comaroff and Roberts' flexibility thesis of a 'repertoire of norms' from which litigants and adjudicator choose in the process of negotiating solutions between them uncompelling.[3] He is therefore concerned with disproving what he calls "rule scepticism" on their part. He notes that the concept of custom generally denotes convergent behaviour, but not all customs have the force of law. Hund therefore draws from Hart's analysis distinguishing social rules, which have internal and external aspects, from habits, which have only external aspects. Internal aspects are the reflective attitude on the part of adherents toward certain behaviours perceived to be obligatory, according to a common standard. External aspects manifest in regular, observable behaviour, but is not obligatory. In Hart's analysis, then, social rules amount to custom that has legal force.
Hart identifies three further differences between habits and binding social rules.[3] First, a social rule exists where society frowns on deviation from the habit and attempts to prevent departures by criticising such behaviour. Second, when this criticism is seen socially as a good reason for adhering to the habit, and it is welcomed. And, third, when members of a group behave in a common way not only out of habit or because everyone else is doing it, but because it is seen to be a common standard that should be followed, at least by some members. Hund, however, acknowledges the difficulty of an outsider knowing the dimensions of these criteria that depend on an internal point of view.
For Hund, the first form of rule scepticism concerns the widely held opinion that, because the content of customary law derives from practice, there are actually no objective rules, since it is only behaviour that informs their construction. On this view, it is impossible to distinguish between behaviour that is rule bound and behaviour that is not—i.e., which behaviour is motivated by adherence to law (or at least done in recognition of the law) and is merely a response to other factors. Hund sees this as problematic because it makes quantifying the law almost impossible, since behaviour is obviously inconsistent. Hund argues that this is a misconception based on a failure to acknowledge the importance of the internal element. In his view, by using the criteria described above, there is not this problem in deciphering what constitutes "law" in a particular community.[3]
According to Hund, the second form of rule scepticism says that, though a community may have rules, those rules are not arrived at 'deductively', i.e. they are not created through legal/moral reasoning only but are instead driven by the personal/political motives of those who create them. The scope for such influence is created by the loose and undefined nature of customary law, which, Hund argues, grants customary-lawmakers (often through traditional 'judicial processes') a wide discretion in its application. Yet, Hund contends that the fact that rules might sometimes be arrived at in the more ad hoc way, does not mean that this defines the system. If one requires a perfect system, where laws are created only deductively, then one is left with a system with no rules. For Hund, this cannot be so and an explanation for these kinds of law-making processes is found in Hart's conception of "secondary rules" (rules in terms of which the main body of norms are recognised). Hund therefore says that for some cultures, for instance in some sections of Tswana society, the secondary rules have developed only to the point where laws are determined with reference to politics and personal preference. This does not mean that they are not "rules". Hund argues that if we acknowledge a developmental pattern in societies' constructions of these secondary rules then we can understand how this society constructs its laws and how it differs from societies that have come to rely on an objective, stand-alone body of rules.[3]
Customary law and codification[edit]
Main article: Codification (law)
The modern codification of civil law developed from the tradition of medieval custumals, collections of local customary law that developed in a specific manorial or borough jurisdiction, and which were slowly pieced together mainly from case law and later written down by local jurists. Custumals acquired the force of law when they became the undisputed rule by which certain rights, entitlements, and obligations were regulated between members of a community.[11] Some examples include Bracton's De Legibus et Consuetudinibus Angliae for England, the Coutume de Paris for the city of Paris, the Sachsenspiegel for northern Germany, and the many fueros of Spain.
International law[edit]
Main article: Customary international law
In international law, customary law refers to the Law of Nations or the legal norms that have developed through the customary exchanges between states over time, whether based on diplomacy or aggression. Essentially, legal obligations are believed to arise between states to carry out their affairs consistently with past accepted conduct. These customs can also change based on the acceptance or rejection by states of particular acts. Some principles of customary law have achieved the force of peremptory norms, which cannot be violated or altered except by a norm of comparable strength. These norms are said to gain their strength from universal acceptance, such as the prohibitions against genocide and slavery. Customary international law can be distinguished from treaty law, which consists of explicit agreements between nations to assume obligations. However, many treaties are attempts to codify pre-existing customary law.
Customary law within contemporary legal systems[edit]
Customary law is a recognized source of law within jurisdictions of the civil law tradition, where it may be subordinate to both statutes and regulations. In addressing custom as a source of law within the civil law tradition, John Henry Merryman notes that, though the attention it is given in scholarly works is great, its importance is "slight and decreasing."[12] On the other hand, in many countries around the world, one or more types of customary law continue to exist side by side with official law, a condition referred to as legal pluralism (see List of national legal systems).
In the canon law of the Catholic Church, custom is a source of law. Canonical jurisprudence, however, differs from Civil law jurisprudence in requiring the express or implied consent of the legislator for a custom to obtain the force of law.
In the Common Law of England, "Long usage" must be established.
It is a broad principle of property law that, if something has gone on for a long time without objection, whether it be using a right of way or occupying land to which one has no title, the law will eventually recognise the fact and give the person doing it the legal right to continue.
It is known in case law as Customary Rights "Customary rights". Something which has been practised since time immemorial by reference to a particular locality may acquire the legal status of a custom, which is a form of local law.The legal criteria defining a custom are precise. The most common claim in recent times, is for customary rights to moor a vessel.
The mooring must have been in continuous use for "Time Immemorial" which is defined by legal precedent as 12 years (or 20 years for Crown Land) for the same purpose by people using them for that purpose.
To give two examples ;-A custom of mooring which might have been established in past times for over two hundred years by the fishing fleet of local inhabitants of a coastal community will not simply transfer so as to benefit present day recreational boat owners who may hail from much further afield.
Whereas a group of houseboats on a mooring that has been in continuous use for the last 25 years with a mixture of owner occupiers and rented houseboats, may clearly continue to be used by houseboats, where the owners live in the same town or city.
Both the purpose of the moorings and the class of persons benefited by the custom must have been clear and consistent.[13]
In Canada, customary aboriginal law has a constitutional foundation[14] and for this reason has increasing influence.[15]
In the Scandinavian countries customary law continues to exist and has great influence.
Customary law is also used in some Third World countries, such as those in Africa, usually used alongside common or civil law.[16] For example, in Ethiopia, despite the adoption of legal codes based on civil law in the 1950s according to Dolores Donovan and Getachew Assefa there are more than 60 systems of customary law currently in force, "some of them operating quite independently of the formal state legal system." They offer two reasons for the relative autonomy of these customary law systems: one is that the Ethiopian government lacks sufficient resources to enforce its legal system to every corner of Ethiopia; the other is that the Ethiopian government has made a commitment to preserve these customary systems within its boundaries.[17]
In 1995, President of Kyrgyzstan Askar Akaev announced a decree to revitalize the aqsaqal courts of village elders. The courts would have jurisdiction over property, torts and family law.[18] The aqsaqal courts were eventually included under Article 92 of the Kyrgyz constitution. As of 2006, there were approximately 1,000 aqsaqal courts throughout Kyrgyzstan, including in the capital of Bishkek.[18] Akaev linked the development of these courts to the rekindling of Kyrgyz national identity. In a 2005 speech, he connected the courts back to the country's nomadic past and extolled how the courts expressed the Kyrgyz ability of self-governance.[19] Similar aqsaqal courts exist, with varying levels of legal formality, in other countries of Central Asia.
The Somali people in the Horn of Africa follow a customary law system referred to as Xeer. It survives to a significant degree everywhere in Somalia[20] and in the Somali communities in the Ogaden.[21] Economist Peter Leeson attributes the increase in economic activity since the fall of the Siad Barre administration to the security in life, liberty and property provided by Xeer in large parts of Somalia.[22] The Dutch attorney Michael van Notten also draws upon his experience as a legal expert in his comprehensive study on Xeer, The Law of the Somalis: A Stable Foundation for Economic Development in the Horn of Africa (2005).[23]
In India many customs are accepted by law. For example, Hindu marriage ceremonies are recognized by the Hindu Marriage Act.
Custom in torts[edit]
This section may be confusing or unclear to readers. Please help us clarify the section. There might be a discussion about this on the talk page. (November 2008) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
Custom is used in tort law to help determine negligence. Following or disregarding a custom is not determinative of negligence, but instead is an indication of possible best practices or alternatives to a particular action.
Customary legal systems[edit]
See also: List of national legal systems
Adat (Malays of Nusantara)
Anglo-Saxon law (England)
Aqsaqal (Central Asia)
Basque and Pyrenean law
Coutume (France)
Customary law (Australia)
Custom (canon law)
Early Germanic law
Early Irish law (Ireland)
Kanun of Leke Dukagjini (Albania)
Laws of the Brets and Scots (Scotland)
Medieval Scandinavian laws
Pashtunwali and Jirga (Pashtuns of Pakistan and Afghanistan)
Smriti and Ācāra (India)
Customary law (South Africa)
Urf (Arab world/Islamic law)
Cyfraith Hywel (Wales)
Xeer (Somalia)
Usos y costumbres (various regions of Latin America)
See also[edit]
Civil law (legal system)
Common law — Precedent
Customary international humanitarian law
Custom (canon law)
Journal of Legal Pluralism and Unofficial Law
Legal dualism
Legal pluralism
Jus gentium (law of nations)
Rule according to higher law
Rule of law
Time immemorial, has a specific meaning in English Law
References[edit]
Citations[edit]
Jump up ^ "Prescription", The Free Dictionary by Farlex. Accessed: June 28, 2014.
^ Jump up to: a b Comaroff & Roberts.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e Hund.
^ Jump up to: a b Comaroff & Roberts, 70
Jump up ^ Comaroff & Roberts, 73
Jump up ^ Comaroff & Roberts, 75
Jump up ^ Comaroff & Roberts, 79
Jump up ^ Comaroff & Roberts, 81
^ Jump up to: a b Comaroff & Roberts, 82
^ Jump up to: a b Comaroff & Roberts, 85
Jump up ^ In R. v Secretary of State For Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs, [1982] 2 All E.R. 118, Lord Denning said "These customary laws are not written down. They are handed down by tradition from one generation to another. Yet beyond doubt they are well established and have the force of law within the community."
Jump up ^ Merryman, John Henry (2007). The Civil Law Tradition: An Introduction to the Legal Systems of Europe and Latin America (3rd ed.). Stanford University Press. p. 24. ISBN 978-0-8047-5569-6. LCCN 2007003956.
Jump up ^ "Customary Mooring Rights". Associated Yacht Brokers. Archived from the original on 13 April 2015. Retrieved 19 April 2015.
Jump up ^ "Constitution Act, 1982, s. 35(1)". Archived from the original on 20 March 2007. Retrieved 29 July 2008.
Jump up ^ Slattery, Brian. Generic and Specific Aboriginal Rights (PDF). p. 6. Retrieved 21 August 2008. and Foster, Hamar; Heather Raven and Jeremy Webber (eds.) (2007). Let Right Be Done: Aboriginal title, the Calder Case, and the Future of Indigenous Rights. 18 No. 7 (July, 2008). Vancouver: UBC Press. pp. 574–578. Archived from the original on 30 August 2008. Retrieved 11 September 2010. CS1 maint: Extra text: authors list (link)
Jump up ^ "JuryGlobe". University of Ottawa. Retrieved 11 September 2010.
Jump up ^ Dolores A. Donovan and Getachew Assefa, "Homicide in Ethiopia: Human Rights, Federalism, and Legal Pluralism," American Journal of Comparative Law, 51 (2003), p. 505
^ Jump up to: a b Judith Beyer, Kyrgyz Aksakal Courts: Pluralistic Accounts of History, 53 J. OF L. PLURALISM 144 (2006)
Jump up ^ Former President Akaev, quoted in Beyer, Kyrgyz Aksakal Courts
Jump up ^ Spencer Heath MacCallum (12 September 2007). "The Rule of Law without the State". Ludwig von Mises Institute. Retrieved 11 September 2010.
Jump up ^ "Grassroots Conflict Assessment Of the Somali Region, Ethiopia" (PDF). CHF International. August 2006. Archived from the original (PDF) on 26 July 2011. Retrieved 11 September 2010.
Jump up ^ "Better off stateless" (PDF). Retrieved 11 September 2010.
Jump up ^ Van Notten, Michael. 2005. The Law of the Somalis: A Stable Foundation for Economic and Social Development in the Horn of Africa, Trenton NJ: Red Sea Press.
Sources[edit]
Hund, John. 'Customary law is what people say it is', ARSP Vol 84 1998, 420–433.
J Comaroff and S Roberts Rules and Processes: The Cultural Logic of Dispute in an African Context (1981).
External links[edit]
Customary IHL Database
Druzin, Bryan H. (2014, April). "Planting Seeds of Order: How the State Can Create, Shape, and Use Customary Law," BYU Journal of Public Law 28: 373-412.
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Subtropical ridge
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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It has been suggested that this article be merged with Horse latitudes. (Discuss) Proposed since May 2017.
A diagram showing the relative positions of the subtropical ridge. Where it normally lies winds are nearly calm, and locations under its normal location are known as lying in the horse latitudes.
The subtropical ridge, also known as the subtropical high or horse latitudes, is a significant belt of atmospheric high pressure situated around the latitudes of 30°N in the Northern Hemisphere and 30°S in the Southern Hemisphere. It is the product of the global air circulation cell known as the Hadley Cell. The subtropical ridge is characterized by mostly calm winds, which act to reduce air quality under its axis by causing fog overnight, and haze during daylight hours as a result of the stable atmosphere found near its location. The air descending from the upper troposphere flows out from its center at surface level toward the upper and lower latitudes of each hemisphere, creating both the trade winds and the westerlies. The subtropical ridge moves poleward during the summer, reaching its most northern latitude in early fall, before moving equatorward during the cold season. The El Niño southern climate oscillation (ENSO) can displace the northern hemisphere subtropical ridge, with La Niñas allowing for a more northerly axis for the ridge, while El Niños show flatter, more southerly ridges. The change of the ridge position during ENSO cycles changes the tracks of tropical cyclones that form around their equatorward and western peripheries. As the subtropical ridge varies in position and strength, it can enhance or depress monsoon regimes around their low-latitude periphery. The term "horse latitudes" refers to and is synonymous with the subtropical ridge or subtropical high.
Contents
[hide]
1 Formation
2 Migration
3 Role in weather formation and air quality
4 References
5 External links
Formation[edit]
Heating of the earth near the equator leads to large amounts of convection along the monsoon trough or Intertropical convergence zone. This air mass rises to the lower stratosphere where it diverges, moving away from the equator in the upper troposphere in both northerly and southerly directions. As it moves towards the mid-latitudes on both sides of the equator, the air cools and sinks. The resulting air mass subsidence creates a subtropical ridge of high pressure near the 30th parallel in both hemispheres. At the surface level, the sinking air diverges again with some returning to the equator, completing the Hadley circulation. This circulation on each side of the equator is known as the Hadley cell and leads to the formation of the subtropical ridge.[1] Many of the world's deserts are caused by these climatological high-pressure areas.
Migration[edit]
The subtropical ridge shows up as a large area of black (dryness) on this water vapor satellite image from September 2000.
The subtropical ridge starts migrating poleward in late spring reaching its zenith in early autumn before retreating equatorward during the late fall, winter, and early spring. The equatorward migration of the subtropical ridge during the cold season is due to increasing north-south temperature differences between the poles and tropics.[2] The latitudinal movement of the subtropical ridge is strongly correlated with the progression of the monsoon trough or Intertropical Convergence Zone.
Most tropical cyclones form on the side of the subtropical ridge closer to the equator, then move poleward past the ridge axis before recurving into the main belt of the Westerlies.[3] When the subtropical ridge shifts due to ENSO, so will the preferred tropical cyclone tracks. Areas west of Japan and Korea tend to experience many fewer September–November tropical cyclone impacts during El Niño and neutral years, while mainland China experiences much greater landfall frequency during La Niña years. During El Niño years, the break in the subtropical ridge tends to lie near 130°E, which would favor the Japanese archipelago, while in La Niña years the formation of tropical cyclones, along with the subtropical ridge position, shift west, which increases the threat to China.[4] In the Atlantic basin, the subtropical ridge position tends to lie about 5 degrees farther south during El Niño years, which leads to a more southerly recurvature for tropical cyclones during those years.
When the Atlantic Multidecadal Oscillation's mode is favorable to tropical cyclone development (1995–present), it amplifies the subtropical ridge across the central and eastern Atlantic.[5]
Role in weather formation and air quality[edit]
See also: Air quality
Main article: Monsoon
Mean July subtropical ridge position.
When the subtropical ridge in the northwest Pacific is stronger than normal, it leads to a wet monsoon season for Asia.[6] The subtropical ridge position is linked to how far northward monsoon moisture and thunderstorms extend into the United States. The subtropical ridge across North America typically migrates far enough northward to begin monsoon conditions across the Desert Southwest from July to September.[7] When the subtropical ridge is farther north than normal towards the Four Corners, monsoon thunderstorms can spread northward into Arizona. When the high pressure moves south, its circulation cuts off the moisture and the atmosphere dries out across the Desert Southwest, causing a break in the monsoon regime.[8]
On the subtropical ridges western edge (eastern coast of continents), the high pressure cell creates a southerly flow of tropical air toward the lower east sides of continents in the summer months. In the United States the subtropical ridge Bermuda High helps create the hot, sultry summers with daily thunderstorms typical of the Gulf and Atlantic states. This flow pattern also occurs on the eastern coasts of continents in other subtropical climates such as South China, southern Japan, central-eastern South America, southern Queensland and KwaZulu Natal province in South Africa.[9]
When surface winds become light, the subsidence produced directly under the subtropical ridge can lead to a buildup of particulates in urban areas under the ridge, leading to widespread haze.[10] If the low level relative humidity rises towards 100 percent overnight, fog can form.[11]
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Dr. Owen E. Thompson (1996). Hadley Circulation Cell. Archived 2009-03-05 at the Wayback Machine. Channel Video Productions. Retrieved on 2007-02-11.
Jump up ^ Roger Graham Barry, Richard J. Chorley (1992). Atmosphere, weather, and climate. Routledge. p. 117. ISBN 978-0-415-07760-6. Retrieved 2009-11-09.
Jump up ^ Joint Typhoon Warning Center (2006). 3.3 JTWC Forecasting Philosophies. United States Navy. Retrieved on 2007-02-11.
Jump up ^ M. C. Wu, W. L. Chang, and W. M. Leung (2003). Impacts of El Nino-Southern Oscillation Events on Tropical Cyclone Landfalling Activity in the Western North Pacific. Journal of Climate: pp. 1419–1428. Retrieved on 2007-02-11.
Jump up ^ Dr. Gerald Bell, Dr. Muthuvel Chelliah, Dr. Kingste Mo, Stanley Goldenberg, Dr. Christopher Landsea, Eric Blake, Dr. Richard Pasch (2004). NOAA: 2004 Atlantic Hurricane Outlook. Climate Prediction Center. Retrieved on 2007-02-11.
Jump up ^ C.-P. Chang, Yongsheng Zhang, and Tim Li (1999). Interannual and Interdecadal Variations of the East Asian Summer Monsoon and Tropical Pacific SSTs. Part I: Roles of the Subtropical Ridge. Journal of Climate: pp. 4310–4325. Retrieved on 2007-02-11.
Jump up ^ Arizona State University (2009). Basics of the Arizona Monsoon & Desert Meteorology. Retrieved on 2007-02-11.
Jump up ^ David K. Adams (2009). Review of Variability in the North American Monsoon. United States Geological Survey. Retrieved on 2007-02-11.
Jump up ^ Adelson, Glen; Environment: An Interdisciplinary Anthology, pp. 466-467 ISBN 0300110774
Jump up ^ Myanmar government (2007). Haze. Archived 2008-02-24 at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved on 2007-02-11.
Jump up ^ Robert Tardif (2002). Fog characteristics. Archived 2011-05-20 at the Wayback Machine. University Corporation for Atmospheric Research. Retrieved on 2007-02-11.
External links[edit]
Webster's Online Dictionary
Physical Geography - The Global Environment
Winds and the Global Circulation System
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