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The Permanent Settlement, also known as the Permanent Settlement of Bengal which was an agreement between the East India Company and Bengali landlords to fix revenues to be raised from land, with far-reaching consequences for both agricultural methods and productivity in the entire British Empire and the political realities of the Indian countryside. It was concluded in 1793 by the Company administration headed by Charles, Earl Cornwallis, also known as Lord Cornwallis.[1] It formed one part of a larger body of legislation enacted, known as the Cornwallis Code. The Cornwallis Code of 1793 divided the East India Company's service personnel into three branches: revenue, judicial, and commercial. Revenues were collected by Zamindars, native Indians who were treated as the landowners. This division created an Indian landed class that supported British authority.[1] Permanent Settlement introduced first in Bengal and Bihar; and then to South district of Madras and district of Varanasi. The system eventually spread all over Northern India by a series of regulations dated 1 May 1793. These regulations remained in place until the Charter Act of 1833.[1]

The other two systems prevalent in India were The Ryotwari System and The Mahalwari System.
Contents
[hide]
1 Background
2 Overview
3 Influence
4 References
5 Further reading
Background[edit]
Earlier zamindars in Bengal, Bihar and Odisha had been functionaries who held the right to collect revenue on behalf of the Mughal emperor and his representative, the diwan, in Bengal. The diwan supervised the zamindars to ensure they were neither lax nor overly stringent. When the East India Company was awarded the diwani or overlordship of Bengal by the empire following the Battle of Buxar in 1764, it found itself short of trained administrators, especially those familiar with local custom and law. As a result, landholders were unsupervised or reported to corrupt and indolent officials. The result was that revenues were extracted without regard for future income or local welfare.
Following the devastating famine of 1770, which was partially caused by this shortsightedness, Company officials in Calcutta better understood the importance of oversight of revenue officials. They failed to consider the question of incentivisation; hence Warren Hastings, then governor-general, introduced a system of five-yearly inspections and temporary tax farmers.
Many appointed as tax farmers absconded with as much revenue as they could during the time period between inspections. The British Parliament took note of the disastrous consequences of the system, and in 1784, British Prime Minister William Pitt the Younger directed the Calcutta administration to alter it immediately. In 1786 Charles Cornwallis was sent out to India to reform the company's practices.
In 1786, the East India Company Court of Directors first proposed a permanent settlement for Bengal, changing the policy then being followed by Calcutta, which was attempting to increase taxation of zamindars. Between 1786 and 1790, the new Governor-General Lord Cornwallis and Sir John Shore (later Governor-General) entered a heated debate over whether or not to introduce a permanent settlement with the zamindars. Shore argued that the native zamindars would not trust the permanent settlement to be permanent and that it would take time before they realised it was genuine.
Cornwallis believed that they would immediately accept it and so begin investing in improving their land. In 1790, the Court of Directors issued a ten-year (decennial) settlement to the zamindars, which was made permanent in 1793.
By the Permanent Settlement Act of 1793, their power of keeping the armed forces were taken back. They remained just the tax collectors of the land. There were considerably weakened as they were now banned from holding any court, as it was brought under the supervision of collector appointed by the company. British officials believed that investing in the land would improve the economy.
They did not want to take direct control of local administration in villages for several reasons.They did not want to annoy those people who had traditionally enjoyed power and prestige in the village. To keep powerful people happy and collect better revenue, Cornwallis introduced the Permanent Settlement. As per permanent system, rajas and taluqdars were recognised as zamindars, who were supposed to collect the land revenue from the peasants.
The rate of revenue was never to be increased. The company officials believed that would give some motivation for land to be invested in, as zamindars would be assured of long-term returns of continuous flow of revenue.
Also was created a new social class of land owning nobility in Bengal and Bihar, loyal to the British.
Overview[edit]
The question of incentivisation now being understood to be central, the security of tenure of landlords was guaranteed. In short, the former landholders and revenue intermediaries were granted proprietorial rights (effective ownership) to the land they held. In addition, the land tax was fixed in perpetuity to minimise the tendency by British administrators to amass a small fortune in sluiced-away revenue. Smallholders were no longer permitted to sell their land, but they could not be expropriated by their new landlords.
Incentivization of zamindars was intended to encourage improvements of the land, such as drainage, irrigation and the construction of roads and bridges; such infrastructure had been insufficient through much of Bengal. With a fixed land tax, zamindars could securely invest in increasing their income without any fear of having the increase taxed away by the Company. Cornwallis made the motivation quite clear by declaring that "when the demand of government is fixed, an opportunity is afforded to the landholder of increasing his profits, by the improvement of his lands". The British had in mind "improving landlords" in their own country, such as Coke of Norfolk.
The Court of Directors also hoped to guarantee the company's income, which was constantly plagued by defaulting zamindars who fell into arrears, making it impossible for them to budget their spending accurately.
The immediate consequence of the Permanent Settlement was both very sudden and dramatic, one that nobody had apparently foreseen. By ensuring that zamindars' lands were held in perpetuity and with a fixed tax burden, they became desirable commodities. In addition, the government tax demand was inflexible, and the British East India Company's collectors refused to make allowances for times of drought, flood or other natural disaster. The tax demand was higher than that in England at the time. As a result, many zamindars immediately fell into arrears.
The Company's policy of auction of any zamindari lands deemed to be in arrears created a market for land that previously did not exist. Many of the new purchasers of this land were Indian officials within the East India Company's government. The bureaucrats were ideally placed to purchase lands which they knew to be underassessed and therefore profitable. In addition, their position as officials gave them opportunity to acquire the wealth necessary to purchase land quickly through bribery and corruption. They could also manipulate the system to bring to sale land that they specifically wanted.
Historian Bernard S. Cohn and others have argued that the Permanent Settlement led to a commercialisation of land, which previously did not exist in Bengal and, as a consequence, it led to a change in the social background of the ruling class from "lineages and local chiefs" to "under civil servants and their descendants, and to merchants and bankers".
The new landlords were different in their outlook; "often they were absentee landlords who managed their land through managers and who had little attachment to their land".[2]
Influence[edit]
The Company hoped that the Zamindar class would not only be a revenue-generating instrument but also serve as intermediaries for the more political aspects of their rule, preserving local custom and protecting rural life from the possibly rapacious influences of its own representatives. However, it worked both ways, as zamindars became a naturally conservative interest group. Once British policy in the mid-19th century changed to one of reform and intervention in custom, the zamindars were vocal in their opposition. The zamindars were adamant for it. The Permanent Settlement had the features that state demand was fixed at 89% of the rent and 11% was to be retained by the zamindar. The state demand could not be increased but payment should be made on the due date, before sunset, so it was also known as the 'Sunset Law'. Failure to pay led to the sale of land to the highest bidder.
While the worst of the tax-farming excesses were countered by the introduction of the Settlement, the use of land was not part of the agreement. There was a tendency of Company officials and Indian landlords to force their tenants into plantation-style farming of cash crops like indigo and cotton rather than rice and wheat. That was a cause of many of the worst famines of the nineteenth century. In addition, zamindars eventually became absentee landlords, with all that that implied for neglect of investment on the land.
Once the salient features of the Settlement were reproduced all over India, and indeed elsewhere in the Empire, including Kenya, the political structure was altered forever. The landlord class held much greater power than they had under the Mughals, who subjected them to oversight by a trained bureaucracy with the power to attenuate their tenure. The power of the landlord caste/class over smallholders was not diluted in India until the first efforts towards land reform in the 1950s, still incomplete everywhere except West Bengal.
In Pakistan, where land reform was never carried out, elections in rural areas still suffer from a tendency towards oligarchy reflecting the concentration of influence in the hands of zamindar families. This is because once Pakistan became separated from India, and the two began to fight over Kashmir, the goal of the government was revenue extraction instead of devotion to agriculture and infrastructure. As a result, the central leadership skewed the relationship between the elected and non-elected institutions of the state.[3]
References[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b c "Cornwallis Code". Encyclopedia Britannica. 4 February 2009. Retrieved 24 February 2017.
Jump up ^ Cohn, Bernard S. (August 1960). "The Initial British Impact on India: A case study of the Benares region". The Journal of Asian Studies. Association for Asian Studies. 19 (4): 418–431. JSTOR 2943581. doi:10.2307/2943581.
Jump up ^ Bose, Sugar; Jalal, Ayesha (2004). Modern South Asia: History, Culture, Political Economy. Psychology Press. p. 177. ISBN 0415307872.
Further reading[edit]
Agrawal, Pramod Kumar (1993). Land Reforms in India: Constitutional and Legal Approach. New Delhi: M.D. Publications Pvt. Ltd. ISBN 8185880093
Guha, Ranajit (1996). A rule of property for Bengal: an essay on the idea of permanent settlement. Durham: Duke U Press. ISBN 0-8223-1771-0.
Keay, John (200). India: A History. Grove/Atlantic. ISBN 0-8021-3797-0.
Spear, T.G.Percival (1990). The History of India. 2. Penguin. ISBN 0-14-013836-6.
Washbrook, D. A. (1981). "Law, State and Agrarian Society in Colonial India". Modern Asian Studies. 15 (3): 649–721. JSTOR 312295. doi:10.1017/s0026749x00008714.
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text:
IEEE Journal of Selected Topics in Quantum Electronics
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IEEE Journal of Selected Topics in Quantum Electronics
Discipline
Quantum electronics
Language
English
Edited by
Luke F. Lester
Publication details
Publication history
1995-present
Publisher
IEEE Photonics Society
Frequency
Bimonthly
Impact factor
(2013)
3.465
Standard abbreviations
Bluebook (alt1 · alt2) · ISO 4 (alt)
NLM (alt) · MathSciNet (alt )
ISO 4
IEEE J. Sel. Top. Quantum Electron.
Indexing
MIAR
ISSN
1077-260X
OCLC no.
30748662
Links
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The IEEE Journal of Selected Topics in Quantum Electronics is a bimonthly peer-reviewed scientific journal published by the IEEE Photonics Society. It covers research on quantum electronics. The editor-in-chief is Luke F. Lester o(Virginia Tech. According to the Journal Citation Reports, the journal has a 2013 impact factor of 3.465.[1]
See also[edit]
IEEE Journal of Quantum Electronics
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "IEEE Journal of Selected Topics in Quantum Electronics". 2013 Journal Citation Reports. Web of Science (Science ed.). Thomson Reuters. 2014.
External links[edit]
Official website

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Fagan v Metropolitan Police Commissioner
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Fagan v Metropolitan Police Commissioner [1969] 1 QB 439, [1968] 3 All ER 442, [1968] 3 WLR 1120, 52 Cr App R 700, DC is a leading case that illustrates the requirement of concurrence (or coincidence) of actus reus (Latin for "guilty act") and mens rea (Latin for "guilty mind") in order to establish an offence under the criminal law of England and Wales.
Contents
1 Facts
2 Judgment
3 See also
4 External links
Facts[edit]
The defendant, Mr. Fagan, was in his car when a police officer approached him and told him to move his car. In accordance with the directions, Fagan backed his car up, accidentally rolling it onto the foot of the officer. When the officer yelled at him to move his car off his foot, he cursed back at him, told him to wait, and refused to move, which was an act of defiance.
At trial, Fagan was convicted of "Assaulting a constable in execution of his duties". Fagan appealed on the grounds that there can be no offence in omitting to act and that the act of driving onto the constable's foot was done completely by accident so there was no mens rea.
Judgment[edit]
The Divisional Court agreed that assault cannot be committed by an omission. However, in this case, the crime was not an omission to move the car; rather, it constituted a continual act of battery. The offence was not complete until the moment Fagan realised that he had driven onto the foot of the officer and, in deciding not to cease this continuous act, formed an intent amounting to the mens rea for common assault. Since both mens rea and actus reus were present, an assault had been committed, and Fagan's conviction was upheld.
See also[edit]
English criminal law
Concurrence
External links[edit]
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Fagan_v_Metropolitan_Police_Commissioner&oldid=827072668"
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Monsoon of South Asia
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Theographical features of the Indian subcontinent]], along with associated atmospheric, oceanic, and geophysical factors, inluence the behavior of the monsoon. Because of its effect on agriculture, on flora and fauna, and on the climates of nations such as India, Nepal, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka — among other economic, social, and environmental effects — the monsoon is one of the most anticipated, tracked,[1] and studied weather phenomena in the region. It has a significant effect on the overall well-being of residents and has even been dubbed the "real finance minister of India".[2][3]
Contents
[hide]
1 Definition
2 Background
3 Changes of the Monsoon
3.1 Effect of geographical relief features
4 Features of monsoon rains
4.1 "Bursting"
4.2 Rain variability ("vagaries")
5 Ideal and normal monsoon rains
6 Theories for mechanism of monsoon
6.1 Traditional theory
6.1.1 Process of monsoon creation
6.2 Dynamic theory
6.2.1 Process of monsoon creation
6.3 Jet stream theory
6.3.1 Process of monsoon creation
7 Theories for "bursting"
7.1 Dynamic theory
7.2 Jet stream theory
8 Theories for monsoon variability
8.1 The jet stream effect
8.2 El Niño-Southern Oscillation effect
8.3 Indian Ocean dipole effect
8.3.1 Equatorial Indian Ocean oscillation
9 Impact of climate change on the monsoon
10 Monsoon rain prediction models
10.1 Seasonal Prediction of Indian Monsoon (SPIM)
10.2 Indian Meteorological Department model
11 Significance
11.1 Geographical (wettest spots on Earth)
11.2 Agricultural
11.3 Economic
11.4 Social
11.5 Travel
11.6 Environmental
12 See also
13 Notes
14 References
15 External links
Definition[edit]
The word monsoon (derived from the Arabic "mausam," meaning "season"), although generally defined as a system of winds characterized by a seasonal reversal of direction,[4] lacks a consistent, detailed definition. Some examples are:
The American Meteorological Society calls it a name for seasonal winds, first applied to the winds blowing over the Arabian Sea from the northeast for six months and from the southwest for six months.[4] The term has since been extended to similar winds in other parts of the world.
The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) describes a monsoon as a tropical and subtropical seasonal reversal in both surface winds and associated precipitation, caused by differential heating between a continental-scale land mass and the adjacent ocean.[5]
The Indian Meteorological Department defines it as the seasonal reversal of the direction of winds along the shores of the Indian Ocean, especially in the Arabian Sea, which blow from the southwest for half of the year and from the northeast for the other half.[6]
Colin Stokes Ramage, in Monsoon Meteorology, defines the monsoon as a seasonal reversing wind accompanied by corresponding changes in precipitation.[7]
Background[edit]
Observed initially by sailors in the Arabian Sea[8] traveling between Africa, India, and Southeast Asia, the monsoon can be categorized into two branches based on their spread over the subcontinent:
Arabian Sea branch
Bay of Bengal branch
Southwest monsoon clouds over Tamil Nadu.
Alternatively, it can be categorized into two segments based on the direction of rain-bearing winds:
Southwest (SW) monsoon
Northeast (NE) monsoon[Note 1]
Based on the time of year that these winds bring rain to India, the monsoon can also be categorized into two periods:
Summer monsoon (May to September)
Winter monsoon (October to November)
The complexity of the monsoon of South Asia is not completely understood, making it difficult to accurately predict the quantity, timing, and geographic distribution of the accompanying precipitation. These are the most monitored components of the monsoon, and they determine the water availability in India for any given year.[9]
Changes of the Monsoon[edit]
Main article: Monsoon § South Asian Monsoon
Monsoon over India
Monsoons typically occur in tropical areas.[10] One area that monsoons impact greatly is India.[10] In India monsoons create an entire season in which the winds reverse completely.[10]
Various atmospheric conditions influence the monsoon winds. The first condition is the differential heating and cooling of land and water. This creates low pressure on the landmass, while high pressure is created over the seas during daytime, but is reversed during the night time.
The second condition is the shift in the position of Inter-Tropical Convergence Zone (ITCZ). In summer, the equatorial trough normally positioned about 5°N of the equator moves over the Ganga plain creating a monsoon trough during the monsoon season.
The third condition is the presence of the high-pressure area that develops east of Madagascar. It is approximately at 20°S over the Indian Ocean. The intensity and position of this high-pressure area affects the Indian Monsoon.
The fourth condition develops during the summer. The Tibetan Plateau gets intensely heated resulting in strong vertical air currents and high pressure over the plateau about 9 km above sea level. The fifth condition develops during the summer due to the movement of the westerly jet streams to the north of the Himalayas and the presence of the tropical easterly jet stream over the Indian Peninsula.
Changes in pressure over the southern oceans also affect the monsoons. In certain years, there is a reversal in the pressure conditions. This periodic change in pressure conditions is known as the Southern Oscillation, or SO.
The Southern Oscillation is connected to El Nino, which is a warm ocean current that flows past the Peruvian Coast. It flows every two to five years in place of the cold Peruvian current. The phenomenon is, referred to as ENSO (El Nino Southern Oscillations). In India, the monsoon lasts for 100 to 120 days from early June and to mid-September. The monsoon winds encounter various atmospheric conditions on their way and hence are pulsating in nature, and not steady.
The monsoon arrives with a sudden downpour of rainfall that continues for several days. This is known as the ‘burst’ of the monsoon.
The rainfall is a result of the convergence of wind flow from the Bay of Bengal and reverse winds from the South China Sea.[11]
The onset of the monsoon occurs over the Bay of Bengal in May,[11] arriving at the Indian Peninsula by June,[10] and then the winds move towards the South China Sea.[11] By early September, the monsoon starts to withdraw or retreat and is a more gradual process. By mid-October, it withdraws completely from the northern half of the peninsula. The withdrawal takes place progressively from north to south from the first week of December to the first week of January. This is the start of the winter season.
The retreating monsoon winds move over the Arabian Sea and the Bay of Bengal, and collect moisture on the way. These monsoon winds reach the southern states of India by October, and are responsible for a second round of rainfall. These are called the winter monsoons. The winter monsoon is experienced in the states of Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, Kerala and Andhra Pradesh in the first week of January.
Effect of geographical relief features[edit]
Although the southwest and northeast monsoon winds are seasonally reversible, they do not cause precipitation on their own.
Main article: Rain § Formation
Two factors are essential for rain formation:
Moisture-laden winds
Droplet formation
Additionally, one of the causes of rain must happen. In the case of the monsoon, the cause is primarily orographic, due to the presence of highlands in the path of the winds. Orographic barriers force wind to rise. Precipitation then occurs on the windward side of the highlands because of adiabatic cooling and condensation of the moist rising air.
Main article: Orographic lift
The unique geographic relief features of the Indian subcontinent come into play in allowing all of the above factors to occur simultaneously. The relevant features in explaining the monsoon mechanism are as follows:
The presence of abundant water bodies around the subcontinent: the Arabian Sea, Bay of Bengal, and Indian Ocean. These help moisture accumulate in the winds during the hot season.
The presence of abundant highlands like the Western Ghats and the Himalayas right across the path of the southwest monsoon winds. These are the main cause of the substantial orographic precipitation throughout the subcontinent.[Note 2]
The Western Ghats are the first highlands of India that the southwest monsoon winds encounter.[Note 3] The Western Ghats rise abruptly from the Western Coastal Plains of the subcontinent, making effective orographic barriers for the monsoon winds.
The Himalayas play more than the role of orographic barriers for the monsoon. They also help confine it to the subcontinent. Without them, the southwest monsoon winds would blow right over the Indian subcontinent into Tibet, Afghanistan, and Russia without causing any rain.[Note 4]
For the northeast monsoon, the highlands of the Eastern Ghats play the role of orographic barrier.
Pink arrow: Southwest monsoon wind direction; green arrow: northeast monsoon wind direction.
Orographic precipitation.
Geographical features of the Indian subcontinent.
Daytime scene showing the pre-monsoon air over India.
Recent trends in average annual precipitation from monsoons.
Features of monsoon rains[edit]
There are some unique features of the rains that the monsoon brings to the Indian subcontinent.
"Bursting"[edit]
"Monsoon burst" over Mumbai.
Bursting of monsoon refers to the sudden change in weather conditions in India (typically from hot and dry weather to wet and humid weather during the southwest monsoon), characterized by an abrupt rise in the mean daily rainfall.[12][13] Similarly, the burst of the northeast monsoon refers to an abrupt increase in the mean daily rainfall over the affected regions.[14]
Rain variability ("vagaries")[edit]
One of the most commonly used words to describe the erratic nature of the monsoon is "vagaries," used in newspapers,[15] magazines,[16] books,[17] web portals[18] to insurance plans,[19] and India's budget discussions.[20] In some years, it rains too much, causing floods in parts of India; in others, it rains too little or not at all, causing droughts. In some years, the rain quantity is sufficient but its timing arbitrary. Sometimes, despite average annual rainfall, the daily distribution or geographic distribution of the rain is substantially skewed. In the recent past, rainfall variability in short time periods (about a week) were attributed to desert dust over the Arabian Sea and Western Asia.[21]
Ideal and normal monsoon rains[edit]
Annual average rainfall in India.
Normally, the southwest monsoon can be expected to "burst" onto the western coast of India (near Thiruvananthapuram) at the beginning of June and to cover the entire country by mid-July.[9][22][23] Its withdrawal from India typically starts at the beginning of September and finishes by the beginning of October.[24][25]
The northeast monsoon usually "bursts" around 20 October and lasts for about 50 days before withdrawing.[14]
However, a rainy monsoon is not necessarily a normal monsoon — that is, one that performs close to statistical averages calculated over a long period. A normal monsoon is generally accepted to be one involving close to the average quantity of precipitation over all the geographical locations under its influence (mean spatial distribution) and over the entire expected time period (mean temporal distribution). Additionally, the arrival date and the departure date of both the southwest and northeast monsoon should be close to the mean dates. The exact criteria for a normal monsoon are defined by the Indian Meteorological Department with calculations for the mean and standard deviation of each of these variables.[26]
A monsoon with excess rain can cause floods, and one with too little rain can lead to widespread drought, famine, and economic losses. Therefore, a normal monsoon with mean performance is the most desirable monsoon.
Theories for mechanism of monsoon[edit]
Theories of the mechanism of the monsoon primarily try to explain the reasons for the seasonal reversal of winds and the timing of their reversal.
Traditional theory[edit]
Main article: Sea breeze
Because of differences in the specific heat capacity of land and water, continents heat up faster than seas. Consequently, the air above coastal lands heats up faster than the air above seas. This creates areas of low air pressure above coastal lands compared with pressure over the seas, causing winds to flow from the seas onto the neighboring lands. This is known as sea breeze.
Process of monsoon creation[edit]
Main article: Monsoon § Process
A: sea breeze; B: land breeze.
Also known as the thermal theory or the differential heating of sea and land theory, the traditional theory portrays the monsoon as a large-scale sea breeze. It states that during the hot subtropical summers, the massive landmass of the Indian Peninsula heats up at a different rate than the surrounding seas, resulting in a pressure gradient from south to north. This causes the flow of moisture-laden winds from sea to land. On reaching land, these winds rise because of the geographical relief, cooling adiabatically and leading to orographic rains. This is the southwest monsoon. The reverse happens during the winter, when the land is colder than the sea, establishing a pressure gradient from land to sea. This causes the winds to blow over the Indian subcontinent toward the Indian Ocean in a northeasterly direction, causing the northeast monsoon. Because the southwest monsoon flows from sea to land, it carries more moisture, and therefore causes more rain, than the northeast monsoon. Only part of the northeast monsoon passing over the Bay of Bengal picks up moisture, causing rain in Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu during the winter months.
However, many meteorologists argue that the monsoon is not a local phenomenon as explained by the traditional theory, but a general weather phenomenon along the entire tropical zone of Earth. This criticism does not deny the role of differential heating of sea and land in generating monsoon winds, but casts it as one of several factors rather than the only one.
Dynamic theory[edit]
The atmospheric circulation system with associated pressure belts and latitudes.
Main article: Prevailing winds
Main article: Atmospheric circulation
The prevailing winds of the atmospheric circulation arise because of the difference in pressure at various latitudes and act as means for distribution of thermal energy on the planet. This pressure difference is because of the differences in solar insolation received at different latitudes and the resulting uneven heating of the planet. Alternating belts of high pressure and low pressure develop along the equator, the two tropics, the Arctic and Antarctic circles, and the two polar regions, giving rise to the trade winds, the westerlies, and the polar easterlies. However, geophysical factors like Earth's orbit, its rotation, and its axial tilt cause these belts to shift gradually north and south, following the Sun's seasonal shifts.
Process of monsoon creation[edit]
The dynamic theory explains the monsoon on the basis of the annual shifts in the position of global belts of pressure and winds. According to this theory, the monsoon is a result of the shift of the Inter Tropical Convergence Zone (ITCZ) under the influence of the vertical sun. Though the mean position of the ITCZ is taken as the equator, it shifts north and south with the migration of the vertical sun toward the Tropics of Cancer and Capricorn during the summer of the respective hemispheres (Northern and Southern Hemisphere). As such, during the northern summer (May and June), the ITCZ moves north, along with the vertical sun, toward the Tropic of Cancer. The ITCZ, as the zone of lowest pressure in the tropical region, is the target destination for the trade winds of both hemispheres. Consequently, with the ITCZ at the Tropic of Cancer, the southeast trade winds of the Southern Hemisphere have to cross the equator to reach it.[Note 5] However, because of the Coriolis effect (which causes winds in the Northern Hemisphere to turn right, whereas winds in the Southern Hemisphere turn left), these southeast trade winds are deflected east in the Northern Hemisphere, transforming into southwest trades.[Note 6] These pick up moisture while traveling from sea to land and cause orographic rain once they hit the highlands of the Indian Peninsula. This results in the southwest monsoon.
The dynamic theory explains the monsoon as a global weather phenomenon rather than just a local one. And when coupled with the traditional theory (based on the heating of sea and land), it enhances the explanation of the varying intensity of monsoon precipitation along the coastal regions with orographic barriers.
Jet stream theory[edit]
Main article: Jet stream
Jet streams of Earth
This theory tries to explain the establishment of the northeast and southwest monsoons, as well as unique features like "bursting" and variability.
The jet streams are systems of upper-air westerlies. They give rise to slowly moving upper-air waves, with 250-knot winds in some air streams. First observed by World War II pilots, they develop just below the tropopause over areas of steep pressure gradient on the surface. The main types are the polar jets, the subtropical westerly jets, and the less common tropical easterly jets. They follow the principle of geostrophic winds.[Note 7]
Process of monsoon creation[edit]
The Tibetan Plateau lies north of the Himalayas.
Over India, a subtropical westerly jet develops in the winter season and is replaced by the tropical easterly jet in the summer season. The high temperature during the summer over the Tibetan Plateau, as well as over Central Asia in general, is believed to be the critical factor leading to the formation of the tropical easterly jet over India.
The mechanism affecting the monsoon is that the westerly jet causes high pressure over northern parts of the subcontinent during the winter. This results in the north-to-south flow of the winds in the form of the northeast monsoon. With the northward shift of the vertical sun, this jet shifts north, too. The intense heat over the Tibetan Plateau, coupled with associated terrain features like the high altitude of the plateau, generate the tropical easterly jet over central India. This jet creates a low-pressure zone over the northern Indian plains, influencing the wind flow toward these plains and assisting the development of the southwest monsoon[clarification needed].
Theories for "bursting"[edit]
The "bursting"[12] of the monsoon is primarily explained by the jet stream theory and the dynamic theory.
Dynamic theory[edit]
According to this theory, during the summer months in the Northern Hemisphere, the ITCZ shifts north, pulling the southwest monsoon winds onto the land from the sea. However, the huge landmass of the Himalayas restricts the low-pressure zone onto the Himalayas themselves. It is only when the Tibetan Plateau heats up significantly more than the Himalayas that the ITCZ abruptly and swiftly shifts north, leading to the bursting of monsoon rains over the Indian subcontinent. The reverse shift takes place for the northeast monsoon winds, leading to a second, minor burst of rainfall over the eastern Indian Peninsula during the Northern Hemisphere winter months.
Jet stream theory[edit]
According to this theory, the onset of the southwest monsoon is driven by the shift of the subtropical westerly jet north from over the plains of India toward the Tibetan Plateau. This shift is due to the intense heating of the plateau during the summer months. The northward shift is not a slow and gradual process, as expected for most changes in weather pattern. The primary cause is believed to be the height of the Himalayas. As the Tibetan Plateau heats up, the low pressure created over it pulls the westerly jet north. Because of the lofty Himalayas, the westerly jet's movement is inhibited. But with continuous dropping pressure, sufficient force is created for the movement of the westerly jet across the Himalayas after a significant period. As such, the shift of the jet is sudden and abrupt, causing the bursting of southwest monsoon rains onto the Indian plains. The reverse shift happens for the northeast monsoon.
Theories for monsoon variability[edit]
The jet stream effect[edit]
The jet stream theory also explains the variability in timing and strength of the monsoon.
Timing: A timely northward shift of the subtropical westerly jet at the beginning of summer is critical to the onset of the southwest monsoon over India. If the shift is delayed, so is the southwest monsoon. An early shift results in an early monsoon.
Strength: The strength of the southwest monsoon is determined by the strength of the easterly tropical jet over central India. A strong easterly tropical jet results in a strong southwest monsoon over central India, and a weak jet results in a weak monsoon.
El Niño-Southern Oscillation effect[edit]
Main article: El Niño-Southern Oscillation
Effects of El Niño on the weather of the subcontinent.
El Niño is a warm ocean current originating along the coast of Peru that replaces the usual cold Humboldt Current. The warm surface water moving toward the coast of Peru with El Niño is pushed west by the trade winds, thereby raising the temperature of the southern Pacific Ocean. The reverse condition is known as La Niña.
Southern oscillation, a phenomenon first observed by Sir Gilbert Thomas Walker, director general of observatories in India, refers to the seesaw relationship of atmospheric pressures between Tahiti and Darwin, Australia.[27] Walker noticed that when pressure was high in Tahiti, it was low in Darwin, and vice versa.[27] A Southern Oscillation Index (SOI), based on the pressure difference between Tahiti and Darwin, has been formulated by the Bureau of Meteorology (Australia) to measure the strength of the oscillation.[28] Walker noticed that the quantity of rainfall in the Indian subcontinent was often negligible in years of high pressure over Darwin (and low pressure over Tahiti). Conversely, low pressure over Darwin bodes well for precipitation quantity in India. Thus, Walker established the relationship between southern oscillation and quantities of monsoon rains in India.[27]
Ultimately, the southern oscillation was found to be simply an atmospheric component of the El Niño/La Niña effect, which happens in the ocean.[27] Therefore, in the context of the monsoon, the two together came to be known as the El Niño-Southern Oscillation (ENSO) effect. The effect is known to have a pronounced influence on the strength of the southwest monsoon over India, with the monsoon being weak (causing droughts) during El Niño years, while La Niña years bring particularly strong monsoons.[27]
Indian Ocean dipole effect[edit]
Main article: Indian Ocean Dipole
Although the ENSO effect was statistically effective in explaining several past droughts in India, in recent decades, its relationship with the Indian monsoon seemed to weaken.[29] For example, the strong ENSO of 1997 did not cause drought in India.[27] However, it was later discovered that, just like ENSO in the Pacific Ocean, a similar seesaw ocean-atmosphere system in the Indian Ocean was also in play. This system was discovered in 1999 and named the Indian Ocean Dipole (IOD). An index to calculate it was also formulated. IOD develops in the equatorial region of the Indian Ocean from April to May and peaks in October.[27] With a positive IOD, winds over the Indian Ocean blow from east to west. This makes the Arabian Sea (the western Indian Ocean near the African coast) much warmer and the eastern Indian Ocean around Indonesia colder and drier.[27] In negative dipole years, the reverse happens, making Indonesia much warmer and rainier.
A positive IOD index often negates the effect of ENSO, resulting in increased monsoon rains in years such as 1983, 1994, and 1997.[27] Further, the two poles of the IOD — the eastern pole (around Indonesia) and the western pole (off the African coast) — independently and cumulatively affect the quantity of monsoon rains.[27]
Equatorial Indian Ocean oscillation[edit]
As with ENSO, the atmospheric component of the IOD was later discovered and the cumulative phenomenon named Equatorial Indian Ocean oscillation (EQUINOO).[27] When EQUINOO effects are factored in, certain failed forecasts, like the acute drought of 2002, can be further accounted for.[27] The relationship between extremes of the Indian summer monsoon rainfall, along with ENSO and EQUINOO,[30] have been studied, and models to better predict the quantity of monsoon rains have been statistically derived.[30]
Impact of climate change on the monsoon[edit]
Since 1950s, the South Asian summer monsoon underwent a gradual decline, with a reduction of up to 10% over central India.[31] This is primarily due to a weakening monsoon circulation as a result of the rapid warming in the Indian Ocean[32][33], and changes in land use and land cover[34]. Since the strength of the monsoon is partially dependent on the temperature difference between the ocean and the land, higher ocean temperatures in the Indian Ocean have weakened the moisture bearing winds from the ocean to the land. The reduction in the summer monsoon rainfall have grave consequences over central India because at least 60% of the agriculture in this region is still largely rain-fed.
A recent assessment of the monsoonal changes indicate that the land warming has increased during 2002-2014, possibly reviving the strength of the monsoon circulation and rainfall[35]. Future changes in the monsoon will depend on a competition between land and ocean—on which is warming faster than the other.
Meanwhile, there has been a three-fold rise in widespread extreme rainfall events during the years 1950 to 2015, over the entire central belt of India, leading to a steady rise in the number of flash floods with significant socioeconomic losses[36][37]. Widespread extreme rainfall events are those rainfall events which are larger than 150 mm/day and spread over a region large enough to cause floods.
Monsoon rain prediction models[edit]
Since the Great Famine of 1876–78 in India, various attempts have been made to predict monsoon rainfall.[38] At least five prediction models exist.[39]
Seasonal Prediction of Indian Monsoon (SPIM)[edit]
The Centre for Development of Advanced Computing (CDAC) at Bengaluru facilitated the Seasonal Prediction of Indian Monsoon (SPIM) experiment on the PARAM Padma supercomputing system.[40] This project involved simulated runs of historical data from 1985 to 2004 to try to establish the relationship of five atmospheric general circulation models with monsoon rainfall distribution.[39]
Indian Meteorological Department model[edit]
The department has tried to forecast the monsoon for India since 1884,[38] and is the only official agency entrusted with making public forecasts about the quantity, distribution, and timing of the monsoon rains. Its position as the sole authority on the monsoon was cemented in 2005[39] by the Department of Science and Technology (DST), New Delhi. In 2003, IMD substantially changed its forecast methodology, model,[41] and administration.[42] A sixteen-parameter monsoon forecasting model used since 1988 was replaced in 2003.[41] However, following the 2009 drought in India (worst since 1972),[43] The department decided in 2010 that it needed to develop an "indigenous model"[44] to further improve its prediction capabilities.
Significance[edit]
Western Ghats,Maharashtra on 28 May in dry season
Western Ghats,Maharashtra on 28 August in rainy season
The monsoon is the primary delivery mechanism for fresh water in the Indian subcontinent. As such, it affects the environment (and associated flora, fauna, and ecosystems), agriculture, society, hydro-power production, and geography of the subcontinent (like the availability of fresh water in water bodies and the underground water table), with all of these factors cumulatively contributing to the health of the economy of affected countries.
The monsoon turns large parts of India from semi-deserts into green grasslands. See photos taken only three months apart in the Western Ghats.
Geographical (wettest spots on Earth)[edit]
Mawsynram and Cherrapunji, both in the Indian state of Meghalaya, alternate as the wettest places on Earth given the quantity of their rainfall,[45] though there are other cities with similar claims. They receive more than 11,000 millimeters of rain each from the monsoon.
Agricultural[edit]
In India, which has historically had a primarily agrarian economy, the services sector recently overtook the farm sector in terms of GDP contribution. However, the agriculture sector still contributes 17-20% of GDP[46] and is the largest employer in the country, with about 60% of Indians dependent on it for employment and livelihood.[46] About 49% of India's land is agricultural; that number rises to 55% if associated wetlands, dryland farming areas, etc., are included. Because more than half of these farmlands are rain-fed, the monsoon is critical to food sufficiency and quality of life.
Despite progress in alternative forms of irrigation, agricultural dependence on the monsoon remains far from insignificant. Therefore, the agricultural calendar of India is governed by the monsoon. Any fluctuations in the time distribution, spatial distribution, or quantity of the monsoon rains may lead to floods or droughts, causing the agricultural sector to suffer. This has a cascading effect on the secondary economic sectors, the overall economy, food inflation, and therefore the general population's quality and cost of living.
Economic[edit]
The economic significance of the monsoon is aptly described by Pranab Mukherjee's remark that the monsoon is the "real finance minister of India".[2][3] A good monsoon results in better agricultural yields, which brings down prices of essential food commodities and reduces imports, thus reducing food inflation overall.[46] Better rains also result in increased hydroelectric production.[46] All of these factors have positive ripple effects throughout the economy of India.[46]
The down side however is that when monsoon rains are weak, crop production is low leading to higher food prices with limited supply.[47] As a result, the Indian government is actively working with farmers and the nation's meteorological department to produce more drought resistant crops.[47]
Social[edit]
D. Subbarao, former governor of the Reserve Bank of India, emphasized during a quarterly review of India's monetary policy that the lives of Indians depend on the performance of the monsoon.[48] His own career prospects, his emotional well-being, and the performance of his monetary policy are all "a hostage" to the monsoon, he said, as is the case for most Indians.[48] Additionally, farmers rendered jobless by failed monsoon rains tend to migrate to cities. This crowds city slums and aggravates the infrastructure and sustainability of city life.[49]
Travel[edit]
In the past, Indians usually refrained from traveling during monsoons for practical as well as religious reasons. But with the advent of globalization, such travel is gaining popularity. Places like Kerala and the Western Ghats get a large number of tourists, both local and foreigners, during the monsoon season. Kerala is one of the top destinations for tourists interested in Ayurvedic treatments and massage therapy. One major drawback of traveling during the monsoon is that most wildlife sanctuaries are closed. Also, some mountainous areas, especially in Himalayan regions, get cut off when roads are damaged by landslides and floods during heavy rains.[50]
Environmental[edit]
The monsoon is the primary bearer of fresh water to the area. The peninsular/Deccan rivers of India are mostly rain-fed and non-perennial in nature, depending primarily on the monsoon for water supply.[51] Most of the coastal rivers of Western India are also rain-fed and monsoon-dependent.[51][52] As such, the flora, fauna, and entire ecosystems of these areas rely heavily on the monsoon.[citation needed]
See also[edit]
Weather portal
India portal
East Asian Monsoon
Monsoon (photographs) of India, 1960
Climate of India (section Monsoon)
Asian brown cloud
Tropical monsoon climate (section Factors)
Tibetan Plateau (section Role in monsoons)
Himalayas (section Impact on climate)
Indian Meteorological Department
Drought in India
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ The name of the wind is based on the direction that it blows from. Southwest winds blow onto the land from the southwest. Northeast winds flow from the northeast toward the southwest, onto the land.
Jump up ^ The Aravalli Mountains also lie in the path of the southwest monsoon but do not result in much precipitation because they are in the direction of the path of the southwest winds and not across them, causing no orographic lift of the winds.
Jump up ^ Other major highlands, like the Cardamom Hills, Anaimalai Hills, and Nilgiri Mountains, that play active roles in the monsoon are considered major extensions of the Western Ghats and are thus not discussed separately.
Jump up ^ First, the Himalayas serve as orographic barriers to the southwest monsoon winds. Second, they help confine the winds to the subcontinent, hampering their northward progress. Third, they contribute to the convergence of the Bay of Bengal branch and Arabian Sea branch of the southwest monsoon winds, increasing the intensity of precipitation over the northern part of the subcontinent. Fourth, they are a major factor in the bursting of the monsoon under the jet stream theory. Fifth, they help determine the direction of the Bay of Bengal branch of the northeast monsoon. Their role is still a matter of active study, and understanding of them is evolving regularly.
Jump up ^ When the southeast trade winds cross the equator, they are perceived in the Northern Hemisphere as equatorial westerlies because they seem to blow from the equator toward the Tropic Of Cancer. Similarly, when the ITCZ is at the Tropic of Cancer, the northeast trade winds are confined to the area north of the Tropic of Cancer.
Jump up ^ Change of direction or origin of winds alters their nomenclature as noted above.
Jump up ^ Geostrophic winds blow parallel to the isobars and keep low-pressure zones to their left in the Northern Hemisphere and to their right in the Southern Hemisphere. The reversal is a result of the Coriolis effect.
References[edit]
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Jump up ^ "Climate glossary - Southern Oscillation Index (SOI)". Bureau of Meteorology (Australia). 3 April 2007. Retrieved 4 March 2011.
Jump up ^ Kumar, K. K.; Balaji Rajagopalan; Mark A. Cane (25 June 1999). "On the Weakening Relationship Between the Indian Monsoon and ENSO". Science. 284 (5423): 2156–2159. doi:10.1126/science.284.5423.2156. Retrieved 7 March 2011.
^ Jump up to: a b Gadgil, Sulochana; P. N. Vinayachandran; P. A. Francis (1 January 2004). "Extremes of the Indian summer monsoon rainfall, ENSO and equatorial Indian Ocean oscillation". Geophysical Research Letters. 31 (12). Bibcode:2004GeoRL..3112213G. doi:10.1029/2004GL019733. Retrieved 5 March 2011.
Jump up ^ Roxy, Mathew Koll; Ritika, Kapoor; Terray, Pascal; Murtugudde, Raghu; Ashok, Karumuri; Goswami, B. N. (2015-06-16). "Drying of Indian subcontinent by rapid Indian Ocean warming and a weakening land-sea thermal gradient". Nature Communications. 6: 7423. Bibcode:2015NatCo...6E7423R. doi:10.1038/ncomms8423. PMID 26077934.
Jump up ^ Roxy, Mathew Koll; Ritika, Kapoor; Terray, Pascal; Masson, Sébastien (2014-09-11). "The Curious Case of Indian Ocean Warming". Journal of Climate. 27 (22): 8501–8509. Bibcode:2014JCli...27.8501R. doi:10.1175/JCLI-D-14-00471.1. ISSN 0894-8755.
Jump up ^ "Warming Indian Ocean, weakening monsoon". India Climate Dialogue. 2015-06-16. Retrieved 2016-06-18.
Jump up ^ Paul, Supantha; Ghosh, Subimal; Oglesby, Robert; Pathak, Amey; Chandrasekharan, Anita; Ramsankaran, RAAJ (2016-08-24). "Weakening of Indian Summer Monsoon Rainfall due to Changes in Land Use Land Cover". Scientific Reports. 6 (1). Bibcode:2016NatSR...632177P. doi:10.1038/srep32177. ISSN 2045-2322.
Jump up ^ Roxy, Mathew Koll. "Land warming revives monsoon". Nature Climate Change. 7 (8): 549–550. Bibcode:2017NatCC...7..549R. doi:10.1038/nclimate3356.
Jump up ^ Roxy, M. K.; Ghosh, Subimal; Pathak, Amey; Athulya, R.; Mujumdar, Milind; Murtugudde, Raghu; Terray, Pascal; Rajeevan, M. (2017-10-03). "A threefold rise in widespread extreme rain events over central India". Nature Communications. 8 (1). Bibcode:2017NatCo...8..708R. doi:10.1038/s41467-017-00744-9. ISSN 2041-1723.
Jump up ^ Simpkins, Graham (2017-11-02). "Hydroclimate: Extreme rain in India". Nature Climate Change. 7 (11): 760–760. Bibcode:2017NatCC...7..760S. doi:10.1038/nclimate3429. ISSN 1758-6798.
^ Jump up to: a b "Introduction". Indian Institute of Tropical Meteorology, Pune, India. Retrieved 5 March 2011.
^ Jump up to: a b c Gadgil, Sulochana; J. Srinivasan (10 February 2011). "Seasonal prediction of the Indian monsoon" (PDF). Current Science. 3. 100: 343–353. Retrieved 5 March 2011.
Jump up ^ "Seasonal Prediction of Indian Monsoon(SPIM)". Centre for Development of Advanced Computing. Archived from the original on 2 March 2011. Retrieved 5 March 2011.
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Jump up ^ AFP (30 September 2009). "'Drought in India worst since 1972'". Times of India. Retrieved 7 March 2011.
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