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History of cotton
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Cotton
History
Terminology
Cash crop
Commodity
Cottonopolis
Cotton Belt
Cotton diplomacy
King Cotton
Types
Gossypium hirsutum
Gossypium barbadense
Gossypium arboreum
Gossypium herbaceum
Production
Cotton-spinning machinery
Cotton gin
Cotton mill
Cotton picker
Mercerised cotton
Spinning jenny
Spinning mule
Spinning wheel
Water frame
Fabric
Cambric
Chino
Corduroy
Denim
Seersucker
Terrycloth
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The history of cotton can be traced to domestication. Cotton played an important role in the history of India, the British Empire, and the United States, and continues to be an important crop and commodity.
The history of the domestication of cotton is very complex and is not known exactly.[1] Several isolated civilizations in both the Old and New World independently domesticated and converted cotton into fabric. All the same tools were invented, including combs, bows, hand spindles, and primitive looms.[2]:11–13
Contents
1 Early history
1.1 America
1.2 Indian subcontinent
2 Middle Ages
2.1 Eastern world
2.2 Western world
3 Early modern period
3.1 India
3.2 Western world
3.3 Egypt
4 British Empire
4.1 East India Company
4.2 Britain
5 United States of America
5.1 Pre–Civil War
6 Modern history
6.1 Boll weevils
6.2 Africa and India
6.3 Decline in the British cotton industry
6.4 Economy
7 See also
8 References
9 Further reading
Early history[edit]
The oldest cotton textiles were found in graves and city ruins of civilizations from dry climates, where the fabrics did not decay completely.[3]
America[edit]
Some of the oldest cotton bolls were discovered in a cave in Tehuacán Valley, Mexico, and were dated to approximately 5500 BCE, but some doubt has been cast on these estimates. Seeds and cordage dating to about 2500 BCE have been found in Peru.[1] By 3000 BCE cotton was being grown and processed in Mexico, and Arizona. Pre-Incan cotton grave cloths were found in Huaca Prieta in Peru, and date back to 2500 BCE.[4]
Indian subcontinent[edit]
The latest archaeological discovery in Mehrgarh puts the dating of early cotton cultivation and the use of cotton to 5000 BCE.[5] The Indus Valley civilization started cultivating cotton by 3000 BCE.[6] Cotton was mentioned in Hindu hymns in 1500 BCE.[4]
Herodotus, an ancient Greek historian, mentions Indian cotton in the 5th century BCE as "a wool exceeding in beauty and goodness that of sheep." When Alexander the Great invaded India, his troops started wearing cotton clothes that were more comfortable than their previous woolen ones.[7] Strabo, another Greek historian, mentioned the vividness of Indian fabrics, and Arrian told of Indian–Arab trade of cotton fabrics in 130 CE.[8]
Middle Ages[edit]
Eastern world[edit]
Handheld roller cotton gins had been used in India since the 6th century, and was then introduced to other countries from there.[9] Between the 12th and 14th centuries, dual-roller gins appeared in India and China. The Indian version of the dual-roller gin was prevalent throughout the Mediterranean cotton trade by the 16th century. This mechanical device was, in some areas, driven by water power.[10]
The spinning wheel was invented in India, between 500 and 1000 AD.[11] The earliest clear illustrations of the spinning wheel come from the Islamic world in the eleventh century.[12]
Western world[edit]
Egyptians grew and spun cotton from 6–700 CE.[4]
Cotton was a common fabric during the Middle Ages, and was hand-woven on a loom. Cotton manufacture was introduced to Europe during the Muslim conquest of the Iberian Peninsula and Sicily. The knowledge of cotton weaving was spread to northern Italy in the 12th century, when Sicily was conquered by the Normans, and consequently to the rest of Europe. The spinning wheel, introduced to Europe circa 1350, improved the speed of cotton spinning.[13] By the 15th century, Venice, Antwerp, and Haarlem were important ports for cotton trade, and the sale and transportation of cotton fabrics had become very profitable.[7]
Christopher Columbus, in his explorations of the Bahamas and Cuba, found natives wearing cotton ("the costliest and handsomest... cotton mantles and sleeveless shirts embroidered and painted in different designs and colours"), a fact that may have contributed to his incorrect belief that he had landed on the coast of India.[2]:11–13
Early modern period[edit]
India[edit]
India had been an exporter of fine cotton fabrics to other countries since the ancient times. Sources such as Marco Polo, who traveled India in the 13th century, Chinese travelers, who traveled Buddhist pilgrim centers earlier, Vasco Da Gama, who entered Calicut in 1498, and Tavernier, who visited India in the 17th century, have praised the superiority of Indian fabrics.[14]
The worm gear roller cotton gin, which was invented in India during the early Delhi Sultanate era of the 13th–14th centuries, came into use in the Mughal Empire some time around the 16th century,[15] and is still used in India through to the present day.[9] Another innovation, the incorporation of the crank handle in the cotton gin, first appeared in India some time during the late Delhi Sultanate or the early Mughal Empire.[16] The production of cotton, which may have largely been spun in the villages and then taken to towns in the form of yarn to be woven into cloth textiles, was advanced by the diffusion of the spinning wheel across India shortly before the Mughal era, lowering the costs of yarn and helping to increase demand for cotton. The diffusion of the spinning wheel, and the incorporation of the worm gear and crank handle into the roller cotton gin, led to greatly expanded Indian cotton textile production during the Mughal era.[17]
It was reported that, with an Indian cotton gin, which is half machine and half tool, one man and one woman could clean 28 pounds of cotton per day. With a modified Forbes version, one man and a boy could produce 250 pounds per day. If oxen were used to power 16 of these machines, and a few people's labour was used to feed them, they could produce as much work as 750 people did formerly.[18]
A woman in Dhaka clad in fine Bengali muslin, 18th century.
During the early 16th century to the early 18th century, Indian cotton production increased, in terms of both raw cotton and cotton textiles. The Mughals introduced agrarian reforms such as a new revenue system that was biased in favour of higher value cash crops such as cotton and indigo, providing state incentives to grow cash crops, in addition to rising market demand.[19]
The largest manufacturing industry in the Mughal Empire was cotton textile manufacturing, which included the production of piece goods, calicos, and muslins, available unbleached and in a variety of colours. The cotton textile industry was responsible for a large part of the empire's international trade.[20] India had a 25% share of the global textile trade in the early 18th century.[21] Indian cotton textiles were the most important manufactured goods in world trade in the 18th century, consumed across the world from the Americas to Japan.[22] The most important center of cotton production was the Bengal Subah province, particularly around its capital city of Dhaka.[23]
Bengal accounted for more than 50% of textiles imported by the Dutch from Asia,[24] Bengali cotton textiles were exported in large quantities to Europe, Indonesia, and Japan,[25] and Bengali muslin textiles from Dhaka were sold in Central Asia, where they were known as "daka" textiles.[23] Indian textiles dominated the Indian Ocean trade for centuries, were sold in the Atlantic Ocean trade, and had a 38% share of the West African trade in the early 18th century, while Indian calicos were a major force in Europe, and Indian textiles accounted for 20% of total English trade with Southern Europe in the early 18th century.[26]
Western world[edit]
Cotton cloth started to become highly sought-after for the European urban markets during the Renaissance and the Enlightenment.[citation needed] Vasco da Gama (d. 1524), a Portuguese explorer, opened Asian sea trade, which replaced caravans and allowed for heavier cargo. Indian craftspeople had long protected the secret of how to create colourful patterns. However, some converted to Christianity and their secret was revealed by a French Catholic priest, Father Coeurdoux (1691–1779). He revealed the process of creating the fabrics in France, which assisted the European textile industry.[27]
In early modern Europe, there was significant demand for cotton textiles from Mughal India.[20] European fashion, for example, became increasingly dependent on Mughal Indian textiles.[citation needed] From the late 17th century to the early 18th century, Mughal India accounted for 95% of British imports from Asia, and the Bengal Subah province alone accounted for 40% of Dutch imports from Asia.[24] In contrast, there was very little demand for European goods in Mughal India, which was largely self-sufficient, thus Europeans had very little to offer, except for some woolens, unprocessed metals and a few luxury items. The trade imbalance caused Europeans to export large quantities of gold and silver to Mughal India in order to pay for South Asian imports.[20]
Egypt[edit]
Main article: Egypt under Muhammad Ali
Egypt under Muhammad Ali in the early 19th century had the fifth most productive cotton industry in the world, in terms of the number of spindles per capita.[28] The industry was initially driven by machinery that relied on traditional energy sources, such as animal power, water wheels, and windmills, which were also the principle energy sources in Western Europe up until around 1870.[29] It was under Muhammad Ali of Egypt in the early 19th century that steam engines were introduced to the Egyptian cotton industry.[29]
British Empire[edit]
Main article: Textile manufacture during the Industrial Revolution
East India Company[edit]
Cotton's rise to global importance came about as a result of the cultural transformation of Europe and Britain's trading empire.[8] Calico and chintz, types of cotton fabrics, became popular in Europe, and by 1664 the East India Company was importing a quarter of a million pieces into Britain.[27] By the 18th century, the middle class had become more concerned with cleanliness and fashion, and there was a demand for easily washable and colourful fabric. Wool continued to dominate the European markets, but cotton prints were introduced to Britain by the East India Company in the 1690s.[8] Imports of calicoes, cheap cotton fabrics from Kozhikode, then known as Calicut, in India, found a mass market among the poor. By 1721 these calicoes threatened British manufacturers, and Parliament passed the Calico Act that banned calicoes for clothing or domestic purposes. In 1774 the act was repealed with the invention of machines that allowed for British manufacturers to compete with Eastern fabrics.[30]
Indian cotton textiles, particularly those from Bengal, continued to maintain a competitive advantage up until the 19th century. In order to compete with India, Britain invested in labour-saving technical progress, while implementing protectionist policies such as bans and tariffs to restrict Indian imports.[31] At the same time, the East India Company's rule in India contributed to its deindustrialization, opening up a new market for British goods,[31] while the capital amassed from Bengal after its 1757 conquest was used to invest in British industries such as textile manufacturing and greatly increase British wealth.[32][33][34] British colonization also forced open the large Indian market to British goods, which could be sold in India without tariffs or duties, compared to local Indian producers who were heavily taxed, while raw cotton was imported from India without tariffs to British factories which manufactured textiles from Indian cotton, giving Britain a monopoly over India's large market and cotton resources.[35][31][36] India served as both a significant supplier of raw goods to British manufacturers and a large captive market for British manufactured goods.[37] Britain eventually surpassed India as the world's leading cotton textile manufacturer in the 19th century.[31]
The cotton industry grew under the British commercial empire. British cotton products were successful in European markets, constituting 40.5% of exports in 1784–1786. Britain's success was also due to its trade with its own colonies, whose settlers maintained British identities, and thus, fashions. With the growth of the cotton industry, manufacturers had to find new sources of raw cotton, and cultivation was expanded to West India.[8] High tariffs against Indian textile workshops, British power in India through the East India Company,[27] and British restrictions on Indian cotton imports[38] transformed India from the source of textiles to a source of raw cotton.[27] Cultivation was also attempted in the Caribbean and West Africa, but these attempts failed due to bad weather and poor soil. The Indian subcontinent was looked to as a possible source of raw cotton, but intra-imperial conflicts and economic rivalries prevented the area from producing the necessary supply.[8]
Britain[edit]
A spinning jenny, originally invented by James Hargreaves
Cotton's versatility allowed it to be combined with linen and be made into velvet. It was cheaper than silk and could be imprinted more easily than wool, allowing for patterned dresses for women. It became the standard fashion and, because of its price, was accessible to the general public. New inventions in the 1770s—such as the spinning jenny, the water frame, and the spinning mule—made the British Midlands into a very profitable manufacturing centre. In 1794–1796, British cotton goods accounted for 15.6% of Britain's exports, and in 1804–1806 grew to 42.3%.[8]
The Lancashire textile mills were major parts of the British industrial revolution. Their workers had poor working conditions: low wages, child labour, and 18-hour work days. Richard Arkwright created a textile empire by building a factory system powered by water, which was occasionally raided by the Luddites, weavers put out of business by the mechanization of textile production. In the 1790s, James Watt's steam power was applied to textile production, and by 1839 200,000 children worked in Manchester's cotton mills. Karl Marx, who frequently visited Lancashire, may have been influenced by the conditions of workers in these mills in writing Das Kapital.[27]
United States of America[edit]
Pre–Civil War[edit]
Eli Whitney's patent for the modern cotton gin
Anglo-French warfare in the early 1790s restricted access to continental Europe, causing the United States to become an important—and temporarily the largest—consumer for British cotton goods.[8] In 1791, U.S. cotton production was small, at only 900,000 kilograms. Several factors contributed to the growth of the cotton industry in the U.S.: the increasing British demand; innovations in spinning, weaving, and steam power; inexpensive land; and a slave labour force.[39] The modern cotton gin, invented in 1793 by Eli Whitney, enormously grew the American cotton industry, which was previously limited by the speed of manual removal of seeds from the fibre,[40] and helped cotton to surpass tobacco as the primary cash crop of the South.[41] By 1801 the annual production of cotton had reached over 22 million kilograms, and by the early 1830s the United States produced the majority of the world's cotton. Cotton also exceeded the value of all other United States exports combined.[39] The need for fertile land conducive to its cultivation lead to the expansion of slavery in the United States and an early 19th-century land rush known as Alabama Fever.[42][43]
Cultivation of cotton using black slaves brought huge profits to the owners of large plantations, making them some of the wealthiest men in the U.S. prior to the Civil War. In the non-slave-owning states, farms rarely grew larger than what could be cultivated by one family due to scarcity of farm workers. In the slave states, owners of farms could buy many slaves and thus cultivate large areas of land. By the 1850s, slaves made up 50% of the population of the main cotton states: Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana. Slaves were the most important asset in cotton cultivation, and their sale brought profits to slaveowners outside of cotton-cultivating areas. Thus, the cotton industry contributed significantly to the Southern upper class's support of slavery. Although the Southern small-farm owners did not grow cotton due to its lack of short-term profitability, they were still supportive of the system in the hopes of one day owning slaves.[39]
Cotton's central place in the national economy and its international importance led Senator James Henry Hammond of South Carolina to make a famous boast in 1858:
Without firing a gun, without drawing a sword, should they make war on us, we could bring the whole world to our feet... What would happen if no cotton was furnished for three years?... England would topple headlong and carry the whole civilized world with her save the South. No, you dare not to make war on cotton. No power on the earth dares to make war upon it. Cotton is king.[44]
Cotton diplomacy, the idea that cotton would cause Britain and France to intervene in the Civil War, was unsuccessful.[45] It was thought that the Civil War caused the Lancashire Cotton Famine, a period between 1861–1865 of depression in the British cotton industry, by blocking off American raw cotton. Some, however, suggest that the Cotton Famine was mostly due to overproduction and price inflation caused by an expectation of future shortage.[46]
Picking cotton in Oklahoma in the 1890s
Prior to the Civil War, Lancashire companies issued surveys to find new cotton-growing countries if the Civil War were to occur and reduce American exports. India was deemed to be the country capable of growing the necessary amounts. Indeed, it helped fill the gap during the war, making up only 31% of British cotton imports in 1861, but 90% in 1862 and 67% in 1864.[47]
Additionally, the main purchasers of cotton, Britain and France, began to turn to Egyptian cotton. The Egyptian government of Viceroy Isma'il took out substantial loans from European bankers and stock exchanges. After the American Civil War ended in 1865, British and French traders abandoned Egyptian cotton and returned to cheap American exports,[citation needed] sending Egypt into a deficit spiral that led to the country declaring bankruptcy in 1876, a key factor behind Egypt's occupation by the British Empire in 1882.
The South continued to be a one-crop economy until the 20th century, when the New Deal and World War II encouraged diversification.[41] Many ex-slaves as well as poor whites worked in the sharecropping system in serf-like conditions.[citation needed]
Modern history[edit]
Boll weevils[edit]
A boll weevil
“
The farmer said to the merchant
I need some meat and meal.
Get away from here, you son-of-a-gun,
You got boll weevils in your field.
Going to get your home, going to get your home.
”
— Carl Sandburg's version of "The Boll Weevil Song", 1920
Boll weevils, insects that entered the United States from Mexico in 1892, created 100 years of problems for the U.S. cotton industry. Many consider the boll weevil almost as important as the Civil War as an agent of change in the South, forcing economic and social changes. In total, the boll weevil is estimated to have caused $22 billion in damages. In the late 1950s, the U.S. cotton industry faced economic problems, and eradication of the boll weevil was prioritized. The Agricultural Research Service built the Boll Weevil Research Laboratory, which came up with detection traps and pheromone lures. The program was successful, and pesticide use reduced significantly while the boll weevil was eradicated in some areas.[48]
Africa and India[edit]
After the Cotton Famine, the European textile industry looked to new sources of raw cotton. The African colonies of West Africa and Mozambique provided a cheap supply. Taxes and extra-market means again discouraged local textile production. Working conditions were brutal, especially in the Congo, Angola, and Mozambique. Several revolts occurred, and a cotton black market created a local textile industry. In recent history, United States agricultural subsidies have depressed world prices, making it difficult for African farmers to compete.[27]
India's cotton industry struggled in the late 19th century because of unmechanized production and American dominance of raw cotton export. India, ceasing to be a major exporter of cotton goods, became the largest importer of British cotton textiles.[49] Mohandas Gandhi believed that cotton was closely tied to Indian self-determination. In the 1920s he launched the Khadi Movement, a massive boycott of British cotton goods. He urged Indians to use simple homespun cotton textiles, khadi. Cotton became an important symbol in Indian independence. During World War II, shortages created a high demand for khadi, and 16 million yards of cloth were produced in nine months. The British Raj declared khadi subversive; damaging to the British imperial rule. Confiscation, burning of stocks, and jailing of workers resulted, which intensified resistance.[2]:309–311 In the second half of the 20th century, a downturn in the European cotton industry led to a resurgence of the Indian cotton industry. India began to mechanize and was able to compete in the world market.[49]
Decline in the British cotton industry[edit]
Play media
British textile mills in 1913
In 1912, the British cotton industry was at its peak, producing eight billion yards of cloth. In World War I, cotton couldn't be exported to foreign markets, and some countries built their own factories, particularly Japan. By 1933 Japan introduced 24-hour cotton production and became the world's largest cotton manufacturer. Demand for British cotton slumped, and during the interwar period 345,000 workers left the industry and 800 mills closed.
India's boycott of British cotton products devastated Lancashire, and in Blackburn 74 mills closed in under four years.
In World War II, the British cotton industry saw an upturn and an increase in workers, with Lancashire mills being tasked with creating parachutes and uniforms for the war.
In the 1950s and '60s, many workers came from the Indian sub-continent and were encouraged to look for work in Lancashire. An increase in the work force allowed mill owners to introduce third (night) shifts. This resurgence in the textile industry did not last long, and by 1958, Britain had become a net importer of cotton cloth.
Modernization of the industry was attempted in 1959 with the Cotton Industry Act.
Mill closures occurred in Lancashire, and it was failing to compete with foreign industry. During the 1960s and '70s, a mill closed in Lancashire almost once a week. By the 1980s, the textile industry of North West Britain had almost disappeared.[50]
Economy[edit]
Textile mills have moved from Western Europe to, more recently, lower-wage areas. Industrial production is currently mostly located in countries like India, Bangladesh, China, and in Latin America. In these regions labour is much less expensive than in the first world, and attracts poor workers.[27] Biotechnology plays an important role in cotton agriculture as genetically modified cotton that can resist Roundup, a herbicide made by the company Monsanto, as well as repel insects.[2]:277 Organically grown cotton is becoming less prevalent in favour of synthetic fibres made from petroleum products.[2]:301
The demand for cotton has doubled since the 1980s.[51] The main producer of cotton, as of December 2016, is India, at 26%, past China at 20% and the United States at 16%.[52] The leading cotton exporter is the United States, whose production is subsidized by the government, with subsidies estimated at $14 billion between 1995 and 2003. The value of cotton lint has been decreasing for sixty years, and the value of cotton has decreased by 50% in 1997–2007. The global textile and clothing industry employs 23.6 million workers, of which 75% are women.[51]
Max Havelaar, a fair trade association, launched a fair trade label for cotton in 2005, the first for a non-food commodity. Working with small producers from Cameroon, Mali, and Senegal, the fair trade agreement increases substantially the price paid for goods and increases adherence to World Labour Organization conventions. A two-year period in Mali has allowed farmers to buy new agricultural supplies and cattle, and enroll their children in school.[53]
See also[edit]
Diplomacy of the American Civil War#Cotton and the British economy
History of agriculture
References[edit]
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Further reading[edit]
Yafa, Stephen (2006). Cotton: The Biography of a Revolutionary Fiber. Penguin Books. ISBN 978-0143037224.
Beckert, Sven (2014). Empire of Cotton: A Global History. Knopf. ISBN 978-0375414145.
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Fire investigation
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Fire investigation, sometimes referred to as origin and cause investigation, is the analysis of fire-related incidents. After firefighters extinguish a fire, an investigation is launched to determine the origin and cause of the fire or explosion. Investigations of such incidents require a systematic approach and knowledge of basic fire science.
Contents
1 Investigating fires
2 Recommended practices
3 Conducting investigations
4 Spoliation
5 Qualification
6 See also
7 Footnotes
8 References
9 External links
Investigating fires[edit]
In common with many forensic disciplines, one of the early tasks of fire investigation is often to determine whether or not a crime has been committed[citation needed]. The difficulty of determining whether arson has occurred arises because fire often destroys the key evidence of its origin. Many fires are caused by defective equipment, such as shorting of faulty electrical circuits. Car fires can be caused by faulty fuel lines, and spontaneous combustion is possible where organic wastes are stored.
A fire investigator looks at the fire remains, and obtains information to reconstruct the sequence of events leading up to the fire.
One of the challenging aspects of fire investigation is the multi-disciplinary basis of the investigator's job. As fires can be caused by or involve many ignition sources and fuels, fire investigators need to know not only the science of fire behavior, but also to have a working understanding of many different areas of study including construction, electricity, human behavior, and mechanical devices. For example, if there is a gas appliance at the origin of the fire, an investigator should know enough about appliances to either include or exclude it as a possible cause of the fire. Fire investigators sometimes work with forensic engineers, such as forensic electrical engineers when examining electrical appliances, household wiring, etc.
Recommended practices[edit]
In the United States, fire investigators often refer to NFPA 921: Guide for Fire and Explosion Investigations (National Fire Protection Association).
Also, Kirk's Fire Investigation by David J. Icove and Gerald A. Haynes has long been regarded as the primary textbook in the field of fire investigation.[1] It is currently in its 8th edition (published in 2017, ISBN 978-0134237923).
Conducting investigations[edit]
Fire investigators conduct their investigations using a systematic approach utilizing the scientific method, including the following:[2]
The investigator:
Receives the assignment and responsibilities
Plans the investigation and assembles tools, equipment, and personnel
Examines the scene and collects data
Collects, tests, evaluates, and documents evidence
Applies the scientific method to analyze the information obtained
Spoliation[edit]
Spoliation is the destruction or alteration of evidence through intention or ignorance. The mere act of extinguishing a fire can destroy potential evidence of arson or what is also known as an "Incendiary fire." Firefighters are educated that the stream of their fire hose or the use of a Pike Pole can destroy evidence and efforts are made to do what is required to extinguish the fire, while not destroying clues to the fires' origin. A fire investigation was once compromised by a fire fighter turning off the knobs on a gas stove in the interests of safety after a house fire was knocked down. In the following investigation the homeowner's daughter was accused by her father of leaving the stove on after she left the house but there was then no way to accurately determine the position of the burner knobs on the stove. Though there were no criminal issues involved in this fire, this incident of spoliation created a lack of closure for the family and feelings of distrust and animosity within the family members. -FIRE INVESTIGATION by Russell Chandler. Delmar Cengage Learning - Publishers.
Qualification[edit]
The National Fire Protection Association (NFPA), through a document known as NFPA 1033, Standard for Professional Requirements for Fire Investigator, publishes minimum requirements for the knowledge skills and ability of a fire investigator. Principal among these is a 16-point list of areas in which a fire investigator is required to have education beyond high school level. These 16 topics are:
Fire science
Fire chemistry
Thermodynamics
Thermometry
Fire dynamics
Explosion dynamics
Computer fire modeling
Fire investigation
Fire analysis
Fire investigation methodology
Fire investigation technology
Hazardous materials
Failure analysis and analytical tools
Fire scene investigators may become certified through the National Association of Fire Investigators (NAFI)or the International Association of Arson Investigators (IAAI). Both certification programs rely heavily on the content of NFPA 1033 and NFPA 921. Both also require an application process detailing the investigator's education, training, and experience, and successfully challenging a written examination. Certificates are valid for a period of 5 years, at which time an investigator must demonstrate continued participation in the field and a minimum amount of continuing education in order to be recertified.
The National Association of Fire Investigators (NAFI), a professional association of fire and explosion investigators, offer several National Board Certified fire investigation certifications including:
Certified Fire and Explosion Investigator (CFEI),
Certified Vehicle Fire Investigator (CVFI), and
Certified Fire Investigation Instructor (CFII).
The International Association of Arson Investigators (IAAI), a professional group of fire investigators, grants the following certifications:
Certified Fire Investigator (IAAI-CFI) – certified by the ProBoard Fire Service Professional Qualifications System.
Fire Investigation Technician (IAAI-FIT)
Certified Instructor (IAAI-CI)
Evidence Collection Technician (IAAI-ECT)
See also[edit]
ATF Fire Research Laboratory
Fire marshal
Fire protection engineer
Kirk's Fire Investigation
Women in firefighting
Cameron Todd Willingham
Kenny Richey
Footnotes[edit]
Jump up ^ J.F. Decker and B.L. Ottley, Arson Law and Prosecution, Carolina Academic Press, ISBN 1-59460-590-4, 2009, p. 22.
Jump up ^ NFPA 921: Guide for Fire and Explosion Investigations
References[edit]
National Fire Protection Association (2004). NFPA 921: Guide for Fire and Explosion Investigations (2004 ed.). National Fire Protection Association. ISBN 0-00-653937-8.
External links[edit]
Example of an actual Arson Investigation Report
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Supreme Court of Indiana
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Indiana Supreme Court
Seal of the Supreme Court of Indiana
Established
1816
Country
Indiana
United States
Location
Indiana Statehouse, Indianapolis, Indiana
Coordinates
39°46′07.1″N 86°09′45.4″W / 39.768639°N 86.162611°W / 39.768639; -86.162611Coordinates: 39°46′07.1″N 86°09′45.4″W / 39.768639°N 86.162611°W / 39.768639; -86.162611
Motto
Latin: Supremum Jus Lege Suprema
Justice exists where the law is supreme
Composition method
Retention election
Authorized by
Indiana Constitution
Decisions are appealed to
Supreme Court of the United States
Judge term length
10 years
No. of positions
5
Website
Official website
Chief Justice of Indiana
Currently
Loretta Rush
Since
August 18, 2014
Lead position ends
August 18, 2019
Jurist term ends
December 31, 2024
The Supreme Court of Indiana, established by Article 7 of the Indiana Constitution, is the highest judicial authority in the state of Indiana. Located in Indianapolis, the Court's chambers are in the north wing of the Indiana Statehouse.
In December 1816, the Supreme Court of Indiana succeeded the General Court of the Indiana Territory as the state's high court. During its long history the Court heard a number of high-profile cases, including Lasselle v. State (1820). Originally begun as a three-member judicial panel, the Court underwent major reforms in 1852 and 1971, as well as several other reorganizations. Court reforms led to a majority of Supreme Court cases being delegated to lower courts, an enlarged panel of justices, and employment of a large staff to assist as its caseload increases.
Contents
[hide]
1 Organization and Jurisdiction
2 Terms and elections
2.1 Qualification
3 Current Justices
4 History
4.1 Landmark cases
5 See also
6 References
7 Notes
8 Bibliography
9 External links
Organization and Jurisdiction[edit]
Indiana State Capitol, host of the Supreme Court of Indiana.
In 2008 the Court consisted of one chief justice and four associate justices, the constitutional minimum; however, the Indiana General Assembly may increase the number of associate justices to a maximum of eight for a total of nine court justices.[1][2][3] A board of five commissioners assists the Court in its administrative duties. Commissioners are nominated by the Judicial Nominating Commission and appointed by the governor.[4] The Court offices and chambers are located on the third floor in the north wing of the Indiana Statehouse. The Court maintains a large legal library on the third floor that is open to the public.[5]
The Court has no original jurisdiction in most cases, meaning that it can only hear cases appealed to the Court after having been previously heard in lower courts. Most cases begin in local circuit courts, where the initial trial is held and a jury decides the outcome of the case. The circuit court decision can be appealed to the Indiana Court of Appeals or the Indiana Tax Court, who can hear the case or enforce the lower court's decision. If the parties still disagree with the outcome of the case, they can appeal the decision to the Indiana Supreme Court. The Court can choose to hear the case and possibly overturn the previous judgment, or it can decline to accept the case and uphold the decision of the lower courts.[6][7]
The Supreme Court of Indiana has original and sole jurisdiction in certain specific areas, including the practice of law, discipline or disbarment of judges appointed to the lower state courts, and supervision over the exercise of jurisdiction by the other lower courts of the state. When the Court accepts a case, it reviews the documentation of the trials in the lower court and sometimes allows oral arguments before making a decision. In some cases the justices will issue a decision without hearing arguments from either side and will base their decision solely on evidence submitted in the lower courts. The Court can order a new trial to take place in the local court, overturn the decision of lower courts and enforce its own decision, or uphold the decision of lower courts.[6][7]
The Court appoints three commissions to assist it in its exclusive jurisdiction over the practice of law in Indiana. The role of the Board of Law Examiners is to "inquire into and determine the character, fitness, and general qualifications to be admitted to practice law as a member of the bar of the Supreme Court of Indiana."[8] The Disciplinary Commission is responsible for investigating grievances filed against members of the bar for misconduct and making disciplinary recommendations to the Supreme Court.[9] The Commission for Continuing Legal Education administers, develops, and regulates continuing legal education requirements, mediation training standards, and attorney specialization programs.[10]
The Judicial Nominating Commission is responsible for recruiting and interviewing applicants to fill vacancies on the Indiana Supreme Court, the Court of Appeals, and the Tax Court. It then sends three nominees for each vacancy to the governor. The Judicial Qualification Commission investigates complaints of judicial misconduct and files charges where appropriate. Both commissions have the same members and are chaired by the chief justice.[11]
The entire Court takes part in the annual Judicial Conference of Indiana, which is attended by all of the state's judges, and recommends improvements to the Court and state judiciary. The Court is also responsible for implementing all laws passed by the Indiana General Assembly that affect the judiciary.[12] The Division of Supreme Court Administration is staffed by clerks who oversee the fiscal management of the courts, including payroll and expenses. In addition, the division is responsible for maintaining the Court's records and assists in its administrative functions.[13]
Terms and elections[edit]
Article 7 of the Indiana Constitution governs the term length of Supreme Court Justices.[14] When there is a vacancy on the Court, a new justice is nominated using a variation of the Missouri Plan. First, the Judicial Nominating Commission submits a list of three qualified nominees to the governor. The governor then selects the new Justice from the list. If the governor fails to choose a replacement within sixty days, the chief justice or the acting chief justice must do so.[1][2][3] The Judicial Nomination Commission Chief Justice selects the chief justice from the sitting associate justices for a five-year term. The chief justice presides over the Court. When the position of chief justice becomes vacant, the most senior member of the Court serves as the acting chief justice until a new one is chosen by the Judicial Nominating Commission. The chief justice also serves as chairman of the Judicial Nominating Commission.[1][2][3]
Justices are appointed to a term that could potentially last for ten years. Once a new justice is chosen, he may serve for two years before being subjected to a retention election held during the first statewide election following the completion of the justice's second year in office. The justice is listed on the ballot with the option to be retained or to be rejected from the Court. If retained, the justice may serve the remainder of his ten-year term. When a term is completed, the justice must be reappointed with the same process originally used to appoint him to remain on the Court.[2][3] A majority vote of both houses of the Indiana General Assembly may impeach a justice for misconduct. It is mandatory for a justice to retire at age seventy-five, even if their term is incomplete.[2]
Qualification[edit]
Eligibility requirements to be nominated as a justice of the Supreme Court are established in Article 7 of the Indiana Constitution.[14] The candidate must be a citizen of the United States and reside within the state of Indiana before being considered for the office. The candidate must also have been admitted to the practice of law in Indiana for at least ten years prior to their candidacy or must have served as a judge of a circuit, superior, or criminal court of Indiana for five years. The candidate cannot be under an indictment in any court in the United States with a crime punishable as a felony. The Judicial Nominating Commission must also ensure that they are the "most highly qualified public candidates" available.[2][15]
Current Justices[edit]
Name
Term Start
Term Expires
Position
Notes
Loretta Rush November 7, 2012[16] December 31, 2024 Chief Justice of Indiana
Steven H. David October 18, 2010[16] October 18, 2020 Associate Justice
Mark S. Massa April 2, 2012[16] December 31, 2024 Associate Justice
Geoffrey G. Slaughter[17] June 13, 2016 December 31, 2017 Associate Justice
Christopher M. Goff[18] June 12, 2017 January 1, 2021 Associate Justice
History[edit]
First Supreme Court chambers in the First State Capitol Building
The Indiana Supreme Court was established in 1816 when Indiana was granted statehood. The new Court replaced the General Court of the Indiana Territory, which consisted of a three-member panel. Housed in a three-room building it shared with the Indiana legislature, the Court held its first session in Corydon on May 5, 1817. Under the state constitution of 1816, the governor appointed justices with the state senate's "advice and consent" for a term of seven years.[19][20]
In December 1816 Jonathan Jennings, Indiana's first governor, nominated John Johnson of Vincennes Knox County; James Scott of Charlestown Clark County; and Jesse Holman of Aurora Dearborn County, to serve as the first panel of judges on the Indiana Supreme Court. Johnson became the Court's first chief justice. When Johnson died in 1817, Jennings named Isaac Blackford to replace him. Blackford became the second chief justice of the Court and was the longest serving justice in the Court's history, serving 36 years, 3 months, and 24 days. Blackford recorded all of the Court's early decisions in a multivolume work titled Blackford's Reports that served for many years as a foundational text on the interpretation of state laws.[21]
In 1824 the Supreme Court relocated to Indianapolis with the rest of the state's government. Initially the Court shared space on the second floor of the Marion County Courthouse, before moving to the third Indiana Statehouse. In 1865 the Court was given its own building on lot number one in Indianapolis, where it remained until 1888, moving to its present location in the fifth Indiana Statehouse. As of 2012 the Court occupies the entire north wing of the third floor of the Indiana Statehouse.[19][22]
In 1851 the Supreme Court was reorganized under the new state constitution. The position of justice was changed from an appointed position to an elected one. Judicial terms were changed to six years and the Court's size was set to a minimum of three members and not more than five. The Court's judges quickly became overwhelmed by an ever-increasing caseload. In 1853 the minimum was increased to four members and in 1872 it was increased to five. The Court has remained at a minimum of five justices since that time.[19] In 1867 the general assembly transferred all the law books in the Indiana State Library to the Court to create a Supreme Court Law Library. The library grew to become the primary legal library for the state and includes more than seventy-thousand volumes.[5]
Chief Justice Isaac Blackford (November 6, 1786 – December 31, 1859)
The Court's caseload continued to grow over time. In 1881 the general assembly approved the creation of a five-member panel of commissioners to assist the justices in administrative tasks. Even this was not enough to handle the load. In 1891 the Appellate Court of Indiana was created to handle cases of lower importance. At first the appellate court only took a small portion of the Supreme Court's caseload, but its responsibility gradually increased.[19]
In 1970 state constitutional amendments reorganized the Court. The constitution renamed the Appellate Court the Indiana Court of Appeals. With the formation of the Court of Appeals, the Supreme Court could choose which cases it would hear and which cases it would leave to the lower courts. Constitutional amendments also lengthened judicial terms to ten years and changed the limits on the size of the Court to a minimum of five members and a maximum of nine. The method of selecting justices was changed from statewide election to appointment by the governor. The amendment also provided for a Judicial Nominating Commission to choose candidates. Justices also became subject to a retention election.[19] In addition, the office of chief justice became permanent. Previously the title rotated among the justices.[23] In 2004 the Indiana General Assembly created the Supreme Court Division of Administration, legalizing and expanding the role of the clerks of the Court.[13]
Landmark cases[edit]
The Court has heard several cases that have had a major impact on Indiana as well as others that have set nationwide precedents. The first of these cases, Lasselle v. State (1820), where the Court overturned a circuit court decision that tested slave ownership in the new state by stating "the framers of our constitution intended a total and entire prohibition of slavery,"[24] and resulted in all slaves in Indiana being freed.[25] In the Fall Creek Massacre case (1823), State v. Hudson, the Court upheld a lower court's finding that crimes committed against Native Americans were punishable under American laws. This decision lead to the first execution of a white man for crimes against natives.[26] In the Falkenburg v. Jones case (1889), Indiana became the first state to establish the right for a defendant to obtain court records free of charge.[27] The 1909 case of Woessner v. Bullick[28] established that the Court could invalidate a governor's veto if proper veto procedures were not followed, in effect ruling the pocket-veto as unconstitutional.[29] In 1917 the state was among the first to adopt an Exclusionary rule, established in the case of Callendar v. State, which prevented illegally obtained evidence from be submitted in court.[30] In William v. Smith, a case heard in 1921, the Court overturned Indiana's eugenics laws, the first of their kind in the nation.[31]
See also[edit]
Indiana portal
List of Justices of the Supreme Court of Indiana
Indiana Court of Appeals
Constitution of Indiana
Government of Indiana
Courts of Indiana
References[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b c Article 7, Section 10, Indiana Constitution.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f "Today's Supreme Court". IN.gov. Retrieved 2008-08-05.
^ Jump up to: a b c d ICC, p. 23.
Jump up ^ "Supreme Court Clerkships". IN.gov. Retrieved 2008-06-09.
^ Jump up to: a b "Supreme Court Law Library". IN.gov. Archived from the original on 2008-07-19. Retrieved 2008-08-08.
^ Jump up to: a b Article 7, Section 4, Indiana Constitution.
^ Jump up to: a b "Appellate Process". IN.gov. Archived from the original on 2009-07-23. Retrieved 2008-08-05.
Jump up ^ "Ind. Admission and Discipline Rule 12, Indiana Rules of Court 2009".
Jump up ^ "Ind. Admission and Discipline Rule 23, Indiana Rules of Court 2009".
Jump up ^ "Commission for Continuing Legal Education".
Jump up ^ "Judicial Qualifications Commission".
Jump up ^ "Arms of the Court". IN.gov. Retrieved 2008-08-08.
^ Jump up to: a b "Division of Supreme Court Administration". IN.gov. Retrieved 2008-08-08.
^ Jump up to: a b Article 7, Indiana Constitution.
Jump up ^ ICC, p. 24.
^ Jump up to: a b c "Justice Biographies". IN.gov. Retrieved 2016-05-10.
Jump up ^ "Governor Pence Names Geoffrey G. Slaughter to Indiana Supreme Court". IN.gov. Retrieved 2016-05-10.
Jump up ^ "Governor Holcomb selects Christopher Goff to join Indiana Supreme Court". IN.gov. Retrieved 2017-06-13.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e Indiana Historical Bureau. "History and Origins". IN.gov. Archived from the original on 2008-05-12. Retrieved 2008-06-02.
Jump up ^ Gugin and St. Clair, p. xiii.
Jump up ^ Dunn, p. 336.
Jump up ^ Dunn, p. 370.
Jump up ^ "Indiana Supreme Court Justice Biographies". Retrieved 2009-07-24.
Jump up ^ Shepard, p. 36.
Jump up ^ Dunn, p. 346–348.
Jump up ^ Funk, p. 38–39.
Jump up ^ David J. Bodenhamer & Randall T. Shepard (2006). Indiana Law. Ohio University Press. p. 126. ISBN 0-8214-1637-5.
Jump up ^ 176 Ind. 166
Jump up ^ "Time Passage of Bill Overriding a Veto". Retrieved 2008-07-01.
Jump up ^ David J. Bodenhamer & Randall T. Shepard (2006). Indiana Law. Ohio University Press. p. 131. ISBN 0-8214-1637-5.
Jump up ^ "Williams v. Smith, 131 NE 2 (Ind.), 1921" (PDF). Indiana Center for Bioethics. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2008-10-01. Retrieved 2008-10-08.
Notes[edit]
Bibliography[edit]
Dunn, Jacob Piatt Jr. (1919). Indiana and Indianans. 5 vols. Chicago: American Historical Society.
Funk, Arville L. (1983). A Sketchbook of Indiana History. Rochester, Indiana: Christian Book Press.
Gugin, Linda C., and James E. St. Clair, eds. (2010). Justices of the Indiana Supreme Court. Indianapolis: Indiana Historical Society Press. ISBN 9780871952882. CS1 maint: Uses editors parameter (link) WorldCat
Here is Your Indiana Government. Indianapolis: Indiana Chamber of Commerce. 2005. (A new edition is published biennially.)
Shepard, Randall T. "Slave Cases and the Indiana Supreme Court." Traces of Indiana and Midwestern History. Summer 2003. p. 34–41.
External links[edit]
Supreme Court of Indiana
Indiana Courts.gov
Indiana Supreme Court Legal History Lecture Series
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