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Hunter-gatherer
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A hunter-gatherer is a human living in a society in which most or all food is obtained by foraging (collecting wild plants and pursuing wild animals), in contrast to agricultural societies, which rely mainly on domesticated species.
Hunting and gathering was humanity's first and most successful adaptation, occupying at least 90 percent of human history.[1] Following the invention of agriculture, hunter-gatherers who did not change have been displaced or conquered by farming or pastoralist groups in most parts of the world.
Only a few contemporary societies are classified as hunter-gatherers, and many supplement their foraging activity with horticulture or keeping animals.[2][3]
Contents
[hide]
1 Archaeological evidence
2 Common characteristics
2.1 Habitat and population
2.2 Social and economic structure
3 Variability
4 Modern and revisionist perspectives
5 Americas
6 See also
6.1 Modern hunter-gatherer groups
6.2 Social movements
7 References
8 Further reading
9 External links
Archaeological evidence[edit]
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In the 1970s, Lewis Binford suggested that early humans were obtaining food via scavenging, not hunting.[4] Early humans in the Lower Paleolithic lived in forests and woodlands, which allowed them to collect seafood, eggs, nuts, and fruits besides scavenging. Rather than killing large animals for meat, according to this view, they used carcasses of such animals that had either been killed by predators or that had died of natural causes.[5] Archaeological and genetic data suggest that the source populations of Paleolithic hunter-gatherers survived in sparsely wooded areas and dispersed through areas of high primary productivity while avoiding dense forest cover.[6]
According to the endurance running hypothesis, long-distance running as in persistence hunting, a method still practiced by some hunter-gatherer groups in modern times, was likely the driving evolutionary force leading to the evolution of certain human characteristics. This hypothesis does not necessarily contradict the scavenging hypothesis: both subsistence strategies could have been in use – sequentially, alternating or even simultaneously.
Hunting and gathering was presumably the subsistence strategy employed by human societies beginning some 1.8 million years ago, by Homo erectus, and from its appearance some 0.2 million years ago by Homo sapiens. It remained the only mode of subsistence until the end of the Mesolithic period some 10,000 years ago, and after this was replaced only gradually with the spread of the Neolithic Revolution.
Starting at the transition between the Middle to Upper Paleolithic period, some 80,000 to 70,000 years ago, some hunter-gatherers bands began to specialize, concentrating on hunting a smaller selection of (often larger) game and gathering a smaller selection of food. This specialization of work also involved creating specialized tools such as; fishing nets, hooks, and bone harpoons.[7] The transition into the subsequent Neolithic period is chiefly defined by the unprecedented development of nascent agricultural practices. Agriculture originated and spread in several different areas including the Middle East, Asia, Mesoamerica, and the Andes beginning as early as 12,000 years ago.
Forest gardening was also being used as a food production system in various parts of the world over this period. Forest gardens originated in prehistoric times along jungle-clad river banks and in the wet foothills of monsoon regions.[citation needed] In the gradual process of families improving their immediate environment, useful tree and vine species were identified, protected and improved, whilst undesirable species were eliminated. Eventually superior introduced species were selected and incorporated into the gardens.[8]
Many groups continued their hunter-gatherer ways of life, although their numbers have continually declined, partly as a result of pressure from growing agricultural and pastoral communities. Many of them reside in the developing world, either in arid regions or tropical forests. Areas that were formerly available to hunter-gatherers were—and continue to be—encroached upon by the settlements of agriculturalists. In the resulting competition for land use, hunter-gatherer societies either adopted these practices or moved to other areas. In addition, Jared Diamond has blamed a decline in the availability of wild foods, particularly animal resources. In North and South America, for example, most large mammal species had gone extinct by the end of the Pleistocene—according to Diamond, because of overexploitation by humans,[9] one of several explanations offered for the Quaternary extinction event there.
As the number and size of agricultural societies increased, they expanded into lands traditionally used by hunter-gatherers. This process of agriculture-driven expansion led to the development of the first forms of government in agricultural centers, such as the Fertile Crescent, Ancient India, Ancient China, Olmec, Sub-Saharan Africa and Norte Chico.
As a result of the now near-universal human reliance upon agriculture, the few contemporary hunter-gatherer cultures usually live in areas unsuitable for agricultural use.
Archaeologists can use evidence such as stone tool use to track hunter-gatherer activities, including mobility.[10]
Common characteristics[edit]
A San man from Namibia. Many San still live as hunter-gatherers.
Further information: cultural universal
Habitat and population[edit]
Most hunter-gatherers are nomadic or semi-nomadic and live in temporary settlements. Mobile communities typically construct shelters using impermanent building materials, or they may use natural rock shelters, where they are available.
Some hunter-gatherer cultures, such as the indigenous peoples of the Pacific Northwest Coast, lived in particularly rich environments that allowed them to be sedentary or semi-sedentary.
Social and economic structure[edit]
Hunter-gatherers tend to have an egalitarian social ethos, although settled hunter-gatherers (for example, those inhabiting the Northwest Coast of North America) are an exception to this rule. Nearly all African hunter-gatherers are egalitarian, with women roughly as influential and powerful as men.[11] Karl Marx defined this socio-economic system as primitive communism.[12]
Mbendjele meat sharing
The egalitarianism typical of human hunters and gatherers is never total, but is striking when viewed in an evolutionary context. One of humanity's two closest primate relatives, chimpanzees, are anything but egalitarian, forming themselves into hierarchies that are often dominated by an alpha male. So great is the contrast with human hunter-gatherers that it is widely argued by palaeoanthropologists that resistance to being dominated was a key factor driving the evolutionary emergence of human consciousness, language, kinship and social organization.[13][14][15]
Anthropologists maintain that hunter/gatherers don't have permanent leaders; instead, the person taking the initiative at any one time depends on the task being performed.[16][17][18] In addition to social and economic equality in hunter-gatherer societies, there is often, though not always, sexual parity as well.[16] Hunter-gatherers are often grouped together based on kinship and band (or tribe) membership.[19] Postmarital residence among hunter-gatherers tends to be matrilocal, at least initially.[20] Young mothers can enjoy childcare support from their own mothers, who continue living nearby in the same camp.[21] The systems of kinship and descent among human hunter-gatherers were relatively flexible, although there is evidence that early human kinship in general tended to be matrilineal.[22]
One common arrangement is the sexual division of labour, with women doing most of the gathering, while men concentrate on big game hunting. In all hunter-gatherer societies, women appreciate the meat brought back to camp by men. An illustrative account is Megan Biesele's study of the southern African Ju/'hoan, 'Women Like Meat'.[23] Recent archaeological research suggests that the sexual division of labor was the fundamental organisational innovation that gave Homo sapiens the edge over the Neanderthals, allowing our ancestors to migrate from Africa and spread across the globe.[24]
To this day, most hunter-gatherers have a symbolically structured sexual division of labour.[25] However, it is true that in a small minority of cases, women hunt the same kind of quarry as men, sometimes doing so alongside men. The best-known example are the Aeta people of the Philippines. According to one study, "About 85% of Philippine Aeta women hunt, and they hunt the same quarry as men. Aeta women hunt in groups and with dogs, and have a 31% success rate as opposed to 17% for men. Their rates are even better when they combine forces with men: mixed hunting groups have a full 41% success rate among the Aeta."[17][failed verification] Among the Ju'/hoansi people of Namibia, women help men track down quarry.[26] Women in the Australian Martu also primarily hunt small animals like lizards to feed their children and maintain relations with other women.[27]
A 19th century engraving of an Indigenous Australian encampment.
At the 1966 "Man the Hunter" conference, anthropologists Richard Borshay Lee and Irven DeVore suggested that egalitarianism was one of several central characteristics of nomadic hunting and gathering societies because mobility requires minimization of material possessions throughout a population. Therefore, no surplus of resources can be accumulated by any single member. Other characteristics Lee and DeVore proposed were flux in territorial boundaries as well as in demographic composition.
At the same conference, Marshall Sahlins presented a paper entitled, "Notes on the Original Affluent Society", in which he challenged the popular view of hunter-gatherers lives as "solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short", as Thomas Hobbes had put it in 1651. According to Sahlins, ethnographic data indicated that hunter-gatherers worked far fewer hours and enjoyed more leisure than typical members of industrial society, and they still ate well. Their "affluence" came from the idea that they were satisfied with very little in the material sense.[28] Later, in 1996, Ross Sackett performed two distinct meta-analyses to empirically test Sahlin's view. The first of these studies looked at 102 time-allocation studies, and the second one analyzed 207 energy-expenditure studies. Sackett found that adults in foraging and horticultural societies work, on average, about 6.5 hours a day, where as people in agricultural and industrial societies work on average 8.8 hours a day.[29]
Researchers Gurven and Kaplan have estimated that around 57% of hunter-gatherers reach the age of 15. Of those that reach 15 years of age, 64% continue to live to or past the age of 45. This places the life expectancy between 21 and 37 years.[30] They further estimate that 70% of deaths are due to diseases of some kind, 20% of deaths come from violence or accidents and 10% are due to degenerative diseases.
Mutual exchange and sharing of resources (i.e., meat gained from hunting) are important in the economic systems of hunter-gatherer societies.[19] Therefore, these societies can be described as based on a "gift economy."
Variability[edit]
Hunter-gatherer societies manifest significant variability, depending on climate zone/life zone, available technology, and societal structure. Archaeologists examine hunter-gatherer tool kits to measure variability across different groups. Collard et al. (2005) found temperature to be the only statistically significant factor to impact hunter-gatherer tool kits.[31] Using temperature as a proxy for risk, Collard et al.'s results suggest that environments with extreme temperatures pose a threat to hunter-gatherer systems significant enough to warrant increased variability of tools. These results support Torrence's (1989) theory that risk of failure is indeed the most important factor in determining the structure of hunter-gatherer toolkits.[32]
One way to divide hunter-gatherer groups is by their return systems. James Woodburn uses the categories "immediate return" hunter-gatherers for egalitarian and "delayed return" for nonegalitarian. Immediate return foragers consume their food within a day or two after they procure it. Delayed return foragers store the surplus food (Kelly,[33] 31).
Hunting-gathering was the common human mode of subsistence throughout the Paleolithic, but the observation of current-day hunters and gatherers does not necessarily reflect Paleolithic societies; the hunter-gatherer cultures examined today have had much contact with modern civilization and do not represent "pristine" conditions found in uncontacted peoples.[34]
The transition from hunting and gathering to agriculture is not necessarily a one way process. It has been argued that hunting and gathering represents an adaptive strategy, which may still be exploited, if necessary, when environmental change causes extreme food stress for agriculturalists.[35] In fact, it is sometimes difficult to draw a clear line between agricultural and hunter-gatherer societies, especially since the widespread adoption of agriculture and resulting cultural diffusion that has occurred in the last 10,000 years.[36] This anthropological view has remained unchanged since the 1960s.[clarification needed][citation needed]
Nowadays, some scholars speak about the existence within cultural evolution of the so-called mixed-economies or dual economies which imply a combination of food procurement (gathering and hunting) and food production or when foragers have trade relations with farmers.[37]
Modern and revisionist perspectives[edit]
A Shoshone encampment in the Wind River Mountains of Wyoming, photographed by Percy Jackson, 1870
In the early 1980s, a small but vocal segment of anthropologists and archaeologists attempted to demonstrate that contemporary groups usually identified as hunter-gatherers do not, in most cases, have a continuous history of hunting and gathering, and that in many cases their ancestors were agriculturalists or pastoralists[citation needed] who were pushed into marginal areas as a result of migrations, economic exploitation, or violent conflict (see, for example, the Kalahari Debate). The result of their effort has been the general acknowledgement that there has been complex interaction between hunter-gatherers and non-hunter-gatherers for millennia.[citation needed]
Some of the theorists who advocate this "revisionist" critique imply that, because the "pure hunter-gatherer" disappeared not long after colonial (or even agricultural) contact began, nothing meaningful can be learned about prehistoric hunter-gatherers from studies of modern ones (Kelly,[38] 24-29; see Wilmsen[39])
Lee and Guenther have rejected most of the arguments put forward by Wilmsen.[40][41][42] Doron Shultziner and others have argued that we can learn a lot about the life-styles of prehistoric hunter-gatherers from studies of contemporary hunter-gatherers—especially their impressive levels of egalitarianism.[43]
Many hunter-gatherers consciously manipulate the landscape through cutting or burning undesirable plants while encouraging desirable ones, some even going to the extent of slash-and-burn to create habitat for game animals. These activities are on an entirely different scale to those associated with agriculture, but they are nevertheless domestication on some level. Today, almost all hunter-gatherers depend to some extent upon domesticated food sources either produced part-time or traded for products acquired in the wild.
Some agriculturalists also regularly hunt and gather (e.g., farming during the frost-free season and hunting during the winter). Still others in developed countries go hunting, primarily for leisure. In the Brazilian rainforest, those groups that recently did, or even continue to, rely on hunting and gathering techniques seem to have adopted this lifestyle, abandoning most agriculture, as a way to escape colonial control and as a result of the introduction of European diseases reducing their populations to levels where agriculture became difficult.[citation needed][dubious – discuss]
Three Indigenous Australians on Bathurst Island in 1939. According to Peterson (1998), the island was a population isolated for 6,000 years until the eighteenth century. In 1929, three-quarters of the population supported themselves off the bush.[44]
There are nevertheless a number of contemporary hunter-gatherer peoples who, after contact with other societies, continue their ways of life with very little external influence or with modifications that perpetuate the viability of hunting and gathering in the 21st century.[2] One such group is the Pila Nguru (Spinifex people) of Western Australia, whose habitat in the Great Victoria Desert has proved unsuitable for European agriculture (and even pastoralism).[citation needed] Another are the Sentinelese of the Andaman Islands in the Indian Ocean, who live on North Sentinel Island and to date have maintained their independent existence, repelling attempts to engage with and contact them.[citation needed] The Savanna Pumé of Venezuela also live in an area that is inhospitable to large scale economic exploitation and maintain their subsistence based on hunting and gathering, as well as incorporating a small amount of manioc horticulture that supplements, but is not replacing, reliance on foraged foods.[45]
Americas[edit]
Main article: Paleo-Indians
See also: Paleo-Indians period (Canada) and History of Mesoamerica (Paleo-Indian)
Evidence suggests big-game hunter gatherers crossed the Bering Strait from Asia (Eurasia) into North America over a land bridge (Beringia), that existed between 47,000–14,000 years ago.[46] Around 18,500–15,500 years ago, these hunter-gatherers are believed to have followed herds of now-extinct Pleistocene megafauna along ice-free corridors that stretched between the Laurentide and Cordilleran ice sheets.[47] Another route proposed is that, either on foot or using primitive boats, they migrated down the Pacific coast to South America.[48][49]
Hunter-gatherers would eventually flourish all over the Americas, primarily based in the Great Plains of the United States and Canada, with offshoots as far east as the Gaspé Peninsula on the Atlantic coast, and as far south as Chile, Monte Verde.[citation needed] American hunter-gatherers were spread over a wide geographical area, thus there were regional variations in lifestyles. However, all the individual groups shared a common style of stone tool production, making knapping styles and progress identifiable. This early Paleo-Indian period lithic reduction tool adaptations have been found across the Americas, utilized by highly mobile bands consisting of approximately 25 to 50 members of an extended family.[50]
The Archaic period in the Americas saw a changing environment featuring a warmer more arid climate and the disappearance of the last megafauna.[51] The majority of population groups at this time were still highly mobile hunter-gatherers; but now individual groups started to focus on resources available to them locally, thus with the passage of time there is a pattern of increasing regional generalization like, the Southwest, Arctic, Poverty, Dalton and Plano traditions. These regional adaptations would become the norm, with reliance less on hunting and gathering, with a more mixed economy of small game, fish, seasonally wild vegetables and harvested plant foods.[52][53]
See also[edit]
Modern hunter-gatherers and other Nomads
Cro-Magnon
Homo floresiensis
Human migration
History of the world
Indigenous peoples
Neanderthals
Neolithic Revolution
Origins of society
Paleolithic
Prehistoric music
Primitive skills
Stateless society
Tribe
Clan
Modern hunter-gatherer groups[edit]
Negritos in the Philippines, 1595
Aeta people
Aka people
Andamanese people
Awá-Guajá people
Batek people
Efé people
Fuegians
Hadza people
Indigenous Australians
Indigenous peoples of the Pacific Northwest Coast
Inuit culture
Iñupiat
Jarawa people (Andaman Islands)
Kawahiva people
Maniq people
Mbuti people
Mlabri people
Moriori people
Nukak people
Onge people
Penan people
Pirahã people
San people
Semang people
Sentinelese people
Spinifex People
Tjimba people
Uncontacted peoples
Yakuts
Yaruro people
Ye'kuana people
Yupik people
Social movements[edit]
Anarcho-primitivism, which strives for the abolishment of civilization and the return to a life in the wild.
Freeganism involves gathering of food (and sometimes other materials) in the context of an urban or suburban environment.
Gleaning involves the gathering of food that traditional farmers have left behind in their fields.
Paleolithic diet, which strives to achieve a diet similar to that of ancient hunter-gatherer groups.
Paleolithic lifestyle, which extends the paleolithic diet to other elements of the hunter-gatherer way of life, such as movement and contact with nature
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Jump up ^ Eshleman, Jason A.; Malhi, Ripan S.; Smith, David Glenn (2003). "Mitochondrial DNA Studies of Native Americans: Conceptions and Misconceptions of the Population Prehistory of the Americas" (pdf). Evolutionary Anthropology. University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign. 12: 7–18. doi:10.1002/evan.10048. Retrieved 2009-11-17.
Jump up ^ Broster, John (2002). "Paleoindians in Tennessee". Tennessee Department of Environment and Conservation. Tennessee Historical Society. Online Edition provided by:The University of Tennessee Press. Retrieved 2009-11-21.
Jump up ^ "Blame North America Megafauna Extinction On Climate Change, Not Human Ancestors". ScienceDaily. 2001. Retrieved 2010-04-10.
Jump up ^ Fiedel, Stuart J. (1992). Prehistory of the Americas. Cambridge University Press. p. 151. ISBN 978-0-521-42544-5. Retrieved 2009-11-18.
Jump up ^ Stuart B. Schwartz, Frank Salomon (1999-12-28). The Cambridge History of the Native Peoples of the Americas. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-63075-7. Retrieved 2009-11-17.
Further reading[edit]
Books
Barnard, A. J., ed. (2004). Hunter-gatherers in history, archaeology and anthropology. Berg. ISBN 1-85973-825-7.
Bettinger, R. L. (1991). Hunter-gatherers: archaeological and evolutionary theory. Plenum Press. ISBN 0-306-43650-7.
Bowles, Samuel; Gintis, Herbert (2011). A Cooperative Species: Human Reciprocity and Its Evolution. Princeton University Press. ISBN 0-691-15125-3. (Reviewed in The Montreal Review)
Brody, Hugh (2001). The Other Side Of Eden: hunter-gatherers, farmers and the shaping of the world. North Point Press. ISBN 0-571-20502-X.
Codding, Brian F.; Kramer, Karen L., eds. (2016). Why forage?: hunters and gatherers in the twenty-first century. Santa Fe, Albuquerque: School for Advanced Research Press, University of New Mexico Press. ISBN 9780826356963.
Lee, Richard B.; DeVore, Irven, eds. (1968). Man the hunter. Aldine de Gruyter. ISBN 0-202-33032-X.
Meltzer, David J. (2009). First peoples in a new world: colonizing ice age America. Berkeley: University of California. ISBN 0-520-25052-4.
Morrison, K. D.; L. L. Junker, eds. (2002). Forager-traders in South and Southeast Asia: long term histories. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-01636-3.
Panter-Brick, C.; R. H. Layton; P. Rowley-Conwy, eds. (2001). Hunter-gatherers: an interdisciplinary perspective. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-77672-4.
Turnbull, Colin (1987). The Forest People. Touchstone. ISBN 978-0-671-64099-6.
Articles
Mudar, Karen; Anderson, Douglas D. (Fall 2007). "New evidence for Southeast Asian Pleistocene foraging economies: faunal remains from the early levels of Lang Rongrien rockshelter, Krabi, Thailand". Asian Perspectives. 46 (2): 298–334. doi:10.1353/asi.2007.0013 – via Project MUSE. (Subscription required (help)).
Nakao, Hisashi; Tamura, Kohei; Arimatsu, Yui; Nakagawa, Tomomi; Matsumoto, Naoko; Matsugi, Takehiko (30 March 2016). "Violence in the prehistoric period of Japan: the spatio-temporal pattern of skeletal evidence for violence in the Jomon period". Biology Letters. The Royal Society publishing. 12 (3): 20160028. doi:10.1098/rsbl.2016.0028. Our results suggest that the mortality due to violence was low and spatio-temporally highly restricted in the Jomon period, which implies that violence including warfare in prehistoric Japan was not common.
External links[edit]
Media related to Hunter-gatherers at Wikimedia Commons
The Association of Foragers: An international association for teachers of hunter-gatherer skills.
A wiki dedicated to the scientific study of the diversity of foraging societies without recreating myths
Balmer, Yves (2013). "Ethnological videos clips. Living or recently extinct traditional tribal groups and their origins". Andaman Association. Archived from the original on January 11, 2014.
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School of Rock (TV series)
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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This article is about the television series. For the movie, see School of Rock. For the stage adaptation, see School of Rock (musical).
School of Rock
Genre
Musical-comedy
Based on
School of Rock
by Mike White
Developed by
Jim Armogida & Steve Armogida
Starring
Breanna Yde
Ricardo Hurtado
Jade Pettyjohn
Lance Lim
Aidan Miner
Tony Cavalero
Jama Williamson
Theme music composer
Gabriel Mann
Jeannie Lurie
Linus of Hollywood
Opening theme
"Are You Ready to Rock?"
Composer(s)
Gabriel Mann
Country of origin
United States
Original language(s)
English
No. of seasons
3
No. of episodes
45 (list of episodes)
Production
Executive producer(s)
Jim Armogida & Steve Armogida
Jay Kogen
Scott Rudin
Eli Bush
Richard Linklater
Producer(s)
Harry Hannigan
Chris Phillips
Camera setup
Multi-camera
Running time
21–22 minutes
Production company(s)
Armogida Brothers Productions
Nickelodeon Productions
Release
Original network
Nickelodeon
Picture format
1080i (HDTV)
Audio format
Stereo
Original release
March 12, 2016 (2016-03-12) – April 8, 2018 (2018-04-08)
External links
Website
School of Rock is an American musical-comedy television series developed by Jim Armogida and Steve Armogida that aired on Nickelodeon, premiering on March 12, 2016, and ending on April 8, 2018. The series is based on the 2003 film of the same name and stars Breanna Yde, Ricardo Hurtado, Jade Pettyjohn, Lance Lim, Aidan Miner, Tony Cavalero, and Jama Williamson.
Contents
[hide]
1 Plot
2 Episodes
3 Characters
3.1 Main
3.2 Recurring
4 Production
5 Ratings
6 Awards and nominations
7 References
8 External links
Plot[edit]
Set in Austin, Texas, the series follows a group of rule-abiding students who learn to take risks and reach new heights thanks to substitute teacher Dewey Finn, a down-on-his-luck musician who uses the language of rock and roll to inspire his class to form a secret band. Throughout the school year, these middle-school classmates find themselves navigating relationships, discovering their unknown talents and learning lessons on loyalty and friendships.
Episodes[edit]
Main article: List of School of Rock episodes
Season
Episodes
Originally aired
First aired
Last aired
1 12 March 12, 2016 (2016-03-12) June 18, 2016 (2016-06-18)
2 13 September 17, 2016 (2016-09-17) January 28, 2017 (2017-01-28)
3 20 July 8, 2017 (2017-07-08) April 8, 2018 (2018-04-08)[1]
Characters[edit]
Main[edit]
Tomika (Breanna Yde) is a 12-year-old schoolgirl who is best friends with classmate Summer. She plays the electric bass and is also the lead singer in the band.
Freddy (Ricardo Hurtado) is a 12-year-old schoolboy who is considered the most handsome guy in his class and plays the drums in the band. His best friends are classmates Zack and Lawrence. Unbeknownst to him, Summer has a huge crush on him. At the end of the second season, he begins to have feelings for her.
Summer (Jade Pettyjohn) is a 12-year-old schoolgirl who is best friends with Tomika and plays the tambourine in the band and also is the manager. She has a crush on Freddy.
Zack (Lance Lim) is a 12-year-old schoolboy who is best friends with Lawrence and Freddy. He plays the electric guitar.
Lawrence (Aidan Miner) is a 12-year-old schoolboy who is best friends with Zack and Freddy and is considered the smartest kid in his class. He plays the electronic keyboard.
Mr. Finn (Tony Cavalero) is the new substitute teacher and an ex-rock musician who teaches the kids how to play and work together as a band. In the second season, he is promoted to a regular teacher.
Principal Mullins (Jama Williamson) is the principal of the school. In the first season, she is a recurring character, but is promoted to a main character in the second season.
Recurring[edit]
Clark (Ivan Mallon)
Kale (Brec Bassinger, seasons 2–3)
Asher (Will Kindrachuk, seasons 2–3)
Production[edit]
In August 2014, Nickelodeon announced a TV series adaptation of School of Rock,[2] and the cast was revealed in March 2015.[3] On April 5, 2016, Nickelodeon announced that School of Rock had been renewed for a 13-episode second season,[4] and actress Breanna Yde announced on her Twitter account that production of season two began April 24, 2016.[5] In April 2016, Jama Williamson was promoted to the regular cast for the series' second season.[6] The second season premiered on Nickelodeon on September 17, 2016. Nickelodeon renewed the series for a 20-episode third season on December 2, 2016.[7] The third season premiered on July 8, 2017. On November 15, 2017, Nickelodeon announced that the third season would be the last.[8] Tony Cavalero reported on social media that the series finale was airing on April 8, 2018.[9][10] The last episode of the third season as well as the series aired on April 8, 2018.[11]
Ratings[edit]
Season
Episodes
First aired
Last aired
Avg. viewers
(millions)
Date
Viewers
(millions)
Date
Viewers
(millions)
1 12 March 12, 2016 (2016-03-12) 2.38[12] June 18, 2016 (2016-06-18) 1.39[13] 1.49
2 13 September 17, 2016 (2016-09-17) 1.34[14] January 28, 2017 (2017-01-28) 1.18[15] 1.35
3 20 July 8, 2017 (2017-07-08) 1.03[16] April 8, 2018 (2018-04-08) 0.67[17] 0.78
Awards and nominations[edit]
Year
Award
Category
Result
Ref.
2016 68th Primetime Emmy Awards Outstanding Children's Program Nominated [18]
2017 28th Producers Guild of America Awards Outstanding Children's Program Nominated [19]
69th Primetime Emmy Awards Outstanding Children's Program Nominated [20]
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "School of Rock". The Futon Critic. Retrieved April 13, 2018. Broadcast History: 3/12/16 - 4/8/18
Jump up ^ Laura Prudom (August 4, 2016). "Nickelodeon Orders School of Rock Series". Variety. Retrieved May 3, 2016.
Jump up ^ Elizabeth Wagmeister (March 26, 2015). "Nickelodeon Reveals Cast for School of Rock Series". Variety. Retrieved May 3, 2016.
Jump up ^ Nellie Andreeva (April 5, 2016). "School of Rock Renewed for Season 2 by Nickelodeon". Deadline. Retrieved April 6, 2016.
Jump up ^ Breanna Yde [@breannayde] (April 27, 2016). "Being back on set is great!" (Tweet). Retrieved May 3, 2016 – via Twitter.
Jump up ^ Denise Petski (April 12, 2016). "'School Of Rock': Jama Williamson Upped To Regular On Nickelodeon Music Comedy Series". Deadline. Retrieved October 23, 2017.
Jump up ^ Nellie Andreeva (December 2, 2016). "School of Rock Renewed for Season 3 by Nickelodeon". Deadline. Retrieved June 20, 2017.
Jump up ^ Nellie Andreeva (November 15, 2017). "Nicky, Ricky, Dicky & Dawn and School of Rock Canceled by Nickelodeon". Deadline. Retrieved November 15, 2017.
Jump up ^ Tony Cavalero [@TonyCavalero] (April 8, 2018). "I love #RockAndRoll #TONIGHT! We will all be watching together. The series finale of… www.instagram.com/p/BhUTOI5hzPE/" (Tweet). Retrieved April 9, 2018 – via Twitter.
Jump up ^ Tony Cavalero (April 8, 2018). "I love #RockAndRoll #TONIGHT! We will all be watching together. The series finale of @nickelodeon's #SchoolOfRock! ❤ YOU ALL! @breannayde @lancedaelim @theaidanminer @jadepettyjohn_official @ricardo #SundayFunday". Instagram. Retrieved April 9, 2018.
Jump up ^ "School of Rock". The Futon Critic. Retrieved April 13, 2018. Broadcast History: 3/12/16 - 4/8/18
Jump up ^ Mitch Metcalf (March 15, 2016). "Top 150 Saturday Cable Originals & Network Finals: 3.12.2016". Showbuzz Daily. Retrieved March 27, 2016.
Jump up ^ Mitch Metcalf (June 21, 2016). "Top 150 Saturday Cable Originals & Network Finals: 6.18.2016". Showbuzz Daily. Retrieved June 21, 2016.
Jump up ^ Mitch Metcalf (September 20, 2016). "Top 150 Saturday Cable Originals & Network Finals: 9.17.2016". Showbuzz Daily. Retrieved September 20, 2016.
Jump up ^ Mitch Metcalf (January 31, 2017). "Top 150 Saturday Cable Originals & Network Finals: 1.28.2017". Showbuzz Daily. Retrieved January 31, 2017.
Jump up ^ Mitch Metcalf (July 11, 2017). "Top 150 Saturday Cable Originals & Network Finals: 7.8.2017". Showbuzz Daily. Retrieved July 11, 2017.
Jump up ^ Mitch Metcalf (April 10, 2018). "Top 150 Sunday Cable Originals & Network Finals: 4.8.2018". Showbuzz Daily. Retrieved April 10, 2018.
Jump up ^ "68th Emmy Awards Nominees and Winners". Television Academy. Retrieved September 5, 2016.
Jump up ^ "PGA Awards: The Complete Winners List". Variety. January 28, 2017. Retrieved February 2, 2017.
Jump up ^ "69th Emmy Awards Nominees and Winners". Television Academy. Retrieved August 4, 2017.
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School of Rock on IMDb
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text:
Lovebug
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
For other uses, see Lovebug (disambiguation).
Lovebug
Scientific classification
Kingdom: Animalia
Phylum: Arthropoda
Class: Insecta
Order: Diptera
Family: Bibionidae
Genus: Plecia
Species: P. nearctica
Binomial name
Plecia nearctica
Hardy, 1940[1]
The lovebug (Plecia nearctica) is a species of march fly found in parts of Central America and the southeastern United States, especially along the Gulf Coast.[2] It is also known as the honeymoon fly or double-headed bug. During and after mating, adult pairs remain coupled, even in flight, for up to several days.[3]
The species was first described in 1940 by D. E. Hardy, but was seen in Louisiana as early as 1911.[4] At that time, he reported the incidence of lovebugs to be widespread, but most common in Texas, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana.[2] However, by the end of the 20th century the species had spread heavily to all areas bordering the Gulf of Mexico, as well as Georgia and South Carolina. L. A. Hetrick, writing in 1970, found the bug was also widespread in central and northern Florida and described its flights as reaching altitudes of 300 to 450 metres (980 to 1,480 ft) and extending several kilometers over the Gulf.[5] In 2006, it was reported as far north as Topsail Beach, North Carolina.[6]
In early morning the insects cling to blades of grass in the shade. As soon as sun hits the spot they fly up and search for shade, after which they die. They do not fly as a swarm, but congregate in thousands.
Lovebugs' larvae feed on partially decayed vegetation in the landscape and, in this respect, are beneficial to humans. Adults primarily feed on nectar from various plants, particularly sweet clover, goldenrod, and Brazilian pepper.[2]
Contents
[hide]
1 Semi-annual pest status
2 Folklore
3 Management
4 Life cycle
5 Notes
Semi-annual pest status[edit]
Localized lovebug flights can number in the hundreds of thousands. The slow, drifting movement of the insects has been described as almost reminiscent of snow fall except that, unlike snow, the flies also rise into the air. Two major flights occur each year, first in late spring, then in late summer. In south Florida, a third (but smaller) flight can occur in December.[2] The spring flight occurs during late April and May, and in the summer during late August and September. Flights extend over periods of four to five weeks.[5] Mating takes place almost immediately after emergence of the females. Adult females live only three to four days, while males live a little longer. They have to stick to each other at all times.[2]
Lovebugs covering a bus stop at Walt Disney World in September 2006
This species' reputation as a public nuisance is due not to any bite or sting (it is incapable of either), but to its slightly acidic body chemistry. Because airborne lovebugs can exist in enormous numbers near highways, they die in large numbers on automobile windshields, hoods, and radiator grills when the vehicles travel at high speeds. If left for more than an hour or two, the remains become extremely difficult to remove. Their body chemistry has a nearly neutral 6.5 pH but may become acidic at 4.25 pH if left on the car for a day.[2] In the past, the acidity of the dead adult body, especially the female's egg masses, often resulted in pits and etches in automotive paint and chrome if not quickly removed.[7] However, advances in automotive paints and protective coatings have reduced this threat significantly. Now the greatest concern is excessive clogging of vehicle radiator air passages by the bodies of the adults, with a reduction of the cooling effect on engines, and the obstruction of windshields when the remains of the adults and egg masses are smeared on the glass.[2]
Lovebug adults are attracted to light-colored surfaces, especially if they are freshly painted, but adults congregate almost anywhere, apparently reacting to the effects of sunlight on automobile fumes, asphalt, and other products affected by environmental factors still not completely understood.[2]
Folklore[edit]
Urban legend holds that lovebugs are synthetic—the result of a University of Florida genetics experiment gone wrong.[3]
Much speculation about the lovebug still thrives. This is partly because the larval form of this insect is seldom seen, as it lives and feeds in the thatch of grasses for most of the year. While various fungi are suspected of being natural controls for this species,[2] biological control of these non-pest flies is not a priority for funding.
Research by L.L. Buschman showed that migration explained the introduction of the lovebug into Florida and other southeastern states, contrary to the urban myth that the University of Florida created them by manipulating DNA to control mosquito populations.[3]
Management[edit]
Lovebugs are subject to some significant natural controls, such as various parasitic fungi,[2] and dry weather, which dries out the thatch, resulting in a higher mortality rate for the immatures. As the lovebug migrated around the Gulf Coast, first to Texas, then Louisiana, then further eastward, the initial populations for many years were so excessive that they caused public concern and initiated rumors of their origin. However, as pest populations migrate naturally, their natural controls are usually not far behind. While it often took decades, lovebug flights are no longer present in the huge numbers that once existed simply because their natural controls (mostly fungi) caught up with established populations. In many areas, local lovebug flights may only be present in excessively large numbers due to occasional local conditions that may not be repeated in successive years.
While lovebugs are not a favored food of most insectivores due to their acidic taste, lovebug larvae—and some adults—are food for birds such as quail and robins. Arthropod predators include spiders, some predatory insects such as earwigs, at least two species of beetle larvae, and centipedes.[7]
Life cycle[edit]
The lovebug has been recorded to have two flights that occur each year, in which the insect has a total lifespan of about 4–9 months depending on flight season. The first flight occurs during the months of April and May, and the second occurs in August and September.[8] The flights generally last about 4–5 weeks each time.[9]
Female lovebugs can lay as many as 100-350 eggs and regularly lay these eggs around decaying material on the top layer of ground soil.[10] Lovebug eggs generally hatch after 2–4 days, depending on flight season. Once the eggs have hatched, the larvae start feeding on the decaying material around them, such as decaying plants on the soil and other organic material, and live and remain in the soil until they develop to the pupa stage.[10] During the warmer months the lovebug larvae remain in the larvae phase for approximately 120 days and approximately 240 days during the cooler months.[11] Lovebugs typically stay in the pupa stage about 7–9 days before reaching the adult phase, in which they can start reproducing.[12]
Once adults, lovebugs are ready to start copulating to begin reproducing. Adult male lovebugs emerge first from the pupal stage, and hover around until female lovebugs emerge.[13] Mating between lovebugs takes place immediately after emergence of the adult females.[14] A male lovebug copulates and will remain paired up until the female has been fully fertilized. Copulation takes place for 2–3 days before the female detaches, lays her eggs, and dies. Adult females have been recorded to live up to seven days, while adult males may live up to two to five days, but on average lovebugs live three to four days.[15] However, Thornhill (1976c) recorded recapture data that showed males lived longer in the field than females.[2]
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ Hardy, D. Elmo (1940). "Studies in New World Plecia (Bibionidae: Diptera)". Journal of the Kansas Entomological Society. Kansas: Kansas (Central States) Entomological Society. 13 (1): 15–27. Retrieved 10 August 2017.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h i j k Denmark, Harold; Mead, Frank; Fasulo, Thomas (April 2010). "Lovebug, Plecia nearctica Hardy". Featured Creatures. University of Florida/IFAS. Retrieved 22 September 2010.
^ Jump up to: a b c Leppla, Norman (September 2009). "Living with lovebugs". Electronic Data Information Source of UF/IFAS Extension. Institute of Food and Agricultural Sciences, University of Florida. Retrieved 23 September 2010.
Jump up ^ Buschman, Lawrent L. (June 1976). "Invasion of Florida by the "Lovebug" Plecia Nearctica (Diptera: Bibionidae)" (PDF). Florida Entomologist. Florida Entomological Society. pp. 191–194. Retrieved 8 February 2016.
^ Jump up to: a b Hetrick, L. (March 1970). "Biology of the 'love-bug', (Diptera: Bibionidae)" (PDF). Florida Entomologist. Entomological Society of Florida. Retrieved 23 September 2008.
Jump up ^ Mousseau, Timothy (July 2009). "Lovebugs on the move". University of South Carolina. Retrieved 23 September 2010.
^ Jump up to: a b Short, Donald (May 2003). "Lovebugs in Florida". Electronic Data Information Source of UF/IFAS Extension. Institute of Food and Agricultural Sciences, University of Florida. Retrieved 17 July 2008.
Jump up ^ Cherry, R., and Raid, R. 2000. Seasonal flight of Plecia nearctica (Diptera: Bibionidae) in southern Florida. Florida Entomol. 83: 94–96.
Jump up ^ Denmark, H. A., and F. W. Mead. "Lovebug - Plecia Nearctica Hardy." Lovebug – Plecia Nearctica Hardy. DPI Entomology Circular 350, 15 Aug. 1998. Web. 24 July 2014.
^ Jump up to: a b Wenston, J., D. E. Short, and M. Pfiester. "Lovebugs in Florida1." EDIS New Publications RSS. University of Florida, 2013. Web. 25 July 2014.
Jump up ^ Leppla, Norman C. "Living With Lovebugs." EDIS New Publications RSS. University of Florida/IFAS Extension, 15 Jan. 2007. Web. 24 July 2014
Jump up ^ Hetrick LA. 1970a. Biology of the "love-bug," Plecia nearctica (Diptera: Bibionidae). Florida Entomologist 53: 23-26.
Jump up ^ Thornhill, Randy. "Dispersal of Plecia Nearctica (Diptera: Bibionidae)." The Florida Entomologist 57.1 (1980): 45. ProQuest. Web. 24 July 2014.
Jump up ^ Thornhill, R. 1976c. Reproductive behavior of the lovebug, Plecia nearctica (Diptera: Bibionidae). Ann. Entomol. Soc. Amer. 69:843-847
Jump up ^ Hieber, C., J. Cohen. 1983. Sexual Selection in the Lovebug, *Plecia nearctica*: The role of male choice. Evolution, 37(5): 987-992.
[1]
Taxon identifiers
Wd: Q1763509
BugGuide: 107905
EoL: 740516
GBIF: 1590174
iNaturalist: 127635
ITIS: 121315
NCBI: 1588147
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Lovebug&oldid=841277223"
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text:
Vermeer Company
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Vermeer
A Vermeer stump cutter in England
Formerly
Vermeer Manufacturing Company
Founded
1943
Founder
Gary Vermeer
Headquarters
Pella, Iowa
Website
vermeer.com
Vermeer Corporation is a manufacturer of industrial and agricultural equipment.[1] The privately held company distributes products globally from seven production facilities and offices in Pella, Iowa, United States and multiple locations worldwide. Founded in 1943 by Gary Vermeer, as Vermeer Manufacturing Company, the company is in its third generation of family management under President and CEO Jason Andringa as well as other members of the third generation.[2][3] Vermeer serves the construction, landscaping, environmental, excavation, and forage markets domestically and internationally from locations in the Netherlands, Germany, Mainland China, Singapore, Hong Kong(China), Canada, and Brazil, as well as various wholly and partially owned subsidiaries in the United States.[4] Serving customers in more than 60 nations, Vermeer equipment and solutions are backed by a worldwide sales and support network of independent Vermeer equipment dealers.
Contents
[hide]
1 History
1.1 Milestones
2 References
3 External links
History[edit]
A Vermeer round baler
In central Iowa in 1943, Gary Vermeer[5] created a mechanical hoist to ease the process of unloading his grain wagon during harvest. Farm neighbors observed his wagon hoist in operation and asked for ones of their own. At his request, a local machine shop fabricated a number of these hoists to meet the demand. Today, Vermeer holds several product and design patents within its line of utility and track trenchers, directional boring systems, tub grinders, tree equipment, excavation machines, and hay-harvesting products. The company markets 100 agricultural and industrial products worldwide, and operates 1,500,000 square feet (140,000 m2) of plant space for manufacturing. On July 19, 2018 the Vermeer campus was hit by a tornado causing significant damage to two plant buildings and minor damage to other buildings[6]
Milestones[edit]
Portable Pow-R Drive, a self-propelled irrigation system, hay conditioner and cutter are introduced in the 1950s.
Vermeer invents the first machine to dig, transport and replace large trees in the 1960s.
The first larger round hay baler was invented by Gary Vermeer in 1971. Allis Chalmers first introduced the small round rotobaler in 1947.
Vermeer begins building large trenchers to lay underground pipelines in the 1980s.
The first Vermeer horizontal directional drill is introduced in the 1990s.
The prototype of the first self-propelled hay baler is demonstrated in 2017.
References[edit]
Jump up ^ http://www.workday.com/customers/by_industry/manufacturing/vermeer.php
Jump up ^ "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2014-02-03. Retrieved 2013-09-16.
Jump up ^ "Jason Andringa Named as Next Vermeer CEO". AC Business Media. August 26, 2014. Retrieved 8 February 2018.
Jump up ^ http://investing.businessweek.com/research/stocks/private/snapshot.asp?privcapId=759605
Jump up ^ "Meet Vermeer Corporation". Vermeer. Retrieved January 4, 2018.
Jump up ^ ""Unknown number of injured in Pella tornado". KCCI. Retrieved July 19, 2018.
External links[edit]
Media related to Vermeer Corporation at Wikimedia Commons
Vermeer website
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Vermeer_Company&oldid=851477398"
Categories:
Agriculture companies of the United States
Companies based in Iowa
Manufacturing companies established in 1948
Marion County, Iowa
Pella, Iowa
1948 establishments in Iowa
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