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Colonisation of Africa
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A map of Africa in 1910
The history of external colonisation of Africa can be divided into two stages: Classical antiquity and European colonialism. In popular parlance, discussions of colonialism in Africa usually focus on the European conquests that resulted in the scramble for Africa after the Berlin Conference in the 19th century.[1][2] Settlements established by Europeans while incorporated abjection of natives, also brought with it governing and academic institutions as well as agricultural and technological innovations that offset the extractive institutions commonly attributed to colonialism by Western powers.[3]
In nearly all African countries today, the language used in government and media is a relic inherited from one of these waves of colonisation. The existence of a vast African diaspora is largely the legacy of the practice of transporting millions of African slaves out of the continent by these external colonisers.
Contents
[hide]
1 Chronological overview
2 Ancient and Medieval colonisation
3 Early modern period
4 Scramble for Africa
5 Decolonisation
6 Theoretical Frameworks
6.1 Mahmood Mamdani
6.1.1 Summary
6.1.2 The legacy of Citizen and Subject
6.2 Achille Mbembe
6.3 Stephanie Terreni Brown
6.4 Critique
6.5 Summary of Colonisation of Africa
7 See also
8 Notes
8.1 Bibliography
9 External links
Chronological overview[edit]
Main article: History of Africa
In Ancient times, people from Southern Europe and Western Asia colonised North Africa, while people from Southeast Asia colonized Madagascar.
In the Middle Ages, North and East Africa was further colonized by people from Western Asia.
In the Modern Era, Western Europeans colonised all parts of the continent, culminating in the Scramble for Africa in the late 19th century. A wave of decolonization followed after World War II.
The main instance of internal colonisation within the African continent was the Bantu migration.
Ancient and Medieval colonisation[edit]
North Africa experienced colonisation from Europe and Western Asia in the early historical period, particularly Greeks and Phoenicians.
Under Egypt's Pharaoh Amasis (570–526 BC) a Greek mercantile colony was established at Naucratis, some 50 miles from the later Alexandria.[4] Greeks also colonised Cyrenaica around the same time.[5] There was also an attempt in 513 BC to establish a Greek colony between Cyrene and Carthage, which resulted in the combined local and Carthaginian expulsion two years later of the Greek colonists.[6]
Alexander the Great (356–323 BC) founded Alexandria during his conquest of Egypt. This became one of the major cities of Hellenistic and Roman times, a trading and cultural centre as well as a military headquarters and communications hub.
Phoenicians established a number of colonies along the coast of North Africa. Some of these were founded relatively early. Utica, for example, was founded c. 1100 BC. Carthage, which means New City, has a traditional foundation date of 814 BC. It was established in what is now Tunisia and became a major power in the Mediterranean by the 4th century BC. The Carthaginians themselves sent out expeditions to explore and establish colonies along Africa's Atlantic coast. A surviving account of such is that of Hanno, which Harden who quotes it places at c. 425 BC.[7]
Carthage encountered and struggled with the Romans. After the third and final war between them, the Third Punic War (150–146 BC), Rome completely destroyed Carthage. Scullard mentions plans by such as Gaius Gracchus in the late 2nd century BC, Julius Caesar and Augustus in the mid- and late 1st century BC to establish a new Roman colony near the same site. This was established and under Augustus served as the capital city of the Roman province of Africa.[8]
Gothic Vandals briefly established a kingdom there in the 5th century, which shortly thereafter fell to the Romans again, this time the Byzantines. The whole of Roman/Byzantine North Africa eventually fell to the Arabs in the 7th century.
Arabs introduced the Arabic language and Islam in the early Medieval period, while the Malay people introduced varieties of their language to Madagascar even earlier.
Early modern period[edit]
Main article: European exploration of Africa
Map of West Africa, ca. 1736, "explaining what belongs to England, Holland, Denmark, etc."
Early European expeditions by the Portuguese concentrated on colonising previously uninhabited islands such as the Cape Verde Islands and São Tomé Island, or establishing coastal forts as a base for trade, and for supporting the Cape Route between Europe and Asia. These forts often developed areas of influence along coastal strips, but, with the exception of the Senegal River, the vast interior of Africa was not colonised and was little-known to Europeans until the late 19th century.
Vincent Khapoya mentions Ali Mazrui's three interrelated broad reasons for European exploration of Africa: to increase knowledge, to spread Christianity and to increase national esteem.[9] Khapoya continues with a listing of reasons ("political/strategic, cultural and economic") for colonialism.[10]
Scramble for Africa[edit]
Main article: Scramble for Africa
Areas controlled by European colonial powers on the African continent in 1913, shown along with current national boundaries.
Belgian
British
French
German
Italian
Portuguese
Spanish
Independent
Established empires, notably Britain, Portugal and France, had already claimed for themselves vast areas of Africa and Asia, and emerging imperial powers like Italy and Germany had done likewise on a smaller scale. With the dismissal of the aging Chancellor Bismarck by Kaiser Wilhelm II, the relatively orderly colonisation became a frantic scramble. The 1884 Berlin Conference, initiated by Bismarck to establish international guidelines for the acquisition of African territory, formalised this "New Imperialism". Between the Franco-Prussian War and the Great War, Europe added almost 9 million square miles (23,000,000 km²)—one-fifth of the land area of the globe—to its overseas colonial possessions.
Vincent Khapoya notes the great self-esteem some European states felt at possessing territory many times larger than themselves. He adds the significant contribution made by Africans to struggle among the Great Powers. He states that one million people of African descent fought for the Allies in World War I and two million in World War II.[11]
Khapoya considers the colonisers' administrative styles. "The French, the Portuguese, the Germans and the Belgians exercised a highly centralised type of administration called 'direct rule.'"[12] The British sought to rule by identifying local power holders and encouraging or forcing these to administer for the British Empire. This was indirect rule.[13]
France ruled from France, appointing chiefs individually without considering traditional criteria, but rather loyalty to France. France established two large colonial federations in Africa, French West Africa and French Equatorial Africa. France appointed officials, passed laws and had to approve any measures passed by colonial assemblies.
Local groups in German East Africa resisted German enforced labour and taxation. The Germans were almost driven out of the area in 1888.[14] A decade later the colony seemed conquered, though, "It had been a long drawn-out struggle and inland administration centres were in reality little more than a series of small military fortresses." In 1905, the Germans were astonished by a widely supported uprising. This resistance was at first successful. However, within a year, the insurgency was suppressed by reinforcing troops armed with machine guns. German attempts to seize control in Southwest Africa also produced ardent resistance, which was very forcefully put down.[15]
King Leopold II of Belgium called his vast private colony the Congo Free State. Effectively this meant those exploiting the area were free of all restraint and answerable only to the Belgian king.[16] The treatment of the Africans under this system was harsh enough to cause the other colonial powers to plead with the Belgian king to exercise some moderating influence. Eventually the Belgian government annexed the territory as a Belgian colony.[16]
Khapoya notes the significant attention colonial powers paid to the economics of colonisation. This included: acquisition of land, often enforced labour, introduction of cash crops, sometimes even to the neglect of food crops, changing inter-African trading patterns of pre-colonial times, introduction of labourers from India, etc. and the continuation of Africa as a source of raw materials for European industry.[17] Colonial powers later focused on abolishing slavery, developing infrastructure, and improving health and education.[18][19]
Decolonisation[edit]
Main article: Decolonisation of Africa
Vincent Khapoya notes the significant resistance imperialist powers faced to their domination in Africa. Technical superiority enabled conquest and control. Pro-independence Africans recognised the value of European education in dealing with Europeans in Africa. Some Africans established their own churches. Africans also noticed the unequal evidence of gratitude they received for their efforts to support Imperialist countries during the world wars.[20]
Vincent Khapoya also notes that while European imposed borders did not correspond to traditional territories, such new territories provided entities to focus efforts by movements for increased political voice up to independence. Among local groups so concerned were professionals such as lawyers and doctors, the petite bourgeoisie (clerks, teachers, small merchants), urban workers, cash crop farmers, peasant farmers, etc. Trade unions and other initially non-political associations evolved into political movements.
Khapoya describes the differences in gaining independence by British and French colonies. Britain sought to follow a process of gradual transfer of power. The French policy of assimilation faced some resentment, especially in North Africa.[21] Shillington describes the granting of independence in March 1956 to Morocco and Tunisia to allow concentration on Algeria where there was a long (1954–62) and bloody armed struggle to achieve independence.[22] Khapoya writes that when President de Gaulle in 1958 held a referendum in its African colonies on the issue, only Guinea voted for outright independence. Nevertheless, in 1959 France amended the constitution to allow other colonies this option.[23]
As Shillington describes farmers in British East Africa were upset by attempts to take their land and to impose agricultural methods against their wishes and experience. In Tanganyika, Julius Nyerere exerted influence not only among Africans, united by the common Swahili language, but also on some white leaders whose disproportionate voice under a racially weighted constitution was significant. He became the leader of an independent Tanganyika in 1961. In Kenya, whites had evicted African tenant farmers in the 1930s; since the '40s there has been conflict, which intensified in 1952. By 1955, Britain had suppressed the revolt, and by 1960 Britain accepted the principle of African majority rule. Kenya became independent three years later.[24]
Shillington vividly portrays Belgium's initial opposition to independence, the demands by some urban Africans, the 1957 & 1958 local elections meant to calm this dissatisfaction, the general unrest that swept the colony, the rapid granting of independence and the civil strife that ensued.[25]
The main period of decolonisation in Africa began after World War II. Growing independence movements, indigenous political parties and trade unions coupled with pressure from within the imperialist powers and from the United States ensured the decolonisation of the majority of the continent by 1980. While some areas, in particular, South Africa, & Namibia retain a large population of European descent, only the Spanish enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla and the islands of Réunion, the Canary Islands, and Madeira remain under European control.
Theoretical Frameworks[edit]
The theory of colonialism addresses the problems and consequences of the colonization of a country, and there has been much research conducted exploring these concepts.
Mahmood Mamdani[edit]
Mahmood Mamdani
Summary[edit]
Mahmood Mamdani wrote his book Citizen and Subject in 1996. The main point of his argument is that the colonial state in Africa took the form of a bifurcated state, “two forms of power under a single hegemonic authority”.[26] The colonial state in Africa was divided into two. One state for the colonial European population and one state for the indigenous population. The colonial power was mainly in urban towns and cities and were served by elected governments. The indigenous power was found in rural villages and were ruled by tribal authority, which seemed to be more in keeping with their history and tradition. Mamdani mentions that in urban areas, native institutions were not recognised. The natives, who were portrayed as uncivilised by the Europeans, were excluded from the rights of citizenship.[27] The division of the colonial state created a racial segregation between the European ‘citizen’ and African ‘subject’, and a division between institutions of government.
The legacy of Citizen and Subject[edit]
The division Mamdani spoke about in Citizen and Subject is still visible in African cities. The segregation he talks about was based on race, but now, it is based on wealth and class. African urban cities are divided between rich areas, and poor areas that do not have services. This is best illustrated by Johnny Miller, who created a project called Unequal Scenes to showcase the inequalities in urban African spaces. One city that Miller looks at is Nairobi in Kenya. The photographs he provides highlights the housing inequality. The suburb of Loresho is home to the rich that live in gated communities, and to the poor that live in slum communities. They are only separated by a concrete barrier. This barrier represents a class segregation and the uneven distribution of wealth.[28]
Achille Mbembe[edit]
Achille Mbembe
On the Postcolony
Achille Mbembe is a Cameroonian historian, political theorist, and philosopher who has written and theorized extensively on life in the colony and postcolony. His 2000 book, On the Postcolony, critically examines postcolonial life in Africa and is a prolific work within the field of postcolonialism. It is through this examination of the postcolony that Mbembe reveals the modes through which power was exerted in colonial Africa. He reminds the reader that colonial powers demanded use of African bodies in particularly violent ways for the purpose of labor as well as the shaping of subservient colonized identities.
Through a comparison of power in the colony and postcolony, Mbembe demonstrates that violence in the colony was exerted on African bodies largely for the purpose of labor and submission.[29] European colonial powers sought natural resources in African colonies and needed the requisite labor force to extract them and simultaneously build the colonial city around these industries. Because Europeans viewed native bodies as degenerate and in need of taming, violence was necessary to create a submissive laborer.[29]
Colonisers viewed this violence as necessary and good because it shaped the African into a productive worker.[29] They had the simultaneous goals of utilizing the raw labor and shaping the identity and character of the African. By beating into the African a docile nature, colonisers ultimately shaped and enforced the way Africans could move through colonial spaces.[29] The African’s day-to-day life then became a show of submission done through exercises like public works projects and military conscription.[29]
Mbembe contrasts colonial violence with that of the postcolony. Mbembe demonstrates that violence in the postcolony is cruder and more generally for the purpose of demonstrating raw power. Expressions of excess and exaggeration characterize this violence.[29]
Mbembe’s theorization of violence in the colony illuminates the unequal relationship between the coloniser and colonised and reminds us of the violence inflicted on African bodies throughout the process of colonisation. It cannot be understood nor should be taught without the context of this violence.
Stephanie Terreni Brown[edit]
Stephanie Terreni Brown is an academic in the field of Colonialism. In her 2014 paper she examines how sanitation and dirt is used in colonial narratives through the example of Kampala in Uganda. Writing also about Abjection through sanitation planning in the city and how this plays a key role in this narrative of colonisation.[30]
Brown describes Abjection as the process whereby one group others or dehumanizes another. Those who are deemed Abject are often avoided by others, and seen as inferior. Abjectivication is continually used as a mechanism to dominate a group of people, and control them. In the case of colonialism, she argues that it is used by the west to dominate over and control the indigenous population of Africa.[30]
Abjectivication through discourses of dirt and sanitation are used to draw distinctions between the Western governing figures and the local population. Dirt being seen as something out of place, whilst cleanliness being attributed to the “in group”, the colonisers, and dirt being paralleled with the indigenous people. The reactions of disgust and displeasure to dirt and uncleanliness are often linked social norms and the wider cultural context, shaping the way in which Africa is still thought of today.[30]
Brown discusses how the colonial authorities were only concerned with constructing a working sewage system to cater for the colonials themselves, and weren’t concerned with the Ugandan population. This rhetoric of sanitation is important because it is seen as a key part of modernity and being civilised, which the African population are therefore seen as not being. This lack of sanitation and proper sewage systems add to this discourse of the people of Africa and Africa itself being savages and uncivilised, playing a central role in how the west justified the case of the civilising process. Brown refers to this process of abjectification using discourses of dirt as a physical and material legacy of colonialism that is still very much present in Kampala and other African cities today.[30]
Critique[edit]
Critical theory on the colonisation of Africa is largely unified in a condemnation of imperial activities. Postcolonial theory has been derived from this anti-colonial/anti-imperial concept and writers such as Mbembe, Mamdani and Brown, and many more, have used it as a narrative for their work on the colonisation of Africa.
‘Post colonialism can be described as a powerful interdisciplinary mood in the social sciences and humanities that is refocusing attention on the imperial/colonial past, and critically revising understanding of the place of the west in the world.’ [31]
Postcolonial geographers are consistent with the notion that colonialism, although maybe not in such clear-cut forms, is still concurrent today. Both Mbembe, Mamdani and Brown’s theories have a consistent theme of the indigenous Africans having been treated as uncivilised, second class citizens and that in many former colonial cities this has continued into the present day with a switch from race to wealth divide.
Mbembe is one of the most prominent writers within the field and this has led to his work being reviewed by numerous academics. On the Postcolony has faced criticism from academics such as Meredith Terreta for focusing too much on specific African nations such as Cameroon.[32] Echoes of this criticism can also be found when looking at the work of Mamdani with his theories questioned for generalising across an Africa that, in reality, was colonised in very different ways, by fundamentally different European imperial ideologies.[33] In contrast to Mbembe and Mamdani, Brown is a less prominent writer and one whose work is yet to be reviewed by other academics meaning it is currently harder to grasp what academic theoretical critiques could be brought against her work.
Summary of Colonisation of Africa[edit]
Africa has been colonised By different people from around the world since Ancient times, mainly from those who are Europeans and Asians. In more recent times during the Modern era, it has been Western Europeans who have colonised all parts of the continent, curating the ‘Scramble for Africa’ in the late 19th century. This scramble has had a huge affect on the continent, and is still felt today even though major decolonisation has occurred since World War Two. During the colonisation however, the acquisition of land, dominance over Africans from European Power, slavery and forced labour and extraction of Raw Materials for European Industry and benefit has had a huge affect on the continent. Technical superiority enabled conquest and control, and during the colonisation period, European’s it is argued exploited and exclaimed it was for Africa’s ‘own benefit’ as they were receiving European help, education and infrastructure. This is supported by the work of Achille Mbembe, who explains how the African body was seen as ‘degenerate’ and exploited by European colonial powers by using colonial violence for European benefit.[29] The African’s day-to-day life then became a show of submission done through exercises like public works projects and military conscription.[29]
The main period of decolonisation in Africa began after World War Two, after growing independence movements, indigenous political parties and trade unions along with pressure within the imperialist powers. The majority of the continent was decolonised in 1980, however some areas today still remain colonised such as The Canary islands and Madeira, and countries such as South Africa still remain a large population of European descent and the European influence can still be felt in many parts of the continent of Africa. Brown describes how Western colonial authorities through the use of ‘Abjectivication’, still form the basis of the view of Africa as the less significant due to the dirt and lack of sanitation that has been put in place, and justifying the case of the west civilising process and affecting Africa still today.[30]
Mamdani’s book ‘Citizen and Subject’ is a great analysis and legacy of explaining how the African cities colonised worked. He explains how the colonial states were divided into two, one colonial European and one for indigenous. The native exclusion by the Europeans created a clear division Mamdani argues, and segregated the African natives as the distant other subject. This legacy can still be seen today, as there is still a segregation in the majority of African cities between the rich and poor, whereby the uneven distribution of wealth has led to clear uneven development and social segregation, much like between the tribes and colonial powers of the past.[27] The division of the colonial state created a racial segregation between the European ‘citizen’ and African ‘subject’, and a division between institutions of government.
Postcolonial geographers, such as those discussed, have a consistent theme of how indigenous Africans have been exploited and seen as degenerate, and that this is still apparent today in many African post colonial cities in a wealth divide. Therefore, although decolonisation has occurred, are Africa really free and decolonised from the imposing European Colonial powers from the past.
See also[edit]
Africa portal
Economic history of Africa
Neocolonialism
Third world
White African
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ Harris (1914)
Jump up ^ Miers & Klein (1998)
Jump up ^ http://www.nber.org/papers/w18162.pdf. THE EUROPEAN ORIGINS OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT .William Easterly, Ross Levine.
Jump up ^ Boardman (1973), p. 114
Jump up ^ Boardman (1973), p. 151f
Jump up ^ Boardman (1973), p. 208
Jump up ^ Harden (1971), pp. 163–168
Jump up ^ Scullard (1976), pp. 37, 150, 216
Jump up ^ Khapoya (1998), p. 112
Jump up ^ Khapoya (1998), p. 114
Jump up ^ Khapoya (1998), p. 115f
Jump up ^ Bensoussan (2012)
Jump up ^ Khapoya (1998), p. 126f
Jump up ^ Shillington (1995)
Jump up ^ Shillington (1995), p. 340f
^ Jump up to: a b Khapoya (1998), p. 131
Jump up ^ Khapoya (1998), pp. 14–1431
Jump up ^ Lovejoy (2012)
Jump up ^ Ferguson (2003)
Jump up ^ Khapoya (1998), p. 148f
Jump up ^ Khapoya (1998), p. 177f
Jump up ^ Shillington (1995), p. 380f
Jump up ^ Khapoya (1998), p. 183
Jump up ^ Shillington (1995), p. 385f
Jump up ^ Shillington (1995), p. 391f
Jump up ^ 1946-, Mamdani, Mahmood, (1996). Citizen and subject : contemporary Africa and the legacy of late colonialism. Kampala: Fountain Publishers. p. 18. ISBN 9780852553992. OCLC 35445018.
^ Jump up to: a b Mamdani, Mahmood (1996). Citizen and subject : contemporary Africa and the legacy of late colonialism. Kampala: Fountain. p. 16. ISBN 9780852553992.
Jump up ^ Miller, Johnny. "Nairobi". unequalscenes.com. Retrieved 30 October 2017.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h Mbembe, Achille (1992). "Provisional Notes on the Postcolony". Africa: Journal of the International African Institute. 62: 3–37.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e Brown, Stephanie Terreni (2014-01-02). "Planning Kampala: histories of sanitary intervention and in/formal spaces". Critical African Studies. 6 (1): 71–90. doi:10.1080/21681392.2014.871841. ISSN 2168-1392.
Jump up ^ Clayton, Daniel (2003). "Chapter 18: Critical Imperial and Colonial Geographies". In Anderson, Kay; Domosh, Mona; Pile, Steve; Thrift, Nigel. Handbook of Cultural Geography. Sage London. pp. 354–368.
Jump up ^ Terretta, Meredith (2002). "Review Work: On the Postcolony by Achille Mbembe". Canadian Journal of African Studies. 36 (1): 161–163.
Jump up ^ Copans, Jean (1998). "Review of Citizen and Subject". Transformation. 36: 102–105.
Bibliography[edit]
Bensoussan, David (2012). Il était une fois le Maroc - Témoignages du passé judéo-marocain (2nd ed.). iUniverse. ISBN 978-1-4759-2609-5.
Boardman, John (1973) [1964]. The Greeks Overseas. Harmondsworth: Penguin.
Crowther, Michael (1978) [1962]. The Story of Nigeria. London: Faber and Faber.
Davidson, Basil (1966) [1964]. The African Past. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books.
Ferguson, Niall (2003). Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World. London: Allen Lane. ISBN 0-7139-9615-3.
Harden, Donald (1971) [1962]. The Phoenicians. Harmondsworth: Penguin.
Harris, Norman Dwight (1914). Intervention and Colonization in Africa. Houghton Mifflin.
Khapoya, Vincent B. (1998) [1994]. The African Experience (2nd ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall. ISBN 0137458525.
Lovejoy, Paul E. (2012). Transformations of Slavery: a History of Slavery in Africa (3rd ed.). London: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521176187.
Miers, Suzanne; Klein, Martin A. (1998). Slavery and Colonial Rule in Africa (Slave and Post-Slave Societies and Cultures). Routledge. ISBN 9780714644363.
Rodney, Walter (1972). How Europe Underdeveloped Africa. London: Bogle-L'Ouverture. ISBN 0-9501546-4-4.
Scullard, H. H. (1976) [1959]. From the Gracchi to Nero. London: Methuen and Co.
Shillington, Kevin (1995) [1989]. History of Africa (2nd ed.). New York: St. Martin's Press. ISBN 9780312125981.
External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Colonial Africa.
Economic Impact of Colonialism
Germany Refuses to Apologize for Herero Holocaust – from Africana.com
Andre Osborn, "Belgium exhumes its colonial demons", The Guardian, 12 July 2002
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text:
Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Not to be confused with Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen of 1793, a second declaration, written in 1793 but never formally adopted.
The Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen of 1789 is a fundamental document of the French Revolution and in the history of human rights.
The Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen (French: Déclaration des droits de l'homme et du citoyen), passed by France's National Constituent Assembly in August 1789, is an important document of the French Revolution and in the history of human and civil rights.[1] The Declaration was directly influenced by Thomas Jefferson, working with General Lafayette, who introduced it.[2] Influenced also by the doctrine of "natural right", the rights of man are held to be universal: valid at all times and in every place, pertaining to human nature itself. It became the basis for a nation of free individuals protected equally by the law. It is included in the beginning of the constitutions of both the Fourth French Republic (1946) and Fifth Republic (1958) and is still current. Inspired by the Enlightenment philosophers, the Declaration was a core statement of the values of the French Revolution and had a major impact on the development of freedom and democracy in Europe and worldwide.[3]
The Declaration, together with Magna Carta, the English Bill of Rights, and the United States Bill of Rights, inspired in large part the 1948 United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights.[4]
Contents
[hide]
1 History
2 Philosophical and theoretical context
3 Substance
3.1 Articles
3.2 Active and passive citizenship
3.3 Women's rights
3.4 Slavery
4 Legacy
4.1 Constitution of the French Fifth Republic
5 See also
5.1 Other early declarations of rights
6 Notes
7 References
8 Further reading
9 External links
History[edit]
The content of the document emerged largely from the ideals of the Enlightenment.[5] The key drafts were prepared by Lafayette, working at times with his close friend Thomas Jefferson.[6][7] In August 1789, Honoré Mirabeau played a central role in conceptualizing and drafting the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen.[8]
The last article of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen was adopted on 26 August 1789 by the National Constituent Assembly, during the period of the French Revolution, as the first step toward writing a constitution for France. Inspired by the Enlightenment, the original version of the Declaration was discussed by the representatives on the basis of a 24 article draft proposed by the sixth bureau[clarify],[9][10] led by Jérôme Champion de Cicé. The draft was later modified during the debates. A second and lengthier declaration, known as the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen of 1793, was written in 1793 but never formally adopted.[11]
Philosophical and theoretical context[edit]
The concepts in the Declaration come from the philosophical and political duties of the Enlightenment, such as individualism, the social contract as theorized by the Genevan philosopher Rousseau, and the separation of powers espoused by the Baron de Montesquieu. As can be seen in the texts, the French declaration was heavily influenced by the political philosophy of the Enlightenment and principles of human rights as was the U.S. Declaration of Independence which preceded it (4 July 1776).
The declaration is in the spirit of "secular natural law", which does not base itself on religious doctrine or authority, in contrast with traditional natural law theory, which does.[12]
The declaration defines a single set of individual and collective rights for all men. Influenced by the doctrine of natural rights, these rights are held to be universal and valid in all times and places. For example, "Men are born and remain free and equal in rights. Social distinctions may be founded only upon the general good."[13] They have certain natural rights to property, to liberty, and to life. According to this theory, the role of government is to recognize and secure these rights. Furthermore, government should be carried on by elected representatives.[12]
At the time of writing, the rights contained in the declaration were only awarded to men. Furthermore, the declaration was a statement of vision rather than reality. The declaration was not deeply rooted in either the practice of the West or even France at the time. The declaration emerged in the late 18th century out of war and revolution. It encountered opposition as democracy and individual rights were frequently regarded as synonymous with anarchy and subversion. The declaration embodies ideals and aspirations towards which France pledged to struggle in the future.[14]
Substance[edit]
The Declaration is introduced by a preamble describing the fundamental characteristics of the rights which are qualified as being "natural, unalienable and sacred" and consisting of "simple and incontestable principles" on which citizens could base their demands. In the second article, "the natural and imprescriptible rights of man" are defined as "liberty, property, security and resistance to oppression". It called for the destruction of aristocratic privileges by proclaiming an end to feudalism and to exemptions from taxation, freedom and equal rights for all "Men", and access to public office based on talent. The monarchy was restricted, and all citizens were to have the right to take part in the legislative process. Freedom of speech and press were declared, and arbitrary arrests outlawed.[15]
The Declaration also asserted the principles of popular sovereignty, in contrast to the divine right of kings that characterized the French monarchy, and social equality among citizens, "All the citizens, being equal in the eyes of the law, are equally admissible to all public dignities, places, and employments, according to their capacity and without distinction other than that of their virtues and of their talents," eliminating the special rights of the nobility and clergy.[16]
Articles[edit]
Article I – Men are born and remain free and equal in rights. Social distinctions can be founded only on the common good.
Article II – The goal of any political association is the conservation of the natural and imprescriptible rights of man. These rights are liberty, property, safety and resistance against oppression.
Article III – The principle of any sovereignty resides essentially in the Nation. No body, no individual can exert authority which does not emanate expressly from it.
Article IV – Liberty consists of doing anything which does not harm others: thus, the exercise of the natural rights of each man has only those borders which assure other members of the society the fruition of these same rights. These borders can be determined only by the law.
Article V – The law has the right to forbid only actions harmful to society. Anything which is not forbidden by the law cannot be impeded, and no one can be constrained to do what it does not order.
Article VI – The law is the expression of the general will. All the citizens have the right of contributing personally or through their representatives to its formation. It must be the same for all, either that it protects, or that it punishes. All the citizens, being equal in its eyes, are equally admissible to all public dignities, places, and employments, according to their capacity and without distinction other than that of their virtues and of their talents.
Article VII – No man can be accused, arrested nor detained but in the cases determined by the law, and according to the forms which it has prescribed. Those who solicit, dispatch, carry out or cause to be carried out arbitrary orders, must be punished; but any citizen called or seized under the terms of the law must obey at once; he renders himself culpable by resistance.
Article VIII – The law should establish only penalties that are strictly and evidently necessary, and no one can be punished but under a law established and promulgated before the offense and legally applied.
Article IX – Any man being presumed innocent until he is declared culpable if it is judged indispensable to arrest him, any rigor which would not be necessary for the securing of his person must be severely reprimanded by the law.
Article X – No one may be disturbed for his opinions, even religious ones, provided that their manifestation does not trouble the public order established by the law.
Article XI – The free communication of thoughts and of opinions is one of the most precious rights of man: any citizen thus may speak, write, print freely, except to respond to the abuse of this liberty, in the cases determined by the law.
Article XII – The guarantee of the rights of man and of the citizen necessitates a public force: this force is thus instituted for the advantage of all and not for the particular utility of those in whom it is trusted.
Article XIII – For the maintenance of the public force and for the expenditures of administration, a common contribution is indispensable; it must be equally distributed to all the citizens, according to their ability to pay.
Article XIV – Each citizen has the right to ascertain, by himself or through his representatives, the need for a public tax, to consent to it freely, to know the uses to which it is put, and of determining the proportion, basis, collection, and duration.
Article XV – The society has the right of requesting an account from any public agent of its administration.
Article XVI – Any society in which the guarantee of rights is not assured, nor the separation of powers determined, has no Constitution.
Article XVII – Property being an inviolable and sacred right, no one can be deprived of private usage, if it is not when the public necessity, legally noted, evidently requires it, and under the condition of a just and prior indemnity.
Active and passive citizenship[edit]
While the French Revolution provided rights to a larger portion of the population, there remained a distinction between those who obtained the political rights in the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen and those who did not. Those who were deemed to hold these political rights were called active citizens. Active citizenship was granted to men who were French, at least 25 years old, paid taxes equal to three days work, and could not be defined as servants (Thouret).[17] This meant that at the time of the Declaration only male property owners held these rights.[18] The deputies in the National Assembly believed that only those who held tangible interests in the nation could make informed political decisions.[19] This distinction directly affects articles 6, 12, 14, and 15 of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen as each of these rights is related to the right to vote and to participate actively in the government. With the decree of 29 October 1789, the term active citizen became embedded in French politics.[20]
The concept of passive citizens was created to encompass those populations that had been excluded from political rights in the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen. Because of the requirements set down for active citizens, the vote was granted to approximately 4.3 million Frenchmen[20] out of a population of around 29 million.[21] These omitted groups included women, slaves, children, and foreigners. As these measures were voted upon by the General Assembly, they limited the rights of certain groups of citizens while implementing the democratic process of the new French Republic (1792–1804).[19] This legislation, passed in 1789, was amended by the creators of the Constitution of the Year III in order to eliminate the label of active citizen.[22] The power to vote was then, however, to be granted solely to substantial property owners.[22]
Tensions arose between active and passive citizens throughout the Revolution. This happened when passive citizens started to call for more rights, or when they openly refused to listen to the ideals set forth by active citizens. This cartoon clearly demonstrates the difference that existed between the active and passive citizens along with the tensions associated with such differences.[23] In the cartoon, a passive citizen is holding a spade and a wealthy landowning active citizen is ordering the passive citizens to go to work. The act appears condescending to the passive citizen and it revisits the reasons why the French Revolution began in the first place.
Women, in particular, were strong passive citizens who played a significant role in the Revolution. Olympe de Gouges penned her Declaration of the Rights of Woman and the Female Citizen in 1791 and drew attention to the need for gender equality.[24] By supporting the ideals of the French Revolution and wishing to expand them to women, she represented herself as a revolutionary citizen. Madame Roland also established herself as an influential figure throughout the Revolution. She saw women of the French Revolution as holding three roles; "inciting revolutionary action, formulating policy, and informing others of revolutionary events."[25] By working with men, as opposed to working separate from men, she may have been able to further the fight of revolutionary women. As players in the French Revolution, women occupied a significant role in the civic sphere by forming social movements and participating in popular clubs, allowing them societal influence, despite their lack of direct political influence.[26]
Women's rights[edit]
The Declaration recognized many rights as belonging to citizens (who could only be male). This was despite the fact that after The March on Versailles on 5 October 1789, women presented the Women's Petition to the National Assembly in which they proposed a decree giving women equal rights.[27] In 1790, Nicolas de Condorcet and Etta Palm d'Aelders unsuccessfully called on the National Assembly to extend civil and political rights to women.[28] Condorcet declared that "he who votes against the right of another, whatever the religion, color, or sex of that other, has henceforth abjured his own".[29] The French Revolution did not lead to a recognition of women's rights and this prompted Olympe de Gouges to publish the Declaration of the Rights of Woman and the Female Citizen in September 1791.[30]
The Declaration of the Rights of Woman and the Female Citizen is modeled on the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen and is ironic in formulation and exposes the failure of the French Revolution, which had been devoted to equality. It states that:
“This revolution will only take effect when all women become fully aware of their deplorable condition, and of the rights, they have lost in society”.
The Declaration of the Rights of Woman and the Female Citizen follows the seventeen articles of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen point for point and has been described by Camille Naish as "almost a parody... of the original document". The first article of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen proclaims that "Men are born and remain free and equal in rights. Social distinctions may be based only on common utility." The first article of Declaration of the Rights of Woman and the Female Citizen replied: "Woman is born free and remains equal to man in rights. Social distinctions may only be based on common utility".
De Gouges also draws attention to the fact that under French law women were fully punishable, yet denied equal rights, declaring "Women have the right to mount the scaffold, they must also have the right to mount the speaker's rostrum".[31]
Slavery[edit]
The declaration did not revoke the institution of slavery, as lobbied for by Jacques-Pierre Brissot's Les Amis des Noirs and defended by the group of colonial planters called the Club Massiac because they met at the Hôtel Massiac.[32] Despite the lack of explicit mention of slavery in the Declaration, slave uprisings in Saint-Domingue in the Haitian Revolution took inspiration from its words, as discussed in C. L. R. James' history of the Haitian Revolution, The Black Jacobins.[33]
Deplorable conditions for the thousands of slaves in Saint-Domingue, the most profitable slave colony in the world, led to the uprisings which would be known as the first successful slave revolt in the New World. Slavery in the French colonies was abolished by the Convention dominated by the Jacobins in 1794. However, Napoleon reinstated it in 1802. In 1804, the colony of Saint-Domingue became an independent state, the Republic of Haiti.
Legacy[edit]
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The Declaration has also influenced and inspired rights-based liberal democracy throughout the world. It was translated as soon as 1793–1794 by Colombian Antonio Nariño, who published it despite the Inquisition and was sentenced to be imprisoned for ten years for doing so. In 2003, the document was listed on UNESCO's Memory of the World register.
Constitution of the French Fifth Republic[edit]
Main article: Constitution of the French Fifth Republic
According to the preamble of the Constitution of the French Fifth Republic (adopted on 4 October 1958, and the current constitution), the principles set forth in the Declaration have constitutional value. Many laws and regulations have been canceled because they did not comply with those principles as interpreted by the Conseil Constitutionnel ("Constitutional Council of France") or by the Conseil d'État ("Council of State").
Taxation legislation or practices that seem to make some unwarranted difference between citizens are struck down as unconstitutional.
Suggestions of positive discrimination on ethnic grounds are rejected because they infringe on the principle of equality since they would establish categories of people that would, by birth, enjoy greater rights.
See also[edit]
Human rights in France
Universality
Other early declarations of rights[edit]
Magna Carta (England, 1215)
Statute of Kalisz (Poland, 1264)
Henrician Articles and Pacta Conventa (Poland, 1573)
Petition of Right (England, 1628)
Bill of Rights (England, 1689)
Claim of Right (Scotland, 1689)
Bill of Rights (United States, 1789)
Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen of Franchimont (modern-day Belgium, 1789)
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ The French title can be also translated as "Declaration of Human and Civic Rights".
Jump up ^ Gregory Fremont-Barnes (2007). Encyclopedia of the Age of Political Revolutions and New Ideologies, 1760-1815. Greenwood. p. 190.
Jump up ^ Kopstein Kopstein (2000). Comparative Politics: Interests, Identities, and Institutions in a Changing Global Order. Cambridge UP. p. 72.
Jump up ^ Douglas K. Stevenson (1987), American Life and Institutions, Stuttgart (Germany), p. 34
Jump up ^ Georges Lefebvre (2005). The Coming of the French Revolution. Princeton UP. p. 212.
Jump up ^ George Athan Billias, ed. (2009). American Constitutionalism Heard Round the World, 1776-1989: A Global Perspective. NYU Press. p. 92. CS1 maint: Extra text: authors list (link)
Jump up ^ Susan Dunn, Sister Revolutions: French Lightning, American Light (1999) pp 143-45
Jump up ^ Keith Baker, "The Idea of a Declaration of Rights" in Dale Van Kley, ed. The French Idea of Freedom: The Old Regime and the Declaration of Rights of 1789 (1997) pp 154-96.
Jump up ^ The original draft is an annex to the 12 August report (Archives parlementaires, 1,e série, tome VIII, débats du 12 août 1789, p. 431).
Jump up ^ Archives parlementaires, 1e série, tome VIII, débats du 19 août 1789, p. 459.
Jump up ^ Gregory Fremont-Barnes, ed. (2007). Encyclopedia of the Age of Political Revolutions and New Ideologies, 1760-1815. Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. 159 vol 1. CS1 maint: Extra text: authors list (link)
^ Jump up to: a b Merryman, John Henry; Rogelierdomo (2007). The civil law tradition: an introduction to the legal system of Europe and Latin America. Stanford University Press. p. 16. ISBN 9780804755696.
Jump up ^ First Article, Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen.
Jump up ^ Lauren, Paul Gordon (2003). The evolution of international human rights: visions seen. University of Pennsylvania Press. p. 32. ISBN 9780812218541.
Jump up ^ Spielvogel, Jackson J. (2008). Western Civilization: 1300 to 1815. Wadsworth Publishing. p. 580. ISBN 978-0-495-50289-0.
Jump up ^ von Guttner, Darius (2015). The French Revolution. Nelson Cengage. pp. 85–88.
Jump up ^ Thouret 1789, http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/282/
Jump up ^ Censer and Hunt 2001, p. 55.
^ Jump up to: a b Popkin 2006, p. 46.
^ Jump up to: a b Doyle 1989, p. 124.
Jump up ^ "Social Causes of the Revolution"
^ Jump up to: a b Doyle 1989, p. 420.
Jump up ^ "Active/Passive Citizen", http://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/d/75/.
Jump up ^ De Gouges, "Declaration of the Rights of Women", 1791.
Jump up ^ Dalton 2001, p. 1.
Jump up ^ Levy and Applewhite 2002, pp. 319–20, 324.
Jump up ^ Women's Petition to the National Assembly
Jump up ^ Williams, Helen Maria; Neil Fraistat; Susan Sniader Lanser; David Brookshire (2001). Letters written in France. Broadview Press Ltd. p. 246. ISBN 978-1-55111-255-8.
Jump up ^ Lauren, Paul Gordon (2003). The evolution of international human rights. University of Pennsylvania Press. pp. 18–20. ISBN 978-0-8122-1854-1.
Jump up ^ Naish, Camille (1991). Death comes to the maiden: Sex and Execution, 1431–1933. Routledge. p. 136. ISBN 978-0-415-05585-7.
Jump up ^ Naish, Camille (1991). Death comes to the maiden: Sex and Execution, 1431–1933. Routledge. p. 137. ISBN 978-0-415-05585-7.
Jump up ^ The club of reactionary colonial proprietors meeting since July 1789 were opposed to representation in the Assemblée of France's overseas dominions, for fear "that this would expose delicate colonial issues to the hazards of debate in the Assembly", as Robin Blackburn expressed it (Blackburn, The Overthrow of Colonial Slavery, 1776–1848 [1988:174f]); see also the speech of Jean-Baptiste Belley
Jump up ^ Cf. Heinrich August Winkler (2012), Geschichte des Westens. Von den Anfängen in der Antike bis zum 20. Jahrhundert, Third Edition, Munich (Germany), p. 386
References[edit]
Jack Censer and Lynn Hunt, Liberty, Equality, Fraternity: Exploring the French Revolution, University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2001.
Susan Dalton, Gender and the Shifting Ground of Revolutionary Politics: The Case of Madame Roland, Canadian Journal of History, 36, no. 2 (2001): 259–83.
William Doyle, The Oxford History of the French Revolution, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989.
Darline Levy and Harriet Applewhite, A Political Revolution for Women? The Case of Paris, In The French Revolution: conflicting interpretations. 5th ed. Malabar, Fla.: Krieger Pub. Co., 2002. 317–46.
Jeremy Popkin, A History of Modern France, Upper Saddle River: Pearson Education, Inc., 2006.
"Active Citizen/Passive Citizen", Liberty, Equality, Fraternity: Exploring the French Revolution (accessed 30 October 2011).
Further reading[edit]
Gérard Conac, Marc Debene, Gérard Teboul, eds, La Déclaration des droits de l'homme et du citoyen de 1789; histoire, analyse et commentaires, Economica, Paris, 1993, ISBN 978-2-7178-2483-4.(in French)
McLean, Iain. "Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, and the Déclaration des Droits de l’Homme et du Citoyen" in The Future of Liberal Democracy: Thomas Jefferson and the Contemporary World (Palgrave Macmillan, 2004) online
External links[edit]
Find more aboutDeclaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizenat Wikipedia's sister projects
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Works related to Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen at Wikisource
"Déclaration des Droits de l'Homme et du Citoyen de 1789". Conseil constitutionnel (in French). Retrieved 14 May 2012.
"Declaration of human and civic rights of 26 August 1789" (PDF). Conseil constitutionnel. Retrieved 14 May 2012.
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French Revolution
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1788
Day of the Tiles (7 Jun 1788)
Assembly of Vizille (21 Jul 1788)
1789
What Is the Third Estate? (Jan 1789)
Réveillon riots (28 Apr 1789)
Convocation of the Estates-General (5 May 1789)
National Assembly (17 Jun – 9 Jul 1790)
Tennis Court Oath (20 Jun 1789)
National Constituent Assembly (9 Jul – 30 Sep 1791)
Storming of the Bastille (14 Jul 1789)
Great Fear (20 Jul – 5 Aug 1789)
Abolition of Feudalism (4-11 Aug 1789)
Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen (27 Aug 1789)
Women's March on Versailles (5 Oct 1789)
1790
Abolition of the Parlements (Feb–Jul 1790)
Abolition of the Nobility (19 Jun 1790)
Civil Constitution of the Clergy (12 Jul 1790)
1791
Flight to Varennes (20–21 Jun 1791)
Champ de Mars Massacre (17 Jul 1791)
Declaration of Pillnitz (27 Aug 1791)
The Constitution of 1791 (3 Sep 1791)
Legislative Assembly (1 Oct 1791 – Sep 1792)
1792
France declares war (20 Apr 1792)
Brunswick Manifesto (25 Jul 1792)
Paris Commune becomes insurrectionary (Jun 1792)
10th of August (10 Aug 1792)
September Massacres (Sep 1792)
National Convention (20 Sep 1792 – 26 Oct 1795)
First republic declared (22 Sep 1792)
1793
Execution of Louis XVI (21 Jan 1793)
Revolutionary Tribunal (9 Mar 1793 – 31 May 1795)
Reign of Terror (27 Jun 1793 – 27 Jul 1794)
Committee of Public Safety
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Fall of the Girondists (2 Jun 1793)
Assassination of Marat (13 Jul 1793)
Levée en masse (23 Aug 1793)
The Death of Marat (painting)
Law of Suspects (17 Sep 1793)
Marie Antoinette is guillotined (16 Oct 1793)
Anti-clerical laws (throughout the year)
1794
Danton and Desmoulins guillotined (5 Apr 1794)
Law of 22 Prairial (10 Jun 1794)
Thermidorian Reaction (27 Jul 1794)
Robespierre guillotined (28 Jul 1794)
White Terror (Fall 1794)
Closing of the Jacobin Club (11 Nov 1794)
1795
Constitution of the Year III (22 Aug 1795)
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Directoire (1795–99)
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1797
Coup of 18 Fructidor (4 Sep 1797)
Second Congress of Rastatt (Dec 1797)
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1797
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1798
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1799
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1800
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1802
Treaty of Amiens (25 Mar 1802)
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The Plain
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Charles François Lebrun
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List of people associated with the French Revolution
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French Republican Calendar
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Thomas Jefferson
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Founding
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Declaration of the Causes and Necessity of Taking Up Arms (1775)
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values: Erklärung der Menschen- und Bürgerrechte – Alemannisch

values: إعلان حقوق الإنسان والمواطن – Arabic

values: Declaración de los Derechos del Home y del Ciudadanu – Asturian

values: Дэкларацыя правоў чалавека і грамадзяніна – Belarusian

values: Декларация за правата на човека и гражданина – Bulgarian

values: Deklaracija o pravima čovjeka i građanina – Bosnian

values: Disklêriadur Gwirioù Mab-den hag ar c'heodedour 1789 – Breton

values: Declaració dels Drets de l'Home i del Ciutadà – Catalan

values: Erklæringen om menneskets og borgerens rettigheder – Danish

values: Erklärung der Menschen- und Bürgerrechte – German

values: Διακήρυξη των Δικαιωμάτων του Ανθρώπου και του Πολίτη – Greek

values: Declaración de los Derechos del Hombre y del Ciudadano – Spanish

values: Deklaracio pri Homaj kaj Civitanaj Rajtoj – Esperanto

values: Gizonaren eta Herritarraren Eskubideen Adierazpena – Basque

values: اعلامیه حقوق انسان و شهروند – Persian

values: Déclaration des droits de l'homme et du citoyen de 1789 – French

values: Declaración dos dereitos do home e do cidadán – Galician

values: 인간과 시민의 권리선언 – Korean

values: Մարդու և քաղաքացու իրավունքների դեկլարացիա – Armenian

values: पुरुष एवं नागरिक अधिकार घोषणापत्र – Hindi

values: Deklaracija o pravima čovjeka i građanina – Croatian

values: Deklaro pri la yuri di la homo e di la civitano de 1789 – Ido

values: Deklarasi Hak Asasi Manusia dan Warga Negara – Indonesian

values: Dichiarazione dei diritti dell'uomo e del cittadino – Italian

values: הצהרת זכויות האדם והאזרח – Hebrew

values: ადამიანისა და მოქალაქის უფლებათა დეკლარაცია – Georgian

values: Франциядағы адам және азамат құқықтарының декларациясы – Kazakh

values: Cilvēka un pilsoņa tiesību deklarācija – Latvian

values: Deklaratioun vun de Mënschen- a Biergerrechter vu 1789 – Luxembourgish

values: Žmogaus ir piliečio teisių deklaracija – Lithuanian

values: Emberi és polgári jogok nyilatkozata – Hungarian

values: Декларација за правата на човекот и граѓанинот – Macedonian

values: മനുഷ്യാവകാശ-പൗരാവകാശ പ്രഖ്യാപനം (ഫ്രാൻസ് 1789) – Malayalam

values: اعلان حقوق الانسان والمواطن – Egyptian Arabic

values: Pengisytiharan Hak Manusia dan Warganegara – Malay

values: Verklaring van de rechten van de mens en de burger – Dutch

values: 人間と市民の権利の宣言 – Japanese

values: Erklæringen om menneskets og borgerens rettigheter – Norwegian

values: Declaracion dels Dreches de l'Òme e del Ciutadan – Occitan

values: Deklaracja praw człowieka i obywatela – Polish

values: Declaração dos Direitos do Homem e do Cidadão – Portuguese

values: Declarația drepturilor omului și ale cetățeanului – Romanian

values: Декларация прав человека и гражданина – Russian

values: Declaration o the Richts o Man an o the Ceetizen – Scots

values: Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen – Simple English

values: Deklarácia práv človeka a občana (1789) – Slovak

values: Deklaracija o pravicah človeka in državljana – Slovenian

values: Декларација о правима човека и грађанина – Serbian

values: Deklaracija o pravima čovjeka i građanina – Serbo-Croatian

values: Ihmis- ja kansalaisoikeuksien julistus – Finnish

values: Deklarationen om människans och medborgarens rättigheter – Swedish

values: Pamamahayag ng Karapatan ng Tao at ng Mamamayan – Tagalog

values: மனிதர்களின் மற்றும் குடிமக்களின் உரிமைகள் சாற்றுரை – Tamil

values: ประกาศสิทธิมนุษยชนและพลเมือง – Thai

values: İnsan ve Yurttaş Hakları Bildirisi – Turkish

values: Декларація прав людини і громадянина – Ukrainian

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