text:
Floss (dance)
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Floss dance
Genre
Pop music
Year
2010s
The floss or flossing is a dance move in which a person swings their arms, with clenched fists, from the back to the front of their bodies on each side and do these movements repeatedly.[1] Media outlets have commented that the dance is harder to perform than it appears.[2]
Origin[edit]
The name comes from the moves themselves, which involve "a lot of fast arm and hip swings, as though using a huge, invisible piece of dental floss".[2]
Popularity[edit]
The dance became viral after Russell Horning[3] did it during a Saturday Night Live live performance of Katy Perry's music "Swish Swish",[4] and has since become a trend among children and teens, and has been performed by celebrities in videos.[5][6]
Flossing is featured in the 2017 video game Fortnite, as a victory animation performed by the characters.[4][6]
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "How to floss dance, who created it and why is everyone doing it?". Metro. 2018-04-18. Retrieved 2018-06-10.
^ Jump up to: a b Whelan, Zara (17 April 2018). "'The Floss' dance craze sweeps the nation – here's how you do it". lincolnshirelive. Retrieved 2018-05-15.
Jump up ^ https://metro.co.uk/2018/04/18/floss-dance-created-everyone-7476359/
^ Jump up to: a b "What Is 'The Floss' And Where Did It Come From?". 13 April 2018. Retrieved 2018-05-15.
Jump up ^ "Forget fidget spinners, now the craze is The Floss dance". Stuff. Retrieved 2018-05-15.
^ Jump up to: a b "From Fortnite to the classroom: the 'floss' dance craze sweeping schools | Tes News". www.tes.com. Retrieved 2018-05-15.
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Deccan Education Society
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This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (August 2013) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
Logo of Deccan Education Society.
The Deccan Education Society is an organisation that runs 43 education establishments in Maharashtra, India. It is based in Pune.
Contents
[hide]
1 History
2 See also
3 External links
4 References
History[edit]
In 1880 Vishnushastri Chiplunkar and Bal Gangadhar Tilak established the New English School, one of the first native-run schools offering Western education in Pune.[1] In 1884 they created the Deccan Education Society[2][3] with Gopal Ganesh Agarkar, Mahadev Ballal Namjoshi, V. S. Apte, V. B. Kelkar, M. S. Gole and N. K. Dharap. Soon afterwards,they established Fergusson College with Tilak and Agharkar as early lecturers.
Institutes run by the Deccan Education Society include:
College
Established
Fergusson College, Pune 1885
Willingdon College, Sangli 1919
Brihan Maharashtra College of Commerce(BMCC), Pune 1943
IMDR, Pune 1974
Kirti M. Doongursee College, Mumbai 1954
Chintamanrao College of Commerce, Sangli 1960
See also[edit]
Maharashtra Education Society
External links[edit]
Official website
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Johnson, Gordon (1973). Provincial Politics and Indian Nationalism: Bombay and the Indian National Congress 1880-1915. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 68–78. ISBN 0-521-20259-0. Retrieved 2 June 2015.
Jump up ^ Encyclopedia of Hinduism. Abingdon. UK: Routlege. 2008. pp. 166–167. ISBN 978-0-7007-1267-0. Retrieved 2 June 2015.
Jump up ^ "Bal Gangadhar Tilak". Encyclopædia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc. Retrieved 2 June 2015.
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Indian English
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Indian English is any of the forms of English characteristic of India.[1] English is the only official language in some states of India and is a lingua franca in the country.[2]
Contents
[hide]
1 English proficiency
2 Court language
3 Features of the dialect
4 History
5 Phonology
5.1 Vowels
5.2 Consonants
5.3 Spelling pronunciation
5.4 Supra-segmental features
6 Morphology and syntax
7 Numbering system
8 Vocabulary
9 Spelling and national differences
10 See also
11 Notes
12 References
13 Further reading
14 External links
English proficiency[edit]
Though English is one of the two official languages of the Union Government of India, only a few hundred thousand Indians have English as their first language.[3][4][5][6]
According to 2001 Census, English is known to 12.6% Indians in the 2001 census.[7] An analysis of the 2001 Census of India[8] concluded that approximately 86 million Indians reported English as their second language, and another 39 million reported it as their third language. No data was available whether these individuals were English speakers or users.
According to the 2005 India Human Development Survey,[9] of the 41,554 surveyed households reported that 72 percent of men (29,918) did not speak any English, 28 percent (11,635) spoke at least some English, and 5 percent (2,077, roughly 17.9% of those who spoke at least some English) spoke fluent English. Among women, the corresponding percentages were 83 percent (34,489) speaking no English, 17 percent (7,064) speaking at least some English, and 3 percent (1,246, roughly 17.6% of those who spoke at least some English) speaking English fluently.[10] According to statistics of District Information System for Education (DISE) of National University of Educational Planning and Administration under Ministry of Human Resource Development, Government of India, enrollment in English-medium schools increased by 50% between 2008–09 and 2013–14. The number of English-medium school students in India increased from over 15 million in 2008–09 to 29 million by 2013–14.[11]
India ranks 22 out of 72 countries in the 2016 EF English Proficiency Index published by the EF Education First. The index gives the country a score of 57.30 indicating "moderate proficiency". India ranks 4th out of 19 Asian countries included in the index.[12] Among Asian countries, Singapore (63.52), Malaysia (60.70) and the Philippines (60.33) received higher scores than India.
Court language[edit]
In December 2015, the Supreme Court of India ruled that English is the only court language.[13]
Features of the dialect[edit]
Indian English generally uses the Indian numbering system. Idiomatic forms derived from Indian literary languages and vernaculars have been absorbed into Indian English. Nevertheless, there remains general homogeneity in phonetics, vocabulary, and phraseology between variants of the Indian English dialect.[14][15][16][17]
History[edit]
English language public instruction began in India in the 1830s during the rule of the East India Company (India was then, and is today, one of the most linguistically diverse regions of the world[18]). In 1835, English replaced Persian as the official language of the Company. Lord Macaulay played a major role in introducing English and western concepts to education in India. He supported the replacement of Persian by English as the official language, the use of English as the medium of instruction in all schools, and the training of English-speaking Indians as teachers.[19] Throughout the 1840s and 1850s, primary-, middle-, and high-schools were opened in many districts of British India, with most high schools offering English language instruction in some subjects. In 1857, just before the end of Company rule, universities modelled on the University of London and using English as the medium of instruction were established in Bombay, Calcutta and Madras. During subsequent Crown Rule in India, or the British Raj, lasting from 1858 to 1947, English language penetration increased throughout India. This was driven in part by the gradually increasing hiring of Indians in the civil services. At the time of India's independence in 1947, English was the only functional lingua franca in the country.
After Indian Independence in 1947, Hindi was declared the first official language, and attempts were made to declare Hindi the sole national language of India. Due to protests from Tamil Nadu and other non-Hindi-speaking states, it was decided to temporarily retain English for official purposes until at least 1965. By the end of this period, however, opposition from non-Hindi states was still too strong to have Hindi declared the sole language. With this in mind, the English Language Amendment Bill declared English to be an associate language "until such time as all non-Hindi States had agreed to its being dropped." This hasn't yet occurred, and it is still widely used. For instance, it is the only reliable means of day-to-day communication between the central government and the non-Hindi states.
The view of the English language among many Indians has gone from associating it with colonialism to associating it with economic progress, and English continues to be an official language of India.[20]
While there is an assumption that English is readily available in India, available studies show that its usage is actually restricted to an elite,[21] because of inadequate education to large parts of the Indian population. The use of outdated teaching methods and the poor grasp of English exhibited by the authors of many guidebooks, disadvantage students who rely on these books.[22]
Phonology[edit]
Indian accents vary greatly. Most Indians speak with a more vernacular, native-tinted accent.
Vowels[edit]
In general, the Indian English has fewer peculiarities in its vowel sounds than the consonants, especially as spoken by native speakers of languages like Hindi, the vowel phoneme system having some similarities with that of English. Among the distinctive features of the vowel-sounds employed by some Indian English speakers:
Modern Indians, especially a minority of English students and teachers along with some people in various professions like telephone customer service agents, often speak with a non-rhotic accent. So, flower is pronounced as /flaʊ.ə/, never as /nevə/, water as /wɔːtə etc.
Most South Indian English speakers have the tail-tale split which is unique to South Indians, affecting word pairs such as plain/plane, main/mane and eight/ate (/plejn///pleːn/, /mejn///meːn/ and /eɪʈ/, /eːʈ/, respectively)
Many North Indians have a sing-song quality as they speak English, which perhaps, results from a similar tone used while speaking Hindi. Indian English speakers have the cot-caught merger and thus do not make a clear distinction between /ɒ/ and /ɔː/.
Most Indians have the trap–bath split of Received Pronunciation, affecting words such as class, staff and last (/klɑːs/, /stɑːf/ and /lɑːst/ respectively). Though the trap-bath split is prevalent in Indian English, it varies greatly. Many younger Indians who read and listen to American English do not have this split. The distribution is somewhat similar to Australian English in Regional Indian English varieties, but it has a complete split in Cultivated Indian English and Standard Indian English varieties.[citation needed]
Consonants[edit]
Among the most distinctive features of consonants in Indian English are:
Pronunciations vary between rhotic and non-rhotic; with pronunciations leaning towards native phonology being generally rhotic, and others being non-rhotic.
Standard Hindi and most other vernaculars (except Punjabi, Marathi, Assamese and Bengali) do not differentiate between /v/ (voiced labiodental fricative) and /w/ (voiced labiovelar approximant). Instead, many Indians use a frictionless labiodental approximant [ʋ] for words with either sound, possibly in free variation with [v] and/or [w] depending upon region. Thus, wet and vet are often homophones.[23]
Related to the previous characteristic, many Indians prefer to pronounce words such as <flower> as [flaː(r)], as opposed to [flaʊə(r)], and <our> as [aː(r)] as opposed to [aʊə(r)].
The voiceless plosives /p/, /t/, /k/ are always unaspirated in Indian English, (aspirated in cultivated form) whereas in RP, General American and most other English accents they are aspirated in word-initial or stressed syllables. Thus "pin" is pronounced [pɪn] in Indian English but [pʰɪn] in most other dialects. In native Indian languages (except in Dravidian languages such as Tamil), the distinction between aspirated and unaspirated plosives is phonemic, and the English stops are equated with the unaspirated rather than the aspirated phonemes of the local languages.[24] The same is true of the voiceless postalveolar afficate /tʃ/.
The alveolar stops English /d/, /t/ are often retroflex [ɖ], [ʈ], especially in the South of India.[25] In Indian languages there are two entirely distinct sets of coronal plosives: one dental and the other retroflex. Native speakers of Indian languages prefer to pronounce the English alveolar plosives sound as more retroflex than dental,[26] and the use of retroflex consonants is a common feature of Indian English.[27][28] In the Devanagari script of Hindi, all alveolar plosives of English are transcribed as their retroflex counterparts. One good reason for this is that unlike most other native Indian languages, Hindi does not have true retroflex plosives (Tiwari, [1955] 2001). The so-called retroflexes in Hindi are actually articulated as apical post-alveolar plosives, sometimes even with a tendency to come down to the alveolar region. So a Hindi speaker normally cannot distinguish the difference between their own apical post-alveolar plosives and English's alveolar plosives. However, languages such as Tamil have true retroflex plosives, wherein the articulation is done with the tongue curved upwards and backwards at the roof of the mouth. This also causes (in parts of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar) the /s/ preceding alveolar /t/ to allophonically change to [ʃ] (<stop> /stɒp/ → /ʃʈap/). Mostly in south India, some speakers allophonically further change the voiced retroflex plosives to voiced retroflex flap, and the nasal /n/ to a nasalised retroflex flap.
Many speakers of Indian English do not use the voiced postalveolar fricative (/ʒ/). Some Indians use /z/ or /dʒ/ instead, e.g. treasure /ˈtrɛzəːr/,[25] and in the south Indian variants, with /ʃ/ as in <"sh'"ore>, e.g. treasure /ˈtrɛʃər/.
All major native languages of India (except Bengali) lack the dental fricatives (/θ/ and /ð/; spelled with th). Usually, the aspirated voiceless dental plosive [t̪ʰ] is substituted for /θ/ in the north (it would be unaspirated in the south) and the unaspirated voiced dental plosive [d̪], or possibly the aspirated version [d̪ʱ], is substituted for /ð/.[29] For example, "thin" would be realised as [t̪ʰɪn] instead of /θɪn/ for North Indian speakers, whereas it would be pronounced unaspirated in the south.
South Indians tend to curl the tongue (retroflex accentuation) more for /l/ and /n/.[citation needed]
Most Indian languages (except Urdu varieties and Assamese) lack the voiced alveolar fricative /z/. A significant portion of Indians thus, even though their native languages do have its nearest equivalent: the unvoiced /s/, often use the voiced palatal affricate (or postalveolar) /dʒ/, just as with a Korean accent. This makes words such as <zero> and <rosy> sound as [ˈdʒiːro] and [ˈroːdʒiː] (the latter, especially in the North). This replacement is equally true for Persian and Arabic loanwords into Hindi. The probable reason is the confusion created by the use of the Devanagari grapheme < ज > (for /dʒ/) with a dot beneath it to represent the loaned /z/ (as < ज़ >). This is common among people without formal English education.
Many Indians with lower exposure to English also may pronounce /f/ as aspirated voiceless bilabial plosive [pʰ]. Again note that in Hindi (Devanagari) the loaned /f/ from Persian and Arabic is written by putting a dot beneath the grapheme for native [pʰ] < फ >: < फ़ >. This substitution is rarer than that for [z], and in fact in many Hindi /f/ is used by native speakers instead of /pʰ/, or the two are used interchangeably.
Inability to pronounce certain (especially word-initial) consonant clusters by people of rural backgrounds, as with some Spanish-speakers. This is usually dealt with by epenthesis. e.g., school /isˈkuːl/.
Sometimes, Indian speakers interchange /s/ and /z/, especially when plurals are being formed, unlike speakers of other varieties of English, who use [s] for the pluralisation of words ending in a voiceless consonant, [z] for words ending in a voiced consonant or vowel, and [ɨz] for words ending in a sibilant.
Again, in Assamese and dialects like Bhojpuri, all instances of /ʃ/ are spoken like [s], a phenomenon which is also apparent in their English. Exactly the opposite is seen for many Bengalis.[citation needed]
In Assamese, /tʃ/ and /ʃ/ is pronounced as /s/; and /dʒ/ and /ʒ/ is pronounced as /z/. Retroflex and dental consonants are not present and only alveolar consonants are used unlike other Indian languages. Similar to Bengali, /v/ is pronounced as /bʱ/ and /β/ in Assamese. For example; change is pronounced as [sɛɪnz], vote is pronounced as [bʱʊt] and English is pronounced as [iŋlis].
In case of the postalveolar affricates /tʃ/ /dʒ/, native languages like Hindi have corresponding affricates articulated from the palatal region, rather than postalveolar, and they have more of a stop component than fricative; this is reflected in their English.
Whilst retaining /ŋ/ in the final position, many Indian speakers add the [ɡ] sound after it when it occurs in the middle off a word. Hence /ˈriŋiŋ/ → /ˈriŋɡiŋ/ (ringing).[citation needed]
Syllabic /l/, /m/ and /n/ are usually replaced by the VC clusters [əl], [əm] and [ən] (as in button /ˈbuʈʈən/), or if a high vowel precedes, by [il] (as in little /ˈliʈʈil/). Syllable nuclei in words with the spelling er/re (a schwa in RP and an r-coloured schwa in GA) are also replaced VC clusters. e.g., metre, /ˈmiːtər/ → /ˈmiːʈər/.[citation needed]
Indian English uses clear [l] in all instances like Irish English whereas other varieties use clear [l] in syllable-initial positions and dark [l] (velarised-L) in coda and syllabic positions.
Spelling pronunciation[edit]
A number of distinctive features of Indian English are due to "the vagaries of English spelling".[29] Most Indian languages, unlike English, have a nearly phonetic spelling, so the spelling of a word is a highly reliable guide to its modern pronunciation. Indians' tendency to pronounce English phonetically as well can cause divergence from Western English. For example, "jewellery" is pronounced /dʒʋeləriː/ and "jewel" as /dʒʋel/ where Western Anglophones might omit the final e and perhaps the second one as well, pronouncing them as /dʒu(ə)lriː/ and /dʒuəl/ or /dʒuːl/.
In words where the digraph <gh> represents a voiced velar plosive (/ɡ/) in other accents, some Indian English speakers supply a murmured version [ɡʱ], for example <ghost> [ɡʱoːst]. No other accent of English admits this voiced aspiration.[25]
Similarly, the digraph <wh> may be aspirated as [ʋʱ] or [wʱ], resulting in realisations such as <which> [ʋʱɪtʃ], found in no other English accent.[30] However, this is somewhat similar to the traditional distinction between wh and w present in English, wherein the former is /ʍ/, whilst the latter is /w/.
In unstressed syllables, which speakers of American English would realise as a schwa, speakers of Indian English would use the spelling vowel, making <sanity> sound as [ˈsæniti] instead of [ˈsænəti]. This trait is also present in other South Asian dialects (i.e. Pakistani and Sri Lankan English), and in RP, etc.Similarly, <above> and <ago> can be heard as [eːˈbəv] and [eːˈɡoː] instead of [əˈbʌv] and [əˈɡoʊ].[citation needed]
Final <a> is almost always pronounced as schwa /ə/ in other dialects (exceptions include words such as <spa>); but in Indian English the ending <a> is pronounced as the long open central unrounded vowel /aː/ (as in <spa>) instead of /ə/. So, <India> is pronounced as /ˈɪnɖɪaː/ instead of /ˈɪndɪə/, and <sofa> as /ˈsoːfaː/ instead of /ˈsoʊfə/.[citation needed]
The word "of" is usually pronounced with a /f/ instead of a /v/ as in most other accents.[29]
Use of [d] instead of [t] for the "-ed" ending of the past tense after voiceless consonants, for example "developed" may be [ˈdɛʋləpd] instead of RP /dɪˈvɛləpt/.[25]
Use of [s] instead of [z] for the "-s" ending of the plural after voiced consonants, for example <dogs> may be [daɡs] instead of [dɒɡz].[29]
Pronunciation of <house> as [hauz] in both the noun and the verb, instead of [haus] as noun and [hauz] as verb.
The digraph <tz> is pronounced as [tz] or [tdʒ] instead of [ts] (voicing may be assimilated in the stop too), making <Switzerland> sound like [ˈsʋɪtzərlænd] instead of [ˈswɪtsəɹlənd].[citation needed]
In RP, /r/ occurs only before a vowel. But some speakers of Indian English, primarily in the South, use /r/ in almost all positions in words using the letter 'r',[29] similar to most American and some Irish dialects. The allophone used is a mild trill or a tap. Indian speakers do not typically use the retroflex approximant /ɻ/ for <r>, which is common for American English speakers.[citation needed]
All consonants are distinctly doubled (lengthened) in most varieties of Indian English wherever the spelling suggests so. e.g., <drilling> /ˈdrilliŋɡ/.
In certain words, especially Latinate words ending in ile, is pronounced [ɪ] in America and [aɪ] in Britain. Indian English, like most other Commonwealth dialects, will invariably use the British pronunciation. Thus, <tensile> would be pronounced as [ˈtɛnsaɪl] like the British, rather than [ˈtɛnsɪl] like the American; <anti>, on the other hand, use i, as [ˈænti] like in Britain, rather than [ˈæntaɪ] like in America. Similar effects of British colonisation are 're', 'ise', and 'our' spellings in words like 'metre', 'realise', and 'endeavour', respectively, which Americans would spell as 'meter', 'realize' and 'endeavor'.
Deletion is not commonly used. For example, "salmon" is usually pronounced with a distinct "l".
Supra-segmental features[edit]
English is a stress-timed language, and both syllable stress and word stress, where only certain words in a sentence or phrase are stressed, are important features of received pronunciation. Indian native languages are actually syllable-timed languages, like Latin and French. Indian-English speakers usually speak with a syllabic rhythm.[31] Further, in some Indian languages, stress is associated with a low pitch,[32] whereas in most English dialects, stressed syllables are generally pronounced with a higher pitch. Thus, when some Indian speakers speak, they appear to put the stress accents at the wrong syllables, or accentuate all the syllables of a long English word. Certain Indian accents are of a "sing-song" nature, a feature seen in a few English dialects in Britain, such as Scouse and Welsh English.[33]
Morphology and syntax[edit]
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Numbering system[edit]
The Indian numbering system is preferred for digit grouping. When written in words, or when spoken, numbers less than 100,000/100 000 are expressed just as they are in Standard English. Numbers including and beyond 100,000 / 100 000 are expressed in a subset of the Indian numbering system. Thus, the following scale is used:
In digits (International system)
In digits (Indian system)
In words (long and short scales)
In words (Indian system)
10 ten
100 one hundred
1,000 one thousand
10,000 ten thousand
100,000 1,00,000 one hundred thousand one lakh (from lākh लाख/لاکھ)
1,000,000 10,00,000 one million ten lakh (from lākh लाख/لاکھ)
10,000,000 1,00,00,000 ten million one crore (from karoṛ करोड़/کروڑ)
Larger numbers are generally expressed as multiples of the above (for example, one lakh crores for one trillion).[34][35]
Vocabulary[edit]
Indian English, naturally, has words of Indian vernaculars that have made their way into the English language, such as jungle, tank (water, irrigation), bungalow, shampoo and verandah. It has political, sociological, and administrative terms of modern India: dharna, hartal, eve-teasing, vote bank, swaraj, swadeshi, scheduled caste, scheduled tribe, NRI; it has words of Anglo-India such as tiffin, hill station, gymkhana; and it has slang.
Some examples unique to, or chiefly used in, standard written Indian English include:
academic (noun) (also Canadian and U.S. English): In pl.: Academic pursuits in contrast to technical or practical work.
Example: 1991 Hindu (Madras) 6 Dec. 27/2 For 14 years he immersed himself in academics and was a fine achiever.[36]
accomplish (verb, transitive), chiefly Indian English: To equip.
Example: 1992 H. L. Chopra in V. Grover Political Thinkers of Modern India XVII. lxiii. 488 His insatiable thirst for knowledge accomplished him with all modern standards of scholarship.[37]
airdash (verb intransitive) Indian English, to make a quick journey by air, especially in response to an emergency.
Example: 1973 Hindustan Times Weekly 25 Mar. 1 Governor B. K. Nehru, who airdashed to Shillong yesterday, flew back to Imphal.[38]
English-knowing (adjective) originally and chiefly Indian English (of a person or group of people) that uses or speaks English.
Example: 1941 J. Nehru Toward Freedom vii. 40 The official and Service atmosphere... set the tone for almost all Indian middle-class life, especially the English-knowing intelligentsia.[39]
freeship, Indian English. A studentship or scholarship which offers full payment of a student's fees.[40]
Example: 1893 Med. Reporter (Calcutta) 1 Feb. 57/1 Two permanent freeships, each tenable for one year and one of which is for the second and the other for the third year class.
Example: 2006 Economic Times (India) (Nexis) 12 Oct., Private institutions can only develop if they are allowed to charge reasonable fees, while also providing need based freeships and scholarships for a certain percentage of students.[41]
matrimonial (noun) B. 3b. Chiefly Indian English. Advertisements in a newspaper for the purpose of finding a marriageable partner.
Example: 1999 Statesman (Calcutta) 10 Feb., (Midweek section) 4/3 When I have a job I'll have to begin a whole new search for my better half... Back to the newspaper matrimonials on Sundays.[42]
press person n. (chiefly Indian English, frequently as one word) a newspaper journalist, a reporter, a member of the press
Example: 2001 Hindu (Nexis) 20 June, The Prime Minister greeted the presspersons with a ‘namaskar’ and a broad smile.[43]
redressal (noun) now chiefly Indian English. = redress (noun)
Example: 1998 Statesman (India) (Nexis) 2 Apr., There is an urgent need for setting up an independent authority for redressal of telecom consumer complaints.
Example: 2002 Sunday Times of India 15 Sept. 8/4 Where does he go for the redressal of his genuine grievances?[44]
upgradation (noun) Indian English, the enhancement or upgrading of status, value or level of something
Example: 1986 Business India 8 Sept. 153/1 (advt.) Our Company lays great stress on technical training and knowledge upgradation.[45]
Spelling and national differences[edit]
Indian English generally uses the same British English spelling as Commonwealth nations such as Pakistan, Australia, the United Kingdom, New Zealand, and South Africa. Nowadays due to the growing usage of internet, the American English and its spelling is rapidly gaining popularity in India. Most computers in India use en-us (American English) localisation.
Similarly, in common with most of the Commonwealth, the final letter of the alphabet, Z is pronounced zed. In addition, the punctuation mark at the end of a sentence is referred to as a "full stop" rather than "period".
See also[edit]
India portal
Languages portal
Hinglish
Indian English literature
Indian numbering system
Languages with official status in India
English as a lingua franca
Manglish
Regional accents of English
Regional differences and dialects in Indian English
Tanglish
Tenglish
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ Sedlatschek 2009, p. 1: Today many regional varieties of English, or Englishes, exist around the globe and are slowly but steadily gaining recognition. Indian English (IndE) is one of the oldest.
Jump up ^ "In defence of English: Blame the Indian education system, not the language".
Jump up ^ Census of India's Indian Census Archived 14 May 2007 at the Wayback Machine., Issue 25, 2003, pp 8–10, (Feature: Languages of West Bengal in Census and Surveys, Bilingualism and Trilingualism).
Jump up ^ FAMILY-WISE GROUPING OF THE 122 SCHEDULED AND NON-SCHEDULED LANGUAGES Archived 7 February 2013 at the Wayback Machine. – 2001 Census of India
Jump up ^ Tropf, Herbert S. 2005. India and its Languages Archived 8 March 2008 at the Wayback Machine.. Siemens AG, Munich
Jump up ^ For the distinction between "English Speakers," and "English Users," please see: TESOL-India (Teachers of English to Speakers of Other Languages)], India is World's Second Largest English-Speaking Country. Their article explains the difference between the 350 million number mentioned in a previous version of this Wikipedia article and the current number:
“ Wikipedia's India estimate of 350 million includes two categories – 'English Speakers' and 'English Users'. The distinction between the Speakers and Users is that Users only know how to read English words while Speakers know how to read English, understand spoken English as well as form their own sentences to converse in English. The distinction becomes clear when you consider China's numbers. China has over 200 million that can read English words but, as anyone can see on the streets of China, only a few million are English speakers. ”
Jump up ^ "These four charts break down India’s complex relationship with Hindi".
Jump up ^ published in 2010
Jump up ^ "EF English Proficiency Index - A comprehensive ranking of countries by English skills". www.ef.com. Retrieved 29 November 2016.
Jump up ^ Desai, Dubey; Joshi, Sen; Sharif, Vanneman (2010). "HUMAN DEVELOPMENT IN INDIA" (PDF). Oxford University Press.
Jump up ^ "Number of children studying in English doubles in 5 years".
Jump up ^ "EF English Proficiency Index - India". www.ef.com. Retrieved 29 November 2016.
Jump up ^ "Court language is English, says Supreme Court".
Jump up ^ Mukesh Ranjan Verma and Krishna Autar Agrawal: Reflections on Indian English literature (2002), page 163: "Some of the words in American English have spelling pronunciation and also pronunciation spelling. These are also characteristic features of Indian English as well. The novels of Mulk Raj Anand, in particular, are full of examples of ..."
Jump up ^ Pingali Sailaja: Indian English (2009), page 116: "So what was Cauvery is now Kaveri. Some residual spellings left by the British do exist such as the use of ee for /i:/ as in Mukherjee. Also, some place names such as Cuddapah and Punjab"
Jump up ^ Edward Carney: Survey of English Spelling (2012), page 56: "Not all distributional differences, however, have important consequences for spelling. For instance, the ... Naturally enough, Indian English is heavily influenced by the native language of the area in which it is spoken."
Jump up ^ Indian English Literature (2002), page 300: "The use of Indian words with English spellings: e.g. 'Mundus,' 'raksha'; 'Ed Cherukka,' 'Chacko Saar Vannu'"
Jump up ^ Lalmalsawma, David (7 September 2013), India speaks 780 languages, 220 lost in last 50 years – survey, Reuters
Jump up ^ John MacKenzie, "A family empire," BBC History Magazine (Jan 2013)
Jump up ^ Annamalai, E. (2006). "India: Language Situation". In Brown, Keith. Encyclopedia of language & linguistics. Elsevier. pp. 610–613. ISBN 978-0-08-044299-0. doi:10.1016/B0-08-044854-2/04611-3. Retrieved 6 February 2015. Lay summary (6 February 2015). – via ScienceDirect (Subscription may be required or content may be available in libraries.)
Jump up ^ "The rise of Hinglish: How the media created a new lingua franca for India's elites".
Jump up ^ Chelliah, Shobhana L. (July 2001). "Constructs of Indian English in language ‘guidebooks’". World Englishes. 20 (2): 161–178. doi:10.1111/1467-971X.00207.
Jump up ^ Wells, p. 627
Jump up ^ Wells, pp. 627–628
^ Jump up to: a b c d Wells, p. 628
Jump up ^ Ball & Muller 2014: The comments on retroflex consonants also apply to southern Indian languages such as Tamil, Telugu, Malayalam. and Kannada. Speakers of these languages tend to use their own retroflex consonants in place of English alveolar It, d, n/. Although these languages do have nonretroflex stops, these are dental, and it seems that English alveolar stops are perceived as closer to the retroflex stops than to the dental ones.
Jump up ^ Ball & Muller 2014, p. 289b: This use of retroflex consonants is very characteristic of Indian English, and the retroflex resonance is very pervasive ...
Jump up ^ Sailaja 2007, p. 252: 1.4 Indian (Telugu) English: All the adults who participated in this study spoke a Telugu variety of Indian English. Telugu pronunciation of English is heavily influenced by the spelling. Two identical letters in a word are articulated as geminates. The articulation is also mostly rhotic ... In place of the alveolar stops, retroflex sounds are used. Some speakers would also use a retroflex nasal in place of the alveolar nasal, and a retroflex lateral in place of the alveolar lateral.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e Wells, p. 629
Jump up ^ Wells, p. 630
Jump up ^ Cambridge Encyclopedia of the English Language (Cambridge University Press, 1995), page 360
Jump up ^ [1] Archived 1 September 2006 at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ Varshney, R.L., "An Introductory Textbook of Linguistics and Phonetics", 15th Ed. (2005), Student Store, Bareilly.
Jump up ^ "Investors lose Rs 4.4 lakh crore in four days | Business Standard". Bsl.co.in. 2010-11-27. Retrieved 2013-11-07.
Jump up ^ "Corporate chiefs getting crores in salaries: 100 and counting! – The Smart Investor". Smartinvestor.in. Retrieved 2013-11-07.
Jump up ^ academic (noun), 6, Oxford English Dictionary, Third Edition, December 2011
Jump up ^ accomplish (verb, transitive, 3a', Oxford English Dictionary, Third Edition, December 2011
Jump up ^ airdash (in air, Compounds, C2) (verb, transitive, Oxford English Dictionary, Third Edition, December 2008
Jump up ^ English-knowing (adj). Compound, C2, Oxford English Dictionary, Third Edition, December 2008
Jump up ^ "freeship". Oxford English Dictionary (3rd ed.). Oxford University Press. September 2005. (Subscription or UK public library membership required.)
Jump up ^ freeship, 4., Oxford English Dictionary, Third Edition, March 2008
Jump up ^ matrimonial (noun) B. 3b., Oxford English Dictionary, Third Edition, March 2001
Jump up ^ press (noun), Compound, Oxford English Dictionary, Third Edition, March 2007
Jump up ^ redressal (noun), Oxford English Dictionary, Third Edition, September 2009
Jump up ^ upgradation (noun), Oxford English Dictionary, 1993
References[edit]
Balasubramanian, Chandrika (2009), Register Variation in Indian English, John Benjamins Publishing, ISBN 90-272-2311-4
Ball, Martin J.; Muller, Nicole (2014), Phonetics for Communication Disorders, Routledge, pp. 289–, ISBN 978-1-317-77795-3
Baumgardner, Robert Jackson (editor) (1996), South Asian English: Structure, Use, and Users, University of Illinois Press, ISBN 978-0-252-06493-7 CS1 maint: Extra text: authors list (link)
Braj B. Kachru (1983). The Indianisation of English: the English language in India. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-561353-8.
Gargesh, Ravinder (17 February 2009), "South Asian Englishes", in Braj Kachru; et al., The Handbook of World Englishes, John Wiley & Sons, pp. 90–, ISBN 978-1-4051-8831-9
Hickey, Raymond (2004), "South Asian English", Legacies of Colonial English: Studies in Transported Dialects, Cambridge University Press, pp. 536–, ISBN 978-0-521-83020-1
Lange, Claudia (2012), The Syntax of Spoken Indian English, John Benjamins Publishing, ISBN 90-272-4905-9
Mehrotra, Raja Ram (1998), Indian English: Texts and Interpretation, John Benjamins Publishing, ISBN 90-272-4716-1
Sailaja, Pingali (2007), "Writing Systems and Phonological Awareness", in Bayer, Josef (ed); Bhattacharya, Tanmoy (ed); Babu, M. T. Hany (ed), Linguistic Theory and South Asian Languages: Essays in honour of K. A. Jayaseelan, John Benjamins Publishing Company, pp. 249–267, ISBN 978-90-272-9245-2 CS1 maint: Uses editors parameter (link)
Sailaja, Pingali (2009), Indian English, Series: Dialects of English, Edinburgh University Press, ISBN 978-0-7486-2595-6
Schilk, Marco (2011), Structural Nativization in Indian English Lexicogrammar, John Benjamins Publishing, ISBN 90-272-0351-2
Sedlatschek, Andreas (2009), Contemporary Indian English: Variation and Change, Series: Varieties of English Around the World, John Benjamins Publishing, ISBN 90-272-4898-2
Further reading[edit]
Henry Yule; Arthur Coke Burnell (1886). HOBSON-JOBSON: Being a glossary of Anglo-Indian colloquial words and phrases. John Murray, London.
Wells, J C (1982). Accents of English 3: Beyond the British Isles. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-28541-0.
Whitworth, George Clifford (1885). An Anglo-Indian dictionary: a glossary of Indian terms used in English, and of such English or other non-Indian terms as have obtained special meanings in India. K. Paul, Trench.
External links[edit]
"English in India". Archived from the original on 31 May 2013. Retrieved 23 January 2009. CS1 maint: Unfit url (link)
English Language Proficiency Test (E-SAT) conducted by English Language Teachers Association, Andhra Pradesh (ELTA) for classes 4 to 10
'Hover & Hear' pronunciations in a Standard Indian English accent, and compare side by side with other English accents from around the World.
"Linguistic and Social Characteristics of Indian English" by Jason Baldridge: An analysis of Indian language published by the "Language In India" magazine.
On the future of Indian English, by Gurcharan Das.
An exploration into linguistic majority-minority relations in India, by B. Mallikarjun.
108 varieties of Indian English, Dharma Kumar, India Seminar, 2001 (Volume 500).
What are some English phrases and terms commonly heard in India but rarely used elsewhere?, Pushpendra Mohta 2012.
India Human Development Survey-II 2011-2012
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Necessary and Proper Clause
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The Necessary and Proper Clause, also known as the elastic clause,[1] is a clause in Article I, Section 8 of the United States Constitution that is as follows:
The Congress shall have Power ... To make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any Department or Officer thereof.
Contents
[hide]
1 History leading up to ratification
2 National bank
3 Landmark decision by Chief Justice Marshall
4 Later applications
5 Name of the clause
6 See also
7 References
History leading up to ratification[edit]
According to the Articles of Confederation, "each state retains its sovereignty, freedom, and independence, and every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by this Confederation expressly delegated" (emphasis added). Thus, the Continental Congress had no powers incidental to those which were "expressly delegated" by the Articles of Confederation.[2] By contrast, the Necessary and Proper Clause expressly confers incidental powers upon Congress, while no other clauses in the Constitution do so by themselves.[2]
The draft Necessary and Proper Clause provoked controversy during discussions of the proposed constitution, and its inclusion became a focal point of criticism for those opposed to the Constitution's ratification. While Anti-Federalists expressed concern that the clause would grant the federal government boundless power, Federalists argued that the clause would only permit execution of power already granted by the Constitution. Alexander Hamilton spoke vigorously for this second interpretation in The Federalist Papers. At this time James Madison concurred with Hamilton, arguing in Federalist No. 44 that without this clause, the constitution would be a "dead letter". At the Virginia Ratifying Convention, Patrick Henry took the opposing view, saying that the clause would lead to limitless federal power that would inevitably menace individual liberty.[3]
National bank[edit]
For several decades after the Constitution was ratified, the interpretation of the Necessary and Proper Clause continued to be a powerful bone of contention between the Democratic-Republican Party and the Federalist Party, and several other political parties in the United States. The first practical example of this contention came in 1791, when Hamilton used the clause to defend the constitutionality of the creation of the First Bank of the United States, the first federal bank in the new nation's history. Concerned that monied Northern aristocrats would take advantage of the bank to exploit the South, Madison argued that Congress lacked the constitutional authority to charter a bank. Hamilton countered that the bank was a reasonable means of carrying out powers related to taxation and the borrowing of funds, claiming the clause applied to activities reasonably related to constitutional powers, not just those that were absolutely necessary to carry out said powers. To embarrass Madison, his contrary claims from The Federalist Papers were read aloud in Congress:[4]
"No axiom is more clearly established in law or in reason than wherever the end is required, the means are authorized; wherever a general power to do a thing is given, every particular power for doing it is included."
Eventually, Southern opposition to the bank and to Hamilton's plan to have the federal government assume the war debts of the states was mollified by the transfer of the nation's capital from its temporary seat in Philadelphia to a more southerly permanent seat on the Potomac, and the bill, along with the establishment of a national mint, was passed by Congress and signed by President Washington.[5]
Landmark decision by Chief Justice Marshall[edit]
This clause, as justification for the creation of a national bank, was put to the test in 1819 in the case of McCulloch v. Maryland,[6] wherein the state of Maryland had attempted to impede the operations of the Second Bank of the United States by imposing a tax on out-of-state banks, of which the Second Bank of the United States was the only one. The court ruled against Maryland, and Chief Justice John Marshall, Hamilton's longtime Federalist ally, wrote the opinion, which stated that while the Constitution did not explicitly give permission to create a federal bank, it conferred upon Congress an implied power to do so under the Necessary and Proper Clause so that Congress could realize or fulfill its express taxing and spending powers. The case reaffirmed Hamilton's view that legislation reasonably related to express powers was constitutional. Marshall wrote:
We admit, as all must admit, that the powers of the Government are limited, and that its limits are not to be transcended. But we think the sound construction of the Constitution must allow to the national legislature that discretion with respect to the means by which the powers it confers are to be carried into execution which will enable that body to perform the high duties assigned to it in the manner most beneficial to the people. Let the end be legitimate, let it be within the scope of the Constitution, and all means which are appropriate, which are plainly adapted to that end, which are not prohibited, but consistent with the letter and spirit of the Constitution, are constitutional.
The court in McCulloch v. Maryland[6] held that federal laws could be necessary without being "absolutely necessary", and noted that "The clause is placed among the powers of Congress, not among the limitations on those powers." At the same time, the court retained the power of judicial review established in Marbury v. Madison, declaring that it had the power to strike down laws that departed from those powers: "Should Congress, in the execution of its powers, adopt measures which are prohibited by the Constitution, or should Congress, under the pretext of executing its powers, pass laws for the accomplishment of objects not intrusted to the Government, it would become the painful duty of this tribunal, should a case requiring such a decision come before it, to say that such an act was not the law of the land."
As Chief Justice Marshall put it, the Necessary and Proper Clause "purport[s] to enlarge, not to diminish the powers vested in the government. It purports to be an additional power, not a restriction on those already granted."[7][8] Without this clause in the Constitution, there would have been a dispute about whether the express powers imply incidental powers, whereas this clause resolved that dispute by making the incidental powers to be expressed instead of implied.[8]
In a related case following the Civil War, the clause was employed (in combination with other enumerated powers) to give the federal government virtually complete control over currency.[9]
Later applications[edit]
The clause has been paired with the Commerce Clause to provide the constitutional basis for a wide variety of federal laws. For instance, various reforms involved in the New Deal were found to be necessary and proper enactments of the objective of regulating interstate commerce.[10]
Indeed, the influence of the Necessary and Proper Clause and its broader interpretation under McCulloch v. Maryland (1819) in American jurisprudence can be seen in cases generally thought to simply involve the Commerce Clause.
In Wickard v. Filburn (1942), the Supreme Court upheld a federal statute making it a crime for a farmer to produce more wheat than was allowed under price controls and production controls, even if the excess production was for the farmer's own personal consumption. The Necessary and Proper Clause was used to justify the regulation of production and consumption.[11]
Also, in addition to this combination of clauses being used to uphold federal laws affecting economic activity, they also were used to justify federal criminal laws.[12] For example, Congress in the Federal Kidnapping Act (1932) made it a federal crime to transport a kidnapped person across state lines, because the transportation would be an act of interstate activity over which the Congress has power. It has also provided justification for a wide range of criminal laws relating to interference with the federal government's rightful operation, including federal laws against assaulting or murdering federal employees.[citation needed]
In National Federation of Independent Business v. Sebelius (2012), the Supreme Court ruled that the individual mandate of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act cannot be upheld under the Necessary and Proper Clause. Chief Justice John Roberts wrote in his ruling that the mandate cannot "be sustained under the Necessary and Proper Clause as an integral part of the Affordable Care Act’s other reforms. Each of this Court’s prior cases upholding laws under that Clause involved exercises of authority derivative of, and in service to, a granted power. [...] The individual mandate, by contrast, vests Congress with the extraordinary ability to create the necessary predicate to the exercise of an enumerated power and draw within its regulatory scope those who would otherwise be outside of it. Even if the individual mandate is “necessary” to the Affordable Care Act’s other reforms, such an expansion of federal power is not a “proper” means for making those reforms effective."[13]
According to its proponents, this ruling in NFIB v. Sebelius returns the Necessary and Proper clause to its original interpretation outlined by John Marshall in McCulloch v. Maryland. According to David Kopel, the clause "simply restates the background principle that Congress can exercise powers which are merely 'incidental' to Congress’s enumerated powers."[14]
Name of the clause[edit]
The specific term "Necessary and Proper Clause" was coined in 1926 by Associate Justice Louis Brandeis, writing for the majority in the Supreme Court decision in Lambert v. Yellowley, 272 U.S. 581 (1926), wherein the court upheld a law restricting medicinal use of alcohol as a necessary and proper exercise of power under the 18th Amendment establishing Prohibition in the United States.
This phrase has become the label of choice for this constitutional clause, and it was universally adopted by the courts, and it received Congress's imprimatur in Title 50 of the United States Code, section 1541(b) (1994), in the purpose and policy of the War Powers Resolution.[15]
See also[edit]
McCulloch v. Maryland
United States v. Comstock
Wickard v. Filburn
Federalist No. 33
Federalist No. 44
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Gary P. Gershman (2008). The Legislative Branch of Federal Government: People, Process, and Politics. ABC-CLIO. pp. 28–. ISBN 978-1-85109-712-8.
^ Jump up to: a b Vile, John. The Constitutional Convention of 1787: A Comprehensive Encyclopedia of America's Founding, Volume 1, p. 591 (ABC-CLIO 2005).
Jump up ^ Watkins Jr., William J. (2004). Reclaiming the American Revolution.
Jump up ^ Chernow, Ron (2004). Alexander Hamilton.
Jump up ^ Allgor, Catherine (2006). A Perfect Union. McMillan.
^ Jump up to: a b "McCulloch v. Maryland 17 U. S. 316 (1819)". Justia.
Jump up ^ McCulloch v. Maryland, 17 U.S. 316, 420 (1819) quoted in Printz v. United States, 521 U.S. 898 (1997) (Stevens, J., dissenting, joined by Souter, Ginsburg & Breyer, JJ.).
^ Jump up to: a b Levy, Richard. The Power to Legislate, p. 104 (Greenwood Publishing Group 2006).
Jump up ^ Legal Tender Cases (Juilliard v. Greenman), 110 U.S. 421, 449 (1884).
Jump up ^ Gardbaum, Steven (1996). "Rethinking Constitutional Federalism".
Jump up ^ Wickard v. Filburn, 317 U.S. 111 (1942)
Jump up ^ "United States v. Comstock 560 U.S. 126 (2010)". Justia.
Jump up ^ Roberts Jr., John G. (28 June 2012). "The Supreme Court Decision on Obama's Health Care Law". The New York Times. Retrieved 1 July 2012.
Jump up ^ Kopel, David (28 June 2012). "Major limits on the Congress's powers, in an opinion worthy of John Marshall". SCOTUSblog. Retrieved 1 July 2012.
Jump up ^ "US CODE: Title 50,1541. Purpose and policy". Law.cornell.edu. Retrieved 2008-09-06.
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