text:
For better or worse
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For better or worse, For better or for worse or For better, for worse may refer to:
"For better for worse", a phrase from traditional Christian marriage vows
Contents
[hide]
1 Film
2 Music
3 Other
4 See also
Film[edit]
For Better, for Worse (1919 film)
For Better, for Worse (1954 film)
For Better, for Worse (1959 film)
Honeymoon Academy (film), also titled For Better or for Worse, a 1990 film
For Better or For Worse (film), a 1993 documentary film
For Better or Worse (film), a 1995 film
Music[edit]
Mood Muzik 3: For Better or for Worse, an album by Joe Budden
"For Better or Worse" (Debbie Gibson song)
"For Better or Worse", a song from the Broadway play Jennie
Other[edit]
For Better or For Worse, a comic strip by Lynn Johnston
For Better or Worse, a book by Jane Cunningham Croly
Tyler Perry's For Better or Worse, a 2011 American television series
For Better or Worse (radio series), a 1993–96 British radio series starring Gorden Kaye and Su Pollard
See also[edit]
For Better, For Worse, Forever, a novel by Lurlene McDaniel
Disambiguation page providing links to articles with similar titles
This disambiguation page lists articles associated with the title For better or worse.
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text:
Great Fear
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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The Great Fear (French: la Grande Peur) was a general panic that took place between 17 July and 3 August 1789, at the start of the French Revolution.[1] Rural unrest had been present in France since the worsening grain shortage of the spring, and, fueled by rumors of an aristocrats' "famine plot" to starve or burn out the population, both peasants and townspeople mobilized in many regions.[1]
In response to these rumors, fearful peasants armed themselves in self-defense and, in some areas, attacked manor houses. The content of the rumors differed from region to region—in some areas it was believed that a foreign force was burning the crops in the fields, while in other areas it was believed that robbers were burning buildings. Fear of the peasant revolt was a determining factor in the decision to abolish feudalism.
Contents
[hide]
1 Causes and course of the revolts
1.1 Ergotism
2 Comparison to previous peasant revolts
3 References
4 Further reading
5 External links
Causes and course of the revolts[edit]
See also: Causes of the French Revolution
French historian Georges Lefebvre has demonstrated that the revolt in the countryside can be followed in remarkable detail. The revolt had both economic and political causes, pre-dating the events of the summer of 1789. As Lefebvre commented, "To get the peasant to rise and revolt, there was no need of the Great Fear, as so many historians have suggested: when the panic came he was already up and away." The rural unrest can be traced back to the spring of 1788, when a drought threatened the prospect of the coming harvest. Harvests had in fact been poor since the massive 1783 Laki volcanic eruption in Iceland. Storms and floods also destroyed much of the harvest during the summer, leading to both a decrease in seigneurial dues and defaults on leases. Frosts and snow damaged vines and ruined chestnut and olive groves in the south. Vagrancy became a serious problem in the countryside, and in some areas, such as the Franche-Comté in late 1788, peasants gathered to take collective action against the seigneurs.
In early 1789, the King's financial minister Jacques Necker warned that the countryside risked a general uprising, and by April, peasant uprisings had become increasingly organised and anti-seigneurial in character. Demands were made for the cancellation of harvest payments and the restoration of rights, such as the right of grazing. The drawing up of the Cahiers de doléances and subsequent elections contributed to the general expectation of reform. While Lefebvre argued that fear of aristocratic conspiracy was a contributing factor in the peasant revolts, Timothy Tackett has recently demonstrated that the rumours circulating in Paris could not possibly have traveled across the countryside quickly enough to have caused the uprising. Tackett posits a fear of anarchy, rather than of aristocratic conspiracy, as the "mystical multiplier" which Lefebvre originally set out to uncover.[2] Peasants began to arm themselves, rang church bells to warn of danger, and took to attacking the symbols of the seigneurial regime, reclaiming tithes and grain.
The panic began in the Franche-Comté, spread south along the Rhône valley to Provence, east towards the Alps and west towards the centre of France. Almost simultaneously, a panic began in Ruffec, south of Poitiers, and travelled to the Pyrenees, toward Berry and into the Auvergne. The uprising coalesced into a general 'Great Fear' as neighbouring villages mistook armed peasants for brigands. Although the main phase of the Great Fear died out by August, peasant uprisings continued well into 1790, leaving few areas of France (primarily Alsace, Lorraine and Brittany) untouched.[3]
Although the Great Fear is usually associated with the peasantry, all the uprisings tended to involve all sectors of the local community, including some elite participants, such as artisans or well-to-do farmers. Often the bourgeoisie had as much to gain from the destruction of the feudal regime as did the poorer peasantry.[4][5]
As a result of the "Great Fear", the National Assembly, in an effort to appease the peasants and forestall further rural disorders, on 4 August 1789 formally abolished the "feudal regime", including seigneurial rights.[6] This led in effect to a general unrest among the nobility of France.
Ergotism[edit]
Historian Mary K. Matossian argued that one of the causes of the Great Fear was consumption of ergot, a hallucinogenic fungus. In years of good harvests, wheat contaminated with ergot was discarded, but when the harvest was poor, the peasants could not afford to be so choosy.[7]
Comparison to previous peasant revolts[edit]
Peasant revolt was clearly not a phenomenon new to late eighteenth-century France: the fourteenth century saw the Jacquerie in the Oise Valley, and the seventeenth century saw the Croquant rebellions. Yves-Marie Bercé, in History of the Peasant Revolts, concludes "peasant revolts of the years 1789–92 had much in common with their seventeenth-century counterparts: unanimity of the rural community, rejection of new taxation to which they were unaccustomed, defiance of enemy townsmen and a belief that there would be a general remission in taxes, particularly when the king decided to convene the estates general. In spite of all that is suggested by the political history of the period, the peasant disturbances at the beginning of the French Revolution did not depart from the typical community revolt of the preceding century."[8]
The usual cause of communal violence was “an assault launched from outside upon the community as a whole” whether that outsider be those profiting from unfairly high bread prices, marauding bandits, witches, or magistrates abusing power.[9] This statement about sixteenth- and seventeenth-century uprisings appears, at first, to apply equally to the Great Fear of 1789. However, one distinctive aspect of the latter was fear of an ambiguous outsider at the outset of the disturbance. Whether the brigands were English, Piedmontese or merely vagabonds was not easily determined and, when the Great Fear had spread to its largest expanse, it was a system, feudalism, rather than a specific person or group, at which its animosity was directed. Earlier revolts had not been subversive, but rather looked to a golden age that participants wished to see reinstated; the socio-political system was implicitly validated by a critique of recent changes in favour of tradition and custom.[10] The Cahiers des doléances had opened the door to the people’s opinion directly affecting social circumstances and policy, and the Great Fear evidenced this change.
The most glaring difference between the Great Fear of 1789 and previous peasant revolts was its scope. Spreading from a half-dozen or so separate nuclei across the countryside, almost all of France found itself in rural uproar. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, revolt was almost always contained within the borders of a single province.[11] This change in magnitude reflects to what extent social discontent was with the entire governmental system (and its ineffectiveness) rather than with anything particular to a locality. While, as Tackett argues, the specific manifestation of the fear of brigands (who they were, and what they were most likely to attack) may have been contingent upon local contexts, the fact that the brigands were perceived as a genuine threat to the peasants across the country in a wide-variety of local contexts speaks to a more systemic disorder.
Comparing the peasant revolts of the Tard Avisés with the Great Fear of 1789 reveals some key similarities and differences. From 1593–1595, in Limousin and Périgord, groups of peasants rose up against the armed forces that occupied the countryside and raised funds by levying taxes and ransom. In a series of assemblies, the Croquants, as they were pejoratively called, worked on a military plan for action and successfully expelled the garrisons from their lands. The letters between these assemblies justified their armed resistance as opposition to unjust claims on their property. When the chaotic political situation was stabilized with the coronation of Henry IV, the revolts ended and the peasants were eventually accorded the tax rebate they had demanded earlier. The Tard-Avisés had specific goals and achieved them; the same cannot be said of the participants in the Great Fear.
The Great Fear of 1789 broke with another pattern typical of peasant revolts in earlier centuries. The panic lasted for more than a few weeks, and took place during the most labour-intensive months of the year, whereas the Tard-Avisés and other revolts of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries occurred during the Spring months when the peasants had spare time. The specter of brigands destroying the harvest was so great in 1789 that peasants actually chose to forego working on the harvest in late June and July. The pragmatism of the previous revolts, which had produced real results, had disappeared by the end of the Ancien Régime.
Communal violence was but one tactic of many for opposing an enemy, and the peasants of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, drawing on a heritage of communal justice, might rise up to prevent enclosement of a communal grazing space, like a marsh, to demand lower bread prices, or to evade their taxes. During the reign of Louis XIV, however, popular revolt became an ever-less viable option for reform, as the state both became better able to respond to insurgency and also addressed many of the issues at the heart of peasant revolt. Reforms in the military structure prevented French soldiers from plundering French soil, and armed conflict with other powers was not fought at home. Thus, the threat of roaming bandits was a particularly poignant one – it evoked an era of lawlessness which the French monarchy had successfully countered in previous years.
There was much in common between the Peasantry in the Great Fear of 1789 and the peasants of the revolts of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, but they were neither unmalleable nor unchanged by the experience of Bourbon rule and its subsequent dissolution. Without the monarchy or a replacement government to administer and protect the people, the harvest, and with it, life itself, was in grave danger.
References[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b John Merriman, A History of Modern Europe, volume 2: From the French Revolution to the Present (1996), 481.
Jump up ^ Timothy Tackett, "La grande peur et le complot aristocratique sous la Revolution francaise," Annales historiques de la Révolution française, no. 335 (January–March 2004), pp. 1–17.
Jump up ^ Albert Goodwin, The French Revolution, London, UK: Hutchinson Univ. Library, 1970 ed, 71. ISBN 0-09-105021-9.
Jump up ^ Peter M. Jones, The Peasantry and the French Revolution, Cambridge, 1988, ch. 3
Jump up ^ Wiliam Doyle, The Oxford History of the French Revolution, 114-5.
Jump up ^ John Merriman, a history of modern Europe from the French revolution to the present, volume 2, 1996, page 482.
Jump up ^ Matossian, Mary Kilbourne, Poisons of the Past: Molds, Epidemics, and History. New Haven: Yale, 1989 (reedited in 1991) ISBN 0-300-05121-2
Jump up ^ Yves-Marie Bercé, History of the Peasant Revolts (Ithaca: Cornell UP, 1990), 339.
Jump up ^ Bercé, 39.
Jump up ^ Bercé, 332.
Jump up ^ Bercé, 322.
Further reading[edit]
Doyle, William. The Oxford History of the French Revolution (2003)
Furet, Francois and Mona Ozouf eds. A Critical Dictionary of the French Revolution (1989) pp 45-53
Lefebvre, Georges. The Great Fear of 1789: Rural Panic in Revolutionary France (1973)
External links[edit]
Liberty, Equality, Fraternity: exploring the French Revolution – Social Causes of the French Revolution
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1788
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1791
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1794
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text:
Gho
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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For other uses, see GHO (disambiguation).
Boys at a festival wear the gho.
Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck, Druk Gyalpo of Bhutan, wearing a gho and royal saffron kabney
The gho or g'ô (Dzongkha: བགོ, IPA: [ɡ̊hoː˨])[1] is the traditional and national dress for men in Bhutan. Introduced in the 17th century by Ngawang Namgyal, 1st Zhabdrung Rinpoche, to give the Ngalop people a more distinctive identity, it is a knee-length robe tied at the waist by a cloth belt known as the kera (སྐེད་རགས་).[2][3][4] On festive occasions, it is worn with a kabney.
The government of Bhutan requires all men to wear the gho if they work in a government office or school. Men are also required to wear the gho on formal occasions. In its modern form, the law dates from 1989, but the driglam namzha dress code is much older.
See also[edit]
Kira
Toego
Kabney
Kho (costume)
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Driem, George van (1998). Dzongkha = Rdoṅ-kha. Leiden: Research School, CNWS. p. 74. ISBN 978-9057890024.
Jump up ^ Levinson, David; Christensen, Karen (2002). Encyclopedia of Modern Asia: China-India relations to Hyogo. Encyclopedia of Modern Asia. 2. Charles Scribner's Sons. pp. 104–105. ISBN 0-684-31243-3. Retrieved 2011-10-15.
Jump up ^ Brown, Lindsay; Armington, Stan (2007). Bhutan. Country Guides (3 ed.). Lonely Planet. pp. 49–52, 80. ISBN 1-74059-529-7. Retrieved 2011-10-15.
Jump up ^ Bartholomew, Mark (1985). Thunder Dragon Textiles from Bhutan: the Bartholomew Collection. Shikōsha. p. 38. Retrieved 2011-10-16.
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text:
If It Isn't Love
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
"If It Isn't Love"
Single by New Edition
from the album Heart Break
Released
June 7, 1988
Format
Cassette single, CD single, Vinyl single
Recorded
November 1987
Genre
New jack swing[1]
Length
5:10 (album version)
3:48 (single version)
Label
MCA
Songwriter(s)
James Harris, Terry Lewis
Producer(s)
Jimmy Jam & Terry Lewis
New Edition singles chronology
"Count Me Out"
(1985) "If It Isn't Love"
(1988) "You're Not My Kind of Girl"
(1988)
"Count Me Out"
(1985) "If It Isn't Love"
(1988) "You're Not My Kind of Girl"
(1988)
"If It Isn't Love" is a 1988 song by American R&B quintet New Edition, and the first single from their fifth studio album, Heart Break. The song became the biggest hit from the aforementioned album, reaching the top ten of the US Billboard Hot 100, peaking at number seven, and reached the second position on the Hot Black Singles chart. It's chart performance and well-received music video garnered the quintet their first nomination for Best R&B Performance by a Duo or Group with Vocals at the 31st Grammy Awards in February 1989. The song and video is also notable for being the introduction of fellow R&B singer Johnny Gill as a new member of the R&B quintet.
Contents
[hide]
1 Overview
1.1 Release and reaction
2 Track listing
3 Trivia
4 Personnel
5 External links
6 References
Overview[edit]
Written and produced by Jimmy Jam & Terry Lewis, the song spoke of a man who left a troubling relationship because he didn't want to fall in love, only to find out that he was in fact in love with his former girlfriend but is still in a dilemma over it: if it isn't love/why do I feel this way/why does she stay on my mind? The song has a memorable breakdown similar to that of The Jackson 5, where lead singer Ralph Tresvant admits that he made a mistake and he realizes he does love her, though his resolve is crushed as his band mates then retort: You love her, what?! Though he is optimistic that he will get her back.
Release and reaction[edit]
This song returned New Edition to the top ten of both the pop and R&B singles charts, peaking at number seven and two, respectively. Ironically, they would be held off from the top spot of the Hot Black Singles chart by the same person that was voted out of the group just two years prior, Bobby Brown with his #8 pop hit "Don't Be Cruel". The music video for the song showcased the group (and longtime manager Brooke Payne) going over rehearsal for a concert, which has the band gearing up to hit the stage. The video ended with the group running towards the stage, and transitioned them into their next music video; a concert performance for the follow-up single, "You're Not My Kind of Girl."
Track listing[edit]
If It Isn't Love (12" Club Mix) - (7:42)
If It Isn't Love (Instrumental) - (5:10)
If It Isn't Love (Low Key Mix) - (4:30)
Trivia[edit]
Beyoncé's video for her single "Love on Top" was inspired by the music video for "If It Isn't Love"
Brooke Payne appears as the group's choreographer in the video.
Sampled on rap group Kidz In The Hall 2008 release song "Whattup Wit Me".
Sampled by Trick Daddy on his song "Ain't a Thug" from his album Thug Matrimony: Married to the Streets.
Sung by Romeo, Bullethead and their singing group for a talent show on an episode of The Steve Harvey Show.
Sampled by Sevyn Streeter on her song "Fallen" (featuring Ty Dolla $ign and Cam Wallace) from her debut studio album Girl Disrupted.
Personnel[edit]
Ronnie DeVoe: background vocals
Ricky Bell: background vocals
Michael Bivins: background vocals
Ralph Tresvant: lead vocals & background vocals
Johnny Gill: background vocals.
External links[edit]
Lyrics of this song at MetroLyrics
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Josephs, Brian (July 20, 2012). "The 25 Best New Jack Swing Songs". Complex. Retrieved July 26, 2016.
If It Isn't Love at AllMusic. Retrieved 14:56, 28 April 2015 (UTC).
[hide]
v
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New Edition
Ricky Bell
Michael Bivins
Bobby Brown
Ronnie DeVoe
Johnny Gill
Ralph Tresvant
Albums
Candy Girl
New Edition
All for Love
Christmas All Over the World
Under the Blue Moon
Heart Break
Home Again
One Love
Singles
"Candy Girl" (1983)
"Is This the End" (1983)
"Popcorn Love/Jealous Girl" (1983)
"Cool It Now" (1984)
"Mr. Telephone Man" (1984)
"Lost in Love" (1985)
"My Secret (Didja Gitit Yet?)" (1985)
"Count Me Out" (1985)
"If It Isn't Love" (1988)
"You're Not My Kind of Girl" (1988)
"Can You Stand the Rain" (1988)
"Crucial" (1989)
"N.E. Heart Break" (1989)
"Hit Me Off" (1996)
"I'm Still in Love with You" (1996)
"Something About You" (1996)
"One More Day" (1997)
"Hot 2Nite" (2004)
Related articles
Discography
Bell Biv DeVoe
LSG
Jimmy Jam & Terry Lewis
Maurice Starr
New Kids on the Block
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Long Walk to Freedom
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
For other uses, see Long Walk to Freedom (disambiguation).
Long Walk to Freedom
Author
Nelson Mandela
Cover artist
Allan Tannenbaum
Country
United States
Language
English
Subject
Autobiography
Genre
Non-fiction
Publisher
Macdonald Purnell
Publication date
1994
Media type
Print (hardback and paperback)
Pages
630 pp
ISBN
0-316-87496-5
OCLC
39296287
Long Walk to Freedom is an autobiographical work written by South African President Nelson Mandela, and first published in 1994 by Little Brown & Co.[1] The book profiles his early life, coming of age, education and 27 years in prison. Under the apartheid government, Mandela was regarded as a terrorist and jailed on the infamous Robben Island for his role as a leader of the then-outlawed ANC. He later achieved international recognition for his leadership as president in rebuilding the country's once segregated society.[2] The last chapters of the book describe his political ascension, and his belief that the struggle still continued against apartheid in South Africa.
Mandela dedicated his book to "my six children, Madiba and Makaziwe (my first daughter) who are now deceased, and to Makgatho, Makaziwe, Zenani and Zindzi, whose support and love I treasure; to my twenty-one grandchildren and three great-grandchildren who give me great pleasure; and to all my comrades, friends and fellow South Africans whom I serve and whose courage, determination and patriotism remain my source of inspiration."
Contents
[hide]
1 Overview
2 Reviews
3 Film adaptation
4 Ghost writer
5 See also
6 References
7 Further reading
8 External links
Overview[edit]
In the first part of the autobiography, Mandela describes his upbringing as a child and adolescent in South Africa, and being connected to the royal Thembu dynasty. His childhood name was Rolihlahla, which is loosely translated as "pulling the branch of a tree", or a euphemism for "troublemaker".
Mandela describes his education at a Thembu college called Clarkebury, and later at the strict Healdtown school, where students were rigorously put in routines. He mentions his education at the University of Fort Hare, and his practice of law later on. He also then writes; "Democracy meant all men to be heard, and decision was taken together as a people. Majority rule was a foreign notion. A minority was not to be clashed by a majority." (p. 29)
In the second part of the book, Mandela introduces political and social aspects of apartheid in South Africa, and the influences of politicians such as Daniel François Malan who implemented the nadir of African freedoms, as he officially commenced the apartheid policies. Mandela joined the African National Congress in 1950 and describes his organisation of guerrilla tactics and underground organisations to battle against apartheid.
In 1961, Mandela was convicted for inciting people to strike and leaving the country without a passport and sentenced to five years imprisonment. However, Mandela was shortly thereafter sentenced to life imprisonment for sabotage in what was known as the "Rivonia Trial", by Justice Dr. Quartus de Wet, instead of a possible death sentence. (p. 159)
Nelson Mandela's prison cell on Robben Island
Mandela describes prison time on Robben Island and Pollsmoor Prison. His 28-year tenure in prison was marked by the cruelty of Afrikaner guards, backbreaking labour, and sleeping in minuscule cells which were nearly uninhabitable. Unlike his biographer Anthony Sampson, Mandela does not accuse the warder James Gregory of fabricating a friendship with his prisoner. Gregory's book Goodbye Bafana discussed Mandela's family life and described Gregory as a close personal friend of Mandela. According to Mandela: The Authorised Biography, Gregory's position was to censor the letters delivered to the future president, and he thereby discovered the details of Mandela's personal life, which he then made money from by means of his book Goodbye Bafana. Mandela considered suing Gregory for this breach of trust.[3] In Long Walk to Freedom Mandela remarks of Gregory only that 'I had not known him terribly well, but he knew us, because he had been responsible for reviewing our incoming and outgoing mail.'[4]
Later on in his sentence, Mandela met South African president, Frederik Willem de Klerk, and was released from prison in 1990. Unlike his friend Anthony Sampson's account, Mandela's book does not discuss the alleged complicity of de Klerk in the violence of the eighties and nineties, or the role of his ex-wife Winnie Mandela in that bloodshed. Mandela became the South African president in 1994.
Reviews[edit]
The book won the Alan Paton Award in 1995, and has been published in numerous languages, including an Afrikaans translation by Antjie Krog.
Film adaptation[edit]
Long Walk to Freedom has been adapted into a film titled Mandela: Long Walk to Freedom directed by Justin Chadwick, written by William Nicholson, and produced by Anant Singh. Mandela personally awarded the film rights to the book to Singh's company some years before 2009. Singh believes that as the film is based on Mandela's own writing, it will be the "definitive" biopic of him.[5] English actor Idris Elba portrays Mandela in the film.[6] The film was limited released on 29 November 2013 in the United States. Full release happened on Christmas Day 2013 in the United States.[7] When the film was shown in London for Prince William and his wife, Nelson Mandela's death was announced.
Ghost writer[edit]
In an obituary of Mandela, The Times of London reported that the later chapters had been "ghosted by a skilful US journalist", and that Mandela had later started work on a second set of memoirs without a ghost writer.[8]
See also[edit]
Mandela: The Authorised Biography
"I Am Prepared to Die" speech
Apartheid
F.W. de Klerk
Arabic edition The book was translated into Arabic and published in 1998 in South Africa.
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "Long walk to freedom : the autobiography of Nelson Mandela". Franklin Record (first ed.). Philadelphia. ISBN 0316545856. OCLC 31530423. Retrieved 2017-01-21.
Jump up ^ Spencer, Clare. "The pitfalls of naming places after famous people". BBC News. 29 July 2011.
Jump up ^ Mandela: The Authorised Biography, p. 217.
Jump up ^ Nelson Mandela: Long Walk to Freedom, p. 614.
Jump up ^ Staff (13 March 2009). "Mandela's autobiography Long Walk to Freedom to be adapted into film". Xinhua News Agency. Archived from the original on 16 March 2009. Retrieved 13 March 2009.
Jump up ^ Jefferson, Lucette (22 February 2012). "Confirmed! Idris Elba set to play Nelson Mandela in Biopic". Huffington Post. Retrieved 23 February 2012.
Jump up ^ "Nelson Mandela and Saths Cooper spent Christmas in prison together". UPI.com. 12 December 2014. Retrieved 26 December 2013.
Jump up ^ "The Times Obituary: Nelson Mandela". The Times. London: Times Newspapers Ltd. 5 December 2013. Retrieved 16 February 2014.
Further reading[edit]
Sampson, Anthony (1999). Mandela: the authorised biography. HarperCollins. ISBN 0-00-638845-0.
Mandela, Nelson (1995). Long walk to freedom: the autobiography of Nelson Mandela. Little Brown & Co. ISBN 0-316-54818-9.
Brookfield, Stephen (February 2008). "Radical questioning on the Long Walk to Freedom: Nelson Mandela and the practice of critical reflection". Adult Education Quarterly. Sage for the American Association for Adult and Continuing Education (AAACE). 58 (2): 95–109. doi:10.1177/0741713607310150.
External links[edit]
Excerpts from Long Walk To Freedom
poly-lingual audio excerpts from Long Walk To Freedom (abridged edition)
Inspiring Quotes from Long Walk To Freedom
[show]
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values: طريق طويل الى الحرية – Arabic

values: Un largo camino hacia la libertad – Spanish

values: راه طولانی به سوی آزادی – Persian

values: लांग वॉक टू फ्रीडम – Hindi

values: Jalan Panjang Menuju Kebebasan – Indonesian

values: Lungo cammino verso la libertà – Italian

values: ലോങ് വോക് റ്റു ഫ്രീഡം – Malayalam

values: Долгая дорога к свободе – Russian

values: லாங் வாக் டூ ஃபிரீடம் – Tamil

values: آزادی کا طویل سفر – Urdu

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