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Women's International League for Peace and Freedom
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Women's International League for Peace and Freedom
Formation
1915
Founders
Jane Addams,
Marian Cripps,
Margaret E. Dungan
Type
NGO
Headquarters
Geneva
The Women's International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF) is a non-profit non-governmental organization working "to bring together women of different political views and philosophical and religious backgrounds determined to study and make known the causes of war and work for a permanent peace" and to unite women worldwide who oppose oppression and exploitation. WILPF has national sections in 37 countries.
WILPF is headquartered in Geneva and maintains a United Nations office in New York City.
Contents
[hide]
1 Organizational history
1.1 Woman's Peace Party (USA)
1.2 International Congress of Women, The Hague, 1915
1.3 Second International Women's Congress for Peace and Freedom, Zürich, 1919
1.4 WILPF and the United Nations
2 WILPF today
2.1 Positions
2.2 PeaceWomen
2.3 Famous Members
3 Congresses
4 See also
5 Notes
6 Further reading
7 External links
Organizational history[edit]
WILPF developed out of the International Women's Congress against World War I that took place in The Hague, Netherlands, in 1915; the name WILPF was not chosen until 1919.[1][2] The first WILPF president, Jane Addams, had previously founded the Woman's Peace Party in the United States, in January 1915, this group later became the US section of WILPF.[3] Along with Jane Addams, Marian Cripps and Margaret E. Dungan were also founding members. As of 1920 the US section of WILPF was headquartered in New York City.[4] Marian Cripps, Baroness Parmoor, who later served as president of its British branch.[5][6]
Furthermore, Women’s international league for peace and freedom opposed to wars and international conflicts. Since it is an undeniable fact that wars will violate individual’s peace and freedom, the league organised and took formal actions to end the war. The major movements of the league are open letter to UN secretary general to formally end the Korean War, International day for the total elimination of nuclear weapons and statement on weapons, gender-based violence and women human rights defenders. As the league is consisted of women, concentrated professionals are allowed to improve the current issues related to women and people.
Woman's Peace Party (USA)[edit]
Main article: Woman's Peace Party
The forerunner to the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, the Woman's Peace Party (WPP) was formed in January, 1915 in Washington, D.C. at a meeting called by Jane Addams and Carrie Chapman Catt. The approximately 3,000 women attendees approved a platform calling for the extension of suffrage to women and for a conference of neutral countries to offer continuous mediation as a way of ending war.
WPP sent representatives to a subsequent International Women's Congress for Peace and Freedom, held in The Hague from April 28–30, 1915.
International Congress of Women, The Hague, 1915[edit]
The 1915 International Congress of Women was organized by the German feminist Anita Augspurg, Germany's first female jurist, and Lida Gustava Heymann (1868–1943) at the invitation of the Dutch pacifist, feminist and suffragist Aletta Jacobs to protest the war then raging in Europe, and to suggest ways to prevent war in the future. The Congress opened on April 28[7] and was attended by 1,136 participants from both neutral and belligerent nations,[8] adopted much of the platform of WPP and established an International Committee of Women for Permanent Peace (ICWPP) with Jane Addams as president. WPP soon became the US Section of ICWPP.
Second International Women's Congress for Peace and Freedom, Zürich, 1919[edit]
Jane Addams met with President Woodrow Wilson and is said to have worked out some common ground on peace. However, at their second international congress, held in Zürich in 1919, ICWPP denounced the final terms of the peace treaty ending World War I as a scheme of revenge of the victors over the vanquished that would sow the seeds of another world war. They decided to make their committee permanent and renamed it the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom.[3] WILPF moved its headquarters to Geneva to be near the proposed site of the League of Nations, although WILPF did not endorse empowering that organization to conduct food blockades or to use military pressure to enforce its resolutions. The League called for international disarmament and an end to economic imperialism.[3] The US branch of WILPF grew in recognition and membership during the post-WWI era, despite some attacks on the organisation as "unpatriotic" during the First Red Scare.[3] The WILPF supported treaties such as the Washington Naval Treaty and the Kellogg-Briand Pact, regarding them as stepping stones to a peaceful world order.[3]
During the 1930s, Vera Brittain was the WILPF's Vice-President.[9]
Prior to the outbreak of World War Two, the League also supported measures to provide relief for Europe's Jewish community.[3]
Although WIPLF membership is restricted to women, several male peace activists have contributed to WIPLF meetings and publications, including Bart de Ligt[10] and J. D. Bernal.[11]
Two WILPF leaders have received the Nobel Peace Prize for their peace efforts and international outlook and work with WILPF: Jane Addams, in 1931 and Emily Greene Balch in 1946.[12]
WILPF and the United Nations[edit]
WILPF has had Consultative Status (category B) with the UN Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) since 1948 and has Special Consultative Relations with the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) and the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), as well as special relations with the International Labour Organization (ILO), Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) and other organizations and agencies. WILPF has advocates and lobbies for the democratization of the UN, the Security Council and all other UN organizations and agencies; monitors Security Council and General Assembly activities in order to promote reforms; opposes the privatisation and corporatisation of the UN, especially the global compact with corporations; and advocates for the abolition of the Security Council veto.
WILPF today[edit]
Positions[edit]
WILPF envisions a world free of violence, poverty, pollution and dominance. WILPF stands for equality of all people in a world free of racism, sexism and homophobia; the building of a constructive peace through world disarmament; and the changing of government priorities to meet human needs.[13]
Broad areas of concern are:
Disarmament, Demilitarisation and Good governance
Environmental sustainability
Global Economic Justice
PeaceWomen[edit]
PeaceWomen is a project of the WILPF, based out of their United Nations office in New York City. Its mission is described on its website as follows:
The PeaceWomen Project promotes the role of women in preventing conflict, and the equal and full participation of women in all efforts to create and maintain international peace and security. PeaceWomen facilitates monitoring of the UN system, information sharing and the enabling of meaningful dialogue for positive impact on women’s lives in conflict and post-conflict environments.[14]
PeaceWomen's work focuses on six core areas of action to promote its mission:[14]
monitoring the UN Security Council's implementation of the Council's Resolution 1325
providing a comprehensive online information source on women, peace and security at www.peacewomen.org
monitoring the UN system's implementation of Resolution 1325
advocating for the rapid and full implementation of Resolution 1325 and related resolutions
managing the translation initiative and general outreach related to women, peace and security
Famous Members[edit]
WILPF's famous members include a long list of individuals. Some of which are the likes of Alice Walker,[15] Coretta Scott King,[16] Madeleine Rees and Brandy G. Robinson.
Congresses[edit]
WILPF's international records are held at the University of Colorado Boulder. They contain the reports of the congresses.[17]
1st, The Hague, 1915
2nd, Zürich, 1919
3rd, Vienna, 1921
4th, Washington, D.C. 1924
5th, Dublin, 1926
6th, Prague, 1929
7th, Grenoble, 1932
8th, Zurich, 1934
9th, Luhačovice, 1937
10th, Luxembourg, 1946
11th, Copenhagen, 1949
12th, Paris, 1953
13th, Birmingham, 1956
14th, Stockholm, 1959
15th, Asilomar, 1962
16th, The Hague, 1966
17th, Nyborg Strand, 1968
18th, New Delhi, 1971
19th, Birmingham, 1974
20th, Tokyo, 1977
21st, Hamden, 1980
22nd, Gothenburg, 1983
23rd, Woudschoten-Zeist, 1986
24th, Sydney, 1989
25th, Santa Cruz de la Sierra, 1992
26th, Helsinki, 1995
27th, Baltimore, 1998
28th, 2001
29th, Gothenberg, 2004
30th, Santa Cruz, 2007
31st, 2011
32nd, The Hague, 2015
See also[edit]
A Single Woman (movie)
A Single Woman (play)
Gender and Security Sector Reform
Jane Addams
Jeannette Rankin
People's Council of America for Democracy and Peace
Raging Grannies
List of anti-war organizations
List of peace activists
List of women's organizations
Helene Stähelin (mathematician) — President of the WILPF's Swiss section 1948—1967
Gertrude C. Bussey - President of the WILPF's American section 1939 — 1941, and Honorary National President 1960 — 1961 who wrote much of WILPF's history.
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ Bussey, Gertrude; Tims, Margaret (1980). Pioneers for Peace. Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom 1915-1965. Oxford: Alden Press.
Jump up ^ Women, peace and transnational activism, a century on History and Policy (2015)
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f Faith, Thomas I. (2014). "Women's International League for Peace and Freedom". In Wayne, Tiffany K; Banner, Lois W. Women's Rights in the United States: a comprehensive encyclopedia of issues, events, and people. Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO. pp. 272–3. ISBN 978-1-61069-214-4.
Jump up ^ Harriet Hyman Alonso (1993). "Former Suffragists for Peace during the Interwar Years, 1919-1935". Peace As a Women's Issue: A History of the U.S. Movement for World Peace and Women's Rights. Syracuse University Press. pp. 85–124. ISBN 978-0-8156-0269-9.
Jump up ^ Oldfield, Sybil. "Ellis, Marian Emily". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford University Press. Retrieved 6 January 2013.
Jump up ^ "Sir John Lavery Portrait of The Lady Parmooor Oil on canvas, 76 x 64cm (30 x 25) Signed". Retrieved 6 January 2013.
Jump up ^ "International Congress of Women opens at The Hague". History.Doc. Retrieved 12 December 2014.
Jump up ^ van der Veen, Sietske (22 June 2017). "Hirschmann, Susanna Theodora Cornelia (1871-1957)". Huygens ING (in Dutch). The Hague, The Netherlands: Huygens Institute for the History of the Netherlands. Archived from the original on 30 August 2017. Retrieved 30 August 2017.
Jump up ^ Deane, Patrick (1998). History in our hands: a critical anthology of writings on literature, culture, and politics from the 1930s. London: Leicester University Press. pp. 63–4. ISBN 978-0-7185-0143-3.
Jump up ^ de Ligt, Bart (July 1929). "The Intellectual Class and Modern Warfare". Reconciliation. (Speech originally given at WIPLF conference in Frankfurt-am-Main).
Jump up ^ Swann, Brenda; Aprahamian, Francis (1999). J.D. Bernal: a life in science and politics. London: Verso. p. 234. ISBN 1-85984-854-0.
Jump up ^ Ford, Liz (27 April 2015). "Centenary Stand: Female Activists Head for The Hague to Set a New Peace Agenda". The Guardian. Retrieved 8 December 2015.
Jump up ^ [1]
^ Jump up to: a b About Us - PeaceWomen - A Project of the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom Retrieved 22 July 2010.
Jump up ^ "Women's International League for Peace and Freedom [WILPF] Records, Accessions from 2000-2013, Swarthmore College Peace Collection". www.swarthmore.edu. Retrieved 2017-09-19.
Jump up ^ "Women's International League for Peace and Freedom [WILPF] Records, Accessions from 2000-2013, Swarthmore College Peace Collection". www.swarthmore.edu. Retrieved 2017-09-19.
Jump up ^ "WILPF Collection (DG043)". Swarthmore College Peace Collection. Retrieved 22 June 2015.
Further reading[edit]
Harriet Hyman Alonso, Peace as a Women's Issue: A History of the U.S. Movement for World Peace and Women's Rights Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1993.
Gertrude Bussey and Margaret Tims, Pioneers for Peace: Women's International League for Peace and Freedom 1915-1965. Oxford: Alden Press, 1980..
Carrie A. Foster, The Women and the Warriors: The U.S. Section of the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, 1915-1946. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1995.
Catherine Foster, Women for All Seasons: The Story of the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom. Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 1989.
Leila J. Rupp: "Transnational Women's Movements," European History Online, Mainz: Institute of European History, 2011.
Ethel Snowden, A Political Pilgrim in Europe, New York: George H. Doran, 1921.
Wiltsher, Anne (1985). Most dangerous women: feminist peace campaigners of the Great War (1. publ. ed.). London: Pandora Press. ISBN 0863580106.
External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Women's International League for Peace and Freedom.
Official website
WILPF Australia Section official website, www.wilpf.org.au/
WILPF United Kingdom Section official website, www.ukwilpf.org.uk/
WILPF United States Section official website, www.wilpf.org/
Jane Addams Peace Association, www.janeaddamspeace.org/
Peace Women, www.peacewomen.org/
Reaching Critical Will, www.reachingcriticalwill.org/
Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, International Headquarters records, University of Colorado at Boulder, ucblibraries.Colorado.edu/
Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, American Section records, Collection DG 043, Swarthmore College, www.swarthmore.edu/
Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, British Section records, London School of Economics, Archives Division, archives.lse.ac.uk/
Records, 1915-1977. Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe Institute, Harvard University.
Women's International League for Peace and Freedom Collection (ARS.0056), Stanford Archive of Recorded Sound
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Ciompi Revolt
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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The Revolt of the Ciompi was a rebellion among unrepresented labourers which occurred in Florence, Italy from 1378 to 1382.[1] Those who revolted consisted of artisans, labourers, and craftsmen who did not belong to any guilds and were therefore unable to participate in the Florentine government.[2] These labourers had grown increasingly resentful over the established patrician oligarchy.[3] In addition, they were expected to pay heavy taxes which they could not afford, forcing some to abandon their homes.[4] The resulting insurrection over such tensions led to the creation of a government composed of wool workers and other disenfranchised workers which lasted for three and a half years.[5]
The Ciompi revolt developed in three stages; reform in the months of May and June, the violent ‘revolution’ of the revolt and fighting which occurred in mid-July, and the fall of the Ciompi’s short government in Florence -‘the reaction’, which occurred at the end of August 1378.[6] These workers’ underrepresentation led to their exploitation, low wages, and lack of political clout. In June 1378 the city’s fourteen minor guilds demanded greater representation in civic office from elites – the Signoria. These guildsmen still wanted to keep the Sotto posti, who were low wage textile workers with no guild representation, from forming their own guilds and being able to gain increased political power. To prevent this, the Signoria quadrupled the fee for admittance to the system.[7] This action sparked indignation and turned the Sotto posti into opponents of the Signoria aligning them with the lower class Ciompi.[8] On the 22 June the Ciompi took up arms for the first time but it was not until 21 July that they violently took over the city’s government and forced the Signoria to create three new guilds and grant them political office.
Historians commonly highlight a few individuals as central to the events. Representing the middle and upper class was Salvestro de' Medici. Representing the lower class was the mysterious group known as “The Eight (Saints)”. Finally caught in the middle of these two groups is Michele di Lando. He was “separated from his social superior due to inferior birth, but he was also separated by his peers by his superior vision”.[9] Salvestro de' Medici was seen as a problem with the Ciompi uprising.[10]
Although the Ciompi Rebellion was brief, it left an impact on future generations. The three and a half year revolt not only affected Florentine society throughout the 15th century, but was a flashpoint in Florentine history, which continued to intrigue historians. However, the interpretation of the events was different across the centuries.[11]
Contents
[hide]
1 Background
1.1 Unstable government
1.2 Upper class versus lower class and the origins of the term “ciompi”
1.3 Rising taxes
2 The Revolt
2.1 What was the Revolt of Ciompi?
2.2 Three phases of revolt
2.2.1 Reform
2.2.2 Revolt
2.2.3 Reaction
3 Key figures
3.1 Salvestro de' Medici
3.2 "The Eight (Saints)"
3.3 Michele di Lando
4 The Revolt's end, reflection, and impact
4.1 The end of Ciompi control
4.2 Reflection on problems in late 14th century Florence
4.3 Impacts on 15th century Florence
4.4 Impacts on historians from different eras
5 Footnotes
6 References
Background[edit]
Unstable government[edit]
In the years preceding the 1378 revolt, certain aspects of Florentine society set the stage for the uprising. Tensions within the oligarchy were already present decades before the revolt occurred.[12] The Arti Minori, or minor guilds, were constantly in contention with the Arti Maggiori, or the seven major guilds.[13] Between the years of 1339 to 1349, wealthy houses went bankrupt and markets were reduced.[13] The economy never peaked again but there were no sharp declines either, except for minor political and military disputes familiar to Florence.[13] Economic grievances had drawn artisans and wage-labourers into Florentine politics from the mid-fourteenth century. These workers, however, were forbidden from associating by city government.[14] The oligarchy was unstable, as many either died from the plague or fled to safer territories.[13] From these turbulent times emerged the gente nuova, or new men, a class of mainly immigrants with no aristocratic background who grew their wealth from trade.[15] Together, the gente nuova and Arti Minori bonded over their dislike of the oligarchy.[16] Each side sought to gain control over the other, as the oligarchy used the Guelph Party to justify their patriciate status, while the gente nuova appealed to the middle and lower classes for support.[16] In 1375 the gente nuova seriously challenged the privileges of the oligarchy, sparking concerns from the latter of their possible collapse.[16] In addition, war broke out against the papacy in the same year, increasing the costly burdens on the city.[16] In late 1377 to early 1378, the oligarchy and the gente nuova formed a truce, only to be broken by the oligarchy in June, the month of the revolt.[17]
Il tumulto dei ciompi by Giuseppe Lorenzo Gatteri (1829-1844)
Upper class versus lower class and the origins of the term “ciompi”[edit]
As mentioned, tensions between the upper and lower classes were a major factor in bringing about the revolt. It is quite unclear who exactly qualified as belonging to the Florentine upper class, unlike in Venice where the class hierarchy was solidly entrenched.[18] For the most part of the 14th century, a patriciate could be identified by the presence of a family name.[19] On the other side of the spectrum was the popolo minuto, or the laboring classes of Florence, which also had no set boundaries.[20] For example, an artisan could be considered an elite if he was wealthy and successful enough.[21] Majority of the popolo minuto, however, consisted of poor laborers flocking from village to city for work.[22] Forced loans, high taxes and an even higher rate of indebtedness kept the Ciompi impoverished.[23] In 1355, the miserabiles, defined as having no property, possession worth less than 100 lire and no trade or profession, accounted for 22% of households in Florence.[23] The most important aspect of this class is that they had no representation in the Florentine government, which would be one of the main changes implemented by the Ciompi later on.[22] These artisans and laborers were not part of guilds until the Ciompi and the Arti Minori took over the government beginning in 1378.[22] In becoming the Ciompi, the word must have originated from the French, as the popolo minuto would hear them in the taverns say, “Compar, allois a boier” or “Comrade, let’s get a drink,” and the Florentine labourers would pronounce this as “ciompo,” and then finally, “ciompi.”[24] Thus, the term does not solely refer to wool makers.[25] Records of condemned Ciompi rebels show that tavern owners were also found to be part of the revolt.[25]
Rising taxes[edit]
In Florence of 1371, unequal taxation was the norm.[26] In particular, the highlanders paid three times more in taxes than plain dwellers.[27] This increase in taxation, ironically, was not due to Florence’s wars with Pisa from 1362-1364, or the revolt of San Miniato from 1369-1370, but from the need to pay for increased military forces to push back against the Ubaldini and their allies.[28] The Ubaldini were a feudal family who had strong influences over the peasants living in the Alpi Fiorentine, and Florence wished to break these ties for control in the north.[28] Adding to the need for more military forces was the increased crime and attacks directed at merchants and at pilgrims passing through Florence that developed after the Black Death.[28] To pay these militias, however, Florence was getting deeper in debt, and the oligarchy burdened those living in the countryside with increasing taxation.[29] As taxes kept on increasing, the highlanders chose to flee, worsening a labor shortage, already present after the Black Death.[30] Furthermore, there were increasing differences in wealth between the popolo minuto and the patriciates.[31] In fact, before the Ciompi, there were already rebellions organized by laborers, such as the October 9, 1343 revolt by wool workers led by the Sienese Aldobrando di Ciecharino, who lived in Florence.[32]
The Revolt[edit]
What was the Revolt of Ciompi?[edit]
The Revolt of the Ciompi was a popular revolt in Florence in 1378 spearheaded by wool carders known as Ciompi (Italian pronunciation: [ˈtʃompi]) and other non-guilded workers who rose up to demand a voice in the commune's ordering in addition to enacting debt and tax reforms. The revolt was an outburst of proletariat unrest in the city of Florence that began in June 1378 and consisted of three phases ending in August of the same year.[33] It was the result of a power struggle between Florence’s ruling elites, the established artisan guilds of Florence, and Sotto posti (or un-guilded) which included the Ciompi; mainly a group of low-wage textile workers employed in Florence’s thriving wool industry. At its height, this trade sold fabrics throughout Italy as well as overseas and employed up to a third of Florence’s population.[34] Many of the issues leading to the revolt of the Ciompi involved the politics and relations between guild and non-guild members, as well as the ruling elites of the city (the Signoria). Guild members and the guild system were important aspects of Florence’s politics by 1378, where they acted as political intermediaries between the individuals in their guild and the state. Guilds enforced industrial, fiscal, and monetary policy which benefited their trades and the lives of their workers in addition to representing them politically, regulating their industries, and controlling who could become a member.[35] As mentioned previously the guild system involved a hierarchy between the seven major and fourteen minor guild associations; the former represented those who had become a class of prosperous cloth merchants and bankers/financiers, and the latter consisting of various artisans, craftsmen and skilled labourers including, but not limited to, shoemakers, tailors and wine merchants.[35]
Coat of arms of the Arte della Lana, Andrea della Robbia, 1487, Museo dell'Opera del Duomo in Florence.
The 21 guilds, however, did not include the whole of Florence’s working population and many people were excluded from the system, thus limiting their protection from exploitation and ability to be involved in city politics. Few of those in the textile industry, including the Ciompi wool workers, were eligible for guild membership, with around only 200 of the approximately 14,000 people in wool manufacture qualifying, and the remainder named the Sotto posti who were designated ineligible for entry to the guild system or for creating a guild for their own benefit.[35] The Ciompi’s exclusion from this system reinforced unequal power relations within the city, reducing the rights and protections available for these unfortunate workers unlike those assigned to members in other guilds. It was a highly unequal society allowing Florence’s wool trade to thrive and set the stage for the Ciompi’s revolt.[35]
The Ciompi resented the controlling power that was centred in the Arte della Lana—the textile-manufacturing establishment which guided the economic engine of Florence's prosperity—and was supported by the other major Guilds of Florence (the Arti maggiori) as well as the limitations they faced in influencing politics, and the lower wages and exploitation they experienced as a result of their exclusion from the guild system. The consequent revolt of 1378 marked the high point of labour agitation in Florence.[36]
Three phases of revolt[edit]
The Ciompi revolt occurred in three phases. These included a stage of reform in the months of May and June, the ‘revolution’, or violent outburst of the revolt occurring in mid-July, and the fall of the Ciompi’s temporary government of Florence - ‘the reaction’, which occurred at the end of August.[37] In June 1378, the series of events began with the fourteen minor guilds of Florence demanding greater representation in civic office. Initially the Ciompi were not violently involved and the early stages of the revolt were as much a power struggle between the guilds as it was between Florence’s Signoria and the exploited lower class. The guildsmen who demanded this greater representation in government still sought to keep the Sotto posti from forming guilds and thereby being able to gain a political position.[38] However, the Sotto posti soon submitted their own demands and hoped to have them met. The Signoria had no intention of granting the un-guilded Sotto posti these liberties however and instead, feeling threatened, they made it more difficult to obtain office and quadrupled the fee for admittance. This action sparked indignation and turned the upper class Sotto posti, who were previously hopeful for better rights and social/professional advances, into opponents of the Signoria aligning their aims and ails with the lower class Ciompi.[39] Salvestro de Medici was one of the individuals assigned the blame by many in the lower classes, and later also faced accusation from his peers for letting the situation with the Ciompi get out of hand.
Reform[edit]
On 22 June 1378, the first outbreak of violence occurred when the un-guilded wool-workers took up arms and attacked government buildings, monasteries and a number of Palazzi whilst also releasing inmates from city prisons.[39] Nevertheless, it was yet to become a full blown revolt. The Signoria attempted to appease the lower classes through talks and petitions, although ultimately suggested little change and still left the Ciompi guildless and without power or representation in government. The procrastination of the Signoria and half measures adopted therefore is perhaps what contributed to the second phase of the revolt.[39]
Palazzo Vecchio by night.
Revolt[edit]
On July 21, the lower classes forcibly took over the government, placing the wool carder Michele di Lando in the executive office of gonfaloniere of justice, and showing their banner, the blacksmith's flag, at the Bargello, the palace of the podestà. On this day, thousands of armed wool workers (the Ciompi) and those from the Sotto posti, besieged the Signoria and pointedly hanged the public executioner by his feet in front of the Palazzo Vecchio.[40] The Ciompi then compelled the governing body, the Signoria, to establish three additional guilds in order to grant them access to political office.[41] In demanding the creation of an Arte del Pololo Minuto, the Ciompi’s requests were not especially radical: they were simply demanding the same rights as the other minor guilds currently had. Most of the Ciompi (and Sotto Posti involved) acted for reform rather than radical or revolutionary innovation.[42] The total membership of the three new guilds was roughly 13,000 men whereas the twenty-one previously existing guilds had a membership of about 4000 to 5000 between them. After the incorporation of these new guilds, almost every man in Florence was able to participate in city government.[43]
Considering how the Ciompi had seized power, their demands both politically and socially, were modest. Their main concerns included the formation of a guild for wool workers and they also wished to tackle unemployment by increasing wool production.[40] The Ciompi in fact did not demand ownership of cloth production or the cloth factories and their ideals were still based around the traditional guild idea, wishing to protect their economic interests and the situation of their workers.[44]
However the new Ciompi government, once they had pushed out the Signoria, experienced teething problems. Even though they made demands such as the right to elect three of their own priors, the reduction of judicial corporal punishment, and reform the tax system in fact the new government was rather weak and lacked strong bargaining skills.[45] An analysis of those within the newly appointed Balia suggests that only half were actually Ciompi, the rest being of middle class and other professions. The clash of interests and resulting struggle and sense of betrayal experienced by the Ciompi when their leader Michele di Lando turned against them ignoring their demands, led to the third stage of the revolt.
Piazza della Signoria
Reaction[edit]
At the end of August 1378, factionalism among the Ciompi and the radical persecution of enemies of the revolution, led Michele di Lando to arrest two Ciompi leaders who had demanded constitutional reform. The next day, Michele di Lando rode out of the palace with the Standard Bearer of Justice and cleared the piazza of a militia from the three new guilds who were shouting “Long live the popolo minuto” and demanding the resignation of Michele di Lando’s government.[40] The workers' militia returned and a battle for the Piazza della Signoria broke out between the Ciompi and the forces of the major and minor guilds led by the guild of butchers.[45] The Ciompi and Sotto posti were slaughtered that day by the other guilds alongside the reformist forces under the Ciompi’s previous leader Michele di Lando, who also acted to crush the Eight Saints who were attempting to challenge his power in government. This day has been named one of the bloodiest in Florentine history.[40]
On September 1, citizens assembled in the piazza and approved the dissolution of the Ciompi guild. Nevertheless, the government continued to enact Ciompi-led reforms, such as the establishment of the estimo—a direct tax on household wealth on October 29, 1378. Overall, the Ciompi revolt consisted of complex social, economic and political factors, as well as the involvement of more than one group of workers such as the Ciompi. The hierarchical guild system played an important part in the conflict, as did guild members who were key in turning on the government and ending its short reign over the city. Although often portrayed as radical today, the demands and wishes of the wool workers and others involved were fairly modest and reform did not take the shape of a societal overhaul. The idea that the Ciompi could live harmoniously with all the other groups and guilds in society after they assumed government, however, was idealistic. Furthermore, the disillusionment experienced when the conflict continued especially after the collapse of the regime and the guilds dissolution certainly contributed to the decline of labour unrest in Florence’s cloth industry in the years following and lack of political power that these sections of society continued to have.[44]
Key figures[edit]
Salvestro de' Medici[edit]
The "augmented coat of arms of the Medici, Or, five balls in orle gules, in chief a larger one of the arms of France (viz. Azure, three fleurs-de-lis or) was granted by Louis XI in 1465.[46]
As “a man of a noble house, great and rich”,[47] Salvestro de' Medici was a lesser known cousin to the famous House of Medici a banking family. He was blamed for causing the rebellion by the Ciompi by his peers (such as Alamanno Acciaioli, who was part of the Signory that brought the papal war to an end).[48] Salvestro made an error in his struggle against the Guelf party, thus spoiling his family image as well as others of similar rank, “subjecting them to the rashness of the excited multitude”.[10]
"The Eight (Saints)"[edit]
Very little is actually known about “The Eight (Saints)” and who the members were. Trexler calls the radical Ciompi rebel group Gli Otto Santi del Popolo di Dio (or the “Eight Saints”, also known as the Eight of Santa Maria Novella)[49] and suggests that they may be commonly confused with the more influential and better known otto della guerra (or the “Eight of War”) who represented Florence and opposed Gregory XI and the Catholic Church in 1375 (in the War of the Eight Saints).[50] The “Eight of War” were very much in power at the time of the Ciompi Revolt, however they played a very small role during the actual Ciompi Revolt. The “Eight Saints” of the Popolo Minuto created itself as a shadow government to Michele di Lando's government they forcefully obtained the right to veto communal legislation.[51] Di Lando's government defeated these radical challengers on August 31, 1378.[52]
Michele di Lando[edit]
There is very little recorded history about who Michele di Lando was before the Ciompi Revolt, because men of the lower working class did not leave behind major documents. What is known is that he was a woolcomber, his mother was a washerwoman, and his wife ran a pork butcher's shop.[53] Within his industry, di Lando was the foreman of all the menial workers and made enough money to show up in tax records as paying small sums. He was also a caporale during the war of Papal States, he shared command over twenty-eight men with another caporale (It is not known if he saw active service at that time, but the fact that he was trained in command and with arms, he was likely less docile than simple workers in his industry).[54]
His ascension to the position of Signore and Gonfaloniere was literally a story about a man who went from rags to riches. He walked into the Palace barefooted and took control at the people's request.[55] This scene inspired awe even in the eyes of some of the Signory (despite their compromised position). Alamanno Acciaioli was quoted saying, “... He [di Lando] was given the Signory and they [the people] wished him to be Standard-Bearer of Justice and lord (signore)... this Michele di Lando, wool comber, was lord of Florence for twenty-eight hours and more. This is the result of quarrelsomeness and innovation! O dear Lord, what great miracles you show us!...”[56] Upon Michele di Lando's ascension to power, the “Eight of War” (who thought themselves as effective rulers of Florence) wanted to appoint replacements for the Signory. Di Lando dismissed them, wanting to show that he could govern without their assistance, and chose the electoral candidates himself.[57] Once he secured his power, di Lando's government allied with the Popolo di Firenze, infuriating radical members of the Popolo Minuto (who elected their “Eight Saints” to oppose di Lando).[51] After the final clash with the radicals, the Signory retook office at the end of Michele di Lando's term. This regime did not last long, it was overthrown again in 1382 and di Lando was sent into exile as a collaborator with the Signory.[58]
The Revolt's end, reflection, and impact[edit]
The end of Ciompi control[edit]
The city of Florence was governed by the Ciompi until 1382 when fear of foreign incursion and a prolonged dispute between the wool merchants and the dyers justified an intervention by the elite families on behalf of a disintegrating government.[59] Delegitimizing the new established guilds and removing them from constitutional functions became a main objective of the post-1382 regime that repealed the guild government's reforms.[59] City government engaged in a concerted campaign to depict the unguilded workers as criminal and heretical.[59]
Statue of Niccolò Machiavelli at the Uffizi
The Ciompi Rebellion was not particularly long, lasted only for three and a half years (1378-1382).[60] Yet, it not only reflected the long existed social issue of late 14th century Florence, but also constituted a long lasting impact on many generations to come.[60] It greatly influenced Florentine society in the 15th century, and became a memorable moment of Florentine history, which historians of later centuries all showed great interest in, but interpreted the same event in a variety of different ways.
Reflection on problems in late 14th century Florence[edit]
Late 14th century Florence was not a harmonious city, but one that had long been filled with tensions.[34] The two major tensions were social and political, accumulating since Florence’s commercial revolution 150 years prior to the rebellion.[34] The Social tension was between the poor Ciompi and wealthy merchants who dominated the lucrative wool industry, and the Florentine government, which continued to increase taxation.[34] The Political tension was between the Ciompi, gente nouva, and the oligarchy, with the former two challenging the latter for more participation in government.[34] The Ciompi Rebellion was the eruption of these long existing tensions, which could no longer be contained.
Impacts on 15th century Florence[edit]
After the Ciompi Uprising, the restored Florentine government did attempted to alleviate the plight of Ciompi artisans, such as a reform to lessen the burden of taxation.[59] Yet, the rebellion left a permanent scar in the Florentine elites’ mind (both the new and the old nobility) and created their everlasting fear and hatred toward the Ciompi.[60] This scar built a tension between the new nobilities and the lower labouring class greater than that prior to the uprising.[60] The elites were constantly paranoid of the working class’s secret plotting against them, and began to favour a more authoritative and autocratic government, which may be more centralized, stronger in crushing a revolt.[61] This eventually gave rise to the Medici family, the most powerful banking family of Florence, whose power outweighed Salvestro de' Medici's bad reputation, and became the de facto ruler of Florence in the 15th century, drastically changing the character of the Florentine communal government.[61]
Impacts on historians from different eras[edit]
Statue of Michele di Lando, Loggia del Mercato Nuovo, Florence
In the 15th century, it would not be surprising for Florentine scholars, who were part of the elite, to view the uprising negatively.[60] Leonardo Bruni regarded the uprising as a mob out of control, whose members viciously looted and murdered innocent people.[60] He viewed this event as a historical cautionary tale, which presented the horrendous consequence when rabbles managed to seize control from the ruling class.[62]
In the 16th century, Niccolò Machiavelli shared a somewhat different view with Bruni, preceding him.[63] Although he echoed Bruni’s prejudice against the Ciompi, also referring to them as the mob, the rabbles, preoccupied by fear and hatred, he was more objective than Bruni in viewing the event as a whole.[63] According to Machiavelli, the revolt was a social phenomenon between one group of people, who were determined to obtain freedom, while the other determined to abolish it.[63]
In 19th century, however, historians began to show sympathy to the Ciompi. Romantic historians had a tendency to interpret history as an epic tale between the evil and good.[64] This applied to the Ciompi Rebellion. Romantic historians regarded Michele di Lando, the leader of the rebellion, as a hero to the people who fought against their ruthless oppressors.[64] As one might expect, the sculpture of the popular leader Michele di Lando was not placed in a niche on the façade of the Loggia del Mercato Nuovo until the late nineteenth century. Marxist historians also sympathized with the Ciompi artisans, viewing them as the early proletariats, who tried to overthrow the oppressive bourgeoisies.[65]
Recent histories treat the conflict as a lens reflecting the issues of Florentine society in the late 14th century, and also as a catalyst for Florence’s autocratic rule.[66] Moreover, to them, the rebellion is a lens that reflects history as an ever changing entity, as historians living in different times have different “presents,” and one’s present dictates how one views the past.[67]
Footnotes[edit]
Jump up ^ Samuel K. Cohn, Jr., Popular Protest in Late Medieval Europe: Italy, France, and Flanders (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004), p. 201
Jump up ^ Samuel K. Cohn, Jr., The Laboring Classes in Renaissance Florence (New York: Academic Press, 1980), p. 67
Jump up ^ L. F. Marks, “Fourteenth-Century Democracy in Florence.” Past and Present 25 (July 1963): p. 80
Jump up ^ Samuel K. Cohn, Jr., Creating the Florentine State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), p. 108
Jump up ^ Cohn, Popular Protest, p. 202
Jump up ^ Mollat, Michel, and Philippe Wolff. The Popular Revolutions of the Late Middle Ages. (London: Allen & Unwin, 1973). p. 143
Jump up ^ Farr, James Richard. Artisans in Europe, 1300-1914. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), p. 180
Jump up ^ Mollat, Michel, and Philippe Wolff. The Popular Revolutions of the Late Middle Ages. (London: Allen & Unwin, 1973). p. 147
Jump up ^ Phillips, Mark. Barefoot Boy Makes Good: A Study of Machiavelli's Histography. Medieval Academy of America. 59, No. 3 (1984): p. 601
^ Jump up to: a b Phillips, p. 599
Jump up ^ Yves Winter, “Plebeian Politics: Machiavelli and the Ciompi Uprising,” Political Theory 40, no. 6 (2012): p. 737
Jump up ^ L.F. Marks, “Fourteenth-Century Democracy in Florence,” Past and Present 25 (July 1963): p. 77
^ Jump up to: a b c d Marks, p. 78
Jump up ^ John M. Najemy, A History of Florence (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2008), p. 160.
Jump up ^ Marks, p. 79
^ Jump up to: a b c d Marks, p. 80
Jump up ^ Marks, p. 81
Jump up ^ Samuel K. Cohn, Jr., The Laboring Classes in Renaissance Florence (New York: Academic Press, 1980), p. 44
Jump up ^ Cohn, Laboring Classes, p. 45
Jump up ^ Cohn, Laboring Classes, p. 65
Jump up ^ Cohn, Laboring Classes, p. 66
^ Jump up to: a b c Cohn, Laboring Classes, p. 67
^ Jump up to: a b Najemy, A History of Florence, p. 160
Jump up ^ Stefani, as cited in Cohn, Laboring Classes, p. 88
^ Jump up to: a b Cohn, Laboring Classes, p. 89
Jump up ^ Samuel K. Cohn, Jr., Creating the Florentine State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), p. 80
Jump up ^ Cohn, Florentine State, p. 80
^ Jump up to: a b c Cohn, Florentine State, p. 81
Jump up ^ Cohn, Florentine State, p. 107
Jump up ^ Cohn, Florentine State, p. 108
Jump up ^ Cohn, Laboring Classes, p. 129
Jump up ^ Cohn, Laboring Classes, p. 139
Jump up ^ Brucker, Gene A. Renaissance Florence. (New York: Wiley, 1969). P 67
^ Jump up to: a b c d e Winter, Y. "Plebeian Politics: Machiavelli and the Ciompi Uprising." Political Theory 40.6 (2012): P. 739
^ Jump up to: a b c d Winter, Y. "Plebeian Politics: Machiavelli and the Ciompi Uprising." Political Theory 40.6 (2012): P. 740
Jump up ^ Brucker, Gene A. Renaissance Florence. (New York: Wiley, 1969). P 66
Jump up ^ Mollat, Michel, and Philippe Wolff. The Popular Revolutions of the Late Middle Ages. (London: Allen & Unwin, 1973). P. 143
Jump up ^ Farr, James Richard. Artisans in Europe, 1300-1914. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2000) P. 180
^ Jump up to: a b c Mollat, Michel, and Philippe Wolff. The Popular Revolutions of the Late Middle Ages. (London: Allen & Unwin, 1973). P. 147
^ Jump up to: a b c d Winter, Y. "Plebeian Politics: Machiavelli and the Ciompi Uprising." Political Theory 40.6 (2012): P. 742
Jump up ^ Hibbert, Christopher "The House of the Medici: Its Rise and Fall" pp.26-27
Jump up ^ Mollat, Michel, and Philippe Wolff. The Popular Revolutions of the Late Middle Ages. (London: Allen & Unwin, 1973). P. 149
Jump up ^ Najemy, pg. 165.
^ Jump up to: a b Brucker, Gene A. Renaissance Florence. (New York: Wiley, 1969). P 68
^ Jump up to: a b King, Margaret "The Renaissance in Europe" pp. 38-39
Jump up ^ John Woodward, A Treatise on Ecclesiastical Heraldry, 1894, p. 162
Jump up ^ Phillips, Mark. Barefoot Boy Makes Good: A Study of Machiavelli's Historiography. Medieval Academy of America. 59, No. 3 (1984), p. 599,
Jump up ^ Phillips, p. 593
Jump up ^ Trexler, R. C. “Who Were the Eight Saints?”. Renaissance News 16, No. 2 (1963), p. 91
Jump up ^ Trexler, p. 89-90
^ Jump up to: a b Trexler, Richard C. “Follow the Flag: The Ciompi Revolt Seen From the Streets”. Bibliotheque d'Humanisme et Renaissance 46, No. 2 (1984), p. 362
Jump up ^ Trexler, Follow the Flag: The Ciompi Revolt Seen From the Streets, p. 362
Jump up ^ Phillips, Mark. “Barefoot Boy Makes Good: A Study of Machiavelli's Historiography”. Medieval Academy of America 59, No. 3 (1984), p. 588
Jump up ^ Phillips, p. 588
Jump up ^ Leibovici, Martine. “From Fight to Debate: Machiavelli and the Revolt of the Ciompi”. Philosophy & Social Criticism 28, No. 6 (2002), p. 656
Jump up ^ Phillips, Mark. Barefoot Boy Makes Good: A Study of Machiavelli's Historiography. Medieval Academy of America. 59, No. 3 (1984), p. 593
Jump up ^ Phillips, p. 590-591
Jump up ^ Phillips, Mark. Barefoot Boy Makes Good: A Study of Machiavelli's Historiography. Medieval Academy of America. 59, No. 3 (1984), p. 589
^ Jump up to: a b c d Winter, Y. "Plebeian Politics: Machiavelli and the Ciompi Uprising." Political Theory 40.6 (2012): P. 743
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f Winter, Y. "Plebeian Politics: Machiavelli and the Ciompi Uprising." Political Theory 40.6 (2012): P. 737
^ Jump up to: a b Ianziti, Gary.“Leonardo Bruni, the Medici, and Florentine Histories.” Journal of the History of Ideas 69.1 (2008): P.13
Jump up ^ Ianziti, Gary.“Leonardo Bruni,the Medici,and Florentine Histories.” Journal of the History of Ideas 69.1 (2008): P.13
^ Jump up to: a b c Leobovici, Martine. “From Fight to Debate: Machiavelli and the Revolt of the Ciompi,” Philosophy and Social Criticism 28.6 (2002): P. 647
^ Jump up to: a b Ferruci, Francesco. “Italians Romanticism: Myth vs. History,” Italian Issue 98.1 (1983): P. 113
Jump up ^ Lantschner, “The Ciompi Revolution Constructed: Modern Historians and the Nineteenth-Century Paradigm of Revolution,” Annali di Storia di Firenze 4 (2011): P. 286
Jump up ^ Ianziti, Gary. “Leonardo Bruni, the Medici, and Florentine Histories.” Journal of the History of Ideas 69.1 (2008): P. 13
Jump up ^ Lantschner, “The Ciompi Revolution Constructed: Modern Historians and the Nineteenth-Century Paradigm of Revolution,” Annali di Storia di Firenze 4 (2011): P. 289
References[edit]
Bruni, Leonardo. "History of the Florentine People: Volume 3". Translated by James Hankins. London: Harvard University Press, 2007 (hard cover, ISBN 9780674016828).
Brucker, Gene A. "The Revolt of the Ciompi", in Florentine Studies (1968).
Brucker, Gene A. Florence: The Golden Age, 1138–1737. New York: Abbeville Press, 1984 (hardcover, ISBN 0-89659-457-2); Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998 (paperback, ISBN 0-520-21522-2).
Brucker, Gene A. Renaissance Florence. New York. Wiley. 1969. Print. Pages 67–79.(paperback, ISBN 0-520-04695-1)
Chronicles of the Tumult of the Ciompi (Monash publications in history; 7) by Rosemary Kantor and Louis Green (translators). Clayton, Vic.: Monash University, 1991 (paperback, ISBN 0-7326-0212-2).
Cohn, Samuel Kline, Jr. Creating the Florentine State: Peasants and Rebellion. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999 (hardcover, ISBN 0-521-66337-7).
Cohn, Samuel Kline, Jr. The Laboring Classes in Renaissance Florence (Studies in social discontinuity). New York: Academic Press, 1980 (hardcover, ISBN 0-12-179180-7).
Cohn, Samuel Kline, Jr. Lust for Liberty: The Politics of Social Revolt in Medieval Europe, 1200–1425. Cambridge, MA; London: Harvard University Press, 2008 (hardcover, ISBN 0-674-02162-2).
Cohn, Samuel Kline Jr. Popular Protest in Late Medieval Europe: Italy, France, and Flanders. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004 (hardcover, ISBN 9780719067310)
Far, James Richard. Artisans in Europe, 1300 -1914. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 2000. Pages 180-182.
Ferruci, Francesco. Italian Romanticism: Myth vs. History. Italian Issue 98.1 (1983) Pages 111-117
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Hibbert, Christopher "The House of the Medici: Its Rise and Fall". William Morrow Paperbacks, 1999 (ISBN 0-688-05339-4)
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Winter, Yves. Plebeian Politics: Machiavelli and the Ciompi Uprising. Political Theory 40.6 (2012) Pages 739-743
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