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Zapatista Army of National Liberation
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Zapatista Army of National Liberation
Participant in Chiapas conflict
Flag of the EZLN
Active
1994–present
Ideology
Zapatismo
Neozapatismo
Libertarian socialism
Libertarian Marxism
Leaders
Subcomandante Insurgente Galeano
Comandanta Ramona †
Subcomandante Elisa
Area of operations
Chiapas, Mexico
Size
About 3,000 active participants and militia; tens of thousands of civilian supporters (bases de apoyo)
The Zapatista Army of National Liberation (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional, EZLN), often referred to as the Zapatistas [sapaˈtistas], is a left-wing revolutionary political and militant group based in Chiapas, the southernmost state of Mexico.
Since 1994 the group has been in a declared war against the Mexican state, and against military, paramilitary and corporate incursions into Chiapas.[1] This war has been primarily defensive. In recent years, it has focused on a strategy of civil resistance. The Zapatistas' main body is made up of mostly rural indigenous people, but includes some supporters in urban areas and internationally. Their main spokesperson is Subcomandante Insurgente Galeano, previously known as Subcomandante Marcos (a.k.a. Compañero Galeano and Delegate Zero in relation to "the Other Campaign"). Unlike other Zapatista spokespeople, Marcos is not an indigenous Maya.[2]
The group takes its name from Emiliano Zapata, the agrarian reformer and commander of the Liberation Army of the South during the Mexican Revolution, and sees itself as his ideological heir. Nearly all EZLN villages contain murals with images of Zapata, Ernesto "Che" Guevara, and Subcomandante Marcos.[3]
Although the ideology of the EZLN reflects libertarian socialism, paralleling both anarchist and libertarian Marxist thought in many respects, the EZLN has rejected[4] and defied[5] political classification, retaining its distinctiveness due in part to the importance of indigenous Mayan beliefs to the Zapatistas. The EZLN aligns itself with the wider alter-globalization, anti-neoliberal social movement, seeking indigenous control over their local resources, especially land. Since their 1994 uprising was countered by the Mexican army, the EZLN has abstained from military offensives and adopted a new strategy that attempts to garner Mexican and international support.
Contents
[hide]
1 Clandestine Revolutionary Indigenous Committee
2 History
2.1 1990s
2.1.1 Military offensive
2.2 2000s
2.3 2010s
3 Ideology
3.1 Women's Revolutionary Law
3.2 Postcolonial gaze
4 Communications
5 Horizontal autonomy and indigenous leadership
6 Notable members
7 In popular culture
8 See also
9 References
9.1 Footnotes
9.2 Bibliography
10 Further reading
11 External links
Clandestine Revolutionary Indigenous Committee[edit]
Subcommander Marcos surrounded by several commanders of the CCRI
The Clandestine Revolutionary Indigenous Committee is the General Command of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (Spanish: Comité Clandestino Revolucionario Indígena (CCRI) - Comandancia General del Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional).
This collective leadership of the EZLN is made up of 23 commanders and 1 subcommander (Subcomandante Insurgente Galeano, who acts as speaker for the movement).
Most of the CCRI commanders are only known by their noms de guerre if at all. Their names are: Comandante Brunel, Comandante Abraham, Comandante Alejandro, Comandante Bulmaro, Comandante Daniel, Comandante David, Comandante Eduardo, Comandanta Esther, Comandanta Fidelia, Comandante Filemón, Comandante Gustavo, Comandante Isaías, Comandante Ismael, Comandante Javier, Comandante Maxo, Comandante Míster, Comandante Moisés, Comandante Omar, Comandanta Ramona†, Comandante Sergio, Comandanta Susana, Comandante Tacho, Comandanta Yolanda, Comandante Zebedeo.
History[edit]
Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (Zapatista Army of National Liberation, or EZLN) was founded on November 17, 1983 by non-indigenous members of the FLN guerrilla (Fuerzas de Liberación Nacional founded by César Germán Yáñez Muñoz) group from Mexico's urban north and by indigenous inhabitants of the remote Las Cañadas/Selva Lacandona regions in eastern Chiapas, by members of former rebel movements. Over the years, the group slowly grew, building on social relations among the indigenous base and making use of an organizational infrastructure created by peasant organizations and the Catholic church (see Liberation theology).
1990s[edit]
The Zapatista Army went public on January 1, 1994, the day when the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) came into effect. On that day, they issued their First Declaration and Revolutionary Laws from the Lacandon Jungle. The declaration amounted to a declaration of war on the Mexican government, which they considered so out of touch with the will of the people as to make it illegitimate. The EZLN stressed that it opted for armed struggle due to the lack of results achieved through peaceful means of protest (such as sit-ins and marches).[6]
Their initial goal was to instigate a revolution against the rise of neoliberalism[7] throughout Mexico, but as this did not happen, they used their uprising as a platform to call the world's attention to their movement to protest the signing of NAFTA, which the EZLN believed would increase the gap between rich and poor people in Chiapas—a prediction affirmed by subsequent developments.[8] Gaining attention on a global level through their convention called the Intercontinental Encounter for Humanity and Against Neoliberalism that was attended by 3,000 activists worldwide, the Zapatistas were able to help initiate a united platform for other anti-neoliberal groups. This did not detract from the Zapatistas' national activism efforts, but rather expanded their already existent ideologies.[7] The EZLN also called for greater democratization of the Mexican government, which had been controlled by the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (Institutional Revolutionary Party, also known as PRI) for 65 years, and for land reform mandated by the 1917 Constitution of Mexico but largely ignored by the PRI.[9] The EZLN did not demand independence from Mexico, but rather autonomy in the forms of land access and use of natural resources normally extracted from Chiapas, as well as protection from despotic violence and political inclusion of Chiapas' indigenous communities.[10]
On the morning of January 1, 1994, an estimated 3,000 armed Zapatista insurgents seized towns and cities in Chiapas, including Ocosingo, Las Margaritas, Huixtán, Oxchuc, Rancho Nuevo, Altamirano, and Chanal. They freed the prisoners in the jail of San Cristóbal de las Casas and set fire to several police buildings and military barracks in the area. The guerrillas enjoyed brief success, but the next day Mexican army forces counterattacked, and fierce fighting broke out in and around the market of Ocosingo. The Zapatista forces took heavy casualties and retreated from the city into the surrounding jungle.
Armed clashes in Chiapas ended on January 12, with a ceasefire brokered by the Catholic diocese in San Cristóbal de las Casas under Bishop Samuel Ruiz, a well known liberation theologian who took up the cause of the indigenous of Chiapas. The Zapatistas retained some of the land for a little over a year, but in February 1995 the Mexican army overran that territory in a surprise breach of ceasefire. Following this offensive, the Zapatista villages were mostly abandoned and the rebels fled to the mountains after breaking out of the Mexican army perimeter.
Military offensive[edit]
Once Subcomandante Marcos was identified as Rafael Guillén on February 9, 1995, in a turn of events counterproductive to the understandings the Mexican Government and the EZLN had reached, Mexican President Ernesto Zedillo made a series of decisions that were completely at odds with the strategic plan previously defined by his government, and with the agreements he had authorized his Secretary of Interior, Lic Esteban Moctezuma, to discuss with Marcos a mere three days earlier, in Guadalupe Tepeyac - Zedillo sent the Mexican army to capture or annihilate Marcos, without first consulting his Secretary of Interior, without knowing exactly who Marcos was, and only with the PGR's single presumption that Marcos was a dangerous guerrilla. Despite these circumstances, President Zedillo decided to launch a military offensive in an attempt to capture or annihilate the EZLN's main spokesperson, a figure around which a cult of personality was already forming.
Arrest-warrants were made for Marcos, Javier Elorriaga Berdegue, Silvia Fernández Hernández, Jorge Santiago, Fernando Yanez, German Vicente, Jorge Santiago and other Zapatistas. At that point, in the Lacandon Jungle, the Zapatista Army of National Liberation was under military siege by the Mexican Army. Javier Elorriaga was captured on February 9, 1995, by forces from a military garrison at Gabina Velázquez in the town of Las Margaritas, and was later taken to the Cerro Hueco prison in Tuxtla Gutiérrez, Chiapas. [11] On February 11, 1995, the PGR informed the country that the government had implemented an operation in the State of México, where they had captured 14 people presumed to be involved with the Zapatistas, of which eight had already being turned over to the judicial authorities. They had also seized an important arsenal, the PGR stated. [12] The PGR's repressive acts reached the point of threatening the San Cristóbal de Las Casas' Catholic Bishop, Samuel Ruiz García, with arrest, for allegedly aiding to conceal the Zapatistas' guerrilla uprising, even though their activities were reported years before the uprising in what is considered one of Mexico's most important magazines, Proceso, which the Mexican Government had tried to cover it up.[13][14] [15] This dealt a serious blow to the recently restored Mexico-Vatican diplomatic relationship,[16] taking account the May 24, 1993 political assassination of a Prince of the Catholic Church, the Guadalajara Cardinal Juan Jesús Posadas Ocampo, that the PGR has left unresolved to this day.
Marcos's resolve was put to the test when the Zapatista Army of National Liberation was under military siege by the Mexican Army in their camp and in the Lacandon Jungle. Marcos's response was immediate, sending the then Secretary of Interior, Lic. Esteban Moctezuma, with whom he had met three days earlier, the following message: "See you in hell". The facts seemed to confirm former Chiapas Peace Commissioner Manuel Camacho Solis's accusations, made public in June 16, 1994, that the reason for his resignation was sabotage, done by the then presidential candidate Zedillo.
Under the considerable political pressure of a highly radicalized situation, and believing a peaceful solution to be possible, Mexican Secretary of the Interior Lic. Esteban Moctezuma campaigned to reach a peacefully negotiated solution to the 1995 Zapatista Crisis, betting it all on a creative strategy to reestablish a dialogue between the Mexican Government and the EZLN to find peace, by demonstrating to Marcos the terrible consequences of a military solution.
Making a strong position against the February 9 actions against Peace, Moctezuma, defender of a political solution, submitted his resignation to President Zedillo, but the Zedillo refused to accept it. Moved by Moctezuma's protest, President Zedillo abandoned the military offensive in favor of the improbable task of restoring the conditions for dialog to reach a negotiation. For these foregoing reasons the Mexican army eased its operation in Chiapas, giving an opportunity that Marcos needed to escape the military perimeter in the Lacandon jungle.[17] Faced with this situation, Max Appedole, Rafael Guillén, childhood friend and colleague, at the Jesuits College Instituto Cultural Tampico asked for help from Edén Pastora the legendary Nicaraguan "Commander Zero" to prepare a report for under-Secretary of the Interior Luis Maldonado Venegas; the Secretary of the Interior Esteban Moctezuma and the President Zedillo about Marcos natural pacifist vocation and the terrible consequences of a tragic outcome.[18] The document concluded that the marginalized groups and the radical left that exist in México, have been vented with the Zapatistas movement, while Marcos maintains an open negotiating track. Eliminate Marcos, and his social containment work will not only cease, but will give opportunity to the radical groups to take control of the movement. They will respond to violence with violence. They would begin terrorist bombings, kidnappings and belligerent activities. The country would be in a very dangerous spiral, which could lead to very serious situations, because there is discontent not only in Chiapas, but also in many other places in Mexico.[19]
2000s[edit]
With the coming to power of the new government of President Vicente Fox in 2001 (the first non-PRI president of Mexico in over 70 years), the Zapatistas marched on Mexico City to present their case to the Mexican Congress. Although Fox had stated earlier that he could end the conflict "in fifteen minutes",[20] the EZLN rejected watered-down agreements and created 32 "autonomous municipalities" in Chiapas, thus partially implementing their demands without government support but with some funding from international organizations.
Subcomandante Marcos in 1996
On June 28, 2005, the Zapatistas presented the Sixth Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle[21] declaring their principles and vision for Mexico and the world. This declaration reiterates the support for the indigenous peoples, who make up roughly one-third of the population of Chiapas, and extends the cause to include "all the exploited and dispossessed of Mexico". It also expresses the movement's sympathy to the international alter-globalization movement and offers to provide material aid to those in Cuba, Bolivia, Ecuador, and elsewhere, with whom they make common cause. The declaration ends with an exhortation for all who have more respect for humanity than for money to join with the Zapatistas in the struggle for social justice both in Mexico and abroad. The declaration calls for an alternative national campaign (the "Other Campaign") as an alternative to the presidential campaign. In preparation for this campaign, the Zapatistas invited to their territory over 600 national leftist organizations, indigenous groups, and non-governmental organizations in order to listen to their claims for human rights in a series of biweekly meetings that culminated in a plenary meeting on September 16, the day Mexico celebrates its independence from Spain. In this meeting, Subcomandante Marcos requested official adherence of the organizations to the Sixth Declaration, and detailed a six-month tour of the Zapatistas through all 31 Mexican states to occur concurrently with the electoral campaign starting January 2006.
On June 28, 2005, the EZLN released an installment of what it called the Sixth Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle. According to the communiqué, the EZLN had reflected on its history and decided that it must change in order to continue its struggle. Accordingly, the EZLN had decided to unite with the "workers, farmers, students, teachers, and employees ... the workers of the city and the countryside". They proposed to do so through a non-electoral front to talk and collectively write a new constitution to establish a new political culture.
On January 1, 2006, the EZLN began a massive tour, "The Other Campaign", encompassing all 31 Mexican states in the buildup to that year's presidential election, which the EZLN made clear they would not participate in directly.
On May 3–4, 2006, a series of demonstrations protested the forcible removal of irregular flower vendors from a lot in Texcoco for the construction of a Walmart branch. The protests turned violent when state police and the Federal Preventive Police bussed in some 5,000 agents to San Salvador Atenco and the surrounding communities. A local organization called the People's Front in Defense of the Land (FPDT), which adheres to the Sixth Declaration, called in support from other regional and national adherent organizations. "Delegate Zero" and his "Other Campaign" were at the time in nearby Mexico City, having just organized May Day events there, and quickly arrived at the scene. The following days were marked by violence, with some 216 arrests, over 30 rape and sexual abuse accusations against the police, five deportations, and one casualty, a 14-year-old boy named Javier Cortes shot by a policeman. A 20-year-old UNAM economics student, Alexis Benhumea, died on the morning of June 7, 2006, after being in a coma caused by a blow to the head from a tear-gas grenade launched by police.[22] Most of the resistance organizing was done by the EZLN and Sixth Declaration adherents, and Delegate Zero stated that the "Other Campaign" tour would be temporarily halted until all prisoners were released.
In late 2006 and early 2007, the Zapatistas (through Subcomandante Marcos), along with other indigenous peoples of the Americas, announced the Intercontinental Indigenous Encounter. They invited indigenous people from throughout the Americas and the rest of the world to gather on October 11–14, 2007, near Guaymas, Sonora. The declaration for the conference designated this date because of "515 years since the invasion of ancient Indigenous territories and the onslaught of the war of conquest, spoils and capitalist exploitation". Comandante David said in an interview, "The object of this meeting is to meet one another and to come to know one another’s pains and sufferings. It is to share our experiences, because each tribe is different."[23]
The Third Encuentro of the Zapatistas People with the People of the World was held from December 28, 2007, through January 1, 2008.[24]
In mid-January 2009, Marcos made a speech on behalf of the Zapatistas in which he supported the resistance of the Palestinians as "the Israeli government's heavily trained and armed military continues its march of death and destruction". He described the actions of the Israeli government as a "classic military war of conquest". He said, "The Palestinian people will also resist and survive and continue struggling and will continue to have sympathy from below for their cause."[25]
2010s[edit]
The Zapatistas invited the world to a three-day fiesta to celebrate ten years of Zapatista autonomy in August 2013 in the five caracoles of Chiapas. They expected 1,500 international activists to attend the event, titled the Little School of Liberty.[26][27]
In 2016, at the National Indigenous Congress and the EZLN agreed to select a candidate to represent them in the forthcoming 2018 Mexican general election. This decision broke the Zapatista's two-decade tradition of rejecting Mexican electoral politics. In May 2017, María de Jesús Patricio Martínez was selected to stand, she is Mexican and Nahua.[28][29][30]
Ideology[edit]
Federal Highway 307, Chiapas. The top sign reads, in Spanish, "You are in Zapatista rebel territory. Here the people command and the government obeys." Bottom sign: "North Zone. Council of Good Government. Trafficking in weapons, planting of drugs, drug use, alcoholic beverages, and illegal selling of wood are strictly prohibited. No to the destruction of nature."
The ideology of the Zapatista movement, Neozapatismo, synthesizes Mayan tradition with elements of libertarian socialism, anarchism,[31][32] and Marxism.[33] The historical influence of Mexican Anarchists and various Latin American socialists is apparent in Neozapatismo. The positions of Subcomandante Marcos add a Marxist[34] element to the movement. A Zapatista slogan is in harmony with the concept of mutual aid: "For everyone, everything. For us, nothing" (Para todos todo, para nosotros nada).
The EZLN opposes economic globalization, arguing that it severely and negatively affects the peasant life of its indigenous support base and oppressed people worldwide. The signing of NAFTA also resulted in the removal of Article 27, Section VII, from the Mexican Constitution, which had guaranteed land reparations to indigenous groups throughout Mexico.
Another key element of the Zapatistas' ideology is their aspiration to do politics in a new, participatory way, from the "bottom up" instead of "top down". The Zapatistas consider the contemporary political system of Mexico inherently flawed due to what they consider its purely representative nature and its disconnection from the people and their needs. In contrast, the EZLN aims to reinforce the idea of participatory democracy or radical democracy by limiting public servants' terms to only two weeks, not using visible organization leaders, and constantly referring to the people they are governing for major decisions, strategies, and conceptual visions. Marcos has reiterated, "my real commander is the people". In accordance with this principle, the Zapatistas are not a political party: they do not seek office throughout the state, because that would perpetuate the political system by attempting to gain power within its ranks. Instead, they wish to reconceptualize the entire system.
Women's Revolutionary Law[edit]
From the First Declaration from the Lacandon Jungle, the Zapatistas presented to the people of Mexico, the government, and the world their Revolutionary Laws on January 1, 1994. One of the laws was the Women's Revolutionary Law,[35] which states:
Women, regardless of their race, creed, color or political affiliation, have the right to participate in the revolutionary struggle in any way that their desire and capacity determine.
Women have the right to work and receive a fair salary.
Women have the right to decide the number of children they have and care for.
Women have the right to participate in the matters of the community and hold office if they are free and democratically elected.
Women and their children have the right to Primary Attention in their health and nutrition.
Women have the right to an education.
Women have the right to choose their partner and are not obliged to enter into marriage.
Women have the right to be free of violence from both relatives and strangers.
Women will be able to occupy positions of leadership in the organization and hold military ranks in the revolutionary armed forces.
Women will have all the rights and obligations elaborated in the Revolutionary Laws and regulations.
Postcolonial gaze[edit]
The Zapatistas' response to the introduction of NAFTA in 1994, it is argued, reflects the shift in perception taking place in societies that have experienced colonialism.[36] The theory of "postcolonial gaze" studies what is described as the cultural and political impacts of colonization on formerly colonized societies and how these societies overcome centuries of discrimination and marginalization by colonialists and their descendents.[37] In Mexico, the theory of the postcolonial gaze is being fostered predominantly in areas of large indigenous populations and marginalization, like Chiapas. Over the last 20 years, Chiapas is said to have emerged as a formidable force against the Mexican government, fighting against structural violence and social and economic marginalization brought on by globalization.[38] The Zapatista rebellion not only raised many questions about the consequences of globalization and free trade; it also questioned the long-standing ideas created by the Spanish colonial system. Postcolonialism is the antithesis of imperialism because it attempts to explain how the prejudices and restrictions created by colonialism are being overcome.[37] This is especially obvious in countries that have large social and economic inequalities, where colonial ideas are deeply entrenched in the minds of the colonials' descendents.
An early example of the Zapatistas' effective use of the postcolonial gaze was their use of organizations like the United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) to raise of awareness for their rebellion and indigenous rights, what critics described as the Mexican government's lack of respect for the country's impoverished and marginalized populations.[39] Appealing to the ECOSOC and other traditionally Western-influenced non-governmental bodies allowed the Zapatistas, it is argued, to establish a sense of autonomy by using the postcolonial gaze to redefine their identities both as indigenous people and as citizens of Mexico.[40]
Communications[edit]
Wearing a headset. "Marcha del Color de la Tierra" (2001).
From the beginning, the EZLN has made communication with the rest of Mexico and the world a high priority. The EZLN has used technology, including cellular phones and the Internet, to generate international solidarity with sympathetic people and organizations. Rap-rock band Rage Against the Machine is well known for its support of the EZLN, using the red star symbol as a backdrop to their live shows and often informing concert crowds of the ongoing situation.
The Zapatista flag in the background; RATM on stage.
As a result, on trips abroad, the president of Mexico is routinely confronted by small activist groups about "the Chiapas situation". The Zapatistas are featured prominently in Rage Against the Machine's songs, in particular "People of the Sun", "Wind Below", "Zapata's Blood", and "War Within a Breath".[41] Another band that has openly supported the EZLN's cause is Los de Abajo.
Before 2001, Marcos' writings were often published in some Mexican and a few international newspapers. Then Marcos fell silent, and his relationship with the media declined. When he resumed writing in 2002, he assumed a more aggressive tone, and his attacks on former allies angered some of the EZLN's supporters. Except for these letters and occasional critical communiqués about the political climate, the EZLN was largely silent until August 2003, when Radio Insurgente was launched from an unknown location.
In mid-2004, COCOPA head Luis H. Álvarez stated that Marcos had not been seen in Chiapas for some time. The EZLN received little press coverage during this time, although it continued to develop the local governments it had created earlier. In August, Marcos sent eight brief communiqués to the Mexican press, published from August 20 through 28. The series was entitled Reading a Video (possibly mocking political video scandals that occurred earlier that year). It began and ended as a kind of written description of an imaginary low-budget Zapatista video, with the rest being Marcos' comments on political events of the year and the EZLN's current stance and development.
In 2005, Marcos made headlines again by comparing the then presidential candidate Andrés Manuel López Obrador to Carlos Salinas de Gortari (as part of a broad criticism of the three main political parties in Mexico, the PAN, PRI, and PRD), and publicly declaring the EZLN in "Red Alert". Shortly thereafter, communiqués announced that the EZLN had undergone a restructuring that enabled them to withstand the loss of their public leadership (Marcos and the CCRI). After consulting with their support base, the Zapatistas issued the Sixth Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle.
Since the Zapatistas' first uprising, the newspaper La Jornada has continuously covered them. Most communiqués and many of Marcos's letters are delivered to and only published by La Jornada, and the online edition of the newspaper has a section dedicated to The Other Campaign.
The independent media organization Indymedia also covers and prints Zapatista developments and communications.
Horizontal autonomy and indigenous leadership[edit]
Zapatista Chiapas
Zapatista communities continue to practice horizontal autonomy and mutual aid by building and maintaining their own anti-systemic health, education, and sustainable agro-ecological systems, promoting equitable gender relations via Women's Revolutionary Law, and building international solidarity through humble outreach and non-imposing political communication. In addition to their focus on building "a world where many worlds fit", the Zapatistas continue to resist periodic attacks. The Zapatista struggle re-gained international attention in May 2014 with the death of teacher and education promoter Galeano, who was murdered in an attack on a Zapatista school and health clinic led by 15 local paramilitaries.[42] In the weeks that followed, thousands of Zapatistas and national and international sympathizers, mobilized and gathered to honor Galeano. This event also saw the famed and enigmatic unofficial spokesperson of the Zapatistas, Subcomandante Marcos, announce that he would be stepping down,[43] which symbolized a shift in the EZLN to completely Indigenous leadership.
Notable members[edit]
Artistic expression inspired by Comandanta Ramona.
Subcomandante Insurgente Galeano, previously known as Subcomandante Marcos
Comandanta Ramona
Subcomandante Elisa
Comandanta Esther
Subcomandante Moisés
In popular culture[edit]
Rap metal group Rage Against the Machine's 1996 single "People of the Sun" is about the Zapatista uprising and features footage of Zapatistas in its music video. The group also incorporates the Zapatista flag in its concerts (lead singer Zack de la Rocha's grandfather fought for the Zapatistas).
Indie rock group Swirlies' song "San Cristobal de las Casas" featured on their 1995 EP and 1996 album, is about the Zapatista uprising and paramilitary backlash.
Franco-Spanish songwriter Manu Chao performs a song for the EZLN on his 2002 live album, Radio Bemba Sound System
See also[edit]
A Place Called Chiapas, a documentary on the Zapatistas and Subcomandante Marcos.
Chiapas conflict
Himno Zapatista, anthem of the Zapatistas
Index of Mexico-related articles
Indigenous movements in the Americas
Indigenous peoples of Mexico
Mexican Indignados Movement
San Andrés Accords
Zapatismo
Zapatista coffee cooperatives
Women in the EZLN
References[edit]
Footnotes[edit]
Jump up ^ "A brief history of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation". ROAR Magazine. Retrieved 2016-11-13.
Jump up ^ Gahman, Levi: Zapatistas Begin a New Cycle of Building Indigenous Autonomy http://www.cipamericas.org/archives/12372/
Jump up ^ Baspineiro, Alex Contreras. "The Mysterious Silence of the Mexican Zapatistas." Narco News (May 7, 2004).
Jump up ^ "The EZLN is NOT Anarchist - A Zapatista Response Archived August 13, 2009, at the Wayback Machine."
Jump up ^ "A Commune in Chiapas? Mexico and the Zapatista Rebellion"
Jump up ^ SIPAZ, International Service for Peace webisite, "1994" Archived November 17, 2015, at the Wayback Machine.
^ Jump up to: a b Olesen, Thomas (2006). Latin American Social Movements. Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. p. 187.
Jump up ^ "Rising Inequality in Mexico: Returns to Household Characteristics and the 'Chiapas Effect' by César P. Bouillon, Arianna Legovini, Nora Lustig :: SSRN". Papers.ssrn.com. 1999-11-01. doi:10.2139/ssrn.182178. SSRN 182178  .
Jump up ^ O'Neil et al. 2006, p. 377.
Jump up ^ Manaut, Raúúl Beníítez; Selee, Andrew; Arnson, Cynthia J. (2006-02-01). "Frozen Negotiations: The Peace Process in Chiapas". Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos. 22 (1): 131–152. doi:10.1525/msem.2006.22.1.131. ISSN 0742-9797.
Jump up ^ «La Jornada: mayo 4 de 1996»
Jump up ^ «U.S. military aids Mexico's attacks on Zapatistas»
Jump up ^ «Sedena sabía de la guerrilla chiapaneca desde 1985» Archived November 3, 2013, at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ «Ganaderos e indígenas hablan de grupos guerrilleros»
Jump up ^ «Salinas recibió informes sobre Chiapas, desde julio del 93»
Jump up ^ «Relaciones entre México y el Vaticano»
Jump up ^ «Renuncia en Gobernación»
Jump up ^ «Tampico la conexión zapatista» Archived November 3, 2013, at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ «Marcos en la mira de Zedillo» Archived October 17, 2013, at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ O'Neil et al. 2006, p. 378.
Jump up ^ Sixth Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle on Wikisource
Jump up ^ Alcántara, Liliana. "Dan el último adiós a Alexis Benhumea". El Universal. Retrieved 3 March 2011.
Jump up ^ Norrell, Brenda. "Zapatistas Select Yaqui to Host Intercontinental Summit in Mexico". Narco News (May 7, 2007).
Jump up ^ http://zeztainternazional.ezln.org.mx/ 2008.
Jump up ^ "Zapatista Commander: Gaza Will Survive" Archived January 17, 2009, at the Wayback Machine. Palestine Chronicle
Jump up ^ Leonidas Oikonomakis on August 6, 2013 Zapatistas celebrate 10 years of autonomy with ‘escuelita’ http://roarmag.org/2013/08/escuelita-zapatista-10-year-autonomy/
Jump up ^ "the Little School of Liberty according to the Zapatistas" http://enlacezapatista.ezln.org.mx/2013/08/04/votan-iv-dia-menos-7/
Jump up ^ "Zapatistas Meet to Elect First Indigenous Presidential Candidate". TeleSUR. May 27, 2017. Retrieved May 30, 2017.
Jump up ^ https://www.counterpunch.org/2017/07/10/dismantling-power-the-zapatista-indigenous-presidential-candidates-vision-to-transform-mexico-from-below/
Jump up ^ http://www.truth-out.org/news/item/38169-zapatistas-and-indigenous-congress-seek-to-revolutionize-mexico-s-2018-election
Jump up ^ "Morgan Rodgers Gibson (2009) 'The Role of Anarchism in Contemporary Anti-Systemic Social Movements', Website of Abahlali Mjondolo, December, 2009". Abahlali.org. Retrieved 2013-10-29.
Jump up ^ "Morgan Rodgers Gibson (2010) 'Anarchism, the State and the Praxis of Contemporary Antisystemic Social Movements, December, 2010". Abahlali.org. Retrieved 2013-10-29.
Jump up ^ "The Zapatista Effect: Information Communication Technology Activism and Marginalized Communities Archived August 16, 2011, at the Wayback Machine."
Jump up ^ "The Zapatista's Return: A Masked Marxist on the Stump"
Jump up ^ "EZLN—Women's Revolutionary Law". Flag.blackened.net. Retrieved 2013-10-29.
Jump up ^ Beardsell, Peter (2000). Europe and Latin America: Returning the Gaze. Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press.
^ Jump up to: a b Lunga, Victoria (2008). "Postcolonial Theory: A Language for a Critique of Globalization". Perspectives on Global Development and Technology. 7 (3/4): 191–199. doi:10.1163/156914908x371349.
Jump up ^ Collier, George (2003). A Generation of Crisis in the Central Highlands of Chiapas. Rowmand and Littlefield Publishers Inc. p. 33.
Jump up ^ Jung, Courtney (2003). "The Politics of Indigenous Identity, Neoliberalism, Cultural Rights, and the Mexican Zapatistas". JSTOR 40971622.
Jump up ^ Hiddleston, Jane (2009). Understanding Movements in Modern Thought: Understanding Postcolonialism. Durham, UK: Acumen.
Jump up ^ Rosalva Bermudez-Ballin, Interview with Zach la Rocha (Rage Against The Machine), Nuevo Amanecer Press (via spunk.org), 8 Jul 1998
Jump up ^ Gahman, Levi - Death of a Zapatista http://rabble.ca/news/2014/06/death-zapatista-neoliberalisms-assault-on-indigenous-autonomy/
Jump up ^ "Mexico's Zapatista rebel leader Subcomandante Marcos steps down". BBC. 26 May 2014. Retrieved 15 November 2015.
Bibliography[edit]
Collier, George A. (2008). Basta!: Land and the Zapatista Rebellion in Chiapas (3rd. ed.). Food First Books. ISBN 978-0-935028-97-3.
(Ed.) Ponce de Leon, J. (2001). Our Word Is Our Weapon: Selected Writings, Subcomandante Marcos. New York: Seven Stories Press. ISBN 1-58322-036-4.
Harvey, Neil (1998). The Chiapas Rebellion: The Struggle for Land and Democracy. Duke University Press. ISBN 0-8223-2238-2.
O'Neil, Patrick H.; Fields, Karl; Share, Don (2006). Cases in Comparative Politics (2nd ed.). New York: W. W. Norton. ISBN 0-393-92943-4.
Conant, J. (2010). A Poetics of Resistance: The Revolutionary Public Relations of the Zapatista Insurgency. Oakland: AK Press. ISBN 978-1-849350-00-6.
Klein, H. (2015). Compañeras: Zapatista Women's Stories. New York: Seven Stories Press. ISBN 978-1-60980-587-6.
Further reading[edit]
Castellanos, L. (2007). México Armado: 1943-1981. Epilogue and chronology by Alejandro Jiménez Martín del Campo. México: Biblioteca ERA. 383 pp. ISBN 968-411-695-0 ISBN 978-968-411-695-5
Patrick & Ballesteros Corona, Carolina (1998). Cuninghame, "The Zapatistas and Autonomy", Capital & Class, No. 66, Autumn, pp 12–22.
The Zapatista Reader edited by Tom Hayden 2002 A wide sampling of notable writing on the subject. ISBN 9781560253358
Klein, Hilary. (2015) Compañeras: Zapatista Women's Stories. Seven Stories Press. ISBN 9781609805876
External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Zapatista Army of National Liberation.
Wikisource has original text related to this article:
Zapatista Army of National Liberation
Official website (in Spanish)
Schools for Chiapas
EZLN Communiques (1994–2004) translated into English
Our Word Is Our Weapon by Subcomandante Marcos Chapter 1
"What is it that is Different About the Zapatistas?"
Zapatista by Blake Bailey
A Celebration of the Struggle of the Zapatista Women
Occupy Movement, the Zapatistas and the General Assemblies
The Narco News Bulletin - Articles on the Zapatistas
"A Commune in Chiapas? Mexico and the Zapatista Rebellion (1994–2000)" by LibCom.org
"Visiting the Zapatistas" by Nick Rider, New Statesman, March 12, 2009
"Commodifying the Revolution: Zapatista Villages Become Hot Tourist Destinations" by John Ross
A Glimpse Into the Zapatista Movement, Two Decades Later by Laura Gottesdiener. The Nation, January 23, 2014.
We All Must Become Zapatistas (2014.06.02), Chris Hedges, Truthdig
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text:
Mier expedition
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Mier expedition

The Drawing of the Black Bean by Frederic Remington
Date
November 1842 – February 1843
Location
Ciudad Mier, Tamaulipas
Result
Mexican victory
Belligerents
Texas Mexico
Commanders and leaders
Alexander Somervell
William S. Fisher
Ewen Cameron Francisco Mejía
Pedro de Ampudia
Strength
~700 ~3,000
The Mier expedition was an unsuccessful military operation launched in November 1842 by a Texian militia against Mexican border settlements; it was related to the Somervell expedition. It included a major battle at Ciudad Mier on December 26 and 27, 1842, which the Mexicans won. The Texian attack was launched partly in hopes of financial gain and partly in retaliation for the Dawson Massacre (as named by Texans) earlier that year, in which thirty-six Texas militia were killed by the Mexican Army. Both conflicts were part of continuing efforts by each side to control the land between the Rio Grande and Nueces River. The Republic of Texas believed that this territory had been ceded to it in the Treaties of Velasco, by which they gained independence; but Mexico did not agree.
Contents
[hide]
1 Background
2 Expeditions
2.1 Battle of Mier
2.2 Black Bean Episode
3 Legacy
4 See also
5 Notes
6 References
7 External links
Background[edit]
Antonio López de Santa Anna, the ruler of Mexico, was defeated by Texans at the Battle of San Jacinto and signed the Treaties of Velasco in 1836, ceding Texas territory from Mexican control (these treaties had not been ratified by the Mexican legislature). But, his forces continued to invade the Republic of Texas with the goal of regaining control, particularly of the territory between the Rio Grande and Nueces River.[citation needed] Texas had hardly any settlements there.
On September 17, 1842,[1] Texan and Mexican forces engaged at Salado Creek, east of San Antonio. After a separate favorable Texan engagement earlier in the day, a reinforcement company of 54 Texas militia, mostly from Fayette County, under the command of Nicholas Mosby Dawson, began advancing on the rear of the Mexican Army. The Mexican commander, General Adrián Woll, sent 500 of his cavalrymen and two cannons to attack the group. The Texans held their own against the Mexican soldiers, but their fatalities mounted after the cannons came within range. The battle lasted just over an hour, resulting in 36 Texians dead and 15 captured in what Texans called the Dawson Massacre.
Expeditions[edit]
On November 25, 1842, Alexander Somervell, a Texan customs officer from Matagorda Island, left San Antonio with 700 men under his command on a military expedition to punish the Mexican Army for raids in Texas. The Somervell Expedition recaptured Laredo on December 7, 1842, and then, with a reduced force of 500, took the Mexican town of Guerrero. Lacking serious backing for the expedition from the Republic of Texas, Somervell ordered his men to disband and return home on December 19, 1842.
Five captains and their men disobeyed, initiating the privateering Mier Expedition. More men were gathered at La Grange. They continued the march to Ciudad Mier under the command of William S. Fisher.
Battle of Mier[edit]
Battle of Mier

A map for the battle at Ciudad Mier.
Date
December 25–26, 1842
Location
Ciudad Mier, Mexico
Result
Mexican victory
Belligerents
Texas Mexico
Commanders and leaders
William S. Fisher Pedro de Ampudia
Strength
308 militia 1,000 cavalry
2,000 infantry
Casualties and losses
~30 killed or wounded
~280 captured ~600 killed
~200 wounded
[show]
v
t
e
Mexican conflicts with Texas
(1839–1843)
Cordova Rebellion
Canales Rebellion
Santa Fe Expedition
Vásquez Expedition
Woll Expedition
Capture of San Antonio
Battle of Salado Creek
Dawson Massacre
Battle of Arroyo Hondo
Mier Expedition
Black Bean Incident
Snively Expedition
Battle of Campeche
On December 20, 1842, some 308 Texan soldiers, who had ignored orders to pull back from the Rio Grande to Gonzales, approached Ciudad Mier. They camped on the Texas side of the Rio Grande. 261 soldiers participated in the capture of the town, while the others remained behind as the camp guard.
The Texans were unaware that 3,000 Mexican troops were in the area under the command of generals Francisco Mexia and Pedro de Ampudia. In the Battle of Mier that resulted, the Texians were outnumbered ten to one. They inflicted heavy casualties on the Mexicans—650 dead and 200 wounded—but they were forced to surrender on December 26.
The Mexicans took 243 Texans as prisoner and marched them toward Mexico City via Matamoros, Tamaulipas, and Monterrey, Nuevo León.
On February 11, 1843, 181 Texans escaped but, by the end of the month, the lack of food and water in the mountainous Mexican desert resulted in 176 of them surrendering or being recaptured. This was in the vicinity of Salado, Tamaulipas.
When the prisoners reached Saltillo, Coahuila, they learned that an outraged Santa Anna had ordered all the escapees to be executed, but General and Governor Francisco Mexía of the state of Coahuila refused to follow the order.[2] The new commander, Colonel Domingo Huerta, moved the prisoners to El Rancho Salado. By this time, diplomatic efforts on behalf of Texas by the foreign ministers of the United States and Great Britain led Santa Anna to compromise: he said one in ten of the prisoners would be killed.
Black Bean Episode[edit]
To help determine who would die, Huerta had 176 white beans and 17 black beans placed in a pot. In what came to be known as the Black Bean Episode or the Bean Lottery, the Texans were blindfolded and ordered to draw beans. Officers and enlisted men, in alphabetical order, were ordered to draw. The seventeen men who drew black beans were allowed to write letters home before being executed by firing squad. On the evening of March 25, 1843, the Texians were shot in two groups, one of nine men and one of eight. According to legend, Huerta placed the black beans in the jar last and had the officers pick first, so that they would make up the majority of those killed.
Painted tile mural at Monument Hill State Historic Site, commemorating the execution of Texans after drawing black beans.
The first Texan to draw a black bean was Major James Decatur Cocke. A witness recalled that Cocke held up the bean between his forefinger and thumb, and with a smile of contempt, said, "Boys, I told you so; I never failed in my life to draw a prize." He later told a fellow Texan, "They only rob me of forty years." Fearing that the Mexicans would strip his body after he was dead, he removed his pants and gave them to a companion whose clothing was in worse shape. He was shot with the sixteen others who drew black beans on March 25, 1843. His last words were reported to have been, "Tell my friends I die with grace."
The other sixteen who drew black beans in the lottery were William Mosby Eastland, Patrick Mahan, James M. Ogden, James N. Torrey, Martin Carroll Wing, John L. Cash, Robert Holmes Dunham, Edward E. Este, Robert Harris, Thomas L. Jones, Christopher Roberts, William N. Rowan, James L. Shepherd, J. N. M. Thomson, James Turnbull, and Henry Walling. Shepherd survived the firing squad by pretending to be dead. The guards left him for dead in the courtyard, and he escaped in the night but was recaptured and shot. Eastland County, Texas, is named after William Mosby Eastland.[3]
Captain Ewen Cameron had drawn a white bean, but was ordered executed anyway by Santa Anna a month later while being held at Perote Prison. As he waited to die, Cameron refused to confess to a priest.[citation needed]
The survivors who picked white beans, including Bigfoot Wallace and Samuel Walker, finished the march to Mexico City. They were later imprisoned at Perote Prison in the state of Veracruz, along with the 15 survivors of the Dawson Massacre and about 35 other men captured by General Adrián Woll in San Antonio. Some of the Texans escaped from Perote or died there. Most were prisoners until they were released, by order of Santa Anna, on September 16, 1844.
Legacy[edit]
In 1847, during the Mexican-American War, the U.S. Army occupied northeastern Mexico. Captain John E. Dusenbury, a white bean survivor, returned to El Rancho Salado and exhumed the remains of his comrades. He traveled with the remains on a ship to Galveston, and by wagon to La Grange in Fayette County, Texas.
La Grange citizens retrieved the remains of the men killed in the Dawson Massacre from their burial site near Salado Creek in Bexar County.
The remains of both groups of men were reinterred in a ceremony attended by 1,000 people. They were buried in a large common tomb in 1848, in a cement vault on a bluff one mile south of La Grange. The grave site is now part of a state park, the Monument Hill and Kreische Brewery State Historic Sites.
The Black Bean Episode is the subject of Frederic Remington's painting The Mier Expedition: The Drawing of the Black Bean.[4]
See also[edit]
Texas portal
History portal
Ciudad Mier
John Christopher Columbus Hill
Texan Santa Fe Expedition
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ Lord, George. The Mier Expedition. (From clippings from the Cuero Star, Cuero, Texas (1883) and present in the Valentine Bennet Scrapbook by Miles S. Bennet, Center for American History, University of Texas, Austin). Retrieved June 21, 2014.
Jump up ^ Nance, J. Milton. MIER EXPEDITION," Handbook of Texas Online. accessed June 21, 2014. Published by the Texas State Historical Association.
Jump up ^ "Black bean episode", Handbook of Texas Online, published by the Texas State Historical Association; Retrieved May 02, 2011
Jump up ^ Remington, Frederic. "The Mier Expedition: The Drawing of the Black Bean". Retrieved May 19, 2016.
References[edit]
Abolafia-Rosenzweig, Mark. The Dawson and Mier Expeditions and Their Place in Texas History. Texas Parks and Wildlife Department. 2nd printing April 1991.
Interpretive Guide to: Monument Hill/Kreische Brewery State Historic Sites. Texas Parks and Wildlife Department.
Lord, George. The Mier Expedition. (From clippings from the Cuero Star, Cuero, Texas (1883), and published in the Valentine Bennet Scrapbook by Miles S. Bennet, Center for American History, University of Texas, Austin). Retrieved June 21, 2014.
Nance, J. Milton "Mier Expedition". from The Handbook of Texas Online. Texas Historical Association. Retrieved June 21, 2014.
Nance, J. Milton. Dare-Devils All: The Texan Mier Expedition, 1842-1844, 1998 posthumous edition, Archie P. McDonald
External links[edit]
Mier Expedition from the Handbook of Texas Online
Drawing of the Black Bean painting by Frederic Remington, Museum of Fine Arts Houston
Captain William S. Fisher at Find a Grave
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School holidays in the United States
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This article possibly contains original research. Please improve it by verifying the claims made and adding inline citations. Statements consisting only of original research should be removed. (June 2015) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
School holidays in the United States
Observed by
Schools in the United States
Type
National
In the United States, the academic year typically has about 180[1] school days for K-12, running from the early (Northern Hemisphere) fall to early summer. Colleges and universities often have shorter years. School holidays (also referred to as vacations, breaks, and recess) are the periods during which schools are closed.
Public schools for grades K-12 typically have the following vacations and holidays:
All federal and state holidays.
Thanksgiving Holiday - Fourth Thursday in November. Usually Black Friday is also a holiday marked "Day After Thanksgiving" and the Wednesday before is often a holiday or early-dismissal day. Some schools give students the entire fourth week of November off.
Christmas/Holiday break - Typically there are no classes on Christmas Eve and December 23 might be a half-day. The break lasts until first weekday in January after New Year's Day. In years where January 1 falls on a Sunday (such as 2017), New Year's Day is federally celebrated on Monday and classes begin on Tuesday, January 3. Some areas include the entirety of the Christmas or New Year's week in the vacation.
Fall break - (not taken in all parts of the country) one to two weeks in September or October, sometimes coinciding with Labor Day.
Winter break - (not taken in all parts of the country) one week in February or March, sometimes coinciding with Presidents' Day.
Spring break - one week in March or April (usually around Easter).
Summer break - Around 10–11 weeks, either from end of May to early August, early June to Mid-August, or the end of June to the day after Labor Day in early September, - depending on region and state. Except that students with disabilities may receive special education services during the summer as mentioned in the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act. The break generally includes Independence Day.
Religious holidays such as Good Friday, Jewish holidays, and Islamic holidays - depending on school demographics.
Many public schools also have Teacher's Day Off/In-Service (Convention)/Professional Day 2 or 3 days per year, usually devoted to professional development.
Schools offering summer camp are also off on Independence Day though the regular school year generally includes this holiday as part of the larger summer break.
Most colleges and universities have the following breaks/holidays:
Thanksgiving Holiday - End of November (Thanksgiving & Day after, and most often also on Wednesday)
Christmas/Holiday & Winter break - December 23 to mid/end of January (winter term classes might be offered after New Year).
Spring Break - one week in March or April, usually following Easter or Patriots' Day, and involving warm-weather trip traditions
Summer Break - Early/mid of May to day after Labor day in early September (summer term classes might be offered).
Major federal and state holidays (Private may observe religious holidays) (such as Memorial Day, Veterans Day, and Columbus Day).
Most colleges and universities divide the school year into two semesters. The fall semester often begins the day after Labor Day in early September and runs until mid-December. The spring semester typically starts in the middle or end of January and runs until May. Winter and summer classes might be offered in January and May–August.
Contents
[hide]
1 Unscheduled days off
2 See also
3 Sources
4 References
Unscheduled days off[edit]
When cars are covered and roads are impassable, closings and cancellations are likely to occur
Weather-related cancellations, such as snow days and hurricane-related closures, can affect school calendars, as can local emergencies such as water main breaks, gas leaks, structural problems, or shootings. Some K-12 districts build in a certain number of expected snow days, though in warmer climates typically none are scheduled. If the expected number is different from the actual number of canceled days, the beginning of summer vacation might be adjusted to keep the school year the same length. If there are too many canceled days, some districts will keep the beginning of summer vacation from moving too far by holding school during a scheduled spring vacation, or by holding school on Saturdays, professional development days, or other scheduled holidays. If the cancellation does reduce the number of days of instruction below the state minimum, the district may decide to simply drop the missed day from the academic year.
Colleges and universities set their own cancellation policies, and typically do not add makeup days, though they also cancel school more rarely, especially for residential campuses.
Where different days have different schedules (e.g. math and English on Mondays, science and art on Tuesdays), the schedule of remaining days might be adjusted to ensure all subjects retain the same number of instructional days per year.
See also[edit]
Academic year
Sources[edit]
"School Holidays in the United States." YouTube. YouTube, n.d. Web. 15 Jan. 2016.
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "List of school calendar dates for school districts6hu46uh6 in the USA".
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=School_holidays_in_the_United_States&oldid=839017999"
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