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Emerging adulthood and early adulthood
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"Early adulthood" redirects here. For other uses, see Early adulthood (disambiguation).
Emerging adulthood is a phase of the life span between adolescence and full-fledged adulthood which encompasses late adolescence and early adulthood, proposed by Jeffrey Arnett in a 2000 article in the American Psychologist.[1] It primarily describes people living in developed countries, but it is also experienced by young people in urban wealthy families in the Global South.[2] The term describes young adults who do not have children, do not live in their own home, or do not have sufficient income to become fully independent. Arnett suggests emerging adulthood is the distinct period between 18 and 25 years of age where adolescents become more independent and explore various life possibilities. Arnett argues that this developmental period can be isolated from adolescence and young adulthood.[1] Emerging adulthood is a new demographic, is contentiously changing, and some[3] believe that twenty-somethings have always struggled with "identity exploration, instability, self-focus, and feeling in-between".[4] Arnett called this period "roleless role" because emerging adults do a wide variety of activities, but are not constrained by any sort of "role requirements".[1] The developmental theory is highly controversial within the developmental field, and developmental psychologists argue over the legitimacy of Arnett's theories and methods.
Contents
[hide]
1 Distinction from young adulthood and adolescence
1.1 Terminology
1.2 Exploration of identity
1.3 Subjective difference
1.4 Why emerging adulthood is distinct demographically
2 Physiological development
2.1 Biological changes
2.2 Cognitive development
2.3 Abnormal development
3 Relationships
3.1 Parent-child relationship
3.2 Sexual relationships
4 Culture
5 Media
6 Criticism
7 References
8 Further reading
9 External links
Distinction from young adulthood and adolescence[edit]
Terminology[edit]
Coined by psychology professor Jeffrey Arnett, emerging adulthood has been known variously as "transition age youth",[5][6] "delayed adulthood",[7] "extended adolescence", "youthhood",[8] "adultolescence",[9] and "the twixter years".[10] Of the various terms, "emerging adulthood" has become popular among sociologists, psychologists, and government agencies as a way to describe this period of life in between adolescence and young adulthood.[11][12][13]
Compared to other terms that have been used which give the impression that this stage is just a "last hurrah" of adolescence, "emerging adulthood" recognizes the uniqueness of this period of life.[10] Currently, it is appropriate to define adolescence as the period spanning ages 12 to 18. This is because people in this age group in the United States typically live at home with their parents, are undergoing pubertal changes, attend middle schools and high schools and are involved in a "school-based peer culture". All of these characteristics are no longer normative after the age of 18, and it is, therefore, considered inappropriate to call young adults "adolescence" or "late adolescence". Furthermore, in the United States, the age of 18 is the age at which people are able to legally vote and citizens are granted full rights upon turning 21 years of age.[14]
According to Arnett, the term "young adulthood" suggests that adulthood has already been reached, but most people in the emerging adulthood stage no longer consider themselves adolescents, but do not see themselves entirely as adults either.[14] In the past, milestones such as finishing secondary school, finding a job, and getting married clearly marked the entrance to adulthood, but in modern, post-industrialized nations, as positions requiring a college degree have become more common and the average age of marriage has become older the length of time between leaving adolescence and reaching these milestones has been extended, delaying the age at which many young people fully enter adulthood.[15] If the years 18–25 are classified as "young adulthood", Arnett believes it is then difficult to find an appropriate term for the thirties. Emerging adults are still in the process of obtaining an education, are unmarried, and are childless. By age thirty, most of these individuals do see themselves as adults, based on the belief that they have more fully formed "individualistic qualities of character" such as self-responsibility, financial independence, and independence in decision-making. Arnett suggests that many of the individualistic characteristics associated with adult status correlate to, but are not dependent upon, the role responsibilities associated with a career, marriage, and/or parenthood.[1]
Exploration of identity[edit]
One of the most important features of emerging adulthood is that this age period allows for exploration in love, work, and worldviews more than any other age period. The process of identity formation emerges in adolescence but mostly takes place in emerging adulthood. Regarding love, although adolescents in the United States usually begin dating between ages 12 and 14, they usually view this dating as recreational. It is not until emerging adulthood that identity formation in love becomes more serious.[14] Emerging adults are considering their own developing identities as a reference point for a lifetime relationship partner, so they explore romantically and sexually as there is less parental control.[16] While in the United States during adolescence dating usually occurs in groups and in situations such as parties and dances, in emerging adulthood, relationships last longer and often include sexual relations as well as cohabitation.[17]
As far as work, the majority of working adolescents in the United States tend to see their jobs as a way to make money for recreational activities rather than preparing them for a future career.[18] In contrast, 18- to 25-year-olds in emerging adulthood view their jobs as a way to obtain the knowledge and skills that will prepare them for their future adulthood careers. Because emerging adults have the possibility of having numerous work experiences, they are able to figure out what type of work they are good at as well find what type of work they want to pursue for the rest of their life.[1] Undergoing changes in worldviews is a main division of cognitive development during emerging adulthood.[19]
People in emerging adulthood that choose to attend college often begin college or university with the worldview they were raised with and learned in childhood and adolescence. However, emerging adults who have attended college or university have been exposed to and have considered different worldviews, and eventually commit to a worldview that is distinct from the worldview with which they were raised by the end of their college or university career.[19]
Subjective difference[edit]
When Americans between the ages of 18 and 25 are asked whether they believe they have reached adulthood, most do not answer with a "no" or a "yes", but answer with "In some respects yes, in some respects no".[20] It is clear from this ambiguity that most emerging adults in the United States feel they have completed adolescence but not yet entered adulthood.[21][22][23]
A number of studies have shown that regarding people in their late teens and early twenties in the United States, demographic qualities such as completing their education, finding a career, getting married, and becoming parents are not the criteria used in determining whether they have reached adulthood.[24][25][26][27] Rather, the criteria that determine whether adulthood has been reached are character qualities, such as being able to make independent decisions and taking responsibility for one's self.[23][26][27] In America, these character qualities are usually experienced in the mid to late twenties, thus confirming that emerging adulthood is distinct subjectively.[25]
Why emerging adulthood is distinct demographically[edit]
Emerging adulthood is the sole age period where there is nothing that is demographically consistent.[28][29] At this time, adolescents in the United States up to age 20, over 95% live at home with at least one parent, 98% are not married, under 10% have become parents, and more than 95% attend school.[30] Similarly, people in their thirties are also demographically normative: 75% are married, 75% are parents, and under 10% attend school.[30] Residential status and school attendance are two reasons that the period of emerging adulthood is incredibly distinct demographically. Regarding residential status, emerging adults in the United States have very diverse living situations.[14] About one third of emerging adults attend college and spend a few years living independently while partially relying on adults.[31]
Contrastingly, 40% of emerging adults do not attend college but live independently and work full-time.[31] Finally, around two-thirds of emerging adults in the United States cohabitate with a romantic partner.[32] Regarding school attendance, emerging adults are extremely diverse in their educational paths (Arnett, 2000, p. 470-471). Over 60% of emerging adults in the United States enter college or university the year after they graduate from high school.[33] However, the years that follow college are extremely diverse – only about 32% of 25- to 29-year-olds have finished four or more years of college.[30]
This is because higher education is usually pursued non-continuously, where some pursue education while they also work, and some do not attend school for periods of time.[14] Further contributing to the variance, about one third of emerging adults with bachelor's degrees pursue a postgraduate education within a year of earning their bachelor's degree.[34] Thus, because there is so much demographic instability, especially in residential status and school attendance, it is clear that emerging adulthood is a distinct entity based on its demographically non-normative qualities, at least in the United States. Some emerging adults end up moving back home after college graduation, which tests the demographic of dependency. During college, they may be completely independent, but that could quickly change afterwards when they are trying to find a full-time job with little direction on where to start their career.
Physiological development[edit]
Biological changes[edit]
Emerging adulthood and adolescence differ significantly with regard to puberty and hormonal development.[35] While there is considerable overlap between the onset of puberty and the developmental stage referred to as adolescence, there are considerably fewer hormonal and physical changes taking place in individuals between the ages of 18–25. Emerging adults have reached a stage of full hormonal maturity and are fully, physically equipped for sexual reproduction.
Emerging adulthood is usually thought of as a time of peak physical health and performance as individuals are usually less susceptible to disease and more physically agile during this period than later stages of adulthood. However, emerging adults are generally more likely to contract sexually transmitted infections, as well as to adopt unhealthy behavioral patterns and lifestyle choices.[36]
Cognitive development[edit]
While many people believe that the brains of emerging adults are fully developed, they are in fact still developing into their adult forms. Many connections within the brain are strengthened and those that are unused are pruned away.[37] Several brain structures develop that allow for greater processing of emotions and social information. Areas of the brain used for planning and for processing risk and rewards also undergo important developments during this stage.[37] These developments in brain structure and the resulting implications are one factor that leads emerging adults to be considered more mature than adolescents. This is due to the fact that they make fewer impulsive decisions and rely more on planning and evaluating of situations.
While brain structures continue to develop during emerging adulthood, the cognition of emerging adults is an area that receives the majority of attention. Arnett explains, "Emerging adulthood is a critical stage for the emergence of complex forms of thinking required in complex societies."[38] Crucial changes take place in their sense of self and capacity for self-reflection. At this stage, emerging adults often decide on a particular worldview and are able to recognize that other perspectives exist and are valid as well.[38] While cognition generally becomes more complex, education level plays an important role in this development.[38] Not all emerging adults reach the same advanced level in cognition because of the variety of education received during this age period.
Abnormal development[edit]
Much research has been directed at studying the onset of lifetime DSM disorders to dispel the common thought that most disorders begin earlier in life. Because of this reasoning, many people that show signs of disorders do not seek help due to its stigmatization. The research shows that those with various disorders will not feel symptoms until emerging adulthood. Kessler and Merikangas reported that "50% of emerging adults between the ages of 18 and 25 experience at least one psychiatric disorder." Not only is the emergence of various disorders prevalent in emerging adulthood, but the chance of developing a disorder drastically decreases at age 28.[39][40]
Seventy-five percent of any lifetime DSM-IV anxiety, mood, impulse-control and substance abuse disorder begins before age 24. Most onsets at this age will not be, or become, comorbid. The median onset interquartile range of substance use disorders is 18–27, while the median onset age is 20. The median onset age of mood disorders is 25.[41]
Even disorders that begin earlier, like schizophrenia spectrum diagnoses, can reveal themselves within the age range of emerging adulthood. Often, patients will not seek help until several years of symptoms have passed, if at all.[39] For example, those diagnosed with social anxiety disorder will rarely seek treatment until age 27 or later. Typically, symptoms of more severe disorders, such as major depression, begin at age 25 as well.[42][43]
With the exception of some phobias, symptoms of many disorders begin to appear and are diagnosable during emerging adulthood. Major efforts have been taken to educate the public and influence those with symptoms to seek treatment past adolescence. There is minimal but intriguing evidence that those who attend college appear to have less of a chance of showing symptoms of DSM-IV disorders. In one study, "they were significantly less likely to have a diagnosis of drug use disorder or nicotine dependence". In addition, "bipolar disorder was less common in individuals attending college". However, other research reports that chance of alcohol abuse and addiction is increased with college student status.[44]
Relationships[edit]
Parent-child relationship[edit]
Emerging adulthood is characterized by a reevaluation of the parent-child relationship, primarily in regard to autonomy. As a child switches from the role of a dependent to the role of a fellow adult, the family dynamic changes significantly. At this stage, it is important that parents acknowledge and accept their child's status as an adult.[45] This process may include gestures such as allowing increased amounts of privacy and extending trust. Granting this recognition assists the increasingly independent offspring in forming a strong sense of identity and exploration at a time when it is most crucial.[46]
There is varied evidence regarding the continuity of emerging adults' relationships with parents, although most of the research supports the fact that there is moderate stability. A parent-child relationship of higher quality often results in greater affection and contact in emerging adulthood.[47] Attachment styles tend to remain stable from infancy to adulthood.[48] An initial secure attachment assists in healthy separation from parents while still retaining intimacy, resulting in adaptive psychological function.[49] Changes in attachment are often associated with negative life events, as described below.
Divorce and remarriage of parents often result in a weaker parent-child relationship,[50] even if no adverse effects were apparent during childhood.[51] When parental divorce occurs in early adulthood, it has a strong, negative impact on the child's relationship with their father.[52]
However, if parents and children maintain a good relationship throughout the divorce process, it could act as a buffer and reduce the negative effects of the experience. A positive parent-child relationship after parental divorce may also be facilitated by the child's understanding of divorce. Understanding the complexity of the situation and not dwelling on the negative aspects may actually assist a young adult's adjustment, as well as their success in their own romantic relationships.[53][54]
Despite the increasing need for autonomy that emerging adults experience, there is also a continuing need for support from parents, although this need is often different and less dependent than that of children and earlier adolescents. Many people over the age of 18 still require financial support in order to further their education and career,[55] despite an otherwise independent lifestyle. Furthermore, emotional support remains important during this transition period. Parental engagement with low marital conflict results in better adjustment for college students.[56] This balance of autonomy and dependency may seem contradictory, but relinquishing control while providing necessary support may strengthen the bond between parents and offspring and may even provide space for children to be viewed as sources of support.[57]
Parental support may come in the form of co-residence, which has varied effects on an emerging adult's adjustment. The proportion of young adults living with their parents has steadily increased in recent years, largely due to financial strain, difficulty finding employment, and the necessity of higher education in the job field.[58] The economic benefit of a period of co-residence may assist an emerging adult in exploration of career options. In households with lower socioeconomic status, this arrangement may have the added benefit of the young adult providing support for the family, both financial and otherwise.
Co-residence can also have negative effects on an emerging adult's adjustment and autonomy. This may hinder parents' ability to acknowledge their child as an adult,[59] while home-leaving promotes psychological growth and satisfying adult-to-adult relationships with parents characterized by less confrontation.[60] Living in physically separate households can help both a young adult and a parent acknowledge the changing nature of their relationship.[61]
Sexual relationships[edit]
There are a wide variety of factors that influence sexual relationships during emerging adulthood; this includes beliefs about certain sexual behaviors and marriage. For example, among emerging adults in the United States, it is common for oral sex to not be considered "real sex".[35] In the 1950s and 1960s, about 75% of people between the ages of 20–24 engaged in premarital sex. Today, that number is 90%.[35] Unintended pregnancy and sexually transmitted infections and diseases (STIs/STDs) are a central issue. As individuals move through emerging adulthood, they are more likely to engage in monogamous sexual relationships and practice safe sex.[35]
Across most OECD countries, marriage rates are falling, the age at first marriage is rising,[62] and cohabitation among unmarried couples is increasing.[63] The Western European marriage pattern has traditionally been characterised by marriage in the mid twenties, especially for women, with a generally small age difference between the spouses, a significant proportion of women who remain unmarried, and the establishment of a neolocal household after the couple has married.[64][65][66]
Housing affordability has been linked to home ownership rates, and demographic researchers have argued for a link between the rising age at first marriage and the rising age of first home ownership.[67][68][69][70][71]
Culture[edit]
Demographers distinguish between developing countries, which constitute more than 80% of the world's population,[72] and the economically advanced, industrialized nations that form the Organization for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD). This includes countries like the United States, Canada, Western Europe, Japan, South Korea, and Australia, all of which have significantly higher median incomes and educational attainment and significantly lower rates of illness, disease, and early death.[73]
The theory of emerging adulthood is specifically applicable to cultures within these OECD nations,[73] and as a stage of development has only emerged over the past half century.[74] It is specific to "certain cultural-demographic conditions, specifically widespread education and training beyond secondary school and entry into marriage and parenthood in the late twenties or beyond".[75]
Furthermore, emerging adulthood occurs only within societies that allow for occupational shifts, with emerging adults often experiencing frequent job changes before settling on particular job by the age of 30.[74] Arnett also argues that emerging adulthood happens in cultures that allow for a period of time between adolescence and marriage, the marker of adulthood.[76] Such marital and occupational instability found among emerging adults can be attributed to the strong sense of individualization found in cultures that allow for this stage of development; in individualized cultures, traditional familial and institutional constraints have become less pronounced than in previous times or in unindustrialized/developing cultures, allowing for more personal freedom in life decisions.[74] However, emerging adulthood even occurs in industrialized nations that do not value individualization, as is the case in some Asian countries discussed below.
Up until the latter portion of the 20th century in OECD countries, and contemporarily in developing countries around the word, young people made the transition from adolescence to young adulthood around or by the age of 22, when they settled into long-lasting, obligation-filled familial and occupational roles.[73] Therefore, in societies where this trend still prevails, emerging adulthood does not exist as a widespread stage of development.
Among OECD countries, there is a general "one size fits all" model in regards to emerging adulthood, having all undergone the same demographic changes that resulted in this new stage of development between adolescence and young adulthood. However, the shape emerging adulthood takes can even vary between different OECD countries,[73] and researchers have only recently begun exploring such cross-national differences.[74] For instance, researchers have determined that Europe is the area where emerging adulthood lasts the longest, with high levels of government assistance and median marriage ages nearing 30,[77] compared to the U.S. where the median marriage age is 27.[78]
Emerging adult communities in East Asia may be most dissimilar from their European and American counterparts, for while they share the benefits of affluent societies with strong education and welfare systems, they do not share as strong a sense of individualization. Historically and currently, East Asian cultures have emphasized collectivism more so than those in the West.[73] For instance, while Asian emerging adults similarly engage in individualistic identity exploration and personal development, they do so within more constrictive boundaries set by familial obligation. For example, European and American emerging adults consistently list financial independence as a key marker of adulthood, while Asian emerging adults consistently list capable of supporting parents financially as a marker with equal weight.[79] Furthermore, while casual dating and premarital sex has become normative in the West, in Asia parents still discourage such practices, where they remain "rare and forbidden".[73] In fact, about 75% of emerging adults in the U.S. and Europe report having had premarital sexual relations by the age of 20, whereas less than 20% in Japan and South Korea reported the same.[80]
While emerging adulthood exemplars are found mainly within the middle and upper classes of OECD countries, the stage of development still seems to occur across classes, with the main difference between different ones being length—on average, young people in lower social classes tend to enter adulthood two years before those in upper classes.[73]
While emerging adulthood occurs on a wide scale only in OECD countries, developing countries may also exhibit similar phenomena in certain population subgroups. In contrast to those in poor or rural parts of developing nations, who have no emerging adulthood and sometimes no adolescence due to comparatively early entry into marriage and adult-like work, young people in wealthier urban classes have begun to enter stages of development that resemble emerging adulthood, and the amount to do so is rising.[73] Such individuals may develop a bicultural or hybrid identity, with part of themselves identifying with local culture and another part participating in the professional culture of the global economy. One finds examples of such a situation among the middle class young people in India, who lead the globalized economic sector while still, for the most part, preferring to have arranged marriages and taking care of their parents in old age.[81] While it is more common for emerging adulthood to occur in OECD countries, it is not always true that all young people of those societies have the opportunity to experience these years of change and exploration.[1]
Media[edit]
Emerging adulthood is not just an idea being talked about by psychologists, the media has propagated the concept as well. Hollywood has produced multiple movies where the main conflict seems to be a "grown" adult's reluctance to actually "grow" up and take on responsibility. Failure to Launch and Step Brothers are extreme examples of this concept. While most takes on emerging adulthood (and the problems that it can cause) are shown in a light-humored attempt to poke fun at the idea, a few films have taken a more serious approach to the plight. Adventureland, Take Me Home Tonight, Cyrus and Jeff, Who Lives at Home are comedy-dramas that exhibit the plight of today's emerging adult. Television also is capitalizing on the concept of emerging adulthood with sitcoms such as $h*! My Dad Says and Big Lake.[82]
However, it is not just on television where society sees the world becoming aware of this trend. In spring 2010, The New Yorker magazine showcased a picture of a post-grad hanging his PhD on the wall of his bedroom as his parents stood in the doorway.[83] People do not have to seek out these media sources to find documentation of the emerging adulthood phenomenon. News sources about the topic are abundant. Nationwide, it is being found that people entering their 20s are faced with multitudes of living problems creating problems that this age group has received a lot of attention for. The Occupy movement is an example of what has happened to the youth of today and exhibits the frustration of today's emerging adults. Other television shows and films showcasing emerging/early adulthood are Girls, How I Met Your Mother, and Less Than Zero.
Criticism[edit]
The concept of emerging adulthood has not been without its criticisms. Sociologists have pinpointed that it neglects class differences.[84] While it might be true that middle class children in Western societies are spoiled for choice and can afford to postpone life decisions, there are other young people who have no choices at all, and stay in the parental home not because they want to, but because they cannot afford a life of their own: They experience a period of "arrested adulthood".[85]
A more theoretical criticism comes from developmental psychologists, who regard all stage theories as outdated. They argue that development is a dynamic interactive process, which is different for every individual, because every individual has their own experiences. Inventing a stage that only describes (not explains) a time period in the life of a few individuals (mostly white middle class young people living in Western societies within this decade), and has nothing to say about people living in different conditions or different points in history is not a scientific approach.[86]
Arnett has taken up some of these critical points in public discussion.[87][88]
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Jump up ^ Kessler, RC; Berglund, P; Demler, O; Jin, R; Merikangas, KR; Walters, EE (2005). "Lifetime Prevalence and Age-of-Onset Distributions of DSM-IV Disorders in the National Comorbidity Survey Replication". Arch Gen Psychiatry. 62 (6): 593–602. doi:10.1001/archpsyc.62.6.593. PMID 15939837.
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Jump up ^ Beck, Melinda. (2012, August 20). Delayed Development: 20-Somethings Blame the Brain. The Wall Street Journal. Retrieved From https://www.wsj.com/articles/SB10000872396390443713704577601532208760746.
Jump up ^ Blanco, Carlos; Okuda, Mayumi; Wright, Crystal; Hasin, Deborah; Grant, Bridget; Liu, Shang-Min; Olfson, Mark (2008). "Mental Health of College Students and Their Non–College-Attending Peers Results From the National Epidemiologic Study on Alcohol and Related Conditions". Arch Gen Psychiatry. 65 (12): 1429. doi:10.1001/archpsyc.65.12.1429. PMC 2734947  .
Jump up ^ Blos, P. (1985). "Son and father: Before and beyond the Oedipus complex." New York: Free Press.
Jump up ^ Bartle-Haring, S.; Brucker, P.; Hock, E. (2002). "The impact of parental separation anxiety on identity development in late adolescence and early adulthood". Journal of Adolescent Research. 17: 439–450. doi:10.1177/0743558402175001.
Jump up ^ Belsky, J.; Jaffee, S.; Hsieh, K.; Silva, P. (2001). "Child-rearing antecedents of intergenerational relations in young adulthood: A prospective study". Developmental Psychology. 37: 801–813. doi:10.1037/0012-1649.37.6.801.
Jump up ^ Waters, E.; Weinfield, N. S.; Hamilton, C. E. (2000). "The stability of attachment security from infancy to adolescence and early adulthood". Child Development. 71: 703–706. doi:10.1111/1467-8624.00179.
Jump up ^ Leondari, A.; Kiosseoglou, G. (2000). "The relationship of parental attachment and psychological separation to the psychological functioning of young adults". Journal of Social Psychology. 140: 451–464. doi:10.1080/00224540009600484.
Jump up ^ Aquilino, W (1994a). "Impact of childhood family structure on young adults' relationships with parents". Journal of Marriage and the Family. 56: 295–313. doi:10.2307/353101.
Jump up ^ Cherlin, A. J.; Chase-Lansdale, P. L.; McRae, C. (1998). "Effects of parental divorce on mental health throughout the life course". American Sociological Review. 63: 239–249. doi:10.2307/2657325.
Jump up ^ Aquilino, W (1994b). "Later-life parental divorce and widow-hood: Impact on young adults' assessment of parent-child relations". Journal of Marriage and the Family. 56: 908–922. doi:10.2307/353602.
Jump up ^ Shulman, S.; Scharf, M.; Lumer, D.; Maurer, O. (2001). "How young adults perceive parental divorce: The role of their relationships with their fathers and mothers". Journal of Divorce and Remarriage. 34: 3–17. doi:10.1300/j087v34n03_02.
Jump up ^ Mahl, D (2001). "The influence of parental divorce on the romantic relationship beliefs of young adults". Journal of Divorce and Remarriage. 34: 89–118. doi:10.1300/j087v34n03_06.
Jump up ^ Semyonov, M.; Lewin-Epstein, N. (2001). "The impact of parental transfers on living standards of married children". Social Indicators Research. 54: 115–137. doi:10.1023/a:1011081529592.
Jump up ^ Nicholson, J.; Phillips, M.; Peterson, C.; Battistutta, D. (2002). "Relationship between the parenting styles of biological parents and stepparents and the adjustment of young adult stepchildren". Journal of Divorce and Remarriage. 36: 57–76. doi:10.1300/j087v36n03_04.
Jump up ^ Aquilino, W. (2006). "Family Relationships and Support Systems in Emerging Adulthood." In J. J. Arnett (Ed.) Emerging adults in America: Coming of age in the 21st century. (pp. 193-217). Washington, DC, US: American Psychological Association.
Jump up ^ "Census Bureau agrees with parents: Yes, young adults still home". Los Angeles Times. November 3, 2011.
Jump up ^ White, N. R. (2002). "Not under my roof! Young people's experience of home." Youth & Society,34, 214–231.
Jump up ^ Arnett, J. J. (2004). "Emerging adulthood: The winding road from the late teens through the twenties." New York: Oxford University Press.
Jump up ^ Dubas, J. S., & Petersen, A. C. (1996). "Geographical distance from parents and adjustment during adolescence and young adulthood." In J. Graber & J. Dubas (Eds.), "New directions for child development: Vol. 71. Leaving home: Understanding the transition to adulthood" (pp. 3—20). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
Jump up ^ "Marriage and divorce rates" (PDF). OECD Family Database. OECD.
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Jump up ^ Stone, Linda. (2010). Kinship and Gender. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, pp. 231–36, ISBN 0813344026.
Jump up ^ Schofield, Phillipp R. (2003). Peasant and community in Medieval England, 1200–1500. Medieval culture and society. New York: Palgrave-Macmillan. p 98, ISBN 0333647106.
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Jump up ^ "Why First-Time Homebuyers Are Waiting to Buy a House Until After Marriage - MainStreet". 13 April 2016. Archived from the original on 2016-04-13. CS1 maint: BOT: original-url status unknown (link)
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Jump up ^ "Record share of young women are living with their parents, relatives". 11 November 2015.
Jump up ^ United Nations Development Programme (2006). Human Development Report, 2006. New York: Author.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h Arnett, J.J. (2011). "Emerging adulthood(s): The Cultural Psychology of a New Life Stage." In L.A. Jensen (Ed.), "Bridging cultural and developmental approaches to psychology: New Synthesis in theory, research, and policy," (pp. 255–275). New York: Oxford University Press.
^ Jump up to: a b c d Arnett, J. J. (2007). "Emerging Adulthood: What Is It, and What Is It Good For?". Child Development Perspectives. 1: 68–73. doi:10.1111/j.1750-8606.2007.00016.x.
Jump up ^ Arnett, J.J. (2011). Emerging adulthood(s): The Cultural Psychology of a New Life Stage. In L.A. Jensen (Ed.), Bridging cultural and developmental approaches to psychology: New Synthesis in theory, research, and policy (pp. 255–275). New York: Oxford University Press.
Jump up ^ Arnett, Jeffrey (2000). "Emerging Adulthood: A Theory of Development From the Late Teens Through the Twenties". American Psychologist. 55: 469–480. doi:10.1037/0003-066x.55.5.469.
Jump up ^ Douglas, C.B. (2007). "From duty to desire: Emerging adulthood in Europe and its consequences". Child Development Perspectives. 1: 101–108. doi:10.1111/j.1750-8606.2007.00023.x.
Jump up ^ United States Census Bureau (2009). Statistical abstract of the United States. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office.
Jump up ^ Nelson, L.J.; Badger, S.; Wu, B. (2004). "The influence of culture in emerging adulthood: Perspectives of Chinese college students". International Journal of Behavioral Development. 28: 26–36. doi:10.1080/01650250344000244.
Jump up ^ Hatfield, E., & Rapson, R. L. (2006). Love and sex: Cross-cultural perspectives. New York: University Press of America.
Jump up ^ Chaudhary, N., & Sharma, N. (2007). India. In J.J. Arnett (Ed.) International encyclopedia of adolescence (pp. 4420459). New York: Routledge.
Jump up ^ "What Is It About 20-Somethings?". The New York Times. August 18, 2010.
Jump up ^ "What's The Matter With Kids Today?". 19 August 2010.
Jump up ^ Bynner, J. (2005). "Rethinking the youth phase of the life course: The case for emerging adulthood?". Journal of Youth Studies. 8: 367–384. doi:10.1080/13676260500431628.
Jump up ^ Côté, James (2000). Arrested adulthood: The changing nature of identity-maturity in the late-modern world. New York: New York University Press.
Jump up ^ Hendry, L. B.; Kloep, M. (2007). "Examining emerging adulthood: Investigating the emperor's new clothes?". Child Development Perspectives. 1 (2): 74–79. doi:10.1111/j.1750-8606.2007.00017.x.
Jump up ^ Arnett, J. J. (2006). "Emerging adulthood in Europe: A response to Bynner". Journal of Youth Studies. 9: 111–123. doi:10.1080/13676260500523671.
Jump up ^ Arnett, J. J.; Kloep, M.; Hendry, L. B.; Tanner, J. (2011). Debating Emerging Adulthood: Stage or Process?. New York: Oxford University Press.
Further reading[edit]
Jensen Arnett, Jeffrey (2004). Emerging Adulthood: The Winding Road From the Late Teens Through the Twenties. Oxford University Press. p. 280. ISBN 0-19-517314-7.
Hassler, Christine (2008). 20 Something Manifesto: Quarter-Lifers Speak Out About Who They Are, What They Want, and How to Get It. New World Library. p. 352. ISBN 1-57731-595-2.
Etengoff, C (2011). "An Exploration of religious gender differences amongst Jewish-American emerging adults of different socio-religious subgroups". Archive for the Psychology of Religion. 33: 371–391. doi:10.1163/157361211x607316.
Etengoff, C.; Daiute, C. (2013). "Sunni-Muslim American Religious Development during Emerging Adulthood". Journal of Adolescent Research. 28 (6): 690–714. doi:10.1177/0743558413477197.
External links[edit]
Society for the Study of Emerging Adulthood
University of Pennsylvania Transition to Adulthood Blog
Hrabe, Ian (Aug 24, 2010). "How to Survive Emerging Adulthood: A Playlist". The Pitch. Retrieved Aug 24, 2010.
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Saint Paul the First Hermit Cathedral
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Church in Laguna, Philippines
San Pablo Cathedral
Cathedral Parish of Saint Paul the First Hermit
Catedral Parroquia de San Pablo el Primer Ermitaño
Facade of San Pablo Cathedral prior to renovations that began in 2015, removing the concrete pediment and porte cochere added during the American period.
San Pablo Cathedral
Location the Philippines
14°04′11″N 121°19′36″E / 14.069725°N 121.326575°E / 14.069725; 121.326575Coordinates: 14°04′11″N 121°19′36″E / 14.069725°N 121.326575°E / 14.069725; 121.326575
Location
San Pablo, Laguna
Country
Philippines
Denomination
Roman Catholic
History
Status
Cathedral
Founded
1586
Dedication
St. Paul the First Hermit
Architecture
Functional status
Active
Architectural type
Church building
Style
Romanesque
Groundbreaking
1714
Specifications
Materials
Adobe, bricks and other native material
Administration
Archdiocese
Manila
Diocese
San Pablo
Province
Manila
Clergy
Archbishop
Luis Antonio Tagle
Bishop(s)
Buenaventura M. Famadico
Priest(s)
Jerry E. Gaela
The Cathedral Parish of Saint Paul the First Hermit, also known as the San Pablo Cathedral, is the see of the Bishop of the Roman Catholic Diocese of San Pablo located in San Pablo, Laguna, Philippines. Its titular is St. Paul the First Hermit and its feast is celebrated every January 15. The Diocese is headed by Bishop Buenaventura M. Famadico; Father Jerry E. Gaela serves as parish priest of the Cathedral-parish.[1]
Contents
1 History
1.1 16th to 18th centuries
1.2 19th century
1.3 20th century
1.4 21st Century
2 Notes
3 Bibliography
4 External links
History[edit]
16th to 18th centuries[edit]
Spanish captain Juan de Salcedo first arrived in the upland village of Sampaloc in 1571.[2] The area's name was officially changed to San Pablo de los Montes in 1586, in honor of St. Paul the First Hermit.[2] That same year, San Pablo became an independent parish, and the first church made of wood was constructed under the auspices of Augustinian Father Mateo Mendoza.[2][3]
From 1618 to 1629, a second church was constructed from stone by Father Hernando Cabrera.[3] In 1680 Father Juan Labo laid the foundations for the current church. This building was started in 1714 and completed in 1721 by Father Francisco Juan de Elorreaga, OSA. The Franciscans later administered the parish of San Pablo (which was then part of the province of Batangas) on April 4, 1794 with Father Andres Cabrera, OFM as parish priest.[4] Father Cabrera added the brick-stone wall and built a stone cemetery in 1796.[5]
19th century[edit]
Renovations on the church building and the convent were conducted from 1839 to 1858 under the auspices of Father Peregrin Prosper.[3][4] Fathers Eugenio Garcia, Francisco Vellon, and Santiago Bravo added the transept from 1871 to 1877, 1878 to 1884, and 1884 to 1888, respectively.[3] In 1898 administration was transferred to the secular priests, with Father Francisco Alcantara as the first parish priest from the seculars.[3]
20th century[edit]
The convent housed the Minor Seminary of St. Francis of Sales of the Congregation of the Mission (also known as Padre Paules) from 1912 to 1939.[3] The convent was heavily damaged during the liberation of the Philippines in 1945.[3] With the help of the parishioners, the church was rebuilt from 1948 to 1954 under the supervision of Fathers Juan Coronel and Nicomedes Rosal.[3]
The parish church of San Pablo became a cathedral with the establishment of the Roman Catholic Diocese of San Pablo by the Apostolic Letter Ecclesianum Perempla on November 28, 1966.[3][6] It was canonically erected on April 18, 1967, with Bishop Pedro N. Bantigue installed as the first bishop of San Pablo.[7]
21st Century[edit]
In 2013, Bishop Leo Drona of the San Pablo diocese submitted his resignation to Pope Benedict XVI and the pope named Bishop Buenaventura Famadico to succeed him.[8] The diocese is estimated at over two million Catholics.[8]
In, 2015 the facade of the Cathedral was restored to its original design sans the concrete crown added in the American Period. Damage done when a concrete porte cochere was added were repaired. Restoration was scheduled to be done by the end of the Diocesan 50th Jubilee.
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ "General Reshuffle: Diocese of San Pablo". The Roman Catholic Diocese of San Pablo. Archived from the original on 3 May 2014. Retrieved 3 May 2014.
^ Jump up to: a b c "About Us - San Pablo". San Pablo City. RemoteLink Philippines Inc. Retrieved October 6, 2014.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h i National Historical Institute 1993, p. 105
^ Jump up to: a b Huerta 1865, p. 176
Jump up ^ Huerta 1865, p. 177
Jump up ^ "Diocese of San Pablo". Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines. Retrieved August 15, 2014.
Jump up ^ "Diocese of San Pablo". Claretians Communications Foundation, Inc. Retrieved October 6, 2014.
^ Jump up to: a b "Pope names new bishop of Laguna; 2 bishops retire early". CBCP News. January 25, 2013. Retrieved October 6, 2014.
Bibliography[edit]
Huerta, Felix de (1865). Estado geográfico, topográfico, estadístico, histórico-religioso [Geographical, topographical, statistical, historical and religious state] (in Spanish). Binondo: Imprenta de M. Sanchez y Ca.
Historical Markers: Regions I-IV and CAR (in Filipino). Manila: National Historical Institute (Philippines). 1993. p. 105. ISBN 9715380611.
External links[edit]
Media related to St. Paul the First Hermit Cathedral at Wikimedia Commons
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Dioecesis Sancti Pauli in Insulis Philippinis
Territories
Laguna
Ordinaries
Pedro Bantigue
Francisco San Diego
Leo M. Drona
Buenaventura M. Famadico
Cathedral
Saint Paul the First Hermit Cathedral
Diocesan Shrines
Jesus in the Holy Sepulchre
San Vicente Ferrer
Mary Help of Christians
San Antonio de Padua
Saint Thérèse of the Child Jesus
Nuestra Señora de los Dolores de Turumba
Our Lady of Guadalupe
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Siniloan
UPLB Campus
For the complete list of Roman Catholic churches in Laguna, see the Roman Catholic Diocese of San Pablo
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text:
List of all-time NASCAR Cup Series winners
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
The following is a list compiling the total number of career victories in Monster Energy NASCAR Cup Series competition. The list recognizes "Cup" victories under the following auspices:
Strictly Stock (1949)
Grand National Series (1950–1970)
Winston Cup Series (1971–2003)
Nextel Cup Series (2004–2007)
Sprint Cup Series (2008–2016)
Monster Energy NASCAR Cup Series (2017–present)
Rule changes in 1972 established a minimum distance of 250 miles (400 km) for points-paying Cup Series events (reduced to 186.4 miles (300.0 km) in 1974 due to the ongoing energy crisis). This led to the elimination of shorter races (50 to 150 miles) from the schedule. Seasons since 1972 are referenced as the "modern era" largely due to the schedule and distance changes. Years since 2004 are generally referred to as the "Chase Era or Playoffs Era." Only points-paying championship races count towards the total.
Note that the Daytona qualifying races prior to 1972 were points-paying championship races, and count in the totals below. Since 1972, the Daytona qualifying races do not count due to the race distance change rules. Wins in The Clash, All-Star Race, or international exhibitions at Calder Park Raceway, Suzuka, or Motegi do not count.
Contents
[hide]
1 Win table
2 Most wins at different tracks
2.1 Modern era
3 Most wins at each track
3.1 Current NASCAR tracks
3.2 Former NASCAR tracks
4 See also
5 References
6 External links
Win table[edit]
All figures correct as of the 2018 Coca-Cola 600 at Charlotte Motor Speedway (May 27, 2018).
Key
Driver is competing full-time in the 2018 season
Driver is competing part-time in the 2018 season
Driver has been inducted into the NASCAR Hall of Fame
Driver
Strictly Stock
(1949)
Grand National
(1950–1970)
Winston
Cup
(1971–2003)
Playoffs era
(2004–present)
Modern era
total
(1972–present)
[1]
Combined
total
[2]
Petty, RichardRichard Petty 119 81 0 60 200
Pearson, DavidDavid Pearson 58 47 0 45 105
Gordon, JeffJeff Gordon 0 64 29 93 93
Allison, BobbyBobby Allison 19 65 0 55 84
Waltrip, DarrellDarrell Waltrip 0 84 0 84 84
Johnson, JimmieJimmie Johnson 0 6 77 83 83
Yarborough, CaleCale Yarborough 14 69 0 69 83
Earnhardt, DaleDale Earnhardt 0 76 0 76 76
Wallace, RustyRusty Wallace 0 54 1 55 55
Petty, LeeLee Petty 54 0 0 0 54
Jarrett, NedNed Jarrett 50 0 0 0 50
Johnson, JuniorJunior Johnson 50 0 0 0 50
Stewart, TonyTony Stewart 0 17 32 49 49
Thomas, HerbHerb Thomas 48 0 0 0 48
Busch, KyleKyle Busch 0 0 47 47 47
Baker, BuckBuck Baker 46 0 0 0 46
Elliott, BillBill Elliott 0 44 0 44 44
Harvick, KevinKevin Harvick 0 4 38 42 42
Martin, MarkMark Martin 0 33 7 40 40
Flock, TimTim Flock 39 0 0 0 39
Kenseth, MattMatt Kenseth 0 7 32 39 39
Isaac, BobbyBobby Isaac 32 5 0 1 37
Roberts, FireballFireball Roberts 33 0 0 0 33
Jarrett, DaleDale Jarrett 0 31 1 32 32
Hamlin, DennyDenny Hamlin 0 0 31 31 31
Busch, KurtKurt Busch 0 8 21 29 29
Edwards, CarlCarl Edwards 0 0 28 28 28
White, RexRex White 28 0 0 0 28
Earnhardt Jr., DaleDale Earnhardt Jr. 0 9 17 26 26
Lorenzen, FredFred Lorenzen 26 0 0 0 26
Paschal, JimJim Paschal 25 0 0 0 25
Weatherly, JoeJoe Weatherly 25 0 0 0 25
Keselowski, BradBrad Keselowski 0 0 24 24 24
Rudd, RickyRicky Rudd 0 23 0 23 23
Labonte, TerryTerry Labonte 0 22 0 22 22
Burton, JeffJeff Burton 0 17 4 21 21
Labonte, BobbyBobby Labonte 0 21 0 21 21
Parsons, BennyBenny Parsons 0 21 0 21 21
Smith, JackJack Smith 21 0 0 0 21
Thompson, SpeedySpeedy Thompson 20 0 0 0 20
Allison, DaveyDavey Allison 0 19 0 19 19
Baker, BuddyBuddy Baker 3 16 0 15 19
Biffle, GregGreg Biffle 0 1 18 19 19
Flock, FontyFonty Flock 19 0 0 0 19
Logano, JoeyJoey Logano 0 0 19 19 19
Bodine, GeoffreyGeoffrey Bodine 0 18 0 18 18
Bonnett, NeilNeil Bonnett 0 18 0 18 18
Gant, HarryHarry Gant 0 18 0 18 18
Kahne, KaseyKasey Kahne 0 0 18 18 18
Newman, RyanRyan Newman 0 9 9 18 18
Panch, MarvinMarvin Panch 17 0 0 0 17
Turner, CurtisCurtis Turner 17 0 0 0 17
Truex Jr., MartinMartin Truex Jr. 0 0 16 16 16
Irvan, ErnieErnie Irvan 0 15 0 15 15
Hutcherson, DickDick Hutcherson 14 0 0 0 14
Yarbrough, LeeRoyLeeRoy Yarbrough 14 0 0 0 14
Rathmann, DickDick Rathmann 13 0 0 0 13
Richmond, TimTim Richmond 0 13 0 13 13
Allison, DonnieDonnie Allison 5 5 0 4 10
Marlin, SterlingSterling Marlin 0 10 0 10 10
Bowyer, ClintClint Bowyer 0 0 9 9 9
Goldsmith, PaulPaul Goldsmith 9 0 0 0 9
Owens, CottonCotton Owens 9 0 0 0 9
Welborn, BobBob Welborn 9 0 0 0 9
Petty, KyleKyle Petty 0 8 0 8 8
Dieringer, DarelDarel Dieringer 7 0 0 0 7
Foyt, A. J.A. J. Foyt 3 4 0 2 7
McMurray, JamieJamie McMurray 0 1 6 7 7
Reed, JimJim Reed 7 0 0 0 7
Teague, MarshallMarshall Teague 7 0 0 0 7
Burton, WardWard Burton 0 5 0 5 5
Gurney, DanDan Gurney 5 0 0 0 5
Kulwicki, AlanAlan Kulwicki 0 5 0 5 5
Larson, KyleKyle Larson 0 0 5 5 5
Lund, TinyTiny Lund 5 0 0 0 5
Marcis, DaveDave Marcis 0 5 0 5 5
Mayfield, JeremyJeremy Mayfield 0 3 2 5 5
Moody, RalphRalph Moody 5 0 0 0 5
Dane, LloydLloyd Dane 4 0 0 0 4
Flock, BobBob Flock 4 0 0 0 4
Glotzbach, CharlieCharlie Glotzbach 3 1 0 0 4
Gray, EddieEddie Gray 4 0 0 0 4
Hamilton, BobbyBobby Hamilton 0 4 0 4 4
Hamilton, PetePete Hamilton 3 1 0 0 4
Jones, ParnelliParnelli Jones 4 0 0 0 4
McGriff, HershelHershel McGriff 4 0 0 0 4
Nemechek, JoeJoe Nemechek 0 3 1 4 4
Pagan, EddieEddie Pagan 4 0 0 0 4
Schrader, KenKen Schrader 0 4 0 4 4
Shepherd, MorganMorgan Shepherd 0 4 0 4 4
Stacy, NelsonNelson Stacy 4 0 0 0 4
Wade, BillyBilly Wade 4 0 0 0 4
Waltrip, MichaelMichael Waltrip 0 4 0 4 4
Wood, GlenGlen Wood 4 0 0 0 4
Blair, BillBill Blair 3 0 0 0 3
Gordon, RobbyRobby Gordon 0 3 0 3 3
Linder, DickDick Linder 3 0 0 0 3
Mundy, FrankFrank Mundy 3 0 0 0 3
Sadler, ElliottElliott Sadler 0 1 2 3 3
Staley, GwynGwyn Staley 3 0 0 0 3
Vickers, BrianBrian Vickers 0 0 3 3 3
Ambrose, MarcosMarcos Ambrose 0 0 2 2 2
Andretti, JohnJohn Andretti 0 2 0 2 2
Beauchamp, JohnnyJohnny Beauchamp 2 0 0 0 2
Byron, RedRed Byron 2 0 0 0 2
Cope, DerrikeDerrike Cope 0 2 0 2 2
Craven, RickyRicky Craven 0 2 0 2 2
Dillon, AustinAustin Dillon 0 0 2 2 2
Elder, RayRay Elder 0 2 0 1 2
Hylton, JamesJames Hylton 1 1 0 1 2
Johns, BobbyBobby Johns 2 0 0 0 2
Johnson, Joe LeeJoe Lee Johnson 2 0 0 0 2
Keller, AlAl Keller 2 0 0 0 2
Langley, ElmoElmo Langley 2 0 0 0 2
Letner, DannyDanny Letner 2 0 0 0 2
Montoya, Juan PabloJuan Pablo Montoya 0 0 2 2 2
Myers, BillyBilly Myers 2 0 0 0 2
Pardue, JimmyJimmy Pardue 2 0 0 0 2
Park, SteveSteve Park 0 2 0 2 2
Pistone, TomTom Pistone 2 0 0 0 2
Porter, MarvinMarvin Porter 2 0 0 0 2
Ragan, DavidDavid Ragan 0 0 2 2 2
Reutimann, DavidDavid Reutimann 0 0 2 2 2
Sosebee, GoberGober Sosebee 2 0 0 0 2
Spencer, JimmyJimmy Spencer 0 2 0 2 2
Stenhouse Jr., RickyRicky Stenhouse Jr. 0 0 2 2 2
Zervakis, EmanuelEmanuel Zervakis 2 0 0 0 2
Allen, JohnnyJohnny Allen 1 0 0 0 1
Allmendinger, A. J.A. J. Allmendinger 0 0 1 1 1
Almirola, AricAric Almirola 0 0 1 1 1
Amick, BillBill Amick 1 0 0 0 1
Andretti, MarioMario Andretti 1 0 0 0 1
Balmer, EarlEarl Balmer 1 0 0 0 1
Bayne, TrevorTrevor Bayne 0 0 1 1 1
Benson, JohnnyJohnny Benson 0 1 0 1 1
Blaney, RyanRyan Blaney 0 0 1 1 1
Bodine, BrettBrett Bodine 0 1 0 1 1
Bouchard, RonRon Bouchard 0 1 0 1 1
Brickhouse, RichardRichard Brickhouse 1 0 0 0 1
Brooks, DickDick Brooks 0 1 0 1 1
Buescher, ChrisChris Buescher 0 0 1 1 1
Burdick, BobBob Burdick 1 0 0 0 1
Burke, MarvinMarvin Burke 1 0 0 0 1
Cole, NeilNeil Cole 1 0 0 0 1
Cook, JimJim Cook 1 0 0 0 1
Donohue, MarkMark Donohue 0 1 0 1 1
Eubanks, JoeJoe Eubanks 1 0 0 0 1
Figaro, LouLou Figaro 1 0 0 0 1
Florian, JimmyJimmy Florian 1 0 0 0 1
Frank, LarryLarry Frank 1 0 0 0 1
Graves, DannyDanny Graves 1 0 0 0 1
Haggerty, RoyceRoyce Haggerty 1 0 0 0 1
Hillin Jr., BobbyBobby Hillin Jr. 0 1 0 1 1
Hurtubise, JimJim Hurtubise 1 0 0 0 1
Kieper, JohnJohn Kieper 1 0 0 0 1
Kite, HaroldHarold Kite 1 0 0 0 1
Lewis, PaulPaul Lewis 1 0 0 0 1
Mantz, JohnnyJohnny Mantz 1 0 0 0 1
McQuagg, SamSam McQuagg 1 0 0 0 1
Mears, CaseyCasey Mears 0 0 1 1 1
Menard, PaulPaul Menard 0 0 1 1 1
Moore, LloydLloyd Moore 1 0 0 0 1
Nadeau, JerryJerry Nadeau 0 1 0 1 1
Nelson, NormNorm Nelson 1 0 0 0 1
Norton, BillBill Norton 1 0 0 0 1
Parsons, PhilPhil Parsons 0 1 0 1 1
Passwater, DickDick Passwater 1 0 0 0 1
Pond, LennieLennie Pond 0 1 0 1 1
Rexford, BillBill Rexford 1 0 0 0 1
Ridley, JodyJody Ridley 0 1 0 1 1
Rollins, ShortyShorty Rollins 1 0 0 0 1
Roper, JimJim Roper 1 0 0 0 1
Ross, EarlEarl Ross 0 1 0 1 1
Rostek, JohnJohn Rostek 1 0 0 0 1
Rutherford, JohnnyJohnny Rutherford 1 0 0 0 1
Sacks, GregGreg Sacks 0 1 0 1 1
Sales, LeonLeon Sales 1 0 0 0 1
Schneider, FrankieFrankie Schneider 1 0 0 0 1
Scott, WendellWendell Scott 1 0 0 0 1
Shuman, BuddyBuddy Shuman 1 0 0 0 1
Smith, ReganRegan Smith 0 0 1 1 1
Soares, JohnJohn Soares 1 0 0 0 1
Speed, LakeLake Speed 0 1 0 1 1
Stevenson, ChuckChuck Stevenson 1 0 0 0 1
Thomas, DonaldDonald Thomas 1 0 0 0 1
Thompson, TommyTommy Thompson 1 0 0 0 1
Watts, ArtArt Watts 1 0 0 0 1
Weinberg, DannyDanny Weinberg 1 0 0 0 1
White, JackJack White 1 0 0 0 1
Most wins at different tracks[edit]
Modern era[edit]
Key
Driver and Track is part of 2018 season
Track was part of the NASCAR Cup between 1972 and 2017
Driver
Total
AMS
ACS
BMS
CMS
CHI
DAR
DAY
DOV
HMS
IMS
KAN
KEN
LVS
MAR
MIS
NAS
NHS
NCS
NWS
OMS
PHO
POC
RIC
RIV
SON
TAL
TMS
TWS
TRE
WGL
Jeff Gordon 24 of 25 X X X X X X X X X X X - X X X X X X X X X X X X X
Kyle Busch 23 of 23 X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X
Tony Stewart 21 of 24 X X X X X - X X X X X - X X X X - X X X X X X X
Kevin Harvick 21 of 24 X X X X X X X X X X X - X X X X - X - X X X X X
Mark Martin 21 of 27 X X X X X X x X - - X - X X X - X X X X - X - X X X X
Jimmie Johnson 20 of 24 X X X X - X X X X X X - X X X X - X X X X X X -
Matt Kenseth 19 of 24 - X X X X X X X X - X X X - X X X X X X - X X -
Denny Hamlin 17 of 23 X - X x X X X - X - X - - X X X X X X - X X X
Rusty Wallace 17 of 25 X X X X - - x X - - - - X X X X X X X X X X - - X
Dale Earnhardt 17 of 26 X - X X X X X - X - X X X - X X - X X X - X X - - -
Cale Yarborough 16 of 17 X X X X X X X X X X X - X X X X X
Bobby Allison 16 of 19 X X X X X X - X X X X X X X X X - X -
Dale Jarrett 16 of 25 X - X X - X X X - X - - X X X X - X X X - - X X -
Darrell Waltrip 16 of 26 X - X X X X X - - - X X X - X X - - X X - X X - X -
Richard Petty 15 of 21 X X X - X X X X X X X - - X X X - X X - -
Brad Keselowski 15 of 23 X X X X X - X X - - X X X X - X - X X - X - -
Kurt Busch 15 of 24 X X X X - - X X X - - - - X X X - X X X X - X -
Bill Elliott 15 of 26 X - X X - X X X X X - - - X - - X - X X X X - X - -
Note:
X - at least one win in a points race
x - at least one win in a non-points race
- - participation, but no win
no entry = no participation
Most wins at each track[edit]
Current NASCAR tracks[edit]
Track
Driver
Wins
Active drivers
Wins
Atlanta Motor Speedway Dale Earnhardt 9 Jimmie Johnson 5
Auto Club Speedway Jimmie Johnson 6 Jimmie Johnson 6
Bristol Motor Speedway Darrell Waltrip 12 Kyle Busch 7
Charlotte Motor Speedway Jimmie Johnson 8 Jimmie Johnson 8
Chicagoland Speedway Tony Stewart 3 Brad Keselowski, Kevin Harvick & Martin Truex Jr. 2
Darlington Raceway David Pearson 10 Jimmie Johnson 3
Daytona International Speedway Richard Petty 10 Jimmie Johnson 3
Dover International Speedway Jimmie Johnson 11 Jimmie Johnson 11
Homestead-Miami Speedway Greg Biffle & Tony Stewart 3 Denny Hamlin 2
Indianapolis Motor Speedway Jeff Gordon 5 Jimmie Johnson 4
ISM Raceway Kevin Harvick 9 Kevin Harvick 9
Kansas Speedway Jeff Gordon, Jimmie Johnson & Kevin Harvick 3 Jimmie Johnson & Kevin Harvick 3
Kentucky Speedway Brad Keselowski 3 Brad Keselowski 3
Las Vegas Motor Speedway Jimmie Johnson 4 Jimmie Johnson 4
Martinsville Speedway Richard Petty 15 Jimmie Johnson 9
Michigan International Speedway David Pearson 9 Kurt Busch & Kyle Larson 3
New Hampshire Motor Speedway Jeff Burton 4 Jimmie Johnson, Ryan Newman, Kurt Busch, Denny Hamlin, & Kyle Busch 3
Pocono Raceway Jeff Gordon 6 Denny Hamlin 4
Richmond Raceway Richard Petty 13 Kyle Busch 5
Sonoma Raceway Jeff Gordon 5 Kyle Busch 2
Talladega Superspeedway Dale Earnhardt 10 Brad Keselowski 5
Texas Motor Speedway Jimmie Johnson 7 Jimmie Johnson 7
Watkins Glen International Tony Stewart 5 Kyle Busch 2
Former NASCAR tracks[edit]
Track
Driver
Wins
Albany-Saratoga Speedway Richard Petty 2
Asheville-Weaverville Speedway Rex White 5
Augusta Speedway Joe Weatherly, Richard Petty, Bobby Isaac & David Pearson 2
Beltsville Speedway Bobby Isaac 3
Birmingham International Raceway Ned Jarrett 3
Bowman Gray Stadium Rex White 6
California State Fairgrounds Eddie Gray 2
Central City Speedway Herb Thomas 2
Champion Speedway Bob Welborn 2
Charlotte Speedway Buck Baker 3
Cleveland County Fairgrounds Buck Baker & Ned Jarrett 2
Columbia Speedway Richard Petty 7
Concord Speedway Jack Smith 3
Dayton Speedway Dick Rathman 2
Daytona Beach and Road Course Marshall Teague & Tim Flock 2
Dog Track Speedway Ned Jarrett 4
Fonda Speedway Richard Petty 2
Fort Miami Speedway Tim Flock 2
Greenville-Pickens Speedway Richard Petty 6
Heidelberg Raceway Lee Petty 2
Hickory Motor Speedway Junior Johnson 7
Islip Speedway Richard Petty & Bobby Allison 2
Jacksonville Speedway Park Herb Thomas & Lee Petty 2
Kingsport Speedway Richard Petty 2
Lakewood Speedway Herb Thomas & Buck Baker 2
Langhorne Speedway Dick Rathmann & Herb Thomas 3
Langley Speedway David Pearson 3
Lincoln Speedway Buck Baker 2
Middle Georgia Raceway Richard Petty 4
Monroe County Fairgrounds Tim Flock & Lee Petty 2
Montgomery Speedway Tim Flock 2
Morristown Speedway Tim Flock 2
Myrtle Beach Speedway Ned Jarrett 3
Nashville Speedway Richard Petty 9
New Asheville Speedway Ned Jarrett & Richard Petty 2
Newport Speedway Fireball Roberts 2
North Wilkesboro Speedway Richard Petty 15
Occoneechee Speedway Buck Baker, Lee Petty & Richard Petty 3
Old Dominion Speedway Ned Jarrett & Richard Petty 2
Ontario Motor Speedway A.J. Foyt, Bobby Allison & Benny Parsons 2
Oxford Plains Speedway Bobby Allison 2
Palm Beach Speedway Herb Thomas 4
Piedmont Interstate Fairgrounds Ned Jarrett 6
Portland Speedway Eddie Pagan 2
Raleigh Speedway Fonty Flock, Herb Thomas & Fireball Roberts 2
Reading Fairgrounds Speedway Junior Johnson 2
Riverside International Raceway Bobby Allison 6
Rockingham Speedway Richard Petty 11
Savannah Speedway Richard Petty 3
Smoky Mountain Raceway Richard Petty 6
South Boston Speedway Richard Petty 5
Southern States Fairgrounds Lee Petty 3
Starkey Speedway Junior Johnson 2
Tar Heel Speedway Jim Paschal 2
Texas World Speedway Richard Petty 3
Trenton Speedway Richard Petty 3
West Virginia International Speedway Richard Petty 3
Wilson Speedway Herb Thomas 3
See also[edit]
Book: NASCAR
List of Monster Energy NASCAR Cup Series champions
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "Statistics: Modern Era Race Winners". NASCAR. June 13, 2011. Archived from the original on October 17, 2012. Retrieved June 13, 2011.
Jump up ^ "Sprint Cup Series All-Time Winners". Jayski's Silly Season Site. 2009-11-01. Retrieved 2009-11-09.
External links[edit]
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