text:
Cop Car (Keith Urban song)
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"Cop Car"
Single by Keith Urban
from the album Fuse
Released
13 January 2014 (2014-01-13)
Format
Digital download
Recorded
2013
Genre
Country pop
Length
4:16
Label
Hit Red
Capitol Nashville
Songwriter(s)
Zach Crowell
Sam Hunt
Matt Jenkins
Producer(s)
Zach Crowell[1]
Keith Urban
Keith Urban singles chronology
"We Were Us"
(2013) "Cop Car"
(2014) "Somewhere in My Car"
(2014)
"We Were Us"
(2013) "Cop Car"
(2014) "Somewhere in My Car"
(2014)
"Cop Car" is a song written by Zach Crowell, Sam Hunt, and Matt Jenkins and recorded by New Zealand-born Australian country music singer Keith Urban. It was released in January 2014 as the third international single and fourth overall from Urban's 2013 album Fuse.
Contents
[hide]
1 Content
2 Critical reception
3 Personnel
4 Music video
5 Chart performance
5.1 Year-end charts
6 Certifications
7 Sam Hunt version
7.1 Chart performance
8 References
Content[edit]
The song is a mid-tempo ballad about two young lovers who are arrested when trespassing together, and "f[a]ll in love in the back of a cop car".[2]
Critical reception[edit]
Joseph Hudak of Country Weekly gave the single a "B+", saying that "It's a clever concept, elevated to near greatness by its sheer originality." He praised Urban's "earnest" vocals, and said that "the production is slick and alive—though not necessarily squarely 'country'."[2] Kevin John Coyne of Country Universe gave it an identical rating, saying that he did not believe its storyline, but said that "Keith Urban’s heartfelt delivery and careful choice of what lines to emphasize keep the proceedings grounded. He’s so effective at capturing the feeling of falling in love that the specifics of the event surrounding the moment are appropriately secondary to the emotions at play."[3] Thom Jurek of AllMusic wrote that "The muted drum loop that fuels the shimmering 'Cop Car,' is layered in atmospherics worthy of Achtung Baby, but the melody is pure country."[4]
The song was nominated for Best Country Solo Performance at the 57th Grammy Awards but lost to Carrie Underwood's "Something in the Water".
Personnel[edit]
Compiled from liner notes.[1]
Zach Crowell — programming, electric guitar, acoustic guitar, bass guitar, piano, percussion, synthesizer, background vocals
John Fields — bass guitar
Devin Malone — dobro, pedal steel guitar, electric guitar
Chris McHugh — drums
Russell Terrell — background vocals
Keith Urban — all vocals, electric guitar, EBow
Music video[edit]
The music video was directed by John Urbano and premiered in January 2014.[5]
Chart performance[edit]
"Cop Car" peaked at number eight on the Billboard Country Airplay chart in May 2014, making it his lowest-peaking single on that chart since 1999. The song has sold 772,000 copies in the U.S. as of June 2014.[6]
Chart (2014)
Peak
position
Canada (Canadian Hot 100)[7] 38
Canada Country (Billboard)[8] 5
US Billboard Hot 100[9] 41
US Country Airplay (Billboard)[10] 8
US Hot Country Songs (Billboard)[11] 4
Year-end charts[edit]
Chart (2014)
Position
US Country Airplay (Billboard)[12] 52
US Hot Country Songs (Billboard)[13] 27
Certifications[edit]
Region
Certification
Certified units/Sales
United States (RIAA)[14]
Platinum 1,000,000^
*sales figures based on certification alone
^shipments figures based on certification alone
Sam Hunt version[edit]
"Cop Car"
Song by Sam Hunt
from the album Montevallo
Released
October 27, 2014
Format
Digital download
Recorded
2014
Genre
Country pop
Length
4:13
Label
MCA Nashville
Songwriter(s)
Zach Crowell
Sam Hunt
Matt Jenkins
Producer(s)
Zach Crowell
Shane McAnally
Montevallo track listing
"Make You Miss Me"
(7) "Cop Car"
(8) "Raised on It"
(9)
Sam Hunt—who co-wrote the song originally—recorded his version of it on his debut studio album Montevallo, which was released on October 27, 2014.
Hunt explains that the reason he included the song on his album is because "After writing the songs on the record, it was like a movie, and "Cop Car" was a pivotal scene in that movie. Even though Keith Urban had recorded it, I felt it still had a place on the record."[15]
Chart performance[edit]
Chart (2014)
Peak
position
US Country Digital Songs[16] 48
References[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b Fuse (Deluxe Edition) (CD booklet). Keith Urban. Capitol Records Nashville/Hit Red Records. 2013. B0019113-02.
^ Jump up to: a b Hudak, Joseph (27 January 2014). "Singles: Keith Urban — 'Cop Car'". Country Weekly. 21 (4): 50.
Jump up ^ Coyne, Kevin John (16 January 2014). "'Cop Car' review". Country Universe. Retrieved 21 January 2014.
Jump up ^ Jurek, Thom. "Fuse review". Allmusic. Retrieved 21 January 2014.
Jump up ^ Wyland, Sarah (28 January 2014). "Watch Keith Urban's "Cop Car" Music Video". Great American Country. Retrieved 30 January 2014.
Jump up ^ Bjorke, Matt (June 19, 2014). "Country Chart News: The Top 30 Digital Singles For June 19, 2014". Roughstock. Archived from the original on July 14, 2014.
Jump up ^ "Keith Urban Chart History (Canadian Hot 100)". Billboard.
Jump up ^ "Keith Urban Chart History (Canada Country)". Billboard.
Jump up ^ "Keith Urban Chart History (Hot 100)". Billboard.
Jump up ^ "Keith Urban Chart History (Country Airplay)". Billboard.
Jump up ^ "Keith Urban Chart History (Hot Country Songs)". Billboard.
Jump up ^ "Best of 2014: Country Airplay". Billboard. Prometheus Global Media. 2014. Retrieved December 9, 2014.
Jump up ^ "Best of 2014: Hot Country Songs". Billboard. Prometheus Global Media. 2014. Retrieved December 9, 2014.
Jump up ^ "American single certifications – Keith Urban – Cop Car". Recording Industry Association of America. Retrieved August 10, 2014. If necessary, click Advanced, then click Format, then select Single, then click SEARCH
Jump up ^ Mansfield, Brian (October 13, 2014). "On the Verge: Sam Hunt's 'Night' shines bright". USA Today. Retrieved October 27, 2014.
Jump up ^ "Sam Hunt Album & Song Chart History - Country Digital Songs". Billboard. Prometheus Global Media. Retrieved July 11, 2016.
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"Raised on It"
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"Take Your Time"
"House Party"
"Break Up in a Small Town"
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"Body Like a Back Road"
Other songs
"Cop Car"
"Heartbeat"
Related articles
MCA Nashville
"Come Over"
"We Are Tonight"
"I Met a Girl"
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Tenochtitlan
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Not to be confused with Teotihuacan.
Mexico-Tenochtitlan
1325–1521
Glyph
Model of the temple district of Tenochtitlan at the National Museum of Anthropology
Capital Tenochtitlan
Languages Nahuatl
Religion Mexica religion
Government Monarchy
Historical era Pre-Columbian
• Established 1325
• Formation of 1521
Succeeded by
Aztec Empire
Tenochtitlan (Spanish: Tenochtitlan, Spanish pronunciation: [ˈmexiko tenotʃˈtitlan] ( listen)), originally known as México-Tenochtitlan (Classical Nahuatl: Mēxihco-Tenōchtitlan [meːˈʃíʔ.ko te.noːt͡ʃ.ˈtí.t͡ɬan]), was a large Mexica city-state on an island in Lake Texcoco in the Valley of Mexico. Founded on June 20, 1325, it was the capital of the expanding Aztec Empire in the 15th century[1] until it was captured by the Spanish in 1521.
At its peak, it was the largest city in the Pre-Columbian Americas. It subsequently became a cabecera of the Viceroyalty of New Spain. Today, the ruins of Tenochtitlan are in the historic center of Mexico City.
Tenochtitlan was one of two Nahua āltēpetl (city-states) on the island, the other being Tlatelolco.
Contents
[hide]
1 Etymology
2 Geography
3 City plans
3.1 Marketplaces
3.2 Public buildings
3.3 Palaces of Moctezuma II
4 Social classes
5 History
5.1 The coming of Cortés
5.2 After the conquest
5.3 Ruins
6 See also
7 Notes
8 References
9 Further reading
10 External links
Etymology[edit]
Traditionally, the name Tenochtitlan was thought to come from Nahuatl tetl [ˈtetɬ] ("rock") and nōchtli [ˈnoːtʃtɬi] ("prickly pear") and is often thought to mean, "Among the prickly pears [growing among] rocks". However, one attestation in the late 16th-century manuscript known as "the Bancroft dialogues" suggest the second vowel was short, so that the true etymology remains uncertain.[2]
Geography[edit]
The western side of the shallow Lake Texcoco. Tenochtitlan is the southern part of the main island (under the red line). The northern part is Tlatelolco.
Tenochtitlan covered an estimated 8 to 13.5 km2 (3.1 to 5.2 sq mi), situated on the western side of the shallow Lake Texcoco.
At the time of Spanish conquests, Mexico City comprised both Tenochtitlan and Tlatelolco. The city extended from north to south, from the north border of Tlatelolco to the swamps, which by that time were gradually disappearing to the west; the city ended more or less at the present location of Avenida Bucareli.
The city was connected to the mainland by causeways leading to the north, south, and west. The causeways were interrupted by bridges that allowed canoes and other water traffic to pass freely. The bridges could be pulled away, if necessary, to defend the city. The city was interlaced with a series of canals, so that all sections of the city could be visited either on foot or via canoe.
Lake Texcoco was the largest of five interconnected lakes. Since it formed in an endorheic basin, Lake Texcoco was brackish. During the reign of Moctezuma I, the "levee of Nezahualcoyotl" was constructed, reputedly designed by Nezahualcoyotl. Estimated to be 12 to 16 km (7.5 to 9.9 mi) in length, the levee was completed circa 1453. The levee kept fresh spring-fed water in the waters around Tenochtitlan and kept the brackish waters beyond the dike, to the east.
Two double aqueducts, each more than 4 km (2.5 mi) long and made of terracotta,[3] provided the city with fresh water from the springs at Chapultepec. This was intended mainly for cleaning and washing. For drinking, water from mountain springs was preferred. Most of the population liked to bathe twice a day; Moctezuma was said to take four baths a day. According to the context of Aztec culture in literature, the soap that they most likely used was the root of a plant called copalxocotl (Saponaria americana),[4] and to clean their clothes they used the root of metl (Agave americana). Also, the upper classes and pregnant women washed themselves in a temazcalli, similar to a sauna bath, which is still used in the south of Mexico. This was also popular in other Mesoamerican cultures.
City plans[edit]
When we saw so many cities and villages built in the water and other great towns on dry land we were amazed and said that it was like the enchantments (...) on account of the great towers and cues and buildings rising from the water, and all built of masonry. And some of our soldiers even asked whether the things that we saw were not a dream? (...) I do not know how to describe it, seeing things as we did that had never been heard of or seen before, not even dreamed about.
—  Bernal Díaz del Castillo, The Conquest of New Spain[5]
The city was divided into four zones, or camps; each camp was divided into 20 districts (calpullis, Nahuatl calpōlli); and each calpulli, or 'big house', was crossed by streets or tlaxilcalli. There were three main streets that crossed the city, each leading to one of the three causeways to the mainland of Tepeyac, Ixtapalpa, and Tlacopan.[6] Bernal Díaz del Castillo reported that they were wide enough for ten horses. Surrounding the raised causeways were artificial floating gardens with canal waterways and gardens of plants, shrubs, and trees.[7] The calpullis were divided by channels used for transportation, with wood bridges that were removed at night.
The earliest European images of the city were woodcuts published in Augsburg around 1522.[8]
Marketplaces[edit]
The Tlatelolco Marketplace as depicted at The Field Museum, Chicago.
Each calpulli (from Classical Nahuatl calpōlli, Nahuatl pronunciation: [kaɬˈpoːlːi], meaning "large house") had its own tiyanquiztli (marketplace), but there was also a main marketplace in Tlatelolco – Tenochtitlan's sister city. Cortés estimated it was twice the size of the city of Salamanca with about 60,000 people trading daily. Bernardino de Sahagún provides a more conservative population estimate of 20,000 on ordinary days and 40,000 on feast days. There were also specialized markets in the other central Mexican cities.
Public buildings[edit]
A picture of Tenochtitlan and a model of the Templo Mayor.
In the center of the city were the public buildings, temples, and palaces. Inside a walled square, 500 meters to a side, was the ceremonial center. There were about 45 public buildings, including: the Templo Mayor, which was dedicated to the Aztec patron deity Huitzilopochtli and the Rain God Tlaloc; the temple of Quetzalcoatl; the tlachtli (ball game court) with the tzompantli or rack of skulls; the Sun Temple, which was dedicated to Tonatiuh; the Eagle's House, which was associated with warriors and the ancient power of rulers; the platforms for the gladiatorial sacrifice; and some minor temples.[9]
Outside was the palace of Moctezuma with 100 rooms, each with its own bath, for the lords and ambassadors of allies and conquered people. Also located nearby was the cuicalli, or house of the songs, and the calmecac.[10]
The city had great symmetry. All constructions had to be approved by the calmimilocatl, a functionary in charge of the city planning.
Palaces of Moctezuma II[edit]
The palace of Moctezuma II also had two houses or zoos, one for birds of prey and another for other birds, reptiles, and mammals. About 300 people were dedicated to the care of the animals.
There was also a botanical garden and an aquarium. The aquarium had ten ponds of salt water and ten ponds of fresh water, containing various fish and aquatic birds. Places like this also existed in Texcoco, Chapultepec, Huaxtepec (now called Oaxtepec), and Texcotzingo.[11]
Social classes[edit]
Tenochtitlan can be considered the most complex society in Mesoamerica in regard to social stratification. The complex system involved many social classes. The macehualtin were commoners who lived outside the island city of Tenochtitlan. The pipiltin were noblemen who were relatives of leaders and former leaders, and lived in the confines of the island. Cuauhipiltin, or eagle nobles, were commoners who impressed the nobles with their martial prowess, and were treated as nobles.[6] Teteuctin were the highest class, rulers of various parts of the empire, including the king. Tlacohtin were individuals who chose to enslave themselves to pay back a debt; they were not slaves forever and were not treated as badly as typical slaves seen in other ancient civilizations worldwide. Finally, the pochteca were merchants who traveled all of Mesoamerica trading. The membership of this class was based on heredity. Pochteca could become very rich because they did not pay taxes, but they had to sponsor the ritual feast of Xocotl Huetzi from the wealth that they obtained from their trade expeditions.
Status was displayed by location and type of house where a person lived. Ordinary people lived in houses made of reeds plastered with mud and roofed with thatch. People who were better off had houses of adobe brick with flat roofs.[6] The wealthy had houses of stone masonry with flat roofs. They most likely made up the house complexes that were arranged around the inner court. The higher officials in Tenochtitlan lived in the great palace complexes that made up the city.
Adding even more complexity to Aztec social stratification was the calpolli. Calpolli, meaning ‘big house’ is a group of families related by either kinship or proximity. These groups consist of both elite members of Aztec society and commoners. Elites provided commoners with arable land and nonagricultural occupations, and commoners performed services for chiefs and gave tribute.[12]
History[edit]
A Mexico City statue commemorating the foundation of Tenochtitlan.
Tenochtitlan was the capital of the Mexican civilization of the Mexica people founded in 1325. The state religion of the Mexica civilization awaited the fulfillment of an ancient prophecy: the wandering tribes would find the destined site for a great city whose location would be signaled by an eagle with a snake in its beak perched atop a (Opuntia) cactus.
The Mexica saw this vision on what was then a small swampy island in Lake Texcoco, a vision that is now immortalized in Mexico's coat of arms and on the Mexican flag. Not deterred by the unfavourable terrain, they set about building their city, using the chinampa system (misnamed as "floating gardens") for agriculture and to dry and expand the island.
A thriving culture developed, and the Mexica civilization came to dominate other tribes around Mexico. The small natural island was perpetually enlarged as Tenochtitlan grew to become the largest and most powerful city in Mesoamerica. Commercial routes were developed that brought goods from places as far as the Gulf of Mexico, the Pacific Ocean and perhaps even the Inca Empire.[13]
After a flood of Lake Texcoco, the city was rebuilt under the rule of Ahuitzotl in a style that made it one of the grandest ever in Mesoamerica.
Spanish conquistador Hernán Cortés arrived in Tenochtitlan on November 8, 1519. With an estimated population between 200,000 and 300,000, many[who?] scholars believe Tenochtitlan to have been among the largest cities in the world at that time.[14] Compared to the cities of Europe, only Paris, Venice and Constantinople might have rivaled it. It was five times the size of the London of Henry VIII.[6] In a letter to the Spanish king, Cortés wrote that Tenochtitlan was as large as Seville or Córdoba. Cortes' men were in awe at the sight of the splendid city and many wondered if they were dreaming.[15]
Although some popular sources put the number as high as 350,000,[16] the most common estimates of the population are of over 200,000 people. One of the few comprehensive academic surveys of Mesoamerican city and town sizes arrived at a population of 212,500 living on 13.5 km2 (5.2 sq mi),[17] It is also said that at one time, Moctezuma had rule over an empire of almost five million people in central and southern Mexico because he had extended his rule to surrounding territories to gain tribute and prisoners to sacrifice to the gods.[7]
The coming of Cortés[edit]
Further information: Fall of Tenochtitlan
The Conquest of Tenochtitlan.
When Cortés and his men arrived in Tenochtitlan, Moctezuma II, who precariously ruled over a large empire, chose to welcome Cortés as an honored guest, rather than risk a war which might quickly be joined by aggrieved indigenous people. Moctezuma may have feared that Cortés was the returning god Quetzalcoatl, because the Spanish arrival coincided with the close of an Aztec calendar cycle consistent with such a return. This claim is found in the Florenino Codex, among other early sources, and accepted as true in many later histories. However, some scholars doubt it.[18]
As Cortés approached the great city of Tenochtitlan, the natives put on many events. One particular event was the most important of them all, the celebration of Toxcatl. This event was when the most prominent warriors of altepetl would dance in front of a huge statue of Huitzilopochtli. The Spanish leader, Pedro de Alvarado, who was left in charge, worried that this would be the day that the natives would plan a surprise attack on them. He captured three natives and began to torture them until they confessed that this was indeed true. There was no proof that the natives would attack the Spaniards during this festival, however, Alvarado would plan an attack first by following an old maxim by deciding that the person who would attack first would be successful in this attack. During the festival, the Spaniards came heavily armed and closed off every exit surrounding the courtyard so that no one would escape. This would happen during their last days in Tenochtitlan.[19].
Nobles lined each side along the buildings of the city's main causeway, which extended about a league. Walking down the center came Moctezuma II, who had two lords at his side, one being his brother, the ruler of Iztapalapa. Cortés dismounted, and was greeted by the ruler and his lords, but was forbidden to touch him. Cortés gave him a necklace of crystals, placing it over his neck.[20]
They were then brought to a large house that would serve as their home for their stay in the city. Once they were settled, Moctezuma himself sat down and spoke with Cortés. The great ruler declared that anything that they needed would be theirs to have.[21] He was thrilled to have visitors of such stature. Although the Spaniards were seeking gold, Moctezuma expressed that he had very little of the sort, but all of it was to be given to Cortés if he so desired it.[22]
Since arriving in Tenochtitlan, Cortés faced early trouble. Leaving a post in Vera Cruz, the officer left in charge received a letter from Qualpopoca, the leader of Almería, asking to become a vassal of the Spaniards. He requested that officers be sent to him so that he could confirm his submission. To reach the province, the officers would have to travel through hostile land. The officer in charge of Vera Cruz decided to send four officers to meet with Qualpopoca.[23]
When they arrived, they were captured and two were killed, the other two escaping through the woods. Upon their return to Vera Cruz, the officer in charge was infuriated, and so led troops to storm Almería. Here they learned that Moctezuma was supposedly the one who commanded the officers to be executed.[24] Back in Tenochtitlan, Cortés detained Moctezuma and questioned him endlessly.[25] Though no serious conclusions were made, this started the relationship between Moctezuma and the Spaniards on a bad note.[26]
After the conquest[edit]
Cortés subsequently besieged Tenochtitlan for 75 days, causing the inhabitants utter famine,[7] directed the systematic destruction and leveling of the city,[27] and began its rebuilding, despite opposition, with a central area designated for Spanish use (the traza). The outer Indian section, now dubbed San Juan Tenochtitlan, continued to be governed by the previous indigenous elite and was divided into the same subdivisions as before.[28]. While the people of Tenochtitlan were celebrating the few Spaniards who were not able to escape and were killed, the city was in great ruins. The people of Tenochtitlan were exposed to diseases from their enemy. A citizen who was exposed to these diseases would not feel it for the first 10 days, then the disease would spread throughout the body, causing many sores the remaining days. This consisted of pain in the body and high fever. People were weak to the point that they could not move, nor be able to obtain food and water. They couldn't cook or bury the remaining dead bodies from the conquest. The population of the people of Tenochtitlan began to starve and weaken. For the next 60 days, the amount of citizens that died, began to rise even higher.[29]
Ruins[edit]
The ruins of the Templo Mayor.
Tenochtitlan's main temple complex, the Templo Mayor, was dismantled and the central district of the Spanish colonial city was constructed on top of it. The great temple was destroyed by the Spanish during the construction of a cathedral. The location of the Templo Mayor was rediscovered in the early 20th century, but major excavations did not take place until 1978–1982, after utility workers came across a massive stone disc depicting the nude dismembered body of the moon goddess Coyolxauhqui. This stone disc is 3.25 meters in diameter (or 10.5 ft).[30] These finds are held at the Templo Mayor Museum.
Fundación de México (The foundation of Mexico) – Tenochtitlán by Roberto Cueva del Río.
The ruins, constructed over seven periods, were built on top of each other. The resulting weight of the structures caused them to sink into the sediment of Lake Texcoco. This resulted in the ruins now resting at an angle instead of horizontally.
Mexico City's Zócalo, the Plaza de la Constitución, is located at the site of Tenochtitlan's original central plaza and market, and many of the original calzadas still correspond to modern city streets. The Aztec calendar stone was located in the ruins. This stone is 4 meters in diameter and weighs over 20 tons. It was once located half-way up the great pyramid. This sculpture was made around 1470 under the rule of King Axayacatl, the predecessor of Tizoc, and is said to tell the history of the Mexicas and a prophecy for the future.[31]
In August 1987, archaeologists discovered a mix of 1,789 human bones five metres below street level in Mexico City.[32] The burial dates back to the 1480s and lies at the foot of the main temple in the sacred ceremonial precinct of the Aztec capital. The bones are from children, teenagers and adults and a complete skeleton of a young woman was also found at the site.[32]
See also[edit]
List of megalithic sites
List of Mesoamerican pyramids
History of Mexico City
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ "Tenochtitlán, la capital azteca". www.historiang.com. Archived from the original on March 22, 2012. Retrieved 8 April 2011.
Jump up ^ Frances Karttunen (1983) An Analytical Dictionary of Nahuatl p.225, Texas linguistic series, University of Texas, Austin ISBN 978-0-2927-0365-0; OCLC 230535203
Jump up ^ Cortés, H.
Jump up ^ Aguilar-Moreno, Manuel (2006). Handbook to life in the Aztec world. Infobase Publishing. p. 368. ISBN 978-0-8160-5673-6. Retrieved 2 November 2010.
Jump up ^ Bernal Diaz Del Castillo, "The Discovery And Conquest Of Mexico 1517 1521", Edited by Genaro Garcia, Translated with an Introduction and Notes?, pp. 269–, A. P. Maudslay, first pub 1928 [1]
^ Jump up to: a b c d Coe, M. 2008, p. 193.
^ Jump up to: a b c Walker, C. 1980, p. 162.
Jump up ^ "Newspaper About the Country that the Spaniards Found in 1521, Called Yucatan". World Digital Library. 2011-10-17. Retrieved 2014-06-22.
Jump up ^ Coe, M. 2008, p. 193
Jump up ^ Cortés, H. 1520, p. 87.
Jump up ^ Cortés, H. 1520, p. 89.
Jump up ^ Coe, M. 2008, pp. 194–196.
Jump up ^ Blainey, G. A Very Short History of the World, 2007
Jump up ^ Levy, Buddy (2008). Conquistador: Hernán Cortés, King Montezuma, and the Last Stand of the Aztecs. Bantam Books. p. 106. ISBN 978-0553384710.
Jump up ^ Butterworth, Douglas; Chance, John K. (1981). Latin American urbanization. CUP Archive. p. 2. ISBN 978-0-521-28175-1.
Jump up ^ Stannard, D. (1992)
Jump up ^ Smith (2005), p. 411
Jump up ^ Townsend, Camilla. "Burying the White Gods: New Perspectives on the Conquest of Mexico," American Historical Review (June 2003)
Jump up ^ Townsend,Camilla.2006. 102–103.
Jump up ^ Cortés, H. 1520, p. 69.
Jump up ^ Cortés, H. 1520, p. 71.
Jump up ^ Cortés, H. 1520, p. 70.
Jump up ^ Cortés, H. 1520, p. 72.
Jump up ^ Cortés, H. 1520, p. 73.
Jump up ^ Cortés, H. 1520, p. 77.
Jump up ^ Stannard, D. 1992, 214.
Jump up ^ "The Colonial Spanish-American City: Urban Life in the Age of Atlantic Capitalism", Jay Kinsbruner, University of Texas Press, 2005, p. 20, ISBN 0-292-70668-5
Jump up ^ Stannard, D. 1992, 109.
Jump up ^ Townsend,Camilla.2006, 109–110.
Jump up ^ Snow, Dean R. (2010). Archaeology of Native North America. Boston: Prentice Hall. ISBN 978-0-13-615686-4.
Jump up ^ Walker, p. 162–167
^ Jump up to: a b A.R Williams (29 August 2012). "Venerable Bones". National Geographic.
References[edit]
Coe, Michael D. (2008). Mexico: From the Olmecs to the Aztecs. New York, New York: Thames & Hudson.
Cohen, Sara E. (March 1972). "How the Aztecs Appraised Montezuma". Society for History Education: The History Teacher. 5 (3): 21–30.
Cortés, Hernán (1969). Five Letters of Cortés to the Emperor. Morris J.Baynard (ed. and trans.).
Díaz del Castillo, Bernal (1963) [1632]. The Conquest of New Spain. Penguin Classics. J. M. Cohen (trans.) (6th printing (1973) ed.). Harmondsworth, England: Penguin Books. ISBN 0-14-044123-9. OCLC 162351797.
Smith, Michael E. (May 2005). "City Size in Late Post-Classic Mesoamerica" (PDF). Journal of Urban History. Beverley Hills, CA: SAGE Publications. 31 (4): 403–434. doi:10.1177/0096144204274396. OCLC 1798556. Retrieved 2008-02-01.
Soustelle, Jacques (1984). La vida cotidiana de los aztecas en visperas de la conquista (in Spanish). Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Economica.
Stannard, David E. (1992). American Holocaust: Columbus and the conquest of the New World. New York, New York: Oxford University Press.
Walker, Charles (1980). Wonders of the Ancient World. New York, New York: Crescent Books.
Townsend, Camilla. Malintzin's Choices: An Indian Woman in the Conquest of Mexico. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2006. Print.
Further reading[edit]
Calnek, Edward. "Settlement Pattern and Chinampa Agriculture at Tenochtitlan." American Antiquity 37.1. (1973) 190–95.
Calnek, Edward. "El sistema de mercado en Tenochtitlan." In Economía política e ideología en el México prehispánico. Eds. Pedro Carrasco and Johanna Broda, pp. 97–114. Mexico City: Centro de Investigaciones Superiores del Instituto de Antropología e Historia, 1978.
Calnek, Edward. "Tenochtitlan in the Early Colonial Period." Acts of the XLII International Congress of Americanists 8, 1976 (1979) 35–40.
Calnek, Edward. "Tenochtitlan-Tlatelolco: the Natural History of a City." In El Urbanismo en Mesoamérica/Urbanism in Mesoamerica, vol. 1. edited by W.T. Sanders et al., 149–202. Mexico City: Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia; University Park: Pennsylvania State University 2003.
Molina Montes, Augusto F. (December 1980). "The building of Tenochtitlan". National Geographic. Vol. 158 no. 6. pp. 753–764. ISSN 0027-9358. OCLC 643483454.
Mundy, Barbara E. "Mapping the Aztec Capital: the 1524 Nuremberg Map of Tenochtitlan, Its Sources and Meanings." Imago Mundi 50 (1998), 1–22.
Mundy, Barbara E. "Place-Names in Mexico-Tenochtitlan." Ethnohistory 61 (2) Spring 2014. 329–355.
Mundy, Barbara E. The Death of Aztec Tenochtitlan, the Life of Mexico City. Austin: University of Texas Press 2015.
Toussaint, Manuel, Federico Gómez de Orozco, and Justino Fernández, Planos de la Ciudad de México. XVI Congreso Internacional de Planificación y de la Habitación. Mexico City: Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas de la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México 1938.
Townsend, Richard F. State and Cosmos in the Art of Tenochtitlan. Studies in Pre-Columbian Art and Archeology 20. Washington D.C., Dumbarton Oaks 1979.
External links[edit]
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Leviathan (book)
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Leviathan
Frontispiece of Leviathan by Abraham Bosse, with input from Hobbes.
Author
Thomas Hobbes
Country
England
Language
English, Latin (Hobbes produced a new version of Leviathan in Latin in 1668:[1] Leviathan, sive De materia, forma, & potestate civitatis ecclesiasticae et civilis. Many passages in the Latin version differ from the English version.[2]
Genre
Political philosophy
Publication date
1651
ISBN
978-1439297254
Leviathan or The Matter, Forme and Power of a Common-Wealth Ecclesiasticall and Civil—commonly referred to as Leviathan—is a book written by Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679) and published in 1651 (revised Latin edition 1668).[1][3][4] Its name derives from the biblical Leviathan. The work concerns the structure of society and legitimate government, and is regarded as one of the earliest and most influential examples of social contract theory.[5] Leviathan ranks as a classic western work on statecraft comparable to Machiavelli's The Prince. Written during the English Civil War (1642–1651), Leviathan argues for a social contract and rule by an absolute sovereign. Hobbes wrote that civil war and the brute situation of a state of nature ("the war of all against all") could only be avoided by strong, undivided government.
Contents
[hide]
1 Content
1.1 Frontispiece
1.2 Part I: Of Man
1.3 Part II: Of Common-wealth
1.3.1 Types of commonwealth
1.3.2 Succession
1.3.3 Religion
1.3.4 Taxation
1.4 Part III: Of a Christian Common-wealth
1.5 Part IV: Of the Kingdom of Darkness
2 See also
3 References
4 Further reading
4.1 Editions of Leviathan
4.2 Critical studies
5 External links
Content[edit]
Frontispiece[edit]
After lengthy discussion with Thomas Hobbes, the Parisian Abraham Bosse created the etching for the book's famous frontispiece in the géometrique style which Bosse himself had refined. It is similar in organisation to the frontispiece of Hobbes' De Cive (1642), created by Jean Matheus. The frontispiece has two main elements, of which the upper part is by far the more striking.
In it, a giant crowned figure is seen emerging from the landscape, clutching a sword and a crosier, beneath a quote from the Book of Job—"Non est potestas Super Terram quae Comparetur ei. Iob. 41 . 24" ("There is no power on earth to be compared to him. Job 41 . 24")—linking the figure to the monster of that book. (Due to disagreements over the precise location of the chapters and verses when they were divided in the late Middle Ages, the verse Hobbes quotes is usually given as Job 41:33 in modern Christian translations into English, Job 41:25 in the Masoretic text, Septuagint, and the Luther Bible; it is 41:24 in the Vulgate.) The torso and arms of the figure are composed of over three hundred persons, in the style of Giuseppe Arcimboldo; all are facing inwards with just the giant's head having visible features. (A manuscript of Leviathan created for Charles II in 1651 has notable differences – a different main head but significantly the body is also composed of many faces, all looking outwards from the body and with a range of expressions.)
The lower portion is a triptych, framed in a wooden border. The centre form contains the title on an ornate curtain. The two sides reflect the sword and crosier of the main figure – earthly power on the left and the powers of the church on the right. Each side element reflects the equivalent power – castle to church, crown to mitre, cannon to excommunication, weapons to logic, and the battlefield to the religious courts. The giant holds the symbols of both sides, reflecting the union of secular, and spiritual in the sovereign, but the construction of the torso also makes the figure the state.
Part I: Of Man[edit]
Hobbes begins his treatise on politics with an account of human nature. He presents an image of man as matter in motion, attempting to show through example how everything about humanity can be explained materialistically, that is, without recourse to an incorporeal, immaterial soul or a faculty for understanding ideas that are external to the human mind. Hobbes proceeds by defining terms clearly and unsentimentally. Good and evil are nothing more than terms used to denote an individual's appetites and desires, while these appetites and desires are nothing more than the tendency to move toward or away from an object. Hope is nothing more than an appetite for a thing combined with opinion that it can be had. He suggests the dominant political theology of the time, Scholasticism, thrives on confused definitions of everyday words, such as incorporeal substance, which for Hobbes is a contradiction in terms.
Hobbes describes human psychology without any reference to the summum bonum, or greatest good, as previous thought had done. Not only is the concept of a summum bonum superfluous, but given the variability of human desires, there could be no such thing. Consequently, any political community that sought to provide the greatest good to its members would find itself driven by competing conceptions of that good with no way to decide among them. The result would be civil war.
However, Hobbes states that there is a summum malum, or greatest evil. This is the fear of violent death. A political community can be oriented around this fear.
Since there is no summum bonum, the natural state of man is not to be found in a political community that pursues the greatest good. But to be outside of a political community is to be in an anarchic condition. Given human nature, the variability of human desires, and need for scarce resources to fulfill those desires, the state of nature, as Hobbes calls this anarchic condition, must be a war of all against all. Even when two men are not fighting, there is no guarantee that the other will not try to kill him for his property or just out of an aggrieved sense of honour, and so they must constantly be on guard against one another. It is even reasonable to preemptively attack one's neighbour.
In such condition there is no place for industry, because the fruit thereof is uncertain, and consequently no culture of the earth, no navigation nor the use of commodities that may be imported by sea, no commodious building, no instruments of moving and removing such things as require much force, no knowledge of the face of the earth, no account of time, no arts, no letters, no society, and which is worst of all, continual fear and danger of violent death, and the life of man, solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short.[6]
The desire to avoid the state of nature, as the place where the summum malum of violent death is most likely to occur, forms the polestar of political reasoning. It suggests a number of laws of nature, although Hobbes is quick to point out that they cannot properly speaking be called "laws," since there is no one to enforce them. The first thing that reason suggests is to seek peace, but that where peace cannot be had, to use all of the advantages of war.[7] Hobbes is explicit that in the state of nature nothing can be considered just or unjust, and every man must be considered to have a right to all things.[8] The second law of nature is that one ought to be willing to renounce one's right to all things where others are willing to do the same, to quit the state of nature, and to erect a commonwealth with the authority to command them in all things. Hobbes concludes Part One by articulating an additional seventeen laws of nature that make the performance of the first two possible and by explaining what it would mean for a sovereign to represent the people even when they disagree with the sovereign.
Part II: Of Common-wealth[edit]
The purpose of a commonwealth is given at the start of Part II:
THE final cause, end, or design of men (who naturally love liberty, and dominion over others) in the introduction of that restraint upon themselves, in which we see them live in Commonwealths, is the foresight of their own preservation, and of a more contented life thereby; that is to say, of getting themselves out from that miserable condition of war which is necessarily consequent, as hath been shown, to the natural passions of men when there is no visible power to keep them in awe, and tie them by fear of punishment to the performance of their covenants...
The commonwealth is instituted when all agree in the following manner: I authorise and give up my right of governing myself to this man, or to this assembly of men, on this condition; that thou give up, thy right to him, and authorise all his actions in like manner.
The sovereign has twelve principal rights:
Because a successive covenant cannot override a prior one, the subjects cannot (lawfully) change the form of government.
Because the covenant forming the commonwealth results from subjects giving to the sovereign the right to act for them, the sovereign cannot possibly breach the covenant; and therefore the subjects can never argue to be freed from the covenant because of the actions of the sovereign.
The sovereign exists because the majority has consented to his rule; the minority have agreed to abide by this arrangement and must then assent to the sovereign's actions.
Every subject is author of the acts of the sovereign: hence the sovereign cannot injure any of his subjects and cannot be accused of injustice.
Following this, the sovereign cannot justly be put to death by the subjects.
because the purpose of the commonwealth is peace, and the sovereign has the right to do whatever he thinks necessary for the preserving of peace and security and prevention of discord. Therefore, the sovereign may judge what opinions and doctrines are averse, who shall be allowed to speak to multitudes, and who shall examine the doctrines of all books before they are published.
To prescribe the rules of civil law and property.
To be judge in all cases.
To make war and peace as he sees fit and to command the army.
To choose counsellors, ministers, magistrates and officers.
To reward with riches and honour or to punish with corporal or pecuniary punishment or ignominy.
To establish laws about honour and a scale of worth.
Hobbes explicitly rejects the idea of Separation of Powers, in particular the form that would later become the separation of powers under the United States Constitution. Part 6 is perhaps an under-emphasised feature of Hobbes's argument: he is explicitly in favour of censorship of the press and restrictions on the rights of free speech should they be considered desirable by the sovereign to promote order.
Types of commonwealth[edit]
There are three (monarchy, aristocracy and democracy):
The difference of Commonwealths consisted in the difference of the sovereign, or the person representative of all and every one of the multitude. And because the sovereignty is either in one man, or in an assembly of more than one; and into that assembly either every man hath right to enter, or not every one, but certain men distinguished from the rest; it is manifest there can be but three kinds of Commonwealth. For the representative must needs be one man, or more; and if more, then it is the assembly of all, or but of a part. When the representative is one man, then is the Commonwealth a monarchy; when an assembly of all that will come together, then it is a democracy, or popular Commonwealth; when an assembly of a part only, then it is called an aristocracy.
And only three:
Other kind of Commonwealth there can be none: for either one, or more, or all, must have the sovereign power (which I have shown to be indivisible) entire. There be other names of government in the histories and books of policy; as tyranny and oligarchy; but they are not the names of other forms of government, but of the same forms misliked. For they that are discontented under monarchy call it tyranny; and they that are displeased with aristocracy call it oligarchy: so also, they which find themselves grieved under a democracy call it anarchy, which signifies want of government; and yet I think no man believes that want of government is any new kind of government: nor by the same reason ought they to believe that the government is of one kind when they like it, and another when they mislike it or are oppressed by the governors.
And monarchy is the best, on practical grounds:
The difference between these three kinds of Commonwealth consisteth not in the difference of power, but in the difference of convenience or aptitude to produce the peace and security of the people; for which end they were instituted. And to compare monarchy with the other two, we may observe: first, that whosoever beareth the person of the people, or is one of that assembly that bears it, beareth also his own natural person. And though he be careful in his politic person to procure the common interest, yet he is more, or no less, careful to procure the private good of himself, his family, kindred and friends; and for the most part, if the public interest chance to cross the private, he prefers the private: for the passions of men are commonly more potent than their reason. From whence it follows that where the public and private interest are most closely united, there is the public most advanced. Now in monarchy the private interest is the same with the public. The riches, power, and honour of a monarch arise only from the riches, strength, and reputation of his subjects. For no king can be rich, nor glorious, nor secure, whose subjects are either poor, or contemptible, or too weak through want, or dissension, to maintain a war against their enemies; whereas in a democracy, or aristocracy, the public prosperity confers not so much to the private fortune of one that is corrupt, or ambitious, as doth many times a perfidious advice, a treacherous action, or a civil war.
Succession[edit]
The right of succession always lies with the sovereign. Democracies and aristocracies have easy succession; monarchy is harder:
The greatest difficulty about the right of succession is in monarchy: and the difficulty ariseth from this, that at first sight, it is not manifest who is to appoint the successor; nor many times who it is whom he hath appointed. For in both these cases, there is required a more exact ratiocination than every man is accustomed to use.
Because in general people haven't thought carefully. However, the succession is definitely in the gift of the monarch:
As to the question who shall appoint the successor of a monarch that hath the sovereign authority... we are to consider that either he that is in possession has right to dispose of the succession, or else that right is again in the dissolved multitude. ... Therefore it is manifest that by the institution of monarchy, the disposing of the successor is always left to the judgement and will of the present possessor.
But, it is not always obvious who the monarch has appointed:
And for the question which may arise sometimes, who it is that the monarch in possession hath designed to the succession and inheritance of his power
However, the answer is:
it is determined by his express words and testament; or by other tacit signs sufficient.
And this means:
By express words, or testament, when it is declared by him in his lifetime, viva voce, or by writing; as the first emperors of Rome declared who should be their heirs.
Note that (perhaps rather radically) this does not have to be any blood relative:
For the word heir does not of itself imply the children or nearest kindred of a man; but whomsoever a man shall any way declare he would have to succeed him in his estate. If therefore a monarch declare expressly that such a man shall be his heir, either by word or writing, then is that man immediately after the decease of his predecessor invested in the right of being monarch.
However, practically this means:
But where testament and express words are wanting, other natural signs of the will are to be followed: whereof the one is custom. And therefore where the custom is that the next of kindred absolutely succeedeth, there also the next of kindred hath right to the succession; for that, if the will of him that was in possession had been otherwise, he might easily have declared the same in his lifetime...
Religion[edit]
In Leviathan, Hobbes explicitly states that the sovereign has authority to assert power over matters of faith and doctrine, and that if he does not do so, he invites discord. Hobbes presents his own religious theory, but states that he would defer to the will of the sovereign (when that was re-established: again, Leviathan was written during the Civil War) as to whether his theory was acceptable. Tuck argues that it further marks Hobbes as a supporter of the religious policy of the post-Civil War English republic, Independency.[citation needed]
Taxation[edit]
Thomas Hobbes also touched upon the sovereign's ability to tax in Leviathan, although he is not as widely cited for his economic theories as he is for his political theories.[9] Hobbes believed that equal justice includes the equal imposition of taxes. The equality of taxes doesn’t depend on equality of wealth, but on the equality of the debt that every man owes to the commonwealth for his defence and the maintenance of the rule of law.[10] Hobbes also supported public support for those unable to maintain themselves by labour, which would presumably be funded by taxation. He advocated public encouragement of works of Navigation etc. to usefully employ the poor who could work.
Part III: Of a Christian Common-wealth[edit]
In Part III Hobbes seeks to investigate the nature of a Christian commonwealth. This immediately raises the question of which scriptures we should trust, and why. If any person may claim supernatural revelation superior to the civil law, then there would be chaos, and Hobbes' fervent desire is to avoid this. Hobbes thus begins by establishing that we cannot infallibly know another's personal word to be divine revelation:
When God speaketh to man, it must be either immediately or by mediation of another man, to whom He had formerly spoken by Himself immediately. How God speaketh to a man immediately may be understood by those well enough to whom He hath so spoken; but how the same should be understood by another is hard, if not impossible, to know. For if a man pretend to me that God hath spoken to him supernaturally, and immediately, and I make doubt of it, I cannot easily perceive what argument he can produce to oblige me to believe it.
This is good, but if applied too fervently would lead to all the Bible being rejected. So, Hobbes says, we need a test: and the true test is established by examining the books of scripture, and is:
So that it is manifest that the teaching of the religion which God hath established, and the showing of a present miracle, joined together, were the only marks whereby the Scripture would have a true prophet, that is to say, immediate revelation, to be acknowledged; of them being singly sufficient to oblige any other man to regard what he saith.
Seeing therefore miracles now cease, we have no sign left whereby to acknowledge the pretended revelations or inspirations of any private man; nor obligation to give ear to any doctrine, farther than it is conformable to the Holy Scriptures, which since the time of our Saviour supply the place and sufficiently recompense the want of all other prophecy
"Seeing therefore miracles now cease" means that only the books of the Bible can be trusted. Hobbes then discusses the various books which are accepted by various sects, and the "question much disputed between the diverse sects of Christian religion, from whence the Scriptures derive their authority". To Hobbes, "it is manifest that none can know they are God's word (though all true Christians believe it) but those to whom God Himself hath revealed it supernaturally". And therefore "The question truly stated is: by what authority they are made law?"
Unsurprisingly, Hobbes concludes that ultimately there is no way to determine this other than the civil power:
He therefore to whom God hath not supernaturally revealed that they are His, nor that those that published them were sent by Him, is not obliged to obey them by any authority but his whose commands have already the force of laws; that is to say, by any other authority than that of the Commonwealth, residing in the sovereign, who only has the legislative power.
He discusses the Ten Commandments, and asks "who it was that gave to these written tables the obligatory force of laws. There is no doubt but they were made laws by God Himself: but because a law obliges not, nor is law to any but to them that acknowledge it to be the act of the sovereign, how could the people of Israel, that were forbidden to approach the mountain to hear what God said to Moses, be obliged to obedience to all those laws which Moses propounded to them?" and concludes, as before, that "making of the Scripture law, belonged to the civil sovereign."
Finally: "We are to consider now what office in the Church those persons have who, being civil sovereigns, have embraced also the Christian faith?" to which the answer is: "Christian kings are still the supreme pastors of their people, and have power to ordain what pastors they please, to teach the Church, that is, to teach the people committed to their charge."
There is an enormous amount of biblical scholarship in this third part. However, once Hobbes' initial argument is accepted (that no-one can know for sure anyone else's divine revelation) his conclusion (the religious power is subordinate to the civil) follows from his logic. The very extensive discussions of the chapter were probably necessary for its time. The need (as Hobbes saw it) for the civil sovereign to be supreme arose partly from the many sects that arose around the civil war, and to quash the Pope of Rome's challenge, to which Hobbes devotes an extensive section.
Part IV: Of the Kingdom of Darkness[edit]
Hobbes named Part IV of his book Kingdom of Darkness. By this, Hobbes does not mean Hell (he did not believe in Hell or Purgatory)[11] but the darkness of ignorance as opposed to the light of true knowledge. Hobbes' interpretation is largely unorthodox and so sees much darkness in what he sees as the misinterpretation of Scripture.
This considered, the kingdom of darkness... is nothing else but a confederacy of deceivers that, to obtain dominion over men in this present world, endeavour, by dark and erroneous doctrines, to extinguish in them the light...[12]
Hobbes enumerates four causes of this darkness.
The first is by extinguishing the light of scripture through misinterpretation. Hobbes sees the main abuse as teaching that the kingdom of God can be found in the church, thus undermining the authority of the civil sovereign. Another general abuse of scripture, in his view, is the turning of consecration into conjuration, or silly ritual.
The second cause is the demonology of the heathen poets: in Hobbes's opinion, demons are nothing more than constructs of the brain. Hobbes then goes on to criticize what he sees as many of the practices of Catholicism: "Now for the worship of saints, and images, and relics, and other things at this day practiced in the Church of Rome, I say they are not allowed by the word of God".
The third is by mixing with the Scripture diverse relics of the religion, and much of the vain and erroneous philosophy of the Greeks, especially of Aristotle. Hobbes has little time for the various disputing sects of philosophers and objects to what people have taken "From Aristotle's civil philosophy, they have learned to call all manner of Commonwealths but the popular (such as was at that time the state of Athens), tyranny". At the end of this comes an interesting section (darkness is suppressing true knowledge as well as introducing falsehoods), which would appear to bear on the discoveries of Galileo Galilei. "Our own navigations make manifest, and all men learned in human sciences now acknowledge, there are antipodes" (i.e., the Earth is round) "...Nevertheless, men... have been punished for it by authority ecclesiastical. But what reason is there for it? Is it because such opinions are contrary to true religion? That cannot be, if they be true." However, Hobbes is quite happy for the truth to be suppressed if necessary: if "they tend to disorder in government, as countenancing rebellion or sedition? Then let them be silenced, and the teachers punished" – but only by the civil authority.
The fourth is by mingling with both these, false or uncertain traditions, and feigned or uncertain history.
Hobbes finishes by inquiring who benefits from the errors he diagnoses:
Cicero maketh honourable mention of one of the Cassii, a severe judge amongst the Romans, for a custom he had in criminal causes, when the testimony of the witnesses was not sufficient, to ask the accusers, cui bono; that is to say, what profit, honour, or other contentment the accused obtained or expected by the fact. For amongst presumptions, there is none that so evidently declareth the author as doth the benefit of the action.
Hobbes concludes that the beneficiaries are the churches and churchmen.
See also[edit]
Behemoth by Thomas Hobbes
Classical republicanism
John Locke
Scientia potentia est
References[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b Glen Newey, Routledge Philosophy GuideBook to Hobbes and Leviathan, Routledge, 2008, p. 18.
Jump up ^ Thomas Hobbes: Leviathan – Oxford University Press.
Jump up ^ Hilary Brown, Luise Gottsched the Translator, Camden House, 2012, p. 54.
Jump up ^ It's in this edition that Hobbes coined the expression auctoritas non veritas facit legem, which means "authority, not truth, makes law": book 2, chapter 26, p. 133.
Jump up ^ "Hobbes's Moral and Political Philosophy". Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. (Retrieved 11 March 2009)
Jump up ^ Hobbes, Leviathan, XIII.9.
Jump up ^ Hobbes, Leviathan, XIV.4.
Jump up ^ Hobbes, Leviathan, XIII.13.
Jump up ^ Aaron Levy (October 1954). "Economic Views of Thomas Hobbes". Journal of the History of Ideas. 15 (4): 589–595. JSTOR 2707677. doi:10.2307/2707677.
Jump up ^ "Leviathan: Part II. Commonwealth; Chapters 17–31" (PDF). Early Modern Texts.
Jump up ^ Chapter XLVI: Lastly, for the errors brought in from false or uncertain history, what is all the legend of fictitious miracles in the lives of the saints; and all the histories of apparitions and ghosts alleged by the doctors of the Roman Church, to make good their doctrines of hell and purgatory, the power of exorcism, and other doctrines which have no warrant, neither in reason nor Scripture; as also all those traditions which they call the unwritten word of God; but old wives' fables?,
Jump up ^ Chapter XLIV
Further reading[edit]
Editions of Leviathan[edit]
Leviathan. Revised Edition, eds. A.P. Martinich and Brian Battiste. Peterborough, ON: Broadview Press, 2010. ISBN 978-1-55481-003-1.[1]
Leviathan: Or the Matter, Forme, and Power of a Common-Wealth Ecclesiasticall and Civill, ed. by Ian Shapiro (Yale University Press; 2010).
Leviathan, Critical edition by Noel Malcolm in three volumes: 1. Editorial Introduction; 2 and 3. The English and Latin Texts, Oxford University Press, 2012 (Clarendon Edition of the Works of Thomas Hobbes).
Critical studies[edit]
Bagby, Laurie M. Hobbes's Leviathan : Reader's Guide, New York: Continuum, 2007.
Baumrin, Bernard Herbert (ed.) Hobbes's Leviathan – interpretation and criticism Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 1969.
Harrison, Ross. Hobbes, Locke, and Confusion's Empire: an Examination of Seventeenth-Century Political Philosophy. Cambridge University Press, 2003.
Hood, Francis Campbell. The divine politics of Thomas Hobbes – an interpretation of Leviathan, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1964.
Johnston, David. The rhetoric of Leviathan – Thomas Hobbes and the politics of cultural transformation, Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1986.
Newey, Glen. Routledge Philosophy Guidebook to Hobbes and Leviathan, New York: Routledge, 2008.
Rogers, Graham Alan John. Leviathan – contemporary responses to the political theory of Thomas Hobbes Bristol: Thoemmes Press, 1995.
Schmitt, Carl. The Leviathan in the state theory of Thomas Hobbes – meaning and failure of a political symbol, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2008 (earlier: Greenwood Press, 1996).
Springborg, Patricia. The Cambridge Companion to Hobbes's Leviathan, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007.
Windolph, Francis Lyman. Leviathan and natural law, Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 1951.
Zagorin, Perez. Hobbes and the Law of Nature, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2009.
External links[edit]
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