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National Minimum Drinking Age Act
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This article is about the US federal law. For other meanings, see legal drinking age.
National Minimum Drinking Age Act
Long title
An Act to encourage a uniform minimum drinking age of 21; to combat drugged driving, improve law enforcement and provide incentives to the states to reduce drunk driving.
Acronyms (colloquial)
NMDAA
Nicknames
National Minimum Drinking Age act of 1984
Enacted by
the 98th United States Congress
Effective
July 17, 1984
34 years ago
Citations
Public law
98-363
Statutes at Large
98 Stat. 435 aka 98 Stat. 437
Codification
Titles amended
23 U.S.C.: Highways
U.S.C. sections created
23 U.S.C. ch. 1 § 158
Legislative history
Introduced in the House as H.R. 4616 by Glenn M. Anderson (D–CA) on January 24, 1984
Committee consideration by House Public Works and Transportation
Passed the House on April 30, 1984 (passed voice vote)
Passed the Senate on June 26, 1984 (81-16, in lieu of S.Amdt. 3334) with amendment
House agreed to Senate amendment on June 27, 1984 (agreed unanimous consent)
Signed into law by President Ronald Reagan on July 17, 1984
The National Minimum Drinking Age Act of 1984 (23 U.S.C. § 158) was passed by the United States Congress on July 17, 1984.[1][2][3] It was a controversial bill that punished every state that allowed persons below 21 years to purchase and publicly possess alcoholic beverages by reducing its annual federal highway apportionment by 10 percent. The law was later amended, lowering the penalty to 8 percent from fiscal year 2012 and beyond.[4]
Despite its name, this act did not outlaw the consumption of alcoholic beverages by those under 21 years of age, just its purchase. However, Alabama, Indiana, Kansas, Michigan, North Carolina, Pennsylvania, and Vermont, and the District of Columbia extended the law into an outright ban. The minimum purchase and drinking ages is a state law, and most states still permit "underage" consumption of alcohol in some circumstances. In some states, no restriction on private consumption is made, while in other states, consumption is only allowed in specific locations, in the presence of consenting and supervising family members, as in the states of Colorado, Maryland, Montana, New York, Texas, West Virginia, Washington, Wisconsin, and Wyoming. The act also does not seek to criminalize alcohol consumption during religious occasions (e.g. communion wines, Kiddush).
The act was expressly upheld as constitutional in 1987 by the United States Supreme Court in South Dakota v. Dole.
Contents
1 History
2 Application on college campuses
3 Effects
4 See also
5 References
6 External links
History[edit]
Legislation concerning the legal minimum drinking age in the United States can be traced back to the days of Prohibition. In 1920, the 18th amendment to the U.S. Constitution declared it illegal to manufacture, transport, or sell intoxicating liquors.[5] This was repealed with the passing of the 21st Amendment in 1933, which was followed by the adoption of minimum legal drinking age policies in all states, with most states electing a minimum legal drinking age (MLDA) of 21.[5] Between 1970 and 1975, 29 states lowered the MLDA from 21 to 18, 19, or 20. This was primarily due to the passing of the 26th Amendment, which lowered the required voting age from 21 to 18.[5]
During the 1960s, both Congress and the state legislatures came under increasing pressure to lower the minimum voting age from 21 to 18. This was in large part due to the Vietnam War, in which many young men who were ineligible to vote (or legally drink) were conscripted to fight in the war, thus lacking any means to influence the people sending them off to risk their lives. "Old enough to fight, old enough to vote," was a common slogan used by proponents of lowering the voting age. The slogan traced its roots to World War II, when President Franklin D. Roosevelt lowered the military draft age to 18. With the lowering of the voting age to 18, the minimum legal drinking age (MLDA) was similarly lowered under the notion that by being able to vote (and for males, be subject to being involuntarily drafted into the enlisted ranks of the military), one should also be able to legally consume alcoholic beverages.
However, these changes were soon followed by studies showing an increase in motor vehicle fatalities attributable to the decreased MLDA. In response to these findings, many states raised the minimum legal drinking age to 19 (and sometimes to 20 or 21).[5] In 1984, the National Minimum Legal Drinking Act, written by Senator Frank Lautenberg (D-NJ) and influenced by Mothers Against Drunk Driving (MADD), required all states to enforce a minimum legal drinking age of 21 or else risk losing 10% of all federal highway construction funds.
As the MLDA was still left to the discretion of the state, the act did not violate the 21st amendment which reserved the right to regulate alcohol for all responsibilities not specifically appointed to the federal government to the states.[5] However, as the act controlled the distribution of anywhere from $8 million to $99 million, depending on the size of the state, the act gave a strong incentive for states to change the drinking age to 21.[5] By 1995, all 50 states, two permanently inhabited territories, and D.C. were in compliance, but Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands (and Guam until 2010) remained at 18 despite them losing 10% of federal highway funding.
Professor of law Tim Jost noted that the Roberts Court ruling in NFIB v. Sebelius, though upholding South Dakota v. Dole, had serious implications for future laws that incentivize state action.[6]
The Court expressly distinguished South Dakota v. Dole, the drinking age case, because only a small portion of highway funds were at risk.... There will certainly be future litigation when other federal programs are changed and all of the funding for the existing program is at risk, however.
Constitutional lawyer Adam Winkler disagrees saying[7]
The health care decision on Medicaid is likely to be limited to its facts.... Where a state's budget is truly dependent on federal dollars to survive, then conditional spending offers will be called into question. The health care decision doesn't purport to call into question any previous conditional spending law. And its not likely to have much impact because there's no clear majority opinion establishing new limits.
The Conservative Party of New York opposed the passage of the law in 1984. In 2001, according to the same article, New York State Assembly member Félix Ortiz introduced a bill that would lower the drinking age back to 18. He cited unfairness and difficulty with enforcement as his motivations.[8]
In 1998, the National Youth Rights Association was founded, in part, to seek to lower the drinking age back to 18. In 2004, the president of Vermont's Middlebury College, John McCardell, Jr. wrote in The New York Times that "the 21-year-old drinking age is bad social policy and terrible law" that has made the college drinking problem far worse.[9] Groups that oppose the 21 minimum include Choose Responsibility, the Amethyst Initiative, and Students for Sensible Drug Policy.
Mothers Against Drunk Driving supports the 21 law and has been the main opponent to lowering it back to 18.
A key cluster of philosophical opposition to the minimum lies in the natural human need for education and experience; young adults do not receive the opportunity to educate themselves and drink responsibly before the age of 21. A related line of thought emphasizes the importance of individual rights and freedoms.[5] Another cluster comes from pragmatism, emphasizing the reality that young people are unlikely to stop drinking, and point to statistics on underage drinking as a reason to institute a lower drinking age, which would provide the opportunity to help "young people learn to make healthy and responsible choices".[5] Social environmental theories are also cited; making alcohol a forbidden fruit may encourage more dangerous drinking than would occur if the drinking age were lowered.[10][11] With a lower drinking age, young people would have access to "publicly moderated drinking environments", rather than "model their behavior after the excessive consumption typical of private student parties",[12] though the perception of excessive drinking on college campuses is often overstated.[12]
When brewing magnate Pete Coors raised the drinking age as a campaign issue during the 2004 U.S. Senate race in Colorado, Republican leaders praised his stand on states' rights but distanced themselves from apparent self-interest.[13][14]
Application on college campuses[edit]
College campuses across the nation continue to struggle with issues of underage drinking, despite the nationwide MLDA of 21. The National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism (NIAAA) took special interest in this issue, and compiled a list of recommendations for colleges to implement in order to combat underage drinking on campus. However, few schools have actually implemented these recommendations, and according to a recent study, most of the intervention programs currently in place on college campuses have proven ineffective. Underage drinking is nearly impossible to prevent on college campuses because access to alcoholic beverages is extremely easy.[15]
Though it is not the only factor that contributes to student drinking, liquor's contraband status seems to imbue it with mystique. As a result, use and abuse of liquor is seen as sophisticated and is expected.[16]
Of the colleges surveyed, 98% offered alcohol education programs to their students. Only 50% of surveyed colleges offered intervention programs, 33% coordinated efforts with the surrounding community to monitor illegal alcohol sales, 15% confirmed that surrounding establishments offered responsible beverage service training, and 7% restricted the number of alcohol outlets within the community. Special services for "problem drinkers" were available at 67% of the surveyed schools; 22% of the schools referred problem drinkers to off-campus resources, and 11% offered no intervention program whatsoever. 34% of the surveyed schools were located in communities which actively instituted compliance checks, but 60% of these checks occurred without university involvement. One fifth of surveyed schools were all together unaware of the NIAAA's recommendations.[15]
Many factors may explain colleges' failure to implement the NIAAA's recommendations to control underage drinking on campus: a lack of university funding, a lack of time, a perceived lack of authority or jurisdiction within the community, or even a lack of interest on the part of the university, many universities even see the program as a waste of resources. Whatever the reasons may be, a multitude of options are available should colleges choose to institute programs to decrease instances of underage drinking on campus. These options include, but are not limited to, alcohol education programs, social norms campaigns, substance-free housing, individual interventions, parental notification policies, disciplinary procedures for alcohol-related violations, and amnesty policies to protect the health and safety of students.[15]
Effects[edit]
This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (December 2015)
Several studies, including a 2011 review, were found to disprove the idea that raising the drinking age to 21 actually saved lives in the long run.[17][18][19][20] For example, Miron and Tetelbaum (2009) found that when the federally coerced and non-coerced states were separated out, any lifesaving effect is no longer statistically or practically significant in the coerced states, and even in the voluntary-adopting states the effect does not seem to last beyond the first year or two. They also find that the 21 drinking age appears to have only a minor impact on teen drinking.[21] There is also some evidence that traffic deaths were merely shifted from the 18-20 age group to the 21-24 age group rather than averted.[22][23][20] Additionally, Canada, Australia, the UK, and several other nations saw similar or faster declines in traffic fatalities than the USA did since the early 1980s despite not raising their drinking ages to 21.[24] Thus, the magnitude of any public health and safety benefits of the 21 drinking age, at least relative to a legal drinking age of 18, remains unclear.
See also[edit]
Age of majority
Differences in drinking laws
Legal age
Legal drinking age
U.S. history of alcohol minimum purchase age by state
Youth rights
Smoking age
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "Law signed to lift drinking age". Spokesman-Review. Spokane, Washington. (New York Times). July 18, 1984. p. 1.
Jump up ^ "Reagan signs drinking age into law". Lewiston Morning Tribune. Idaho. Associated Press. July 18, 1984. p. 1A.
Jump up ^ Peters, Gerhard; Woolley, John T. "Ronald Reagan: 'Remarks on Signing a National Minimum Drinking Age Bill,' July 17, 1984". The American Presidency Project. University of California - Santa Barbara.
Jump up ^ Title 23 of the United States Code, Highways. (PDF file, see Section 158)
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h Toomey, Traci L.; Nelson, Toben F.; Lenk, Kathleen M. (2009). "The age-21 minimum legal drinking age: a case study linking past and current debates". Addiction. 104 (12): 1958–965. doi:10.1111/j.1360-0443.2009.02742.x. PMID 19922564.
Jump up ^ http://tpmdc.talkingpointsmemo.com/2012/07/drinking-age-supreme-court-health-care.php
Jump up ^ http://legallyliterate.com/federal-law-21-minimum-drinking-age/
Jump up ^ Lovett, Kenneth. "LET KIDS START DRINKING AT 18: BROOKLYN POL". New York Post, May 1, 2006.
Jump up ^ The New York Times > Opinion > Op-Ed Contributor: What Your College President Didn't Tell You
Jump up ^ Carpenter, Christopher; Dobkin, Carlos (2011). "The Minimum Legal Drinking Age and Public Health". Journal of Economic Perspectives. 25 (2): 133–56. doi:10.1257/jep.25.2.133. PMC 3182479. PMID 21595328.
Jump up ^ Ruth C. Engs Forbidden Fruit. Vermont Quarterly, Winter 1999:25 & 47, 1999. [1]
^ Jump up to: a b Rasul, Jawaid W.; Rommel, Robert G.; Jacquez, Geoffrey M.; Fitzpatrick, Ben G.; Ackleh, Azmy S.; Simonsen, Neal; Scribner, Richard A. (2011). "Heavy Episodic Drinking on College Campuses: Does Changing the Legal Drinking Age Make a Difference?". Journal of Studies on Alcohol and Drugs. 72 (1): 15–23. doi:10.15288/jsad.2011.72.15. PMC 3001676.
Jump up ^ http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2004/jun/24/20040624-121757-9276r/?page=all
Jump up ^ http://www.nbcnews.com/id/6089481/ns/politics-tom_curry/t/pivotal-colo-race-focuses-teen-drinking/
^ Jump up to: a b c Nelson, Toben F.; Toomey, Traci L.; Lenk, Kathleen M.; Erickson, Darin J.; Winters, Ken C. (2010). "Implementation of NIAAA College Drinking Task Force Recommendations: How Are Colleges Doing 6 Years Later?". Alcoholism: Clinical and Experimental Research. 34 (10): 1687–1693. doi:10.1111/j.1530-0277.2010.01268.x.
Jump up ^ Smith, Michael Clay and Margaret D Smith. "Treat Students As Adults: Set The Drinking Age At 18, Not 21." 2009. ebscohost.com. Web. 6 July 2013.
Jump up ^ http://www.shsu.edu/~dpg006/politicaleconomy.pdf EVIDENCE AND EVALUATION: THE NATIONAL MINIMUM DRINKING AGE ACT OF 1984, Darren Grant, Sam Houston State University, 2011
Jump up ^ Males, Mike (2008). "Should California Reconsider Its Legal Drinking Age?" (PDF). Californian Journal of Health Promotion. 6 (2): 1–11.
Jump up ^ Miron, J; Tetelbaum, E (2009). "Does the Minimum Legal Drinking Age Save Lives?". Economic Inquiry. 47: 317–336. doi:10.1111/j.1465-7295.2008.00179.x.
^ Jump up to: a b Asch, Peter; Levy, David (1990). "Young Driver Fatalities: The Roles of Drinking Age and Drinking Experience". Southern Economic Journal. 57 (2): 512–520. doi:10.2307/1060627. JSTOR 1060627.
Jump up ^ Miron, J; Tetelbaum, E (2009). "Does the Minimum Legal Drinking Age Save Lives?". Economic Inquiry. 47: 317–336. doi:10.1111/j.1465-7295.2008.00179.x.
Jump up ^ http://www.youthrights.org/issues/drinking-age/frequently-asked-questions/ Frequently Asked Questions, National Youth Rights Association
Jump up ^ Dee, Thomas; Evans, William (2001). "Behavioral Policies and Teen Traffic Safety" (PDF). American Economic Review. 91 (2): 91–96. doi:10.1257/aer.91.2.91.
Jump up ^ https://one.nhtsa.gov/people/injury/research/FewerYoungDrivers/iv__what_caused.htm#g.%20canadian Determine Why There Are Fewer Young Alcohol-Impaired Drivers, NHTSA, DOT HS 809 348 FINAL REPORT
External links[edit]
Carpenter, Christopher; Dobkin, Carlos (2011). "The Minimum Legal Drinking Age and Public Health". Journal of Economic Perspectives. 25 (2): 133–56. doi:10.1257/jep.25.2.133. PMC 3182479. PMID 21595328.
MLDA-21 - dates enacted by state - U.S. National Highway Traffic Safety Administration
State Profiles of Underage Drinking Laws - National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism Alcohol Policy Information System (APIS)
Stahl, Lesley (February 22, 2009). "Drinking Age Debate". 60 Minutes. CBS News.
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=National_Minimum_Drinking_Age_Act&oldid=854486477"
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Emily Davison
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Emily Davison, c. 1910–1912
Emily Wilding Davison (11 October 1872 – 8 June 1913) was a suffragette who fought for votes for women in the United Kingdom in the early twentieth century. A member of the Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU) and a militant fighter for her cause, she was arrested on nine occasions, went on hunger strike seven times and was force fed on forty nine occasions. She died after being hit by King George V's horse Anmer at the 1913 Epsom Derby after she had walked onto the track during the race.
Davison grew up in a middle class family, and studied at Royal Holloway College, London and St Hugh's College, Oxford before taking jobs as a teacher and governess. She joined the WSPU in November 1906 and became an officer of the organisation and a chief steward during marches. She soon became known in the organisation for her daring militant action; her tactics included breaking windows, throwing stones, setting fire to postboxes and, on three occasions, hiding overnight in the Palace of Westminster—including on the night of the 1911 census. Her funeral on 14 June 1913 was organised by the union. A procession of 5,000 suffragettes and their supporters accompanied her coffin and 50,000 people lined the route through London; her coffin was then taken by train to the family plot in Morpeth, Northumberland.
Not only a staunch feminist and passionate Christian, Davison also considered that socialism was a moral and political force for good. Much of her life has been interpreted through the manner of her death. She gave no prior explanation for what she planned to do at the Derby and the uncertainty of her motives and intentions has affected how she has been judged by history. Several theories have been put forward, including accident, suicide, or an attempt to pin a suffragette banner to the king's horse; none has ever been proved.
Contents
[hide]
1 Biography
1.1 Early life and education
1.2 Activism
1.3 Fatal injury at the Epsom Derby
1.4 Funeral
2 Approach and analysis
3 Legacy
4 See also
5 Notes and references
5.1 Notes
5.2 References
5.3 Sources
6 External links
Biography[edit]
Early life and education[edit]
Davison in 1908
Emily Wilding Davison was born at Roxburgh House, Greenwich in south-east London on 11 October 1872. Her parents were Charles Davison, a retired merchant, and Margaret, née Caisley, both of Morpeth, Northumberland.[1] At the time of his marriage to Margaret in 1868, Charles was 45 and she was 19.[2] Emily was the third of four children born to the couple, although her younger sister died of diphtheria in 1880 at the age of six.[3][4][5] The marriage to Margaret was Charles's second; his first marriage produced nine children before the death of his wife in 1866.[1]
The family moved to Sawbridgeworth, Hertfordshire while Davison was still a baby; until the age of 11 she was educated at home. When her parents moved the family back to London she went to a day school, then spent a year studying in Dunkirk, France.[6] When she was 13 she attended Kensington High School and later won a bursary to Royal Holloway College in 1891 to study literature. Her father died in early 1893 and she was forced to end her studies because her mother could not afford the fees of £20 a term.[7][a]
On leaving Holloway, Davison became a live-in governess, and continued studying in the evenings.[9] She saved enough money to enrol at St Hugh's College, Oxford for one term in order to sit her finals;[b] she achieved first-class honours in English, but could not graduate as degrees from Oxford were closed to women.[11] She worked briefly at a church school in Edgbaston between 1895 and 1896, but found it difficult and moved to Seabury, a private school in Worthing, where she was more settled; she left the town in 1898 and became a private tutor and governess to a family in Northamptonshire.[11][12][13] In 1902 she began reading for a degree at the University of London; she graduated with third-class honours in 1908.[14][c]
Activism[edit]
Davison joined the Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU) in November 1906.[16] Formed in 1903 by Emmeline Pankhurst, the WSPU brought together those who thought that militant, confrontational tactics were needed to achieve their ultimate goal of women's suffrage.[17][d] Davison joined in the WSPU's campaigning activities, and became an officer of the organisation and a chief steward during marches.[19] In 1908 or 1909 she left her job teaching and dedicated herself full time to the union's activities.[1] She began taking increasingly confrontational actions, which prompted Sylvia Pankhurst—the daughter of Emmeline and a full-time member of the WSPU—to describe her as "one of the most daring and reckless of the militants".[20][21] In March 1909 she was arrested for the first time, after she had been part of a deputation of 21 women who marched from Caxton Hall to see the prime minister, H. H. Asquith.[22] The march ended in a fracas with police and she was arrested for "assaulting the police in the execution of their duty"; she was sentenced to a month in prison.[23][24] After her release she wrote to Votes for Women, the WSPU's newspaper, saying that "Through my humble work in this noblest of all causes I have come into a fullness of job and an interest in living which I never before experienced."[25]
A suffragette being force-fed in Holloway prison, c. 1911
In July 1909 Davison was arrested with fellow suffragettes Mary Leigh and Alice Paul after they interrupted a public meeting from which women were barred, held by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, David Lloyd George; she was sentenced to two months for obstruction. She went on hunger strike and was released after five and a half days,[22][26] during which time she lost 21 pounds (9.5 kg); she stated that she "felt very weak" as a result.[27] She was arrested again in September the same year after throwing stones to break windows at a political meeting; the assembly, which was to protest at the 1909 budget, was only open to men. She was sent to Strangeways prison for two months. She again went on hunger strike and was released after two and a half days.[28] She subsequently wrote to The Manchester Guardian to justify her action of throwing stones as one "which was meant as a warning to the general public of the personal risk they run in future if they go to Cabinet Ministers' meetings anywhere". She went on to write that this was justified because of the "unconstitutional action of Cabinet Ministers in addressing 'public meetings' from which a large section of the public is excluded".[29][30]
Davison was arrested again in early October 1909, while preparing to throw a stone at the cabinet minister Sir Walter Runciman; she acted in the mistaken belief the car in which he travelled contained Lloyd George. A suffragette colleague—Constance Lytton—threw hers first, before the police managed to intervene. Davison was charged with attempted assault, but released; Lytton was imprisoned for a month.[31] Davison used her court appearances to give speeches; excerpts and quotes from these were published in the newspapers.[32] Two weeks later she threw stones at Runciman at a political meeting in Radcliffe, Greater Manchester; she was arrested and sentenced to a week's hard labour. She again went on hunger strike, but the government had authorised the use of force-feeding on prisoners.[23][33] The historian Gay Gullickson describes the tactic as "extremely painful, psychologically harrowing, and raised the possibility of dying in jail from medical error or official misjudgment".[27] Davison said that the experience "will haunt me with its horror all my life, and is almost indescribable. ... The torture was barbaric".[34] Following the first episode of forced feeding, and to prevent a repeat of the experience, Davison barricaded herself in her cell using her bed and a stool and refused to allow the prison authorities to enter. They broke one of the window panes to the cell and turned a fire hose on her for 15 minutes, while attempting to force the door open. By the time the door was opened, the cell was six inches deep in water. She was taken to the prison hospital where she was warmed by hot water bottles. She was force-fed shortly afterwards and released after eight days.[35][36] Davison's treatment prompted the Labour Party MP Keir Hardie to ask a question in the House of Commons about the "assault committed on a woman prisoner in Strangeways";[37] Davison sued the prison authorities for the use of the hose and, in January 1910, she was awarded 40 shillings in damages.[38]
In April 1910 Davison decided to gain entry to the floor of the House of Commons to ask Asquith about the vote for women. She entered the Palace of Westminster with other members of the public and made her way into the heating system, where she hid overnight. On a trip from her hiding place to find water, she was arrested by a policeman, but not prosecuted.[39][40] The same month she became an employee of the WSPU and began to write for Votes for Women.[41][42][e]
A bipartisan group of MPs formed a Conciliation Committee in early 1910 and proposed a Conciliation Bill that would have brought the vote to a million women, as long as they owned property. While the bill was being discussed, the WSPU put in a temporary truce on activity. The bill failed that November after Asquith's Liberal government reneged on a promise to allow parliamentary time to debate the bill.[44] A WSPU delegation of around 300 women tried to present him with a petition, but were prevented from doing so by an aggressive police response; the suffragettes, who called the day Black Friday, complained of assault, much of which was sexual in nature.[45][46] Davison was not one of the 122 people arrested, but was incensed by the treatment of the delegation; the following day she broke several windows in the Crown Office in parliament. She was arrested and sentenced to a month in prison. She went on hunger strike again and was force-fed for eight days before being released.[47][f]
On the night of the 1911 census, 2 April, Davison hid in a cupboard in St Mary Undercroft, the chapel of the Palace of Westminster. She remained hidden overnight to avoid being entered onto the census; the attempt was part of a wider suffragette action to avoid being listed by the state. She was found by a cleaner, who reported her presence; Davison was arrested but not charged. The Clerk of Works at the House of Commons completed a census form to include Davison in the returns. She was included in the census twice, as her landlady also included her as being present at her lodgings.[49][50][g] Davison had continually written letters to the press to put forward the WSPU position in a non-violent manner—she had 12 published in The Manchester Guardian between 1909 and 1911—and she undertook a campaign between 1911 and 1913 during which she wrote nearly 200 letters to over 50 newspapers.[51][52] Several of her letters were published, including about 26 in The Sunday Times between September 1910 and 1912.[53]
Davison in 1912 or 1913
Davison developed the new tactic of setting fire to postboxes in December 1911. She was arrested for the arson on the postbox outside parliament, and admitted to setting fire to two others. She was sentenced to six months in Holloway Prison. She did not go on hunger strike, but the authorities required that she be force-fed between 29 February and 7 March as they considered her health and appetite to be in decline. In June she and other suffragette inmates barricaded themselves in their cells and went on hunger strike; the authorities broke down the cell doors and force-fed the strikers.[54] Following the force-feeding, she decided on what she described as a "desperate protest ... made to put a stop to the hideous torture, which was now our lot" and jumped from one of the interior balconies of the prison.[55] She later wrote:
... as soon as I got out I climbed on to the railing and threw myself out to the wire-netting, a distance of between 20 and 30 feet. The idea in my mind was "one big tragedy may save many others". I realised that my best means of carrying out my purpose was the iron staircase. When a good moment came, quite deliberately I walked upstairs and threw myself from the top, as I meant, on to the iron staircase. If I had been successful I should undoubtedly have been killed, as it was a clear drop of 30 to 40 feet. But I caught on the edge of the netting. I then threw myself forward on my head with all my might.[55]
She cracked two vertebrae and badly injured her head. Shortly afterwards, and despite her injuries, she was again force-fed before being released ten days early.[23][56] She wrote to The Pall Mall Gazette to explain why she "attempted commit suicide":
I did it deliberately and with all my power, because I felt that by nothing but the sacrifice of human life would the nation be brought to realise the horrible torture our women face! If I had succeeded I am sure that forcible feeding could not in all conscience have been resorted to again.[57]
As a result of her action Davison suffered discomfort for the rest of her life.[21] Her arson of postboxes was not authorised by the WSPU leadership and this, with her other actions, led to her falling out of favour with the organisation; Sylvia Pankhurst later wrote that the WSPU leadership wanted "to discourage ... [Davison] in such tendencies ... She was condemned and ostracized as a self-willed person who persisted in acting upon her own initiative without waiting for official instructions."[58] A statement Davison wrote on her release from prison for The Suffragette—the second official newspaper of the WSPU—was not published by the union until after her death.[1][59]
In November 1912 Davison was arrested for a final time, after she attacked a Baptist minister with a horsewhip; she had mistaken the man for Lloyd George. She was sentenced to ten days' imprisonment and released early after a four-day hunger strike.[23][60] It was the seventh time she had been on hunger strike, and the forty-ninth time she had been force-fed.[61]
Fatal injury at the Epsom Derby[edit]
Play media
Newsreel footage from Pathé News. The events involving Davison occur between 5:51 and 6:15.
On 4 June 1913 Davison obtained two flags bearing the suffragette colours of violet, white and green from the WSPU offices; she then travelled by train to Epsom, Surrey, to attend the Derby.[62] She positioned herself at Tattenham Corner, the final bend before the home straight. At this point in the race, with some of the horses having passed her, she ducked under the guard rail and ran onto the course; she may have held in her hands one of the suffragette flags. She reached up to the reins of Anmer—King George V's horse, ridden by Herbert Jones—and was hit by the animal, which would have been travelling at around 35 miles (56 km) per hour.[63][64] It took four seconds from the moment she stepped onto the course until the horse hit her.[65] Anmer fell in the collision and partly rolled over his jockey, who had his foot momentarily caught in the stirrup.[63][64] Davison was knocked to the ground; some reports say she was kicked in the head by Anmer, but the surgeon who operated on Davison stated that "I could find no trace of her having been kicked by a horse".[66] The event was captured on three news cameras.[67][h]
The return stub of the ticket Davison used on her journey to Epsom
Bystanders rushed onto the track and attempted to aid Davison and Jones until both were taken to the nearby Epsom Cottage Hospital. She was operated on two days later, but she never regained consciousness; while in hospital she received hate mail.[69][70][i] She died on 8 June, from a fracture at the base of her skull.[73] Found in Davison's effects were the two suffragette flags, the return stub of her railway ticket to London, her race card, a ticket to a suffragette dance later that day and a diary with appointments for the following week.[74][75][j] The king and Queen Mary were present at the race and made enquiries on the health of both Jones and Davison. The king later recorded in his diary that it was "a most regrettable and scandalous proceeding"; in her journal the queen described Davison as a "horrid woman".[77] Jones suffered a concussion and other injuries; he spent the evening of the fourth in London, before returning home the following day.[78] He could recall little of the event and stated that "She seemed to clutch at my horse, and I felt it strike her".[79] He recovered sufficiently to race Anmer at Ascot Racecourse two weeks later.[75]
The inquest into Davison's death took place at Epsom on 10 June; Jones was not among the witnesses as he was not well enough.[80] Davison's half-brother, Captain Henry Davison, gave evidence about his sister, saying that she was "a woman of very strong reasoning faculties, and passionately devoted to the women's movement".[81] The coroner decided that, in the absence of any evidence to the contrary, Davison had not committed suicide.[82] The coroner also decided that although she had waited until she could see the horses, "from the evidence it was clear that the woman did not make for His Majesty's horse in particular".[82] The verdict of the court was:
that Miss Emily Wilding Davison died of fracture of the base of the skull, caused by being accidentally knocked down by a horse through wilfully rushing on to the racecourse on Epsom Downs during the progress of the race for the Derby; death was due to misadventure.[81]
Front pages from publications sympathetic to the suffragette cause
The Daily Sketch, 9 June 1913
The Suffragette, 13 June 1913
Davison's purpose in attending the Derby and walking onto the course is unclear. She did not discuss her plans with anyone or leave a note prior to her actions.[83][84] Several theories have been put forward to explain her motives, including that she intended to cross the track, believing that all horses had passed; that she wanted to pull down the King's horse; that she was trying to attach one of the WSPU flags to a horse; or that she intended to throw herself in front of one of the horses.[85] The historian Elizabeth Crawford considers that "subsequent explanations of ... [Davison's] action have created a tangle of fictions, false deductions, hearsay, conjecture, misrepresentation and theory".[86]
In 2013 a Channel 4 documentary used forensic examiners who digitised the original nitrate film from the three cameras present. The film was digitally cleaned and examined. Their examination suggests that Davison intended to throw a suffragette flag around the neck of a horse or attach it to the horse's bridle.[k] A flag was gathered from the course; this was put up for auction and, as at 2017, it hangs in the Houses of Parliament.[85] Michael Tanner, the horse-racing historian and author of a history of the 1913 Derby, doubts the authenticity of the item. Sotheby's, the auction house who sold it, describe it as a sash that was "reputed" to have been worn by Davison. The seller stated that her father, Richard Pittway Burton, was the Clerk of the Course at Epsom; Tanner's search of records shows Burton was listed as a dock labourer two weeks prior to the Derby. The official Clerk of the Course on the day of the Derby was Henry Dorling.[88] When the police listed Davison's possessions, they itemised the two flags provided by the WSPU, both folded up and pinned to the inside of her jacket. They measured 44.5 by 27 inches (113 x 69 cm); the sash displayed at the Houses of Parliament measures 82 by 12 inches (210 x 30 cm).[89]
Tanner considers that Davison's choice of the king's horse was "pure happenstance", as her position on the corner would have left her with a limited view.[90] Examination of the newsreels by the forensic team employed by the Channel 4 documentary determined that Davison was closer to the start of the bend than had been previously assumed, and would have had a better view of the oncoming horses.[65][85]
The contemporary news media were largely unsympathetic to Davison,[91] and many publications "questioned her sanity and characterised her actions as suicidal".[92] The Pall Mall Gazette said it had "pity for the dementia which led an unfortunate woman to seek a grotesque and meaningless kind of 'martyrdom' ",[93] while The Daily Express described Davison as "A well-known malignant suffragette, ... [who] has a long record of convictions for complicity in suffragette outrages."[94] The journalist for The Daily Telegraph observed that "Deep in the hearts of every onlooker was a feeling of fierce resentment with the miserable woman";[91] the unnamed writer in The Daily Mirror opined that "It was quite evident that her condition was serious; otherwise many of the crowd would have fulfilled their evident desire to lynch her."[95]
The WSPU were quick to describe her as a martyr, part of a campaign to identify her as such.[96][97] The Suffragette newspaper marked Davison's death by issuing a copy showing a female angel with raised arms standing in front of the guard rail of a racecourse.[98] The paper's editorial stated that "Davison has proved that there are in the twentieth century people who are willing to lay down their lives for an ideal".[99] Religious phraseology was used in the issue to describe her act, including "Greater love hath no man than this, that he lay down his life for his friends", which Gullickson reports as being repeated several times in subsequent discussions of the events.[100] A year after the Derby, The Suffragette included "The Price of Liberty", an essay by Davison. In it, she had written "To lay down life for friends, that is glorious, selfless, inspiring! But to re-enact the tragedy of Calvary for generations yet unborn, that is the last consummate sacrifice of the Militant".[101]
Funeral[edit]
Part of Davison's funeral procession in Morpeth, Northumberland
On 14 June 1913 Davison's body was brought up from Epsom to London; her coffin was inscribed "Fight on. God will give the victory."[102] Five thousand women formed a procession, followed by hundreds of male supporters, that took the body between Victoria and Kings Cross stations; the procession stopped at St George's, Bloomsbury for a brief service.[103] The women marched in ranks wearing the suffragette colours of white and purple, which The Manchester Guardian described as having "something of the deliberate brilliance of a military funeral";[103] 50,000 people lined the route, and Purvis describes the event as "the last of the great suffragette spectacles".[96][104] Emmeline Pankhurst planned to be part of the procession, but she was arrested on the morning, ostensibly to be returned to prison under the "Cat and Mouse" Act (1913).[81][103][l]
The coffin was taken by train to Newcastle upon Tyne with a suffragette guard of honour for the journey; crowds met the train at its scheduled stops. The coffin remained overnight at the city's central station before being taken to Morpeth. A procession of about a hundred suffragettes accompanied the coffin from the station to the St. Mary the Virgin church; it was watched by thousands. Only a small number of the suffragettes entered the churchyard, as the service and internment were private.[103][106] Her gravestone bears the WSPU slogan "Deeds not words".[107]
Approach and analysis[edit]
Davison towards the end of her life, showing the effects of hunger strikes and force feeding[108]
Davison's death marked a culmination and a turning point of the militant suffragette campaign. The First World War broke out the following year and, on 10 August, the government released all women hunger strikers and declared an amnesty. Emmeline Pankhurst suspended WSPU operations on 13 August.[109][110] Pankhurst subsequently assisted the government in the recruitment of women for war work.[111][112] At the end of the war Parliament passed the Representation of the People Act 1918. Among the changes was the granting of the vote to women over the age of 30 who could pass property qualifications.[m] The legislation added 8.5 million women to the electoral roll; they constituted 43% of the electorate.[113][114] In 1928 the Representation of the People (Equal Franchise) Act lowered the voting age for women to 21 to put them on equal terms with male voters.[115][116]
Crawford sees the events at the 1913 Derby as being ones "through which ... [Davison's] whole life has been interpreted",[11] and the uncertainty of her motives and intentions that day has affected how she has been judged by history.[97][117] Carolyn Collette, a literary critic who has studied Davison's writing, identifies different motives being ascribed to Davison, including "uncontrolled impulses" or a search for martyrdom for women's suffrage. Collette also sees a more current trend in historians "to accept what some of her close contemporaries believed: that Davison's actions that day were deliberate" and that she attempted to attach the suffragette colours to the king's horse.[117] Because Davison's motives are unknown, the question of whether she meant to kill herself is also open to conjecture. Cicely Hale, a suffragette who worked at the WSPU and who knew Davison, described her as "a fanatic" who was prepared to die, but did not mean to;[118] other observers such as Purvis, and Ann Morley and Liz Stanley—Davison's biographers—think Davison did not mean to die.[119][120]
Davison was not only a staunch feminist but a passionate Christian,[121][122] whose outlook "invoked both medieval history and faith in God as part of the armor of her militancy".[123] Her love of English literature, which she had studied at Oxford, was shown in her identification with Geoffrey Chaucer's The Knight's Tale, including being nicknamed "Faire Emelye".[124][125] Much of Davison's writing reflected the doctrine of the Christian faith and referred to martyrs, martyrdom and triumphant suffering; according to Collette, the use of Christian and medieval language and imagery "directly reflects the politics and rhetoric of the militant suffrage movement". Purvis writes that Davison's committed Anglicanism would have stopped her from committing suicide as it would have meant that she could not be buried in consecrated ground.[123][126] Davison wrote in "The Price of Liberty" about the high cost of devotion to the cause:
In the New Testament, the Master reminded His followers that when the merchant had found the Pearl of Great Price, he sold all that he had in order to buy it. That is the parable of Militancy! It is that which the women warriors are doing to-day.
Some are truer warriors than others, but the perfect Amazon is she who will sacrifice all even unto the last, to win the Pearl of Freedom for her sex.[101][127]
Davison held a firm moral conviction that socialism was a moral and political force for good.[128] She attended the annual May Day rallies in Hyde Park and, according to the historian Krista Cowman, "directly linked her militant suffrage activities with socialism".[129] Her London and Morpeth funeral processions contained a heavy socialist presence in appreciation of her support for the cause.[129]
Legacy[edit]
Plaque to Davison at Epsom Downs Racecourse
In 1968 a one-act play witten by Joice Worters, Emily, was staged in Northumberland, focusing on the use of violence against the women's campaign.[130] Davison is the subject of an opera, Emily (2013), by the British composer Tim Benjamin, and of "Emily Davison", a song by the American rock singer Greg Kihn.[131] Davison also appears as a supporting character in the 2015 film Suffragette, in which she is portrayed by Natalie Press. Her death and funeral form the climax of the film.[132]
In 1991 the Labour MP Tony Benn placed a commemorative plaque inside the cupboard in which Davison had hidden eighty years earlier.[133] In April 2013 a plaque was unveiled at Epsom racecourse to mark the centenary of her death.[134] In January 2017 Royal Holloway announced that its new library would be named after her.[135] The Women's Library, at the London School of Economics, holds a number of collections related to Davison. They include her personal papers and objects connected to her death.[74]
See also[edit]
List of suffragists and suffragettes
Timeline of women's suffrage
Women's suffrage organisations'
Notes and references[edit]
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ £20 in 1892 equates to approximately £2,000 in 2017 pounds, according to calculations based on Consumer Price Index measure of inflation.[8]
Jump up ^ At the time of Davison's studies, Holloway was not a constituent school of the University of London and could not award degrees, so her studies were for the qualification of the Oxford Honour School.[10]
Jump up ^ Sources differ over the subject of her degree. Some state that she studied modern languages,[1][14] others that she graduated in classics and mathematics.[15][16]
Jump up ^ Such tactics included vandalism, arson and planting bombs.[18]
Jump up ^ Although some sources, including Colmore and Purvis, state that Davison was employed in the Information Department of the union, the journalist Fran Abrams writes that Davison was never a salaried member of WSPU staff, but she was paid for the articles she provided for Votes for Women.[43]
Jump up ^ Despite the loss of the Conciliation Bill, the WPSU maintained the truce until May 1911 when a second Conciliation Bill, having passed its Second Reading, was dropped by the government for internal political reasons. The WPSU saw this as a betrayal and resumed their militant activities.[48]
Jump up ^ Davison also spent a night in the Palace of Westminster in June 1911.[23]
Jump up ^ Craganour, the bookmakers' favourite, crossed the finishing line first, but a stewards' enquiry led to the horse being placed last and the race being awarded to Aboyeur, a 100/1 outsider.[68]
Jump up ^ One letter, signed "An Englishman", read "I am glad that you are in hospital. I hope you suffer torture until you die, you idiot. ... I should like the opportunity of starving and beating you to a pulp."[71][72]
Jump up ^ The presence of a return ticket was seen as evidence that Davison did not mean to commit suicide; research by Crawford showed that on Derby day, only return tickets were available.[76]
Jump up ^ Carolyn Collette, a literary critic who has studied Davison's writing, observes that there have long been stories of Davison practising at grabbing bridles of horses, but these are all unconfirmed.[87]
Jump up ^ The Cat and Mouse Act—officially the Prisoners (Temporary Discharge for Ill Health) Act 1913—was introduced by the Liberal government to counter the suffragette tactic of hunger strikes. The act allowed the prisoners to be released on licence as soon as the hunger strike affected their health, then re-arresting them after their recovery to finish their prison sentences.[105]
Jump up ^ To be able to vote women had to be householders or the wives of householders, or pay more than £5 a year in rent, or be a graduate of a British university. Practically all the property qualifications for men were abolished by the act.[109]
References[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b c d e San Vito 2008.
Jump up ^ Sleight 1988, pp. 22–23.
Jump up ^ Howes 2013, 410–422.
Jump up ^ Sleight 1988, pp. 22–24.
Jump up ^ Tanner 2013, p. 156.
Jump up ^ Colmore 1988, pp. 5, 9.
Jump up ^ Sleight 1988, pp. 26–27.
Jump up ^ UK Consumer Price Index inflation figures are based on data from Gregory Clark (2016), "The Annual RPI and Average Earnings for Britain, 1209 to Present (New Series)", MeasuringWorth.com.
Jump up ^ Colmore 1988, p. 15.
Jump up ^ Abrams 2003, p. 161.
^ Jump up to: a b c Crawford 2003, p. 159.
Jump up ^ Tanner 2013, p. 160.
Jump up ^ Sleight 1988, pp. 28–30.
^ Jump up to: a b Tanner 2013, p. 161.
Jump up ^ Gullickson 2008, p. 464.
^ Jump up to: a b Purvis 2013a, p. 354.
Jump up ^ Naylor 2011, p. 18.
Jump up ^ Webb 2014, pp. xiii–xiv, 60.
Jump up ^ Sleight 1988, p. 32.
Jump up ^ Pankhurst 2013, Kindle location 6363.
^ Jump up to: a b Naylor 2011, p. 19.
^ Jump up to: a b Crawford 2003, p. 160.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e A. J. R. 1913, p. 221.
Jump up ^ Tanner 2013, p. 167.
Jump up ^ Davison, Votes for Women, 1909.
Jump up ^ Colmore 1988, pp. 21–22.
^ Jump up to: a b Gullickson 2008, p. 465.
Jump up ^ Colmore 1988, p. 24.
Jump up ^ Davison, The Manchester Guardian, 1909.
Jump up ^ Bearman 2007, p. 878.
Jump up ^ Colmore 1988, pp. 24–25.
Jump up ^ Stanley 1995, p. 236.
Jump up ^ Purvis 2013a, p. 355.
Jump up ^ Collette 2013, p. 133.
Jump up ^ Gullickson 2008, pp. 468–469.
Jump up ^ Collette 2013, pp. 133–135.
Jump up ^ Hardie, 1909.
Jump up ^ Colmore 1988, pp. 32–33.
Jump up ^ Sleight 1988, pp. 42–43.
Jump up ^ "Emily Wilding Davison found hiding in a ventilation shaft".
Jump up ^ Colmore 1988, pp. 36–37.
Jump up ^ Purvis 2013a, p. 356.
Jump up ^ Abrams 2003, p. 167.
Jump up ^ Foot 2005, pp. 210–211.
Jump up ^ Gullickson 2008, p. 470.
Jump up ^ Purvis 2002, p. 150.
Jump up ^ Crawford 2003, p. 161.
Jump up ^ Foot 2005, pp. 211–212.
Jump up ^ Liddington, Crawford & Maund 2011, pp. 108, 124.
Jump up ^ "A Night in Guy Fawkes Cupboard", Votes For Women, 1911.
Jump up ^ Collette 2013, p. 173.
Jump up ^ Tanner 2013, p. 183.
Jump up ^ Crawford 2014, pp. 1006–1007.
Jump up ^ Colmore 1988, pp. 43–44.
^ Jump up to: a b Davison 1913, p. 577.
Jump up ^ Cawthorne 2017.
Jump up ^ Davison 1912, p. 4.
Jump up ^ Pankhurst 2013, 9029.
Jump up ^ Morley & Stanley 1988, p. 74.
Jump up ^ Purvis 2013a, p. 357.
Jump up ^ West 1982, p. 179.
Jump up ^ Colmore 1988, pp. 56–57.
^ Jump up to: a b Purvis 2013b.
^ Jump up to: a b Tanner 2013, pp. 214–215.
^ Jump up to: a b Secrets of a Suffragette, 26 May 2013, Event occurs at 35:10–36:06.
Jump up ^ Tanner 2013, p. 278.
Jump up ^ Secrets of a Suffragette, 26 May 2013, Event occurs at 2:10–2:15.
Jump up ^ Tanner 2013, pp. 224, 243–244.
Jump up ^ Morley & Stanley 1988, p. 103.
Jump up ^ Tanner 2013, pp. 284–285.
Jump up ^ Tanner 2013, p. 285.
Jump up ^ Secrets of a Suffragette, 26 May 2013, Event occurs at 42:10–42:40.
Jump up ^ Morley & Stanley 1988, pp. 103–104.
^ Jump up to: a b "Exhibitions: Emily Wilding Davison Centenary".
^ Jump up to: a b Greer 2013.
Jump up ^ Crawford 2014, pp. 1001–1002.
Jump up ^ Tanner 2013, pp. 281–282.
Jump up ^ Tanner 2013, pp. 276–277.
Jump up ^ "Suffragette and the King's Horse", The Manchester Guardian.
Jump up ^ Tanner 2013, p. 287.
^ Jump up to: a b c "The Suffragist Outrage at the Derby", The Times.
^ Jump up to: a b "Miss Davison's Death", The Manchester Guardian.
Jump up ^ Gullickson 2008, p. 473.
Jump up ^ Brown 2013.
^ Jump up to: a b c Thorpe 2013.
Jump up ^ Crawford 2014, p. 1000.
Jump up ^ Collette 2013, p. 21.
Jump up ^ Tanner 2013, pp. 344–345.
Jump up ^ Tanner 2013, pp. 278–279.
Jump up ^ Tanner 2013, pp. 289–290.
^ Jump up to: a b Tanner 2013, p. 282.
Jump up ^ Gullickson 2016, p. 10.
Jump up ^ "The Distracting Derby", The Pall Mall Gazette.
Jump up ^ "The Derby of Disasters", Daily Express.
Jump up ^ "Woman's Mad Attack on the King's Derby Horse", The Daily Mirror.
^ Jump up to: a b Purvis 2013a, p. 358.
^ Jump up to: a b Gullickson 2008, p. 462.
Jump up ^ "In Honour and Loving Memory of Emily Wilding Davison", The Suffragette.
Jump up ^ "The Supreme Sacrifice", The Suffragette.
Jump up ^ Gullickson 2008, p. 474.
^ Jump up to: a b Davison 1914, p. 129.
Jump up ^ "The Funeral of Miss Davison", The Times.
^ Jump up to: a b c d "Miss Davison's Funeral", The Manchester Guardian.
Jump up ^ Sleight 1988, p. 84.
Jump up ^ "1913 Cat and Mouse Act".
Jump up ^ "Miss Davison's Funeral", Votes for Women.
Jump up ^ Sleight 1988, p. 100.
Jump up ^ Tanner 2013, facing p. 172.
^ Jump up to: a b Purvis 1995, p. 98.
Jump up ^ Collette 2013, p. 31.
Jump up ^ Pugh 1974, p. 360.
Jump up ^ "Archives – The Suffragettes".
Jump up ^ Purvis 1995, pp. 98–99.
Jump up ^ "Representation of the People Act 1918".
Jump up ^ "Equal Franchise Act 1928".
Jump up ^ Purvis 1995, p. 99.
^ Jump up to: a b Collette 2008, pp. 223–224.
Jump up ^ Crawford 2003, p. 163.
Jump up ^ Purvis 2013a, p. 359.
Jump up ^ Morley & Stanley 1988, p. 65.
Jump up ^ Gullickson 2016, p. 15.
Jump up ^ Purvis 2013a, p. 360.
^ Jump up to: a b Collette 2012, p. 170.
Jump up ^ Colmore 1988, p. 11.
Jump up ^ Collette 2008, p. 226.
Jump up ^ Purvis 2013c, p. 49.
Jump up ^ Collette 2012, p. 172.
Jump up ^ Morley & Stanley 1988, pp. 169–170.
^ Jump up to: a b Cowman 2002, p. 142.
Jump up ^ Sleight 1988, p. 102.
Jump up ^ Hall 2015, p. 4.
Jump up ^ Blair 2016.
Jump up ^ "Benn's Secret Tribute to Suffragette Martyr", BBC.
Jump up ^ Barnett 2013.
Jump up ^ "Emblem of women's emancipation", Royal Holloway, University of London.
Sources[edit]
"1913 Cat and Mouse Act". UK Parliament. Retrieved 12 July 2017.
Abrams, Fran (2003). Freedom's Cause. London: Profile Books. ISBN 978-1-8619-7425-9.
A. J. R., ed. (1913). The Suffrage Annual and Women's Who's Who. London: S. Paul & Company. OCLC 7550282.
"Archives – The Suffragettes". UK Parliament. Retrieved 16 July 2017.
Balding, Clare (26 May 2013). Secrets of a Suffragette (Television production). Channel 4.
Barnett, Emma (18 April 2013). "Centenary of Emily Wilding Davison's Death Marked with Plaque at Epsom". The Daily Telegraph.
Bearman, C. J. (December 2007). "An Army without Discipline? Suffragette Militancy and the Budget Crisis of 1909". The Historical Journal. 50 (4): 861–889. JSTOR 20175131.
"Benn's Secret Tribute to Suffragette Martyr". BBC News. 17 March 1999. Retrieved 3 July 2017.
Blair, Olivia (1 March 2016). "International Women's Day 2016: Who was Emily Davison, the suffragette who ran in front of the King’s Horse?". The Independent.
Brown, Jonathan (24 May 2013). "Suffragette Emily Davison: The woman who would not be silenced". The Independent.
Cawthorne, Ellie (17 April 2017). "Emily Davison: the Suffragette Martyr". BBC History. Retrieved 5 July 2017.
Collette, Carolyn (2008). ""Faire Emelye": Medievalism and the Moral Courage of Emily Wilding Davison". The Chaucer Review. 42 (3): 223–243. JSTOR 25094399.
Collette, Carolyn (September 2012). "Hidden in Plain Sight: Religion and Medievalism in the British Women's Suffrage Movement". Religion & Literature. 44 (3): 169–175. JSTOR 24397755.
Collette, Carolyn (2013). In the Thick of the Fight: The Writing of Emily Wilding Davison, Militant Suffragette. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press. ISBN 978-0-472-11903-5.
Colmore, Gertrude (1988) [1913]. "The Life of Emily Davison". In Morley, Ann; Stanley, Liz. The Life and Death of Emily Wilding Davison. London: The Women's Press. ISBN 978-0-7043-4133-3.
Cowman, Krista (2002). "'Incipient Toryism'? The Women's Social and Political Union and the Independent Labour Party, 1903–14". History Workshop Journal. 53: 128–148. JSTOR 4289777.
Crawford, Elizabeth (2003). The Women's Suffrage Movement: A Reference Guide 1866–1928. London: UCL Press. ISBN 978-1-135-43402-1.
Crawford, Elizabeth (2014). "Emily Wilding Davison: centennial celebrations". Women's History Review. 23 (6). doi:10.1080/09612025.2014.906961.
Davison, Emily (11 June 1909). "Letters". Votes for Women. p. 781.
Davison, Emily (11 September 1909). "The 'Real Meaning' of the White City Disturbances". The Manchester Guardian. p. 5.
Davison, Emily (19 September 1912). "'G.B.S.' and the Suffragettes". The Pall Mall Gazette. p. 4.
Davison, Emily (13 June 1913). "A Year Ago. A Statement by Miss Emily Wilding Davison on her Release From Holloway, June 1912". The Suffragette: 577.
Davison, Emily (5 June 1914). "The Price of Liberty". The Suffragette. p. 129.
"The Derby of Disasters". Daily Express. 5 June 1913. p. 1.
"The Distracting Derby". The Pall Mall Gazette. 5 June 1913. p. 8.
"Emblem of women's emancipation, Emily Wilding Davison celebrated by landmark new Library and Student Services Centre". Royal Holloway, University of London. 11 January 2017. Retrieved 15 June 2017.
"Emily Wilding Davison Found Hiding in a Ventilation Shaft". UK Parliament. Retrieved 2 July 2017.
"Equal Franchise Act 1928". UK Parliament. Retrieved 16 July 2017.
"Exhibitions: Emily Wilding Davison Centenary". London School of Economics. Retrieved 8 July 2017.
Foot, Paul (2005). The Vote: How it Was Won, and How it Was Undermined. London: Viking. ISBN 978-0-6709-1536-1.
"The Funeral of Miss Davison". The Times. 13 June 1913. p. 3.
Greer, Germaine (1 June 2013). "Emily Davison: was she really a suffragette martyr?". The Daily Telegraph.
Gullickson, Gay L. (2008). "Emily Wilding Davison: Secular Martyr?". Social Research. 75 (2): 461–484. JSTOR 40972072.
Gullickson, Gay L. (October 2016). "When Death Became Thinkable: Self-Sacrifice in the Women’s Social and Political Union". Journal of Social History: 1–23. doi:10.1093/jsh/shw102. Cited page numbers from the pdf version
Hardie, Keir (1 November 1909). "Use of Water Hose". Parliamentary Debates (Hansard). House of Commons. col. 1432–1434.
Hall, Janet (23 October 2015). "Ten things to learn about Morpeth Suffragette Emily Davison". Northumberland Gazette. p. 4.
"In Honour and Loving Memory of Emily Wilding Davison". The Suffragette. 13 June 1913. p. 1.
Howes, Maureen (2013). Emily Wilding Davison: A Suffragette's Family Album (Kindle ed.). Stroud, Glos: The History Press. ISBN 978-0-7524-9802-7.
Liddington, Jill; Crawford, Elizabeth; Maund, E. A. (Spring 2011). "'Women Do Not Count, Neither Shall They Be Counted': Suffrage, Citizenship and the Battle for the 1911 Census". History Workshop Journal (17): 98–127. ISSN 4130-6813.
"Miss Davison's Death: Inquest and Verdict". The Manchester Guardian. 11 June 1913. p. 9.
"Miss Davison's Funeral: Impressive London Procession". The Manchester Guardian. 16 June 1913. p. 9.
"Miss Davison's Funeral". Votes for Women. 20 June 1913. p. 553.
Morley, Ann; Stanley, Liz (1988). The Life and Death of Emily Wilding Davison. London: The Women's Press. ISBN 978-0-7043-4133-3.
Naylor, Fay (2011). "Emily Wilding Davison: Martyr or Firebrand?" (PDF). Higher Magazine. Royal Holloway, University of London. Retrieved 27 June 2017.
"A Night in Guy Fawkes Cupboard". Votes For Women. 7 April 1911. p. 441.
Pankhurst, Sylvia (2013) [1931]. The Suffragette Movement: An Intimate Account of Persons and Ideals (Kindle ed.). Philadelphia, PA: Wharton Press. ISBN 978-1-4465-1043-8.
Pugh, Martin D. (1974). "Politicians and the Woman's Vote 1914–1918". History. 59 (197): 358–374.
Purvis, June (March 1995). ""Deeds, Not Words": The Daily Lives of Militant Suffragettes in Edwardian Britain". Women's Studies International Forum,. 18 (2): 91–101. doi:10.1016/0277-5395(94)00064-6.
Purvis, June (2002). Emmeline Pankhurst: A Biography. London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-23978-3.
Purvis, June (2013a). "Remembering Emily Wilding Davison (1872–1913)". Women's History Review. 22 (3): 353–362. doi:10.1080/09612025.2013.781405.
Purvis, June (2013b). "The 1913 Death of Emily Wilding Davison was a Key Moment in the Ongoing Struggle for Gender Equality in the UK". Democratic Audit. Retrieved 6 July 2017.
Purvis, June (June 2013c). "The Suffragette Martyr". History. 14 (6): 46–49.
"Representation of the People Act 1918". UK Parliament. Retrieved 16 July 2017.
San Vito, Vera Di Campli (2008). "Davison, Emily Wilding (1872–1913)". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/37346. Retrieved 15 June 2017. (subscription or UK public library membership required)
Sleight, John (1988). One-way Ticket to Epsom: Journalist's Enquiry into the Heroic Story of Emily Wilding Davison. Morpeth, Northumberland: Bridge Studios. ISBN 978-0-9512-6302-0.
Stanley, Liz (1995). The Auto/biographical I: The Theory and Practice of Feminist Auto/biography. Manchester: Manchester University Press. ISBN 978-0-7190-4649-0.
"Suffragette and the King's Horse: Interview with the Jockey". The Manchester Guardian. 6 June 1913. p. 9.
"The Suffragist Outrage at the Derby". The Times. 11 June 1913. p. 15.
"The Supreme Sacrifice". The Suffragette. 13 June 1913. pp. 578–579.
Tanner, Michael (2013). The Suffragette Derby. London: The Robson Press. ISBN 978-1-8495-4518-1.
Thorpe, Vanessa (26 May 2013). "Truth Behind the Death of Suffragette Emily Davison is Finally Revealed". The Observer.
Webb, Simon (2014). The Suffragette Bombers: Britain's Forgotten Terrorists. Barnsley, S Yorks: Pen and Sword. ISBN 978-1-78340-064-5.
West, Rebecca (1982). The Young Rebecca: Writings of Rebecca West, 1911–17. New York: Viking Press. ISBN 978-0-670-79458-4.
"Woman's Mad Attack on the King's Derby Horse". The Daily Mirror. 5 June 1913. p. 4.
External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Emily Davison.
An exhibit on Emily Davison, London School of Economics.
The original Pathé footage of Emily Davison running out of the crowds at the Derby
"Emily Wilding Davison". Find a Grave. 11 April 2005. Retrieved 18 August 2011.
BBC profile
Archives of Emily Davison at the Women's Library at the Library of the London School of Economics
Authority control
WorldCat Identities
VIAF: 67267004
LCCN: nr88009435
GND: 119036916
IATH: w6n87ncx
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Emily_Davison&oldid=798707857"
Categories:
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values: Plaque dedicated to Davison. In addition to her name and dates, the text reads "It was from this place, on the 4th June 1913, that suffragette Emily Wilding Davison sustained injuries that resulted in her death at Epsom Cpttage Hospital. Her lifelong dedication to women's suffrage and the contribution she made to the lives of British women past and present, is remembered.

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