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Pokhran-II
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Pokhran-II
Operation Shakti
A cylindrical shaped nuclear bomb, Shakti I, prior to its detonation.
Information
Country
India
Test site
Pokhran Test Range, Rajasthan
Period
11–13 May 1998
Number of tests
5
Test type
Underground tests
Device type
Fission/fusion
Max. yield
43–45 kilotons of TNT (180–190 TJ) tested[1]
Test chronology
← Pokhran-I (Operation Smiling Buddha)
Pokhran-II was the series of five nuclear bomb test explosions conducted by India at the Indian Army's Pokhran Test Range in May 1998.[2] It was the second Indian nuclear test; the first test, code-named Smiling Buddha, was conducted in May 1974.[3]
Pokhran-II consisted of five detonations, of which the first was a fusion bomb and the remaining four were fission bombs.[2] These nuclear tests resulted in a variety of sanctions against India by a number of major states, including Japan and the United States.[4]
On 11 May 1998, Operation Shakti (Pokhran-II) was initiated with the detonation of one fusion and two fission bombs; the word "Shakti" (Devanagari: शक्ति) means "power" in Sanskrit.[2] On 13 May 1998, two additional fission devices were detonated,[5] and the Indian government led by Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee shortly convened a press conference to declare India a full-fledged nuclear state.[5]
Many names are attributed to these tests; originally they were called Operation Shakti–98 (Power–98), and the five nuclear bombs were designated Shakti-I through Shakti-V. More recently, the operation as a whole has come to be known as Pokhran II, and the 1974 explosion as Pokhran-I.[5]
Contents
[hide]
1 India's nuclear bomb project
1.1 Post-Smiling Buddha
2 Political momentum: 1988–1998
2.1 1998 Indian general elections
2.2 Preparations for the test
3 Nuclear weapon designs and development
3.1 Development and test teams
3.2 Movement and logistics
3.3 Nuclear bombs and detonations
4 Reactions to the tests
4.1 Reactions in India
4.2 International reactions
4.2.1 United States
4.2.2 Canada, Japan, and other states
4.2.3 China
4.2.4 Pakistan
4.3 U.N. sanctions
4.3.1 Effects on Indian economy
5 Legacy
6 See also
7 References
8 External links
India's nuclear bomb project[edit]
Efforts towards building the nuclear bomb, infrastructure, and research on related technologies has been undertaken by India since World War II. Origins of India's nuclear program dates back to 1944 when nuclear physicist Homi Bhabha began persuading the Indian Congress towards harnessing of the nuclear energy— a year later he established the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research (TIFR).
In 1950s, the preliminary studies were carried out at the BARC and plans were developed to produce plutonium and other bomb components. In 1962, India and China engaged in the disputed northern front, and was further intimidated with Chinese nuclear test in 1964. Direction towards militarisation of the nuclear program slowed down when Vikram Sarabhai became its head and little interest of Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri in 1965.
After Indira Gandhi became Prime Minister in 1966, the nuclear program was consolidated when physicist Raja Ramanna joined the efforts. Another nuclear test by China eventually led to India's decision toward building nuclear weapons in 1967 and conducted its first nuclear test, Smiling Buddha, in 1974.[6]
Post-Smiling Buddha[edit]
Responding to Smiling Buddha, the Nuclear Suppliers Group severely affected the India's nuclear program.[7] The world's major nuclear powers imposed technological embargo on India and Pakistan, which was technologically racing to meet with India's challenge.[7] The nuclear program struggled for years to gain credibility and its progress crippled by the lack of indigenous resources and dependent on imported technology and technical assistance.[7] At IAEA, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi declared that India's nuclear program was not militarising despite authorising preliminary work on the hydrogen bomb design.[7]
As an aftermath of the state emergency in 1975 that resulted in the collapse of the Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's government, the nuclear program was left with a vacuum of political leadership and even basic management.[7] Work on the hydrogen bomb design continued under M. Srinivasan, a mechanical engineer, but progress was slow.[7]
The nuclear program received little attention from Prime Minister Morarji Desai who was renowned for his peace advocacy.[7] In 1978, Prime Minister Desai transferred physicist Ramanna to Indian MoD, and his government was not entirely without progress in nuclear program and had the program continue to grow at a desirable rate.[7][8]
Disturbing news came from Pakistan when the world discovered the Pakistan's clandestine atomic bomb program.[7] Contrary to India's nuclear program, Pakistan's atomic bomb program was akin to United States's Manhattan Project, it was under military oversight with civilian scientists in charge of the scientific aspects of the program.[7] The Pakistani atomic bomb program was well funded and organised by then; India realised that Pakistan was likely to succeed in its project in matter of two years.[7]
In 1980, the general elections marked the return of Indira Gandhi and the nuclear program began to gain momentum under Ramanna in 1981. Requests for additional nuclear tests were continued to be denied by the government when Prime Minister Indira Gandhi saw Pakistan began exercising the brinkmanship, though the nuclear program continued to advance.[7] Initiation towards hydrogen bomb began as well as the launch of the missile programme began under Late president Dr.Abdul Kalam, who was then an aerospace engineer.[7]
Political momentum: 1988–1998[edit]
During the 1998 Indian general election, BJP's Atal Bihari Vajpayee promised to carry out nuclear tests.
In 1989, the general elections witnessed the Janata Dal, the right-wing party led by V.P. Singh, forming the government.[9] Prime Minister V.P. Singh down played the relations with the Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto whose Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) won the general elections in 1988. Foreign relations between India and Pakistan began to severely worsen when India began charging Pakistan of supporting the militancy in Jammu and Kashmir.[9] During this time, the missile program succeeded in the development of the Prithvi missiles.
Successive governments in India decided to observe this temporary moratorium for fear of inviting international criticism.[7] The Indian public had been supportive towards the nuclear tests which ultimately led Prime Minister Narasimha Rao deciding to conduct further tests in 1995.[9] Plans were halted after American spy satellites picked up signs of preparations for nuclear testing at Pokhran Test Range in Rajasthan.[9] President Bill Clinton and his administration exerted enormous pressure on Prime Minister Narasimha Rao to stop the preparations.[9] Responding to India, Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto issued harsh and severe statements against India on Pakistan's news channels; thus putting stress on the relations between two countries.[10]
Diplomatic tension escalated between two countries when Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto raised the Kashmir issue at the United Nations in 1995.[11] In a speech delivered by then-Speaker National Assembly Yousaf Raza Gillani, stressed the "Kashmir issue" as continue to endanger the peace and security in the region.[11] The Indian delegation headed by Atal Bihari Vajpayee at the United Nations, reiterated that the "UN resolutions only call upon Pakistan— the occupying force to vacate the "Jammu and Kashmir Area."[11]
1998 Indian general elections[edit]
Main articles: Indian general election, 1998; Bharatiya Janata Party; Indian economy; and Indian politics
The BJP, came to power in 1998 general elections with an exclusive public mandate.[5] BJP's political might have been growing steadily in strength over the past decade over several issues.
In Pakistan, the similar conservative force, the PML(N), was also in power with an exclusive mandate led by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif who defeated the leftist PPP led by Benazir Bhutto in general elections held in 1997.[12] During the BJP campaign, Atal Bihari Vajpayee indulged in grandstanding— such as when he declared on 25 February that his government would "take back that part of Kashmir that is under Pakistan's control."[5] Before this declaration, the BJP platform had clear intention to "exercise the option to induct nuclear weapons" and "India should become an openly nuclear power to garner the respect on the world stage that India deserved."[5] By 18 March 1998, Vajpayee had publicly begun his lobbying for nuclear explosion and declared that "there is no compromise on national security; all options including the nuclear options will be exercised to protect security and sovereignty."[5]
Consultation began between Prime Minister Vajpayee, Dr.Abdul Kalam, R. Chidambaram and officials of the Indian DAE on nuclear options. Chidambaram briefed Prime Minister Vajpayee extensively on the nuclear program; Abdul Kalam presented the status of the missile program. On 28 March 1998, Prime Minister Vajpayee asked the scientists to make preparations in the shortest time possible, and preparations were hastily made.[13]
It was time of tense atmosphere when Pakistan, at a Conference on Disarmament, offered a peace rhetoric agreement with India for "an equal and mutual restraint in conventional, missile and nuclear fields."[5] Pakistan's equation was later reemphasised on 6 April and the momentum in India for nuclear tests began to build up which strengthened Vajpayee's position to order the tests.[5]
Preparations for the test[edit]
Main articles: CIA activities in India, ISI activities in India, and Indo-US Relations
The US Marine Intelligence maps showing the Indian test site, 1997.
Unlike Pakistan's weapon–testing laboratories, there was very little that India could do to hide its activity at Pokhran.[14] Contrary to high-altitude granite mountains in Pakistan, the bushes are sparse and the dunes in the Rajasthan Desert don't provide much cover from probing satellites.[14] The Indian intelligence had been aware of United States spy satellites and the American CIA had been detecting Indian test preparations since 1995; therefore, the tests required complete secrecy in India and also needed to avoid detection by other countries.[14] The 58th Engineer Regiment of Indian Army's Corps of Engineers was commissioned to prepare the test sites without being probed by the United States spy satellites. The 58th Engineer's commander Colonel Gopal Kaushik supervised the test preparations and ordered his "staff officers take all measures to ensure total secrecy."[14]
Extensive planning was done by a very small group of scientists, senior military officers and senior politicians to ensure that the test preparations would remain secret, and even senior members of the Indian government didn't know what was going on. The chief scientific adviser and the director of DRDO, Dr.Abdul Kalam, and Dr. R. Chidambaram, the director of the DAE, were the chief coordinators of this test planning.[5] The scientists and engineers of the BARC, the AMDER, and the DRDO were involved in the nuclear weapon assembly, layout, detonation and obtaining test data.[5] A very small group of senior scientists were involved in the detonation process, all scientists were required to wear army uniforms to preserve the secrecy of the tests. Since 1995, the 58th Engineer Regiment had learned to avoid satellite detection.[5] Work was mostly done during night, and equipment was returned to the original place to give the impression that it was never moved.[5]
Bomb shafts were dug under camouflage netting and the dug-out sand was shaped like shaped dunes. Cables for sensors were covered with sand and concealed using native vegetation.[5] Scientists would not depart for Pokhran in groups of two or three.[5] They travelled to destination other than Pokhran under pseudonyms, and were then transported by the army. Technical staff at the test range wore military uniform, to prevent detection in satellite images.[14]
Nuclear weapon designs and development[edit]
Development and test teams[edit]
The main technical personnel involved in the operation were:[1]
Project Chief Coordinators
Dr. A.P.J. Abdul Kalam (later, President of India), Scientific Adviser to the prime minister and Head of the DRDO.
Dr. R. Chidambaram, Chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission and the Department of Atomic energy.
Defence Research & Development Organization (DRDO)
Dr. K. Santhanam; Director, Test Site Preparations.
Atomic Minerals Directorate for Exploration and Research
Dr. G. R. Dikshitulu; Senior Research Scientist B.S.O.I Group, Nuclear Materials Acquisition
Bhabha Atomic Research Centre (BARC)
Dr. Anil Kakodkar, Director of BARC.
Dr. Satinder Kumar Sikka, Director; Thermonuclear Weapon Development.
Dr. M. S. Ramakumar, Director of Nuclear Fuel and Automation Manufacturing Group; Director, Nuclear Component Manufacture.
Dr. D.D. Sood, Director of Radiochemistry and Isotope Group; Director, Nuclear Materials Acquisition.
Dr. S.K. Gupta, Solid State Physics and Spectroscopy Group; Director, Device Design & Assessment.
Dr. G. Govindraj, Associate Director of Electronic and Instrumentation Group; Director, Field Instrumentation.
Movement and logistics[edit]
Main articles: Military logistics and Indian Army Corps of Engineers
The Thar Desert in the state of Rajasthan where the nuclear site, the Pokhran Test Range, is located.
Three laboratories of the DRDO were involved in designing, testing and producing components for the bombs, including the advanced detonators, the implosion and high-voltage trigger systems. These were also responsible for weaponising, systems engineering, aerodynamics, safety interlocks and flight trials.[1] The bombs were transported in four Indian Army trucks under the command of Colonel Umang Kapur; all devices from BARC were relocated at 3:00Hrs on 1 May 1998. From the Chhatrapati Shivaji International Airport, the bombs were flown in an Indian Air Force's AN-32 plane to the Jaisalmer army base. They were transported to Pokhran in an army convoy of four trucks, and this required three trips. The devices were delivered to the device preparation building, which was designated as 'Prayer Hall'.[1]
The test sites was organised into two government groups and were fired separately, with all devices in a group fired at the same time. The first group consisted of the thermonuclear device (Shakti I), the fission device (Shakti II), and a sub-kiloton device (Shakti III). The second group consisted of the remaining two sub-kiloton devices Shakti IV and V. It was decided that the first group would be tested on 11 May and the second group on 13 May. The thermonuclear device was placed in a shaft code named 'White House', which was over 200 m deep, the fission bomb was placed in a 150 m deep shaft code named 'Taj Mahal', and the first sub-kiloton device in 'Kumbhkaran'. The first three devices were placed in their respective shafts on 10 May, and the first device to be placed was the sub-kiloton device in the 'Kumbhkaran' shaft, which was sealed by the army engineers by 8:30 pm. The thermonuclear device was lowered and sealed into the 'White House' shaft by 4 am, and the fission device being placed in the 'Taj Mahal' shaft was sealed at 7:30 am, which was 90 minutes before the planned test time. The shafts were L-shaped, with a horizontal chamber for the test device.[1]
The timing of the tests depended on the local weather conditions, with the wind being the critical factor. The tests were underground, but due to a number of shaft seal failures that had occurred during tests conducted by the United States, the Soviet Union, and the United Kingdom, the sealing of the shaft could not be guaranteed to be leak-proof. By early afternoon, the winds had died down and the test sequence was initiated. Dr. K. Santhanam of the DRDO, in charge of the test site preparations, gave the two keys that activated the test countdown to Dr. M. Vasudev, the range safety officer, who was responsible for verifying that all test indicators were normal. After checking the indicators, Vasudev handed one key each to a representative of BARC and the DRDO, who unlocked the countdown system together. At 3:45 pm the three devices were detonated.[1]
Nuclear bombs and detonations[edit]
Five nuclear devices were detonated during Operation Shakti.[15] All devices were weapon-grade plutonium[1] and they were:[1]
Shakti I – A thermonuclear device yielding 45 kt, but designed for up to 200 kt.
Shakti II – A plutonium implosion design yielding 15 kt and intended as a warhead that could be delivered by bomber or missile. It was an improvement of the device detonated in the 1974 Smiling Buddha (Pokhran-I) test of 1974, developed using simulations on the PARAM supercomputer.
Shakti III – An experimental linear implosion design that used "non-weapon grade"[16] plutonium, but which likely omitted the material required for fusion, yielding 0.3 kt.
Shakti IV- A 0.5 kt experimental device.
Shakti V – A 0.2 kt experimental device.
An additional, sixth device (Shakti VI) is suspected to have been present but not detonated.[1]
At 3:43 pm IST; three nuclear bombs (specifically, the Shakti I, II and III) were detonated simultaneously, as measured by international seismic monitors.[5] On 13 May, at 12.21 p.m.IST 6:51 UTC, two sub-kiloton devices (Shakti IV and V) were detonated. Due to their very low yield, these explosions were not detected by any seismic station.[5] On 13 May 1998, India declared the series of tests to be over after this.[17]
Reactions to the tests[edit]
Reactions in India[edit]
Following the Pokhran-II tests, India became the sixth country to join the nuclear club.[18] Shortly after the tests, a press meet was convened at the Prime Minister's residence in New Delhi. Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee appeared before the press corps and made the following short statement:
“ Today, at 15:45 hours, India conducted three underground nuclear tests in the Pokhran range. The tests conducted today were with a fission device, a low yield device and a thermonuclear device. The measured yields are in line with expected values. Measurements have also confirmed that there was no release of radioactivity into the atmosphere. These were contained explosions like the experiment conducted in May 1974. I warmly congratulate the scientists and engineers who have carried out these successful tests.[19] ”
News of the tests were greeted with jubilation and large-scale approval by society in India.[20] The Bombay Stock Exchange registered significant gains. Newspapers and television channels praised the government for its bold decision; editorials were full of praise for the country's leadership and advocated the development of an operational nuclear arsenal for the country's armed forces.[20] The Indian opposition, led by Congress Party criticised the Vajpayee administration for carrying out the series of nuclear tests.[20] The Congress Party spokesman, Salman Khursheed, accused the BJP of trying to use the tests for political ends rather than to enhance the country's national security.[20]
By the time India had conducted tests, the country had a total of $44bn in loans in 1998, from IMF and the World Bank.[21] The industrial sectors of the Indian economy such as the chemicals industry, were likely to be hurt by sanctions.[21] The Western consortium companies, which has invested heavily in India, especially in construction, computing and telecoms, were generally the one who were harmed by the sanctions.[21] In 1998, Indian government announced that it had already allowed for some economic response and was willing to take the consequences.[21]
International reactions[edit]
United States[edit]
The United States issued a strong statement condemning India and promised that sanctions would follow. The American intelligence community was embarrassed as there had been "a serious intelligence failure of the decade" in detecting the preparations for the test.[22]
In keeping with its preferred approach to foreign policy in recent decades, and in compliance with the 1994 anti-proliferation law, the United States imposed economic sanctions on India.[4] The sanctions on India consisted of cutting off all assistance to India except humanitarian aid, banning the export of certain defence material and technologies, ending American credit and credit guarantees to India, and requiring the US to oppose lending by international financial institutions to India.[23]
From 1998–99, the United States held series of bilateral talks with India over the issue of India becoming party of the CTBT and NPT.[24] In addition, the United States also made an unsuccessful attempt of holding talks regarding the rollback of India's nuclear program.[25] India took a firm stand against the CTBT and refusing to be signatory party of it despite under pressure by the US President Bill Clinton, and noted the treaty as it was not consistent with India's national security interest.[25]
Canada, Japan, and other states[edit]
Strong criticism was drawn from Canada on India's actions and its High Commissioner.[26] Sanctions were also imposed by Japan on India and consisted of freezing all new loans and grants except for humanitarian aid to India.[27]
Some other nations also imposed sanctions on India, primarily in the form of suspension of foreign aid to India and government-to-government credit lines.[28] However, the United Kingdom, France, and Russia refrained from condemning India.[28]
China[edit]
On 12 May the Chinese Foreign Ministry stated: "The Chinese government is seriously concerned about the nuclear tests conducted by India," and that the tests "run counter to the current international trend and are not conducive to peace and stability in South Asia.".[29] The next day the Chinese Foreign Ministry issued the statement clearly stating that "it shocked and strongly condemned" the Indian nuclear tests and called for the international community to "adopt a unified stand and strongly demand that India immediate stop development of nuclear weapons".[30] China further rejected India's stated rationale of needing nuclear capabilities to counter a Chinese threat as "totally unreasonable".[30] In a meeting with Masayoshi Takemura of Democratic Party of Japan, Foreign Minister of the People's Republic of China Qian Qichen was quoted as saying that India's nuclear tests were a "serious matter," particularly because they were conducted in light of the fact that more than 140 countries have signed the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. "It is even more unacceptable that India claims to have conducted the tests to counter what it called a "China threat".[30] On 24 November 1998, the Chinese Embassy, New Delhi issued a formal statement:
(sic).... But regrettably, India conducted nuclear tests last May, which has run against the contemporary historical trend and seriously affected peace and stability in South Asia. Pakistan also conducted nuclear tests later on. India's nuclear tests have not only led to the escalation of tensions between India and Pakistan and provocation of nuclear arms races in South Asia, but also dealt a heavy blow to international nuclear disarmament and the global nonproliferation regime. It is only natural that India's nuclear tests have met with extensive condemnation and aroused serious concern from the international community.
—  Chinese Embassy, New Delhi[31]
Pakistan[edit]
Main article: India-Pakistan relations
The most vehement and strong reaction to India's nuclear explosion was from a neighbouring country, Pakistan. Great ire was raised in Pakistan, which issued a severe statement blaming India for instigating a nuclear arms race in the region.[5] Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif vowed that his country would give a suitable reply to India.[5] The day after the first tests, Foreign Minister Gohar Ayub Khan indicated that Pakistan was ready to conduct a nuclear test. He stated: "Pakistan is prepared to match India, we have the capability.... We in Pakistan will maintain a balance with India in all fields", he said in an interview. "We are in a headlong arms race on the subcontinent."[5]
On 13 May 1998, Pakistan bitterly condemned the tests, and Foreign Minister Gohar Ayub was quoted as saying that Indian leadership seemed to "have gone berserk [sic] and was acting in a totally unrestrained way."[32] Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif was much more subdued, maintaining ambiguity about whether a test would be conducted in response: "We are watching the situation and we will take appropriate action with regard to our security", he said.[5] Sharif sought to mobilise the entire Islamic world in support of Pakistan and criticised India for nuclear proliferation.[5]
Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif had been under intense pressure regarding the nuclear tests by President Bill Clinton and Opposition leader Benazir Bhutto at home.[33] Initially surprising the world, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif authorised nuclear testing program and the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission (PAEC) carried out nuclear testings under the codename Chagai-I on 28 May 1998 and Chagai-II on 30 May 1998. These six underground nuclear tests at the Chagai and Kharan test site were conducted fifteen days after India's last test. The total yield of the tests was reported to be 40 kt (see codename: Chagai-I).[34]
Pakistan's subsequent tests invited similar condemnation from the United States.[35] American President Bill Clinton was quoted as saying "Two wrongs don't make a right", criticising Pakistan's tests as reactionary to India's Pokhran-II.[33] The United States and Japan reacted by imposing economic sanctions on Pakistan. According to the Pakistan's science community, the Indian nuclear tests gave an opportunity to Pakistan to conduct nuclear tests after 14 years of conducting only cold tests (See: Kirana-I).[36]
Pakistan's leading nuclear physicist and one of the top scientists, Dr. Pervez Hoodbhoy, held India responsible for Pakistan's nuclear test experiments in Chagai.[37]
U.N. sanctions[edit]
Main article: United Nations Security Council Resolution 1172
The reactions from abroad started immediately after the tests were advertised. On 6 June, the United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 1172 condemning the test and that of Pakistan's.[38] China issued a vociferous condemnation calling upon the international community to exert pressure on India to sign the NPT and eliminate its nuclear arsenal. With India joining the group of countries possessing nuclear weapons, a new strategic dimension had emerged in Asia, particularly South Asia.[38]
Effects on Indian economy[edit]
Overall, the effect of international sanctions on Indian economy was minimal; the technological progress was marginal. Most nations did not call for embargoes against India as the exports and imports together constituted only 4.0% of its GDP, with United States trade accounting for only 10.0% of this total. Far more significant were the restrictions on lending imposed by the United States and its representatives on international finance bodies. Most of the sanctions were lifted within five years.
Legacy[edit]
Main article: Public holidays in India
The Indian government has officially declared the 11 May as National Technology Day in India to commemorate the first of the five nuclear tests that were carried out on 11 May 1998.[39]
It was officially signed by then-Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee in 1998 and the day is celebrated by giving awards to various individuals and industries in the field of science and technology.[39]
See also[edit]
A.P.J. Abdul Kalam
R. Chidambaram
Anil Kakodkar
India and weapons of mass destruction
Pokhran-I – First nuclear test explosion by India on 18 May 1974
Chagai-I – Pakistan's nuclear test on 28 May 1998
Chagai-II – Pakistan's second nuclear test on 30 May 1998
References[edit]
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^ Jump up to: a b c CNN India Bureau (17 May 1998). "India releases pictures of nuclear tests". CNN India Bureau, 1998. CNN India Bureau. Retrieved 14 June 2015.
Jump up ^ "Official press release by India". meadev.gov.in/. Ministry of External Affairs, 1998. Retrieved 14 June 2015.
^ Jump up to: a b BBC Release (13 May 1998). "US imposes sanctions on India". BBC America. Retrieved 17 January 2013.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v et. al. "The nuclear politics: The 1998 Election". Nuclear weapon archives. Nuclear politics. Retrieved 16 January 2013.
Jump up ^ Bates, Crispin (2007). Subalterns and Raj: South Asia Since 1600. Routledge. p. 343. ISBN 978-0415214841.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h i j k l m n Sublette, Carey. "The Long Pause: 1974–1989". nuclearweaponarchive.org. Retrieved 14 November 2011.
Jump up ^ Chengappa, Raj (2000). Weapons of peace : the secret story of India's quest to be a nuclear power. New Delhi: Harper Collins Publishers, India. pp. 219–220. ISBN 81-7223-330-2.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e weapon archive. "The Momentum builds". Nuclear weapon Archive. Retrieved 14 November 2011.
Jump up ^ CNN (4 January 1996). "India wants to divert attention from N-test plan". Dawn Archives. Retrieved 16 January 2013.
^ Jump up to: a b c Masood Haider (5 September 1995). "Pakistan's raising of Kashmir issue upsets India". Dawn. Retrieved 19 November 2011.
Jump up ^ See: Pakistani general elections, 1997
Jump up ^ (PTI), Press Trust of India. "Pokhran II row: Sethna slams Kalam, Iyengar says tests were done in haste". DNA News. dna news. Retrieved 15 November 2011.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e "Books: Weapons of Peace – How the CIA was Fooled". India Today.
Jump up ^ "Forces gung-ho on N-arsenal". The Times of India. Retrieved 21 July 2012.
Jump up ^ Note: While the plutonium used in Shakti III has been reported in some sources as "reactor-grade", it may have been fuel-grade, which is intermediate between the former and weapons-grade; cf. Why You Can’t Build a Bomb From Spent Fuel
Jump up ^ Press Release (13 May 1998). "Planned Series of Nuclear Tests Completed". Indian Government <http://www.indiagov.org/news/official/19980516/official.htm>. Ministry of External Affairs. Retrieved 17 January 2013. External link in |work= (help)
Jump up ^ BBC Report (13 May 1998). "Asia's nuclear challenge: Third World joins the nuclear club". BBC India 1998. Retrieved 17 January 2013.
Jump up ^ "Prime Minister's announcement of India's three underground nuclear tests". Fas.org. Retrieved 31 January 2013.
^ Jump up to: a b c d Lyon, David (31 May 1998). "India detonates two more bombs". BBC India, 1998 (Follow up). Retrieved 17 January 2013.
^ Jump up to: a b c d BBC Reports (1 June 1998). "India – will sanctions bite?". BBC Economic review. Retrieved 17 January 2013.
Jump up ^ Weiner, T. (13 May 1998). "Nuclear anxiety: The Blunders; U.S. Blundered On Intelligence, Officials Admit". The New York Times. Retrieved 17 January 2013.
Jump up ^ "U.S. imposes sanctions on India". CNN.
Jump up ^ Chandrasekharan, S. "CTBT : where does India stand?". southasiaanalysis.org/. South Asia analysis. Retrieved 10 June 2015.
^ Jump up to: a b "Clarifying India's Nascent Nuclear Doctrine". armscontrol.org/. arms control interview. Retrieved 10 June 2015.
Jump up ^ http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-features/tp-sundaymagazine/east-meets-far-east/article6365598.ece
Jump up ^ "U.S. lifts final sanctions on Pakistan". CNN. 29 October 2001.
^ Jump up to: a b Charan D. Wadhva (27 June – 3 July 1998). "Costs of Economic Sanctions: Aftermath of Pokhran II". Economic and Political Weekly. 33 (26): 1604–1607. JSTOR 4406922.
Jump up ^ "China is 'Seriously Concerned' But Restrained in Its Criticism,". New York Times, 13 May 1998. 13 May 1998. |access-date= requires |url= (help)
^ Jump up to: a b c Resources on India and Pakistan (1999). "China's Reaction to India's Nuclear Tests". CNS Center for Nonproliferation Studies Monterey Institute of International Studies. Retrieved 15 May 2012.
Jump up ^ Active Correspondents (24 November 1998). "India-China Claim 'active approach". The Hindu, 24/xi-1998. |access-date= requires |url= (help)
Jump up ^ Special Report (13 May 1998). "Pakistan condemns India's nuclear tests". BBC Pakistan. Retrieved 18 January 2013.
^ Jump up to: a b Gertz, Bill (2013). Betrayal: How the Clinton Administration Undermined American Security. Washington DC: Regnery Publishing. ISBN 1621571378.
Jump up ^ See Chagai-I
Jump up ^ [1]
Jump up ^ "Pakistan's tests". Retrieved 18 January 2013.
Jump up ^ Hoodbhoy, PhD (Nuclear Physics), Pervez Amerali (23 January 2011). "Nuclear Bayonet". Dr. Pervez Hoodbhoy, Doctor of Philosophy (Nuclear Physics), Professor of Nuclear and High-Energy Physics at the Quaid-e-Azam University and Senior academic research scientist at the National Center for Nuclear Physics. Dr. Prof. Pervez Amerali Hoodbhoy and The Herald.
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^ Jump up to: a b Press Information Bureau (11 May 2008). "National technology day celebrated". Department of Science and Technology. Retrieved 9 January 2011.
External links[edit]
Nuclear Weapons Archive: Operation Shakti
India aborted nuclear bomb plans in 1994
Sumit Ganguly (Spring 1999). "India's Pathway to Pokhran II: The Prospects and Sources of New Delhi's Nuclear Weapons Program". International Security. 23 (4): 148–177. doi:10.1162/isec.23.4.148. JSTOR 2539297.
Chengappa, Raj. How the CIA was Fooled written by Raj Chengappa (Weapons of peace). India Today. Retrieved 24 June 2012.
Coordinates: 27°04′44″N 71°43′20″E / 27.07884°N 71.722113°E / 27.07884; 71.722113
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Pokhran-II (Operation Shakti)
Sites
58th Regiment of the Army Engineering Corps
Pokhran
CIRUS reactor
Department of Atomic Energy
Rajasthan
Trombay
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Three-way junction
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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For the type of railroad junction, see Wye (railroad).
Three way junction at Dragons Green - geograph.org.uk - 1578998
A 3-way junction (or 3-way intersection) is a type of road intersection with three arms. A Y junction (or Y intersection) generally has 3 arms of equal size. A T junction (or T intersection) also has 3 arms, but one of the arms is generally a minor road connecting to larger road.
Contents
[hide]
1 Right-of-way
2 Turns
3 Variations
4 Image gallery
5 References
Right-of-way[edit]
Some T junctions are controlled by traffic lights, but others rely upon drivers to obey right-of-way rules, which vary from place to place. For example, in some jurisdictions, vehicles on the right always have the right-of-way (even at T junctions),[1] while in other jurisdictions, vehicles travelling on the "through" road of a T junction have the right-of-way, meaning that vehicles approaching the "major" road must allow through traffic to pass before joining the flow of traffic.
In the People's Republic of China, going straight on red when approaching a T junction on the main road with the intersecting road on the left was permitted until the Road Traffic Safety Law of the People's Republic of China took effect on 1 May 2004.
In Taiwan (administered by the Republic of China), when at least two vehicles reach a T intersection without a working traffic light, the vehicle on the side road is to yield to any other vehicle straight on the main road. If two vehicles want to turn left, the vehicle on the left is to yield.[2]
Turns[edit]
When one road at a 3-way junction has a higher traffic volume than the other (and particularly when the roads are perpendicular to each other), turns are characterized as "right-in", "right-out", "left-in" and "left-out". A turn "in" represents a turn from the major road into the minor road. A turn "out" represents a turn out of the minor road onto the major road. A 3-way junction allowing all four of these turns is characterized as "full-movement". These terms also apply to turns between roads and driveways.[3][4]
Variations[edit]
An experiment was done[by whom?][when?] in Illinois, United States to allow going straight on red (like a right turn on red) when approaching a T junction on the main road, with the intersecting road on the left. It was a failure. However, at some T junctions where the main road includes at least two lanes on the side away from the intersecting road, the farthest (rightmost, in areas where traffic drives to the right) lane is given the right of way to proceed straight through the intersection at all times, denoted by a "green arrow" signal if a traffic light is installed at the intersection.
In such cases, often that lane is also specially delimited with pavement markings or other lane separation devices, to keep left-turning traffic on the intersecting road from colliding with traffic proceeding through the intersection on the main road. There are now safer variations of this, called continuous green-T (or seagull) intersections, that have a left turn lane off the main road either channelized or otherwise separated from traffic going straight, which allows for a traffic signal on only one side of the road.[5]
Image gallery[edit]
T Intersection Sign in Taiwan with no more road straight ahead
T Intersection Sign in Taiwan with side road on the left
T Intersection Sign in Taiwan with side road on the right
Y Intersection Sign in Taiwan
3-way Intersection Sign in Taiwan with side road on the right but not right angle
3-way Intersection Sign in Taiwan with side road on the left but not right angle
References[edit]
Jump up ^ SGI. "SGI - Driver's Handbook - Right of way".
Jump up ^ Clause 2 of Section 1 of Article 102 of the Road Traffic Security Rules (s:zh:道路交通安全規則)
Jump up ^ Staff. "Technical Summary (FHWA-SA-10-002)". Access Management in the Vicinity of Intersections. Federal Highway Administration. Retrieved August 31, 2012.
Jump up ^ Joe G. Bared (January–February 2005). "Improving Signalized Intersections, Publication Number: FHWA-HRT-05-003". Public Roads. Federal Highway Administration. 68 (4). Retrieved August 31, 2012.
Jump up ^ An Applied Technology and Traffic Analysis Program ([1])
Wikimedia Commons has media related to T junctions.
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Y junctions.
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List of best Major League Baseball season win-loss records
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Listed below are the Major League Baseball teams with the best season win-loss records in history, as determined by winning percentage (.700 or better), minimum 120 games played.
Contents
1 Season records
2 Other teams
3 See also
4 References
5 External links
Season records[edit]
The following teams finished the season with a .700 winning percentage or higher.
Since the season was expanded to 162 games in 1961, only two teams have managed a winning percentage of .700 or higher (which requires 114 or more wins): the 1998 New York Yankees and the 2001 Seattle Mariners.
Legend
NL = National League
AL = American League
AA = American Association
Season
Franchise
League
Wins
Losses
Pct.
Games Played
Finish
1906 Chicago Cubs NL 116 36 .763 152 Lost 1906 World Series
1902 Pittsburgh Pirates NL 103 36 .741 139 National League Champions
1886 Chicago White Stockings NL 90 34 .726 124 National League Champions
1909 Pittsburgh Pirates NL 110 42 .724 152 Won 1909 World Series
1954 Cleveland Indians AL 111 43 .721 154 Lost 1954 World Series
2001 Seattle Mariners AL 116 46 .716 162 Lost 2001 ALCS
1927 New York Yankees AL 110 44 .714 154 Won 1927 World Series
1886 Detroit Wolverines NL 87 36 .707 123 2nd place in National League
1897 Boston Beaneaters NL 93 39 .705 132 Lost 1897 Temple Cup
1907 Chicago Cubs NL 107 45 .704 152 Won 1907 World Series
1931 Philadelphia Athletics AL 107 45 .704 152 Lost 1931 World Series
1998 New York Yankees AL 114 48 .704 162 Won 1998 World Series
1887 St. Louis Browns AA 95 40 .704 135 Lost 1887 World Series
1939 New York Yankees AL 106 45 .702 152 Won 1939 World Series
Other teams[edit]
Prior to 1886, teams played .700 ball or better over shorter schedules, where there is much less of the "evening out" effect of a lengthier season.
For example, the Chicago White Stockings won the National League's first pennant in 1876 with a 52–14 record (.788), and won the 1880 NL pennant with a 67–17 record (.798), which stands as the overall percentage record between the National or the American League. The White Stockings' 1880 record would project to a record of 129–33 under the modern schedule of 162 games, while Pythagorean expectation based on the White Stockings' results (538 runs scored, 317 runs allowed) and a 162-game schedule would translate to a record of 120–42.[citation needed]
The all-time best single season record belongs to the Cincinnati Red Stockings, who posted baseball's only perfect record at 67–0 (57–0 against National Association of Base Ball Players clubs) in 1869. Their record would stretch to 81–0 across the 1870 season before losing 8–7 in eleven innings to the Brooklyn Atlantics in Brooklyn on June 14.[1][2]
The second-best record belongs to the 1875 Boston Red Stockings of the National Association, who finished with a record of 71–8 (.899), but the status of the National Association as a major league has long been disputed. The Red Stockings record would project to 146–16 under the modern schedule of 162 games, while Pythagorean expectation based on the Red Stockings results (831 runs scored, 343 runs allowed) and the modern 162-game schedule would translate to a record of 138–24.
The National Association folded at the end of 1875, and the Red Stockings, who had won the last four pennants, joined the National League for 1876, being renamed the Red Caps. The team went 39–31 for a fourth-place finish in 1876 before winning the 1877 and 1878 pennants with records of 42–18 and 41–19.
The third-best record belongs to the St. Louis Maroons of the 1884 Union Association, who finished with a record of 94–19 (.832), but the Union Association was quite lopsided in talent distribution (team owner Henry Lucas was also league president, an obvious conflict-of-interest situation which is now banned, and bought all the best available players for his franchise), generally disorganized (six teams played close to full schedules, another four teams folded and one relocated during the course of the season), and poorly scheduled. The Maroons' record would project to 135–27 under the modern schedule of 162 games, while Pythagorean expectation based on the Maroons' results (887 runs scored, 429 runs allowed) and a 162-game schedule would translate to a record of 131–31, but these results are of questionable merit.
The Union Association folded at the end of 1884, and the Maroons joined the National League for 1885. Playing against stiffer competition, they went 36–72 in 1885, and 43–79 in 1886, finishing in last and sixth in both seasons. In 1887, the Maroons relocated to Indianapolis and became the Indianapolis Hoosiers, playing three more seasons below .500 before folding.
See also[edit]
List of worst Major League Baseball season records
List of Major League Baseball 100 win seasons
References[edit]
Jump up ^ History: Legend of the Cincinnati Red Stockings webpage. 1869 Cincinnati Red Stockings Vintage Base Ball Team website (2007). Cincinnati Vintage Base Ball Club. Retrieved 2010-10-15.
Jump up ^ "Reds Timeline". Cincinnati Reds. Retrieved 2018-09-20.
External links[edit]
Records and statistics at Baseball Reference
Baseball Almanac study of best teams of all time
Excerpts from "Baseball Dynasties" by Neyer and Epstein
Neyer, Rob, and Eddie Epstein. Baseball Dynasties: The Greatest Teams of All Time. Norton, 2000, 384 p.
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Ganglion
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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This article is about neuron clusters. For other uses, see Ganglion (disambiguation).
"Ganglia" redirects here. For other uses, see Ganglia (disambiguation).
Ganglion
Micrograph of a ganglion. H&E stain.
Details
System
Nervous system
Identifiers
Latin
ganglion
TA
A14.2.00.002
FMA
5884
Anatomical terminology
[edit on Wikidata]
A dorsal root ganglion (DRG) from a chicken embryo (around stage of day 7) after incubation overnight in NGF growth medium stained with anti-neurofilament antibody. Note the axons growing out of the ganglion.
A ganglion is a nerve cell cluster[1] or a group of nerve cell bodies located in the autonomic nervous system and sensory system.[2][3] Ganglia house the cells bodies of afferent nerves and efferent nerves.
A pseudoganglion looks like a ganglion but only has nerve fibers and has no nerve cell bodies.
Contents
[hide]
1 Structure
1.1 Basal ganglia
1.2 Pseudoganglion
2 See also
3 References
Structure[edit]
Ganglia are primarily made up of somata and dendritic structures which are bundled or connected. Ganglia often interconnect with other ganglia to form a complex system of ganglia known as a plexus. Ganglia provide relay points and intermediary connections between different neurological structures in the body, such as the peripheral and central nervous systems.
Among vertebrates there are three major groups of ganglia:
Dorsal root ganglia (also known as the spinal ganglia) contain the cell bodies of sensory (afferent) neurons.
Cranial nerve ganglia contain the cell bodies of cranial nerve neurons.
Autonomic ganglia contain the cell bodies of autonomic nerves.
In the autonomic nervous system, fibers from the central nervous system to the ganglia are known as preganglionic fibers, while those from the ganglia to the effector organ are called postganglionic fibers.
Basal ganglia[edit]
The term "ganglion" refers to the peripheral nervous system.[4]
However, in the brain (part of the central nervous system), the "basal ganglia" is a group of nuclei interconnected with the cerebral cortex, thalamus, and brainstem, associated with a variety of functions: motor control, cognition, emotions, and learning.
Partly due to this ambiguity, the Terminologia Anatomica recommends using the term basal nuclei instead of basal ganglia; however, this usage has not been generally adopted.
Pseudoganglion[edit]
A pseudoganglion is a localized thickening of the main part or trunk of a nerve that has the appearance of a ganglion[5] but has only nerve fibers and no nerve cell bodies.
Pseudoganglia are found in the teres minor muscle[6] and radial nerve.[citation needed]
See also[edit]
Sympathetic ganglion
Ganglion cyst
Nervous system
Neuron
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Sadava, David; Heller, H. Craig; Orians, Gordon H.; Purves, William K.; Hillis, David M. (2008). Life: The Science of Biology (8th ed.). W. H. Freeman. p. 943. ISBN 9780716776710.
Jump up ^ "ganglion" at Dorland's Medical Dictionary
Jump up ^ Brodal, Per (2010). The Central Nervous System. Oxford University Press. p. 5. ISBN 9780195381153. In the CNS, such a group is called a nucleus and in the peripheral nervous system (PNS), a ganglion.
Jump up ^ "UNSW Embryology- Glossary G". Archived from the original on 14 December 2007. Retrieved 2008-01-13.
Jump up ^ "pseudoganglion". The Free Dictionary. Retrieved 19 December 2016.
Jump up ^ Gitlin, G. (Oct 1957). "Concerning the gangliform enlargement (pseudoganglion) on the nerve to the teres minor muscle". Journal of Anatomy. 91 (4): 466–70. PMC 1244902  . PMID 13475146.
[show]
v
t
e
Nervous tissue
CNS
Tissue Types
Grey matter
White matter
Projection fibers
Association fiber
Commissural fiber
Lemniscus
Funiculus
Fasciculus
Nerve tract
Decussation
Commissure
Neuropil
Meninges
Cell Types
Neuronal
Pyramidal
Purkinje
Granule
Glial
insulating:
Myelination: Oligodendrocyte
other
Astrocyte
Radial glial cell
Ependymal cells
Tanycyte
Microglia
PNS
General
Dorsal
Root
Ganglion
Ramus
Ventral
Root
Ramus
Ramus communicans
Gray
White
Autonomic ganglion (Preganglionic nerve fibers
Postganglionic nerve fibers)
Connective tissues
Epineurium
Perineurium
Endoneurium
Nerve fascicle
Neuroglia
Myelination: Schwann cell
Neurolemma
Myelin incisure
Node of Ranvier
Internodal segment
Satellite glial cell
Neurons/
nerve fibers
Parts
Soma
Axon hillock
Axon
Telodendron
Axon terminals
Axoplasm
Axolemma
Neurofibril/neurofilament
Dendrite
Nissl body
Dendritic spine
Apical dendrite/Basal dendrite
Types
Bipolar
Unipolar
Pseudounipolar
Multipolar
Interneuron
Renshaw
Afferent nerve fiber/
Sensory neuron
GSA
GVA
SSA
SVA
fibers
Ia or Aα
Ib or Golgi or Aα
II or Aβ and Aγ
III or Aδ or fast pain
IV or C or slow pain
Efferent nerve fiber/
Motor neuron
GSE
GVE
SVE
Upper motor neuron
Lower motor neuron
α motorneuron
β motorneuron
γ motorneuron
Termination
Synapse
Electrical synapse/Gap junction
Chemical synapse
Synaptic vesicle
Active zone
Postsynaptic density
Autapse
Ribbon synapse
Neuromuscular junction
Sensory receptors
Meissner's corpuscle
Merkel nerve ending
Pacinian corpuscle
Ruffini ending
Muscle spindle
Free nerve ending
Nociceptor
Olfactory receptor neuron
Photoreceptor cell
Hair cell
Taste bud
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Ganglion&oldid=814258862"
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