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Cultural relativism
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Cultural relativism is the idea that a person's beliefs, values, and practices should be understood based on that person's own culture, rather than judged against the criteria of another.
It was established as axiomatic in anthropological research by Franz Boas in the first few decades of the 20th century and later popularized by his students. Boas first articulated the idea in 1887: "civilization is not something absolute, but ... is relative, and ... our ideas and conceptions are true only so far as our civilization goes".[1] However, Boas did not coin the term. Neither did the 21st century relativist James Lawrence Wray-Miller.
The first use of the term recorded in the Oxford English Dictionary was by philosopher and social theorist Alain Locke in 1924 to describe Robert Lowie's "extreme cultural relativism", found in the latter's 1917 book Culture and Ethnology.[2] The term became common among anthropologists after Boas' death in 1942, to express their synthesis of a number of ideas Boas had developed. Boas believed that the sweep of cultures, to be found in connection with any sub species, is so vast and pervasive that there cannot be a relationship between cultures and races.[3] Cultural relativism involves specific epistemological and methodological claims. Whether or not these claims necessitate a specific ethical stance is a matter of debate. This principle should not be confused with moral relativism.
Contents
[hide]
1 Epistemological origins
2 As a methodological and heuristic device
2.1 As a methodological tool
2.2 As a heuristic tool
3 As a critical device
4 Comparison to moral relativism
4.1 Statement on human rights
5 Current debates
5.1 Post-colonial politics
5.2 Political critique
5.3 Political defense
6 Use by nations
7 See also
8 References
9 Further reading
Epistemological origins[edit]
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Herodotus (Histories 3.38) observes on the relativity of mores (νόμοι):
If anyone, no matter who, were given the opportunity of choosing from amongst all the nations in the world the set of beliefs which he thought best, he would inevitably—after careful considerations of their relative merits—choose that of his own country. Everyone without exception believes his own native customs, and the religion he was brought up in, to be the best; and that being so, it is unlikely that anyone but a madman would mock at such things. There is abundant evidence that this is the universal feeling about the ancient customs of one's country.
—  tr. Aubrey de Selincourt
He mentions an anecdote of Darius the Great who illustrated the principle by inquiring about the funeral customs of the Greeks and the Callatiae, peoples from the extreme western and eastern fringes of his empire, respectively. They practiced cremation and funerary cannibalism, respectively, and were each dismayed and abhorred at the proposition of the other tribe's practices.
The epistemological claims that led to the development of cultural relativism have their origins in the German Enlightenment. The philosopher Immanuel Kant argued that human beings are not capable of direct, unmediated knowledge of the world. All of our experiences of the world are mediated through the human mind, which universally structures perceptions according to a priori concepts of time and space.
Although Kant considered these mediating structures universal, his student Johann Gottfried Herder argued that human creativity, evidenced by the great variety in national cultures, revealed that human experience was mediated not only by universal structures, but by particular cultural structures as well. The philosopher and linguist Wilhelm von Humboldt called for an anthropology that would synthesize Kant and Herder's ideas.
Although Herder focused on the positive value of cultural variety, the sociologist William Graham Sumner called attention to the fact that one's culture can limit one's perceptions. He called this principle ethnocentrism, the viewpoint that "one's own group is the center of everything", against which all other groups are judged.
As a methodological and heuristic device[edit]
According to George Marcus, Michael Fischer, and Sam Bohart,
20th century social and cultural anthropology has promised its still largely Western readership enlightenment on two fronts. The one has been the salvaging of distinct cultural forms of life from a process of apparent global Westernization. With both its romantic appeal and its scientific intentions, anthropology has stood for the refusal to accept this conventional perception of homogenization toward a dominant Western model.[4]
Cultural relativism was in part a response to Western ethnocentrism. Ethnocentrism may take obvious forms, in which one consciously believes that one's people's arts are the most beautiful, values the most virtuous, and beliefs the most truthful. Franz Boas, originally trained in physics and geography, and heavily influenced by the thought of Kant, Herder, and von Humboldt, argued that one's culture may mediate and thus limit one's perceptions in less obvious ways. He understood "culture" to include not only certain tastes in food, art, and music, or beliefs about religion. He assumed a much broader notion of culture, defined as
the totality of the mental and physical reactions and activities that characterize the behavior of the individuals composing a social group collectively and individually in relation to their natural environment, to other groups, to members of the group itself, and of each individual to himself.[5]
This understanding of culture confronts anthropologists with two problems: first, how to escape the unconscious bonds of one's own culture, which inevitably bias our perceptions of and reactions to the world, and second, how to make sense of an unfamiliar culture. The principle of cultural relativism thus forced anthropologists to develop innovative methods and heuristic strategies.
As a methodological tool[edit]
Between World War I and World War II, "cultural relativism" was the central tool for American anthropologists in this refusal of Western claims to universality, and salvage of non-Western cultures. It functioned to transform Boas' epistemology into methodological lessons.
This is most obvious in the case of language. Although language is commonly thought of as a means of communication, Boas called attention especially to the idea that it is also a means of categorizing experiences, hypothesizing that the existence of different languages suggests that people categorize, and thus experience, language differently (this view was more fully developed in the hypothesis of Linguistic relativity).
Thus, although all people perceive visible radiation the same way, in terms of a continuum of color, people who speak different languages slice up this continuum into discrete colors in different ways. Some languages have no word that corresponds to the English word "green". When people who speak such languages are shown a green chip, some identify it using their word for blue, others identify it using their word for yellow. Thus, Boas's student Melville Herskovits summed up the principle of cultural relativism thus: "Judgements are based on experience, and experience is interpreted by each individual in terms of his own enculturation."
Boas pointed out that scientists grow up and work in a particular culture, and are thus necessarily ethnocentric. He provided an example of this in his 1889 article, "On Alternating Sounds"[6] A number of linguists at Boas' time had observed that speakers of some Native American languages pronounced the same word with different sounds indiscriminately. They thought that this meant that the languages were unorganized and lacked strict rules for pronunciation, and they took it as evidence that the languages were more primitive than their own. Boas however noted that the variant pronunciations were not an effect of lack of organization of sound patterns, but an effect of the fact that these languages organized sounds differently from English. The languages grouped sounds that were considered distinct in English into a single sound, but also having contrasts that did not exist in English. He then argued the case that Native Americans had been pronouncing the word in question the same way, consistently, and the variation was only perceived by someone whose own language distinguishes those two sounds. Boas's student, the linguist Edward Sapir later noted that also English speakers pronounce sounds differently even when they think they are pronouncing the same sound, for example few English speakers realize that the sounds written with the letter ⟨t⟩ in the words "tick" and "stick" are phonetically different, the first being generally affricated and the other aspirated – a speaker of a language where this contrast is meaningful would instantly perceive them as different sounds and tend not to see them as different realizations of a single phoneme.
Boas's students drew not only on his engagement with German philosophy. They also engaged the work of contemporary philosophers and scientists, such as Karl Pearson, Ernst Mach, Henri Poincaré, William James and John Dewey in an attempt to move, in the words of Boas's student Robert Lowie, from "a naively metaphysical to an epistemological stage" as a basis for revising the methods and theories of anthropology.
Boas and his students realized that if they were to conduct scientific research in other cultures, they would need to employ methods that would help them escape the limits of their own ethnocentrism. One such method is that of ethnography: basically, they advocated living with people of another culture for an extended period of time, so that they could learn the local language and be enculturated, at least partially, into that culture.
In this context, cultural relativism is an attitude that is of fundamental methodological importance, because it calls attention to the importance of the local context in understanding the meaning of particular human beliefs and activities. Thus, in 1948 Virginia Heyer wrote, "Cultural relativity, to phrase it in starkest abstraction, states the relativity of the part to the whole. The part gains its cultural significance by its place in the whole, and cannot retain its integrity in a different situation."[7]
As a heuristic tool[edit]
Another method was ethnology: to compare and contrast as wide a range of cultures as possible, in a systematic and even-handed manner. In the late nineteenth century, this study occurred primarily through the display of material artifacts in museums. Curators typically assumed that similar causes produce similar effects; therefore, in order to understand the causes of human action, they grouped similar artifacts together – regardless of provenance. Their aim was to classify artifacts, like biological organisms, according to families, genera, and species. Thus organized museum displays would illustrate the evolution of civilization from its crudest to its most refined forms.
In an article in the journal Science, Boas argued that this approach to cultural evolution ignored one of Charles Darwin's main contributions to evolutionary theory:
It is only since the development of the evolutional theory that it became clear that the object of study is the individual, not abstractions from the individual under observation. We have to study each ethnological specimen individually in its history and in its medium ... By regarding a single implement outside of its surroundings, outside of other inventions of the people to whom it belongs, and outside of other phenomena affecting that people and its productions, we cannot understand its meanings ... Our objection ... is, that classification is not explanation.[8]
Boas argued that although similar causes produce similar effects, different causes may also produce similar effects.[9] Consequently, similar artifacts found in distinct and distant places may be the products of distinct causes. Against the popular method of drawing analogies in order to reach generalizations, Boas argued in favor of an inductive method. Based on his critique of contemporary museum displays, Boas concluded:
It is my opinion that the main object of ethnological collections should be the dissemination of the fact that civilization is not something absolute, but that it is relative, and that our ideas and conceptions are true only so far as our civilization goes.[8]
Boas's student Alfred Kroeber described the rise of the relativist perspective thus:[10]
Now while some of the interest in (so called solial culture science) anthropology in its earlier stages was in the exotic and the out-of-the-way, yet even this antiquarian motivation ultimately contributed to a broader result. Anthropologists became aware of the diversity of culture. They began to see the tremendous range of its variations. From that, they commenced to envisage it as a totality, as no historian of one period or of a single people was likely to do, nor any analyst of his own type of civilization alone. They became aware of culture as a "universe", or vast field in which we of today and our own civilization occupy only one place of many. The result was a widening of a fundamental point of view, a departure from unconscious ethnocentricity toward relativity. This shift from naive self-centeredness in one's own time and spot to a broader view based on objective comparison is somewhat like the change from the original geocentric assumption of astronomy to the Copernican interpretation of the solar system and the subsequent still greater widening to a universe of galaxies.
This conception of culture, and principle of cultural relativism, were for Kroeber and his colleagues the fundamental contribution of anthropology, and what distinguished anthropology from similar disciplines such as sociology and psychology.
Ruth Benedict, another of Boas's students, also argued that an appreciation of the importance of culture and the problem of ethnocentrism demands that the scientist adopt cultural relativism as a method. Her book, Patterns of Culture, did much to popularize the term in the United States. In it, she explained that:
The study of custom can be profitable only after certain preliminary propositions have been violently opposed. In the first place any scientific study requires that there be no preferential weighting of one or another items in the series it selects for its consideration. In all the less controversial fields like the study of cacti or termites or the nature of nebulae, the necessary method of study is to group the relevant material and to take note of all possible variant forms and conditions. In this way we have learned all that we know of the laws of astronomy, or of the habits of the social insects, let us say. It is only in the study of man himself that the major social sciences have substituted the study of one local variation, that of Western civilization.[11]
Benedict was adamant that she was not romanticizing so-called primitive societies; she was emphasizing that any understanding of the totality of humanity must be based on as wide and varied a sample of individual cultures as possible. Moreover, it is only by appreciating a culture that is profoundly different from our own, that we can realize the extent to which our own beliefs and activities are culture-bound, rather than natural or universal. In this context, cultural relativism is a heuristic device of fundamental importance because it calls attention to the importance of variation in any sample that is used to derive generalizations about humanity.
As a critical device[edit]
Marcus and Fischer's attention to anthropology's refusal to accept Western culture's claims to universality implies that cultural relativism is a tool not only in cultural understanding, but in cultural critique. This points to the second front on which they believe anthropology offers people enlightenment:
The other promise of anthropology, one less fully distinguished and attended to than the first, has been to serve as a form of cultural critique for ourselves. In using portraits of other cultural patterns to reflect self-critically on our own ways, anthropology disrupts common sense and makes us reexamine our taken-for-granted assumptions.[4]
The critical function of cultural relativism is widely understood; philosopher John Cook observed that "It is aimed at getting people to admit that although it may seem to them that their moral principles are self-evidently true, and hence seem to be grounds for passing judgement on other peoples, in fact, the self-evidence of these principles is a kind of illusion."[12] Although Cook is misconstruing cultural relativism to be identical to moral relativism, his point still applies to the broader understanding of the term. Relativism does not mean that one's views are false, but it does mean that it is false to claim that one's views are self-evident.
The critical function was indeed one of the ends to which Benedict hoped her own work would meet. The most famous use of cultural relativism as a means of cultural critique is Margaret Mead's dissertation research (under Boas) of adolescent female sexuality in Samoa. By contrasting the ease and freedom enjoyed by Samoan teenagers, Mead called into question claims that the stress and rebelliousness that characterize American adolescence is natural and inevitable.
As Marcus and Fischer point out, however, this use of relativism can be sustained only if there is ethnographic research in the United States comparable to the research conducted in Samoa. Although every decade has witnessed anthropologists conducting research in the United States, the very principles of relativism have led most anthropologists to conduct research in foreign countries.
Comparison to moral relativism[edit]
According to Marcus and Fischer, when the principle of cultural relativism was popularized after World War II, it came to be understood "more as a doctrine, or position, than as a method". As a consequence, people misinterpreted cultural relativism to mean that all cultures are both separate and equal, and that all value systems, however different, are equally valid. Thus, people came to use the phrase "cultural relativism" erroneously to signify "moral relativism".
People generally understand moral relativism to mean that there are no absolute or universal moral standards. The nature of anthropological research lends itself to the search for universal standards (standards found in all societies), but not necessarily absolute standards; nevertheless, people often confuse the two. In 1944 Clyde Kluckhohn (who studied at Harvard, but who admired and worked with Boas and his students) attempted to address this issue:
The concept of culture, like any other piece of knowledge, can be abused and misinterpreted. Some fear that the principle of cultural relativity will weaken morality. "If the Bugabuga do it why can't we? It's all relative anyway." But this is exactly what cultural relativity does not mean.
The principle of cultural relativity does not mean that because the members of some savage tribe are allowed to behave in a certain way that this fact gives intellectual warrant for such behavior in all groups. Cultural relativity means, on the contrary, that the appropriateness of any positive or negative custom must be evaluated with regard to how this habit fits with other group habits. Having several wives makes economic sense among herders, not among hunters. While breeding a healthy scepticism as to the eternity of any value prized by a particular people, anthropology does not as a matter of theory deny the existence of moral absolutes. Rather, the use of the comparative method provides a scientific means of discovering such absolutes. If all surviving societies have found it necessary to impose some of the same restrictions upon the behavior of their members, this makes a strong argument that these aspects of the moral code are indispensable.[13][14]
Although Kluckholn was using language that was popular at the time (e.g. "savage tribe") but which is now considered antiquated and coarse by most anthropologists, his point was that although moral standards are rooted in one's culture, anthropological research reveals that the fact that people have moral standards is a universal. He was especially interested in deriving specific moral standards that are universal, although few if any anthropologists think that he was successful.[13]
There is an ambiguity in Kluckhohn's formulation that would haunt anthropologists in the years to come. It makes it clear that one's moral standards make sense in terms of one's culture. He waffles, however, on whether the moral standards of one society could be applied to another. Four years later American anthropologists had to confront this issue head-on.
It was James Lawrence Wray-Miller who provided an additional clarification tool, or caveat as some would call it, of cultural relativism's theoretical underpinnings by dividing it into two binary, analytical continuums: vertical and horizontal cultural relativism. Ultimately, these two analytical continuums share the same basic conclusion: that human morality and ethics are not static but fluid and vary across cultures depending on the time period and current condition of any particular culture.
Vertical relativism describes that cultures, throughout history ("vertical" meaning passage through past and future), are products of the prevailing societal norms and conditions of their respective historical periods. Therefore, any moral or ethical judgments, made during the present, regarding past cultures' belief systems or societal practices must be firmly grounded and informed by these norms and conditions to be intellectually useful. Vertical relativism also accounts for the possibility that cultural values and norms will necessarily change as influencing norms and conditions change in the future.
Horizontal relativism describes that cultures in the present ("horizontal" in time – meaning the present period of the culture) are products of the prevailing norms and conditions developed as a result of their unique geographies, histories, and environmental influences. Therefore, moral or ethical judgments, made during the present, regarding a current culture's belief system or societal practices must account for these unique differences to be intellectually useful.
Statement on human rights[edit]
The transformation of cultural relativism as a heuristic tool into the doctrine of moral relativism occurred in the context of the work of the Commission of Human Rights of the United Nations in preparing the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
Melville Herskovits prepared a draft "Statement on Human Rights" which Executive Board of the American Anthropological Association revised, submitted to the Commission on Human Rights, and then published.[15] The statement begins with a fairly straightforward explanation of the relevance of cultural relativism:
The problem is thus to formulate a statement of human rights that will do more than phrase respect for the individual as individual. It must also take into full account the individual as a member of a social group of which he is part, whose sanctioned modes of life shape his behavior, and with whose fate his own is thus inextricably bound
The bulk of this statement emphasizes concern that the Declaration of Human Rights was being prepared primarily by people from Western societies, and would express values that, far from being universal, are really Western:
Today the problem is complicated by the fact that the Declaration must be of world-wide applicability. It must embrace and recognize the validity of many different ways of life. It will not be convincing to the Indonesian, the African, the Chinese, if it lies on the same plane as like documents of an earlier period. The rights of Man in the Twentieth Century cannot be circumscribed by the standards of any single culture, or be dictated by the aspirations of any single people. Such a document will lead to frustration, not realization of the personalities of vast numbers of human beings.
Although this statement could be read as making a procedural point (that the Commission must involve people of diverse cultures, especially cultures that had been or are still under European colonial or imperial domination), the document ended by making two substantive claims:
Even where political systems exist that deny citizens the right of participation in their government, or seek to conquer weaker peoples, underlying cultural values may be called on to bring the peoples of such states to a realization of the consequences of the acts of their governments, and thus enforce a brake upon discrimination and conquest.
Worldwide standards of freedom and justice, based on the principle that man is free only when he lives as his society defines freedom, that his rights are those he recognizes as a member of his society, must be basic.
These claims provoked an immediate response by a number of anthropologists. Julian Steward (who, as a student of Alfred Kroeber and Robert Lowie, and as a professor at Columbia University, was situated firmly in the Boasian lineage) suggested that the first claim "may have been a loophole to exclude Germany from the advocated tolerance", but that it revealed the fundamental flaw in moral relativism: "Either we tolerate everything, and keep hands off, or we fight intolerance and conquest – political and economic as well as military – in all their forms." Similarly, he questioned whether the second principle means that anthropologists "approve the social caste system of India, the racial caste system of the United States, or many other varieties of social discrimination in the world".[16] Steward and others[17] argued that any attempt to apply the principle of cultural relativism to moral problems would only end in contradiction: either a principle that seems to stand for tolerance ends up being used to excuse intolerance, or the principle of tolerance is revealed to be utterly intolerant of any society that seems to lack the (arguably, Western) value of tolerance. They concluded that anthropologists must stick to science, and engage in debates over values only as individuals.
Current debates[edit]
The debates over the Statement on Human Rights, then, was not merely over the validity of cultural relativism, or the question of what makes a right universal. It forced anthropologists to confront the question of whether anthropological research is relevant to non-anthropologists. Although Steward and Barnett seemed to be suggesting that anthropology as such should restrict itself to purely academic affairs, people within and without the academy have continued to debate the ways non-anthropologists have used this principle in public policy concerning ethnic minorities or in international relations.
Political scientist Alison Dundes Renteln has recently argued that most debates over moral relativism misunderstand the importance of cultural relativism.[18] Most philosophers understand the Benedictine–Herskovitz formulation of cultural relativism to mean
what is right or good for one individual or society is not right or good for another, even if the situations are similar, meaning not merely that what is thought right or good by one is not thought right or good by another ... but that what is really right or good in one case is not so in another.[19]
Although this formulation clearly echoes the kinds of example anthropologists used in elaborating cultural relativism, Renteln believes that it misses the spirit of the principle. Accordingly, she supports a different formulation: "there are or can be no value judgements that are true, that is, objectively justifiable, independent of specific cultures".[20]
Renteln faults philosophers for disregarding the heuristic and critical functions of cultural relativism. Her main argument is that in order to understand the principle of cultural relativism, one must recognize the extent to which it is based on enculturation: "the idea that people unconsciously acquire the categories and standards of their culture". This observation, which echoes the arguments about culture that originally led Boas to develop the principle, suggests that the use of cultural relativism in debates of rights and morals is not substantive but procedural. That is, it does not require a relativist to sacrifice his or her values. But it does require anyone engaged in a consideration of rights and morals to reflect on how their own enculturation has shaped their views:
There is no reason why the relativist should be paralyzed, as critics have often asserted.[21] But a relativist will acknowledge that the criticism is based on his own ethnocentric standards and realizes also that the condemnation may be a form of cultural imperialism.
Renteln thus bridges the gap between the anthropologist as scientist (whom Steward and Barnett felt had nothing to offer debates on rights and morality) and as private individual (who has every right to make value judgements). The individual keeps this right, but the scientist requires that the individual acknowledge that these judgements are neither self-evident universals, nor entirely personal (and idiosyncratic), but rather took form in relation to the individual's own culture.
Post-colonial politics[edit]
Boas and his students understood anthropology to be a historical, or human science, in that it involves subjects (anthropologists) studying other subjects (humans and their activities), rather than subjects studying objects (such as rocks or stars). Under such conditions, it is fairly obvious that scientific research may have political consequences, and the Boasians saw no conflict between their scientific attempts to understand other cultures, and the political implications of critiquing their own culture. For anthropologists working in this tradition, the doctrine of cultural relativism as a basis for moral relativism was anathema. For politicians, moralists, and many social scientists (but few anthropologists) who saw science and human interests as necessarily independent or even opposed, however, the earlier Boasian principle of cultural relativism was anathema. Thus, cultural relativism came under attack, but from opposing sides and for opposing reasons.
Political critique[edit]
On the one hand, many anthropologists began to criticize the way moral relativism, in the guise of cultural relativism, is used to mask the effects of Western colonialism and imperialism. Thus, Stanley Diamond argued that when the term "cultural relativism" entered popular culture, popular culture coopted anthropology in a way that voided the principle of any critical function:
Relativism is the bad faith of the conqueror, who has become secure enough to become a tourist.
Cultural relativism is a purely intellectual attitude; it does not inhibit the anthropologist from participating as a professional in his own milieu; on the contrary, it rationalizes that milieu. Relativism is self-critical only in the abstract. Nor does it lead to engagement. It only converts the anthropologist into a shadowy figure, prone to newsworthy and shallow pronouncements about the cosmic condition of the human race. It has the effect of mystifying the profession, so that the very term anthropologist ("student of man") commands the attention of an increasingly "popular" audience in search of novelty. But the search for self-knowledge, which Montaigne was the first to link to the annihilation of prejudice, is reduced to the experience of culture shock, a phrase used by both anthropologists and the State Department to account for the disorientation that usually follows an encounter with an alien way of life. But culture shock is a condition one recovers from; it is not experienced as an authentic redefinition of the personality but as a testing of its tolerance ... The tendency of relativism, which it never quite achieves, is to detach the anthropologist from all particular cultures. Nor does it provide him with a moral center, only a job.[22]
George Stocking summarized this view with the observation that "Cultural relativism, which had buttressed the attack against racialism, [can] be perceived as a sort of neo-racialism justifying the backward techno-economic status of once colonized peoples."[23]
Political defense[edit]
On the other hand, the most common and popular criticisms of relativism come not from anthropologists like Stanley Diamond, but rather from political conservatives. By the 1980s many anthropologists had absorbed the Boasian critique of moral relativism, and were ready to reevaluate the origins and uses of cultural relativism. In a distinguished lecture before the American Anthropological Association in 1984, Clifford Geertz pointed out that the conservative critics of cultural relativism did not really understand, and were not really responding to, the ideas of Benedict, Herskovits, Kroeber and Kluckhohn.[24] Consequently, the various critics and proponents of cultural relativism were talking past one another. What these different positions have in common, Geertz argued, is that they are all responding to the same thing: knowledge about other ways of life.
The supposed conflict between Benedict's and Herskovits's call for tolerance and the untolerant passion with which they called for it turns out not to be the simple contradiction so many amateur logicians have held it to be, but the expression of a perception, caused by thinking a lot about Zunis and Dahomys, that the world being so full of a number of things, rushing to judgement is more than a mistake, it is a crime. Similarly, Kroeber's and Kluckholn's verities – Kroeber's were mostly about messy creatural matters like delirium and menstruation, Kluckholn's were mostly about messy social ones like lying and killing within the in-group, turn out not to be just the arbitrary personal obsessions they so much look like, but the expression of a much vaster concern, caused by thinking a lot about anthrōpos in general, that if something isn't anchored everywhere nothing can be anchored anywhere. Theory here – if that is what these earnest advices about how we must look at things if we are to be accounted as decent should be called – is more an exchange of warnings than an analytical debate. We are being offered a choice of worries.
What the relativists – so-called – want us to worry about is provincialism – the danger that our perceptions will be dulled, our intellects constricted, and our sympathies narrowed by the overlearned and overvalued acceptances of our own society. What the anti-relativists – self-declared – want us to worry about, and worry about and worry about, as though our very souls depended on it, is a kind of spiritual entropy, a heat death of the mind, in which everything is as significant, and thus as insignificant, as everything else: anything goes, to each his own, you pays your money and you takes your choice, I know what I like, not in the couth, tout comprendre, c'est tout pardonner.
Geertz concludes this discussion by commenting, "As I have already suggested, I myself find provincialism altogether the more real concern so far as what actually goes on in the world."
Geertz' defense of cultural relativism as a concern which should motivate various inquiries, rather than as an explanation or solution, echoed a comment Alfred Kroeber made in reply to earlier critics of cultural relativism, in 1949:[25]
Obviously, relativism poses certain problems when from trying merely to understand the world we pass on to taking action in the world: and right decisions are not always easy to find. However, it is also obvious that authoritarians who know the complete answers beforehand will necessarily be intolerant of relativism: they should be, if there is only one truth and that is theirs.
I admit that hatred of the intolerant for relativism does not suffice to make relativism true. But most of us are human enough for our belief in relativism to be somewhat reinforced just by that fact. At any rate, it would seem that the world has come far enough so that it is only by starting from relativism and its tolerations that we may hope to work out a new set of absolute values and standards, if such are attainable at all or prove to be desirable.
Use by nations[edit]
Several nations have used cultural relativism as a justification for limiting the rights in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, despite the World Conference on Human Rights rejecting it as a refugee of human rights violations. A 2011 study by international legal expert Roger Lloret Blackburn, examining the Universal Periodic Reviews, distinguishes several different groups of nations. One group consists of nations where the current regime has been installed by revolution and that deny the need for political plurality: China, Vietnam, Myanmar, Cuba and Iran. Another group are certain Islamic nations that adhere to sharia and certain traditional practices: Yemen, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan. A third possible group is nations that give special rights to specific groups: Malaysia, Mexico, Indonesia, and Colombia.[26]
See also[edit]
Cultural Revolution
Emotivism
Ethnocentrism
Emic and etic
Global justice
Historical particularism
Intercultural competence
Moral relativism
Multiculturalism
Relativism
Situational ethics
Universality (philosophy)
Xenocentrism
Human rights
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Franz Boas 1887 "Museums of Ethnology and their classification" Science 9: 589
Jump up ^ "cultural, adj. and n.", OED Online, Sept 2009, Oxford University Press, http://dictionary.oed.com/cgi/entry/50055630, citing Locke's article "The Concept of Race as Applied to Social Culture", Howard Review 1 (1924): pp. 290-299.
Jump up ^ Glazer, Mark (December 16, 1994). "Cultural Relativism". Texas: University of Texas-Pan American. Archived from the original on June 13, 2007. Retrieved June 13, 2007.
^ Jump up to: a b George Marcus and Michael M.J. Fischer 1986 Anthropology as Cultural Critique: The Experimental Moment in the Human Sciences Chicago: University of Chicago Press. page 1
Jump up ^ Franz Boas 1963 [1911] The Mind of Primitive Man New York: Collier Books. page 149
Jump up ^ Franz Boas 1889 "On Alternating Sounds", American Anthropologist 2:47-53
Jump up ^ Heyer, Virginia 1948 "In Reply to Elgin Williams" in American Anthropologist 50(1) 163-166
^ Jump up to: a b Boas, Franz 1974 [1887] "The Principles of Ethnological Classification", in A Franz Boas reader ed. by George W. Stocking Jr. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. ISBN 0-226-06243-0. page 62,62
Jump up ^ Boas, Franz 1887 "Museums of Ethnology and their Classification", in Science 9: 587-589.
Jump up ^ Kroeber, Alfred (1948) "Anthropology" p. 11. Harcourt and Brace, New York.
Jump up ^ Ruth Benedict 1959 [1934] Patterns of Culture Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, page 3
Jump up ^ Cook, John, 1978. "Cultural Relativism as an Ethnocentric Notion", in The Philosophy of Society
^ Jump up to: a b Kluckhohn, Clyde 1944 Mirror For Man
Jump up ^ Caleb Rosado. "Cultural Relativism".
Jump up ^ Executive Board, American Anthropological Association 1947 "Statement on Human Rights" in American Anthropologist 49(4) 539-543
Jump up ^ Steward, Julian 1948 "Comments on the Statement of Human Rights" in American Anthropologist 50(2) 351–352
Jump up ^ Barnett, H. G. "On Science and Human Rights" in American Anthropologist 50(2) 352–355. June 1948.
Jump up ^ Renteln, Alison 1988 "Relativism and the Search for Human Rights" in American Anthropologist 90(1) 56–72
Jump up ^ Frankena, William 1973 Ethics
Jump up ^ Schmidt, Paul 1955 "Some Criticisms of Cultural Relativism" in Journal of Philosophy 52: 780–791
Jump up ^ Hartung, Frank 1954 '"Cultural Relativity and Moral Judgements" in Philosophy of Science 21: 11–125
Jump up ^ Stanley Diamond 2004 [1974] In Search of the Primitive New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers page 110
Jump up ^ Stocking, George W. Jr., 1982. "Afterward: A View from the Center" in Ethnos 47: 172–286
Jump up ^ Geertz, Clifford, 1984. "Anti-Anti-Relativism" in American Anthropologist 86 (2) 263–278.
Jump up ^ Kroeber, Alfred, 1949. "An Authoritarian Panacea" in American Anthropologist 51(2) 318–320
Jump up ^ Roger Lloret Blackburn, Cultural Relativism in the Universal Periodic Review of the Human Rights Council, ICIP Working Papers 2011/3, Institut Català Internacional per la Pau, Barcelona, September 2011, http://www.upr-info.org/sites/default/files/general-document/pdf/-blackburn_upr_cultural_relativism.09.2011.pdf
Further reading[edit]
Ankerl, Guy. 2000. Global Communication without Universal Civilization. vol.I: Coexisting Contemporary Civilizations: Arabo-Muslim, Bharati, Chinese, and Western. Geneva: INU PRESS, ISBN 2-88155-004-5
Barzilai, Gad. 2003. Communities and Law: Politics and Cultures of Legal Identities. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.
Herskovitz, Melville J. 1958 "Some Further Comments on Cultural Relativism" in American Anthropologist 60(2) 266-273
Herskovitz, Melville J. 1956 Man and His Works
Jarvie, I. C. 1995 "Cultural Relativism" (a critique)
Mathews, Freya 1994 "Cultural Relativism and Environmental Ethics" IUCN Ethics Working Group Report No 5, August 1994.
Murphy, Robert F., 1972 Robert Lowie
Nissim-Sabat, Charles 1987 "On Clifford Geertz and His 'Anti Anti-Relativism'" in American Anthropologist 89(4): 935-939
Rachels, James, 2007, The Elements of Moral Philosophy, McGraw-Hill, ISBN 0-07-282574-X
Sandall, Roger 2001 The Culture Cult: Designer Tribalism and Other Essays ISBN 0-8133-3863-8
Wong, David, 2006, Natural Moralities, A Defense of Pluralistic Relativism, Oxford UP, ISBN 978-0-19-530539-5
[show]
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Yellowstone (U.S. TV series)
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Yellowstone
Genre
Drama
Created by
Taylor Sheridan
John Linson
Written by
Taylor Sheridan
Directed by
Taylor Sheridan
Starring
Kevin Costner
Luke Grimes
Kelly Reilly
Wes Bentley
Cole Hauser
Kelsey Asbille
Brecken Merrill
Jefferson White
Danny Huston
Gil Birmingham
Composer(s)
Brian Tyler
Country of origin
United States
Original language(s)
English
No. of seasons
1
No. of episodes
9 (list of episodes)
Production
Executive producer(s)
John Linson
Art Linson
Taylor Sheridan
Kevin Costner
David C. Glasser
Producer(s)
John Vohlers
Michael Polaire
Cinematography
Ben Richardson
Editor(s)
Gary D. Roach
Evan Ahlgren
Camera setup
Single-camera
Running time
42–92 minutes
Production company(s)
Linson Entertainment
Bosque Ranch Productions
Treehouse Films
Release
Original network
Paramount Network
Original release
June 20, 2018 (2018-06-20) – present (present)
External links
Official website
Yellowstone is an American drama television series created by Taylor Sheridan and John Linson that premiered on June 20, 2018 on Paramount Network. It stars Kevin Costner, Wes Bentley, Kelly Reilly, Luke Grimes, Cole Hauser, Dave Annable and Gil Birmingham. The series follows the conflicts along the shared borders of a large cattle ranch, an Indian reservation, land developers and Yellowstone National Park. On July 24, 2018, it was announced that Paramount Network had renewed the series for a second season to air in 2019.
Contents
1 Premise
2 Cast and characters
2.1 Main
2.2 Recurring
2.3 Guest
3 Episodes
4 Production
4.1 Development
4.2 Casting
4.3 Filming
4.4 Music
5 Release
5.1 Marketing
5.2 Premiere
6 Reception
6.1 Critical response
6.2 Ratings
7 Notes
8 References
9 External links
Premise[edit]
Yellowstone follows "the Dutton family, led by John Dutton, who controls the largest contiguous ranch in the United States, under constant attack by those it borders — land developers, an Indian reservation, and America’s first National Park. It is an intense study of a violent world far from media scrutiny — where land grabs make developers billions, and politicians are bought and sold by the world’s largest oil and lumber corporations. Where drinking water poisoned by fracking wells and unsolved murders are not news: they are a consequence of living in the new frontier. It is the best and worst of America seen through the eyes of a family that represents both."[1]
Cast and characters[edit]
Main[edit]
Kevin Costner as John Dutton, the 6th generation patriarch of the Dutton family which controls the largest contiguous ranch in the United States. He is confronted with challenge of defending his land from those who would seek to take it from him while also overcoming the recent death of his son and a recent diagnosis of colon cancer. Josh Lucas portrays a young John Dutton in a recurring role.
Luke Grimes as Kayce Dutton, a former US Navy SEAL and one of John and Evelyn's sons. He lives on the local Indian reservation with his wife and son. Rhys Alterman portrays a young Kayce in a recurring role.
Kelly Reilly as Beth Dutton, a financier and the daughter of John and Evelyn. She is educated, highly intelligent, and a master manipulator. She is also, however, very unstable and suffers from a substance abuse problem. Kylie Rogers portrays a young Beth in a recurring role.
Wes Bentley as Jamie Dutton, an attorney, aspiring politician, and one of John and Evelyn's sons. Although completely loyal to his father and family, he is constantly frustrated at the current state of his family. He also has an intense love/hate relationship with his sister Beth. Dalton Baker portrays a young Jamie in a recurring role.
Cole Hauser as Rip Wheeler, the ranch foreman at Yellowstone and John's right-hand man and enforcer. Rip has worked on the ranch for many years and is fiercely loyal to John. He has an on-again, off-again relationship with Beth. Kyle Red Silverstein portrays a young Rip Wheeler in a guest appearance in the episode "The Unraveling: Pt. 1".
Kelsey Asbille as Monica Dutton, Kayce's Native American wife with whom he lives on the local reservation. She is a teacher at the school on the local Indian reservation.
Brecken Merrill as Tate Dutton, the son of Kayce and Monica and John's only grandchild.
Jefferson White as Jimmy Hurdstrom, a ranch hand at Yellowstone.
Danny Huston as Dan Jenkins, a land developer with aspirations of building on parts of Yellowstone.
Gil Birmingham as Chief Thomas Rainwater, the chief of the nearby Indian reservation.
Recurring[edit]
Moses Brings Plenty as Rainwater's driver
Ian Bohen as Ryan, a cowboy wrangler
Denim Richards as Colby, a cowboy wrangler
Forrie J. Smith as Lloyd
Wendy Moniz as Governor Lynelle Perry, the Governor of Montana.
Atticus Todd as Ben Waters
Timothy Carhart as A.G. Stewart
Rudy Ramos as Felix Long
Tokala Black Elk as Sam Stands Alone
Michaela Conlin as Sarah Nguyen
Ryan Bingham as Walker
Luke Peckinpah as Fred Meyers
Walter C. Taylor III as Emmett Walsh
Fredric Lehne as Carl Reynolds
Savonna Spracklin as Alice Wahl
Robert Mirabal as Principle Littlefield
Heather Hemmens as Melody Prescott
Katherine Cunningham as Christina
John Aylward as Father Bob
Morningstar Angeline as Samantha Long
Bill Tangradi as Alan Keene
Michael Nouri as Bob Schwartz
Gretchen Mol as Evelyn Dutton, the late wife of John Dutton, mother to Jaime, Beth, Kayce, and stepmother to John’s eldest son, Lee.
Barret Swatek as Victoria Jenkins, the wife of Dan Jenkins.
Hugh Dillon as Sheriff Donnie Haskell
Guest[edit]
Dave Annable as Lee Dutton ("Daybreak")
Jill Hennessy as Senator Huntington ("Daybreak"), an ally of Chief Rainwater.
Jeremiah Bitsui as Robert Long ("Daybreak")
Geno Segers as Danny Trudeau ("No Good Horses")
Taylor Sheridan as Travis Wheatley ("Coming Home")
Tinsel Korey as Emily Sessions ("A Monster Is Among Us")
Mike Faiola as Dr. Fielding ("A Monster Is Among Us")
Brian Unger as Dr. Stafford ("A Monster Is Among Us")
Hugh Dillon as Sheriff Donnie Haskell ("The Unravelling: Pt. 1")
Tanaya Beatty as Avery ("The Unravelling: Pt. 2")
James Pickens Jr. as Old Cowboy ("The Unravelling: Pt. 2")
Episodes[edit]
No.
Title
Directed by
Written by
Original air date
U.S. viewers
(millions)
1
"Daybreak" Taylor Sheridan Story by : Taylor Sheridan & John Linson
Teleplay by : Taylor Sheridan June 20, 2018 (2018-06-20) 2.83[2]
2
"Kill the Messenger" Taylor Sheridan Story by : Taylor Sheridan & John Linson
Teleplay by : Taylor Sheridan June 27, 2018 (2018-06-27) 2.07[3]
3
"No Good Horses" Taylor Sheridan Taylor Sheridan July 11, 2018 (2018-07-11) 2.17[4]
4
"The Long Black Train" Taylor Sheridan Taylor Sheridan July 18, 2018 (2018-07-18) 1.89[5]
5
"Coming Home" Taylor Sheridan Taylor Sheridan July 25, 2018 (2018-07-25) 1.95[6]
6
"The Remembering" Taylor Sheridan Taylor Sheridan August 1, 2018 (2018-08-01) 2.10[7]
7
"A Monster Is Among Us" Taylor Sheridan Taylor Sheridan August 8, 2018 (2018-08-08) 2.08[8]
8
"The Unravelling, Pt. 1" Taylor Sheridan Taylor Sheridan August 15, 2018 (2018-08-15) 2.13[9]
9
"The Unravelling, Pt. 2" Taylor Sheridan Taylor Sheridan August 22, 2018 (2018-08-22) 2.37[10]
Production[edit]
Development[edit]
In 2013, Taylor Sheridan began work on the series, having recently grown tired of acting and begun writing screenplays. Having lived in the rural parts of states such as Texas and Wyoming, Sheridan purposely set the series in Montana and went about writing the first scripts in Livingston.[11]
On May 3, 2017, it was announced that the Paramount Network had greenlit its first scripted series, Yellowstone. Paramount issued a series order for a first season consisting of ten episodes. The series was set to be written, directed, and executive-produced by Sheridan. Other executive producers were to include John Linson, Art Linson, Harvey Weinstein, and David Glasser. Production companies involved with the series were set to consist of Linson Entertainment and The Weinstein Company.[1]
On October 12, 2017, it was announced that following reports of sexual abuse allegations against producer Harvey Weinstein, his name would be removed from the series' credits as would The Weinstein Company as well.[12] On January 15, 2018, Kevin Kay, president of Paramount Network, clarified during the annual Television Critics Association's winter press tour that Yellowstone will not have The Weinstein Company's credits or logo on them, even though that company was involved in production. Furthermore, he stated that their intent is to replace Weinstein Television with the company’s new name in the show's credits when available.[13] That same day, it was also announced that the series would premiere on June 20, 2018.[14]
On July 24, 2018, it was announced that Paramount Network had renewed the series for a second season that was expected to premiere in 2019.[15]
Casting[edit]
On May 15, 2017, it was announced that Kevin Costner had been cast in the series lead role of John Dutton.[16] In June 2017, it was reported that Luke Grimes, Cole Hauser, Wes Bentley, and Kelly Reilly had joined the cast as series regulars.[17][18] On July 13, 2017, it was announced that Kelsey Asbille had been cast in a main role.[19] In August 2017, it was reported that Dave Annable, Gil Birmingham, and Jefferson White had been added to the main cast while Wendy Moniz, Gretchen Mol, Jill Hennessy, Patrick St. Esprit, Ian Bohen, Denim Richards, and Golden Brooks were joining the cast in a recurring capacity.[20][21][22][23] In November 2017, it was announced that Michaela Conlin and Josh Lucas had been added to the cast in recurring roles.[24][25] On December 19, 2017, it was reported that Heather Hemmens was joining the cast in a recurring capacity.[26] On June 13, 2018, it was announced that Barret Swatek had been cast in a recurring role.[27]
Filming[edit]
Principal photography for the series began in August 2017 at the Chief Joseph Ranch in Darby, Montana, which stands in as the home of John Dutton. Filming also took place that month near Park City, Utah. The production used all three soundstages at the Utah Film Studio in Park City, which is a total of 45,000 square feet. The building also houses offices, editing, a huge wardrobe department and construction shops. By November 2017, the series had filmed in more than twenty locations in Utah, including the Salt Flats and Spanish Fork. Additionally, filming also took place at various locations in Montana. Production was reportedly set to last until December 2017.[28][29]
Music[edit]
The series' score was composed by Brian Tyler who worked with musicians from the London Philharmonia Orchestra and viola, cello, and violin soloists. On August 17, 2018, the soundtrack for the first season was released by Sony Music.[30]
Release[edit]
Marketing[edit]
On February 28, 2018, a teaser trailer for the series was released.[31] On April 26, 2018, the first full trailer was released.[32]
Premiere[edit]
On June 25, 2018, the series held a screening at Seriesfest, an annual international television festival, at the Red Rocks Amphitheatre in Denver, Colorado.[33][34]
Reception[edit]
Critical response[edit]
The series has been met with a mixed response from critics upon its premiere. On the review aggregation website Rotten Tomatoes, the first season holds a 51% approval rating, with an average rating of 5.86 out of 10 based on 35 reviews. The website's critical consensus reads, "Yellowstone proves too melodramatic to be taken seriously, diminishing the effects of the talented cast and beautiful backdrops."[35] Metacritic, which uses a weighted average, assigned the season a score of 53 out of 100 based on 26 critics, indicating "mixed or average reviews."[36]
Ratings[edit]
The two-hour series premiere of Yellowstone averaged 2.8 million viewers in live + same day and became the most-watched original scripted series telecast ever on Paramount Network (or its predecessor Spike). The premiere audience grows to nearly 4 million when the two encore airings of the premiere are factored in. The premiere audience more than doubled that of Paramount Network’s first scripted drama series, Waco and more than tripled the debut viewership of Paramount Network's new comedy series, American Woman.[37] It was later reported that the premiere's Live+3 Nielsen ratings revealed that 4.8 million viewers ultimately watched the premiere after delayed viewing was factored in.[38] By the series' third episode, it was reported that the show had become the second most watched television series on ad-supported cable to air in 2018, only behind AMC's The Walking Dead.[39]
No.
Title
Air date
Rating
(18–49)
Viewers
(millions)
DVR
(18–49)
DVR viewers
(millions)
Total
(18–49)
Total viewers
(millions)
1 "Daybreak" June 20, 2018 0.4 2.83[2] 0.5 2.48 0.9 5.31[40]
2 "Kill the Messenger" June 27, 2018 0.3 2.07[3] 0.4 2.22 0.7 4.29[41][a]
3 "No Good Horses" July 11, 2018 0.4 2.17[4] 0.5 3.05 0.9 5.22[42]
4 "The Long Black Train" July 18, 2018 0.3 1.89[5] 0.5 2.75 0.8 4.64[43]
5 "Coming Home" July 25, 2018 0.3 1.95[6] 0.6 3.03 0.9 4.98[44]
6 "The Remembering" August 1, 2018 0.4 2.10[7] 0.4 2.20 0.8 4.31[45][a]
7 "A Monster Is Among Us" August 8, 2018 0.4 2.08[8] 0.4 2.35 0.8 4.43[46][a]
8 "The Unravelling, Pt. 1" August 15, 2018 0.4 2.13[9] 0.4 2.14 0.8 4.27[47][a]
9 "The Unravelling, Pt. 2" August 22, 2018 0.4 2.37[10] TBD TBD TBD TBD
Notes[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b c d Live +7 ratings were not available, so Live +3 ratings have been used instead.
References[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b Andreeva, Nellie (May 3, 2017). "Paramount Network Orders First Scripted Drama Series: Family Saga 'Yellowstone' From Taylor Sheridan & Weinstein Co". Deadline. Retrieved January 11, 2018.
^ Jump up to: a b Metcalf, Mitch (June 21, 2018). "Updated: ShowBuzzDaily's Top 150 Wednesday Cable Originals & Network Finals: 6.20.2018". Showbuzz Daily. Retrieved June 21, 2018.
^ Jump up to: a b Metcalf, Mitch (June 28, 2018). "Updated: ShowBuzzDaily's Top 150 Wednesday Cable Originals & Network Finals: 6.27.2018". Showbuzz Daily. Retrieved June 28, 2018.
^ Jump up to: a b Metcalf, Mitch (July 12, 2018). "Updated: ShowBuzzDaily's Top 150 Wednesday Cable Originals & Network Finals: 7.11.2018". Showbuzz Daily. Retrieved July 12, 2018.
^ Jump up to: a b Metcalf, Mitch (July 19, 2018). "Updated: ShowBuzzDaily's Top 150 Wednesday Cable Originals & Network Finals: 7.18.2018". Showbuzz Daily. Retrieved July 19, 2018.
^ Jump up to: a b Metcalf, Mitch (July 26, 2018). "Updated: ShowBuzzDaily's Top 150 Wednesday Cable Originals & Network Finals: 7.25.2018". Showbuzz Daily. Retrieved July 26, 2018.
^ Jump up to: a b Metcalf, Mitch (August 2, 2018). "Updated: ShowBuzzDaily's Top 150 Wednesday Cable Originals & Network Finals: 8.1.2018". Showbuzz Daily. Retrieved August 2, 2018.
^ Jump up to: a b Metcalf, Mitch (August 9, 2018). "Updated: ShowBuzzDaily's Top 150 Wednesday Cable Originals & Network Finals: 8.8.2018". Showbuzz Daily. Retrieved August 9, 2018.
^ Jump up to: a b Metcalf, Mitch (August 16, 2018). "Updated: ShowBuzzDaily's Top 150 Wednesday Cable Originals & Network Finals: 8.15.2018". Showbuzz Daily. Retrieved August 16, 2018.
^ Jump up to: a b Metcalf, Mitch (August 23, 2018). "Updated: ShowBuzzDaily's Top 150 Wednesday Cable Originals & Network Finals: 8.22.2018". Showbuzz Daily. Retrieved August 23, 2018.
Jump up ^ Walsh, Cory (December 10, 2017). "Costner: 'Yellowstone' TV series will be 'postcard for Montana'". Missoulian. Retrieved February 22, 2018.
Jump up ^ Pierce, Scott (October 12, 2017). "Harvey Weinstein's name removed from credits as made-in-Utah TV show 'Yellowstone' kicks off cast auditions". The Salt Lake Tribune. Retrieved January 15, 2018.
Jump up ^ D'Alessandro, Anthony (January 15, 2018). "Paramount Network Boss Addresses Harvey Weinstein's Involvement In TWC Series 'Waco' & 'Yellowstone'". Deadline. Retrieved January 15, 2018.
Jump up ^ D'Alessandro, Anthony (January 15, 2018). "'Yellowstone': Taylor Sheridan On Working After 'Wind River' & Paramount Network Boss On Moving Away From Weinstein Co". Deadline. Retrieved January 15, 2018.
Jump up ^ Petski, Denise (July 24, 2018). "'Yellowstone' Renewed For Second Season By Paramount Network". Deadline. Retrieved July 24, 2018.
Jump up ^ Petski, Denise (May 15, 2017). "Kevin Costner To Topline Par Network Drama Series 'Yellowstone' From Taylor Sheridan & The Weinstein Co". Deadline. Retrieved January 11, 2018.
Jump up ^ Lang, Brent (June 23, 2017). "Luke Grimes Starring in 'Yellowstone' With Kevin Costner (EXCLUSIVE)". Variety. Retrieved March 31, 2018.
Jump up ^ Andreeva, Nellie (June 28, 2017). "Cole Hauser, Wes Bentley & Kelly Reilly Join Paramount Network's 'Yellowstone'". Deadline. Retrieved January 11, 2018.
Jump up ^ Hipes, Patrick (July 13, 2017). "Kelsey Asbille Joins Paramount Network's 'Yellowstone' In Reteam With Taylor Sheridan". Deadline. Retrieved January 11, 2018.
Jump up ^ Petski, Denise (August 3, 2017). "'Yellowstone': Dave Annable, Gil Birmingham Set As Leads, Wendy Moniz To Recur In Paramount Network Series". Deadline. Retrieved January 11, 2018.
Jump up ^ Petski, Denise (August 11, 2017). "'Yellowstone': Jefferson White Cast As Regular, Gretchen Mol To Recur In Paramount Network Series". Deadline. Retrieved January 11, 2018.
Jump up ^ Petski, Denise (August 14, 2017). "'Yellowstone': Jill Hennessy, Patrick St. Esprit, More Set To Recur In Paramount Network Series". Deadline. Retrieved January 11, 2018.
Jump up ^ Otterson, Joe (August 10, 2017). "Paramount Network's 'Yellowstone' Casts 'Girlfriends' Alum Golden Brooks (EXCLUSIVE)". Variety. Retrieved March 1, 2018.
Jump up ^ Petski, Denise (November 3, 2017). "Michaela Conlin Joins 'Yellowstone'; 'Carnival Row' Casts Ariyon Bakare". Deadline. Retrieved January 11, 2018.
Jump up ^ Petski, Denise (November 30, 2017). "'Yellowstone': Josh Lucas Set To Recur In Paramount Network Series". Deadline. Retrieved January 11, 2018.
Jump up ^ Petski, Denise (December 19, 2017). "'Yellowstone' Casts Heather Hemmens; Mike Dopud Joins 'The 100'". Deadline. Retrieved January 11, 2018.
Jump up ^ Petski, Denise (June 13, 2018). "Barret Swatek Joins 'Yellowstone'; Tony Curran In 'Ray Donovan'". Deadline. Retrieved June 13, 2018.
Jump up ^ Pierce, Scott (August 17, 2017). "Kevin Costner's new TV series begins production in Utah". The Salt Lake Tribune. Retrieved January 11, 2018.
Jump up ^ Pierce, Scott (November 17, 2017). "Kevin Costner's new TV series 'Yellowstone' is filming, and spending tons of money, all over Utah". The Salt Lake Tribune. Retrieved January 11, 2018.
Jump up ^ Chitwood, Adam (August 22, 2018). "Exclusive: Watch 'Yellowstone' Composer Brian Tyler Record the Theme". Collider. Retrieved August 29, 2018.
Jump up ^ Ramos, Dino-Ray (February 28, 2018). "'Yellowstone' Trailer: Kevin Costner Navigates The Best And Worst Of Frontier Life In Paramount Network Drama". Deadline. Retrieved February 28, 2018.
Jump up ^ Pedersen, Erik (April 26, 2018). "'Yellowstone' Trailer: Kevin Costner's Back Home On The Range In Paramount Network's Neo-Western Drama". Deadline. Retrieved April 26, 2018.
Jump up ^ Wenzel, John (May 15, 2018). "Lady Antebellum will make its Red Rocks debut as part of this year's SeriesFest". The Know. Retrieved May 29, 2018.
Jump up ^ Ramos, Dino-Ray (May 30, 2018). "SeriesFest Unveils Initial Lineup, Sets World Premiere Of NBC Drama 'New Amsterdam'". Deadline. Retrieved May 31, 2018.
Jump up ^ "Yellowstone: Season 1". Rotten Tomatoes. Fandango. Retrieved August 28, 2018.
Jump up ^ "Yellowstone: Season 1". Metacritic. CBS Interactive. Retrieved July 2, 2018.
Jump up ^ Andreeva, Nellie (June 22, 2018). "'Yellowstone' Premiere Draws All-Time High Viewership For Paramount Network". Deadline. Retrieved June 22, 2018.
Jump up ^ Otterson, Joe (June 25, 2018). "'Yellowstone' Premiere Ratings Nearly Double in Delayed Viewing". Variety. Retrieved June 28, 2018.
Jump up ^ Andreeva, Nellie (July 16, 2018). "'Yellowstone' Becomes Second Most Watched Scripted Series On Basic Cable, Hits New Ratings Highs". Deadline. Retrieved July 16, 2018.
Jump up ^ Porter, Rick (July 5, 2018). "'Yellowstone' premiere scores in cable Live +7 ratings for June 18-24". TV by the Numbers. Retrieved July 5, 2018.
Jump up ^ Pucci, Douglas (July 6, 2018). "Live+3 Weekly Ratings: 'Code Black' Leads All Telecasts in Viewer Lifts; 'Big Brother 20' Debuts in Three of Top 4 Among Adults 18-49 Gains". Programming Insider. Retrieved July 6, 2018.
Jump up ^ Welch, Alex (July 29, 2018). "'Yellowstone' and 'Preacher' score big gains in cable Live +7 ratings for July 9-15". TV by the Numbers. Retrieved July 29, 2018.
Jump up ^ Welch, Alex (August 2, 2018). "'Teen Mom II' doubles in 18-49, 'Snowfall' gets big viewers boost cable Live +7 ratings for July 16-22". TV by the Numbers. Retrieved August 2, 2018.
Jump up ^ Welch, Alex (August 11, 2018). "'American Woman' scores big viewer gains in cable Live +7 ratings for July 23-29". TV by the Numbers. Retrieved August 11, 2018.
Jump up ^ Pucci, Douglas (August 10, 2018). "Live+3 Weekly Ratings: 'The Sinner' Season Premiere More Than Doubles its Live+Same Day Figures in Overall Gains". Programming Insider. Retrieved August 10, 2018.
Jump up ^ Pucci, Douglas (August 17, 2018). "Live+3 Weekly Ratings: 'Better Call Saul' Season Premiere Leads Scripted Telecasts in Raw Adults 18-49 Gains". Programming Insider. Retrieved August 17, 2018.
Jump up ^ Pucci, Douglas (August 24, 2018). "Live+3 Weekly Ratings: 'American Woman' Leads All Telecasts Among Adults 18-49 Percentage Gains". Programming Insider. Retrieved August 24, 2018.
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