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Collectivization in the Soviet Union
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"Strengthen working discipline in collective farms" – Soviet propaganda poster issued in Uzbekistan, 1933
The Soviet Union enforced the collectivization (Russian: Коллективизация) of its agricultural sector between 1928 and 1940 during the ascendancy of Joseph Stalin. It began during and was part of the first five-year plan. The policy aimed to consolidate individual landholdings and labour into collective farms: mainly kolkhozy and sovkhozy. The Soviet leadership confidently expected that the replacement of individual peasant farms by collective ones would immediately increase the food supply for the urban population, the supply of raw materials for processing industry, and agricultural exports. Planners regarded collectivization as the solution to the crisis of agricultural distribution (mainly in grain deliveries) that had developed from 1927.[1] This problem became more acute as the Soviet Union pressed ahead with its ambitious industrialization program.[2]
In the early 1930s over 91% of agricultural land became "collectivized" as rural households entered collective farms with their land, livestock, and other assets. The sweeping collectivization often involved tremendous human and social costs. Recent historians have estimated the death toll in the range of six to 13 million.[3]
Mass repression in the Soviet Union
Economic repression
Collectivization
Dekulakization
Soviet famine of 1932–33
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Psychiatric
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1921–28
1928–41
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Legislation
Science
Censorship
Images
Ethnic repression
Antisemitism
Holodomor
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v
t
e
Contents
[hide]
1 Background
2 Crisis of 1928
3 All-out drive, winter 1929–30
4 "Dizzy with Success"
5 Peasant resistance
5.1 Collectivization as a "second serfdom"
5.2 Women's role in resistance
5.3 Religious persecution
6 Results
6.1 Resistance to collectivization and consequences
6.2 Siberia
6.3 Central Asia and Kazakhstan
6.4 Ukraine
6.5 Latvia
7 Progress of collectivization in the USSR 1927–1940
8 Decollectivization under German occupation
9 See also
10 Footnotes
11 Further reading
12 External links
Background[edit]
After the emancipation of the serfs in 1861, peasants gained control of about half of the land they had previously cultivated, and began to ask for the redistribution of all land.[4] The Stolypin agricultural reforms between 1905 and 1914 gave incentives for the creation of large farms, but these ended during World War I. The Russian Provisional Government accomplished little during the difficult World War I months, though Russian leaders continued to promise redistribution. Peasants began to turn against the Provisional Government and organized themselves into land committees, which together with the traditional peasant communes became a powerful force of opposition. When Vladimir Lenin returned to Russia on April 16, 1917, he promised the people "Peace, Land and Bread," the latter two appearing as a promise to the peasants for the redistribution of confiscated land and a fair share of food for every worker respectively.
During the period of war communism, however, the policy of Prodrazvyorstka meant that the peasantry was obligated to surrender the surpluses of almost any kind of agricultural produce for a fixed price. When the Russian Civil War ended, the economy changed with the New Economic Policy (NEP) and specifically, the policy of prodnalog or "food tax." This new policy was designed to re-build morale among embittered farmers and lead to increased production.
The pre-existing communes, which periodically redistributed land, did little to encourage improvement in technique, and formed a source of power beyond the control of the Soviet government. Although the income gap between wealthy and poor farmers did grow under the NEP, it remained quite small, but the Bolsheviks began to take aim at the wealthy kulaks. Clearly identifying this group was difficult, though, since only about 1% of the peasantry employed laborers (the basic Marxist definition of a capitalist), and 82% of the country's population were peasants.[4]
Illustration to the Soviet categories of peasants: bednyaks, or poor peasants; serednyaks, or mid-income peasants; and kulaks, the higher-income farmers who had larger farms than most Russian peasants. Published Projector May 1926.
The small shares of most of the peasants resulted in food shortages in the cities. Although grain had nearly returned to pre-war production levels, the large estates which had produced it for urban markets had been divided up.[4] Not interested in acquiring money to purchase overpriced manufactured goods, the peasants chose to consume their produce rather than sell it. As a result, city dwellers only saw half the grain that had been available before the war.[4] Before the revolution, peasants controlled only 2,100,000 km² divided into 16 million holdings, producing 50% of the food grown in Russia and consuming 60% of total food production. After the revolution, the peasants controlled 3,140,000 km² divided into 25 million holdings, producing 85% of the food, but consuming 80% of what they grew (meaning that they ate 68% of the total).[5]
The Communist Party of the Soviet Union had never been happy with private agriculture and saw collectivization as the best remedy for the problem. Lenin claimed "Small-scale production gives birth to capitalism and the bourgeoisie constantly, daily, hourly, with elemental force, and in vast proportions."[6] Apart from ideological goals, Joseph Stalin also wished to embark on a program of rapid heavy industrialization which required larger surpluses to be extracted from the agricultural sector in order to feed a growing industrial work force and to pay for imports of machinery (by exporting grain).[7] Social and ideological goals would also be served through mobilization of the peasants in a co-operative economic enterprise which would produce higher returns for the State and could serve a secondary purpose of providing social services to the people.
Crisis of 1928[edit]
Main article: Soviet grain procurement crisis of 1928
This demand for more grain resulted in the reintroduction of requisitioning which was resisted in rural areas. In 1928 there was a 2-million-ton shortfall in grains purchased by the Soviet Union from neighbouring markets. Stalin claimed the grain had been produced but was being hoarded by "kulaks." Instead of raising the price, the Politburo adopted an emergency measure to requisition 2.5 million tons of grain.
The seizures of grain discouraged the peasants and less grain was produced during 1928, and again the government resorted to requisitions, much of the grain being requisitioned from middle peasants as sufficient quantities were not in the hands of the "kulaks." In 1929, especially after the introduction of the Ural-Siberian Method of grain procurement, resistance to grain seizures became widespread with some violent incidents of resistance. Also, massive hoarding (burial was the common method) and illegal transfers of grain took place.[citation needed]
Faced with the refusal to hand grain over, a decision was made at a plenary session of the Central Committee in November 1929 to embark on a nationwide program of collectivization.
Several forms of collective farming were suggested by the People's Commissariat for Agriculture (Narkomzem), distinguished according to the extent to which property was held in common:[8]
Association for Joint Cultivation of Land (Товарищество по совместной обработке земли, ТОЗ/TOZ), where only land was in common use;
agricultural artel (initially in a loose meaning, later formalized to become an organizational basis of kolkhozes, via The Standard Statute of an Agricultural Artel adopted by Sovnarkom in March 1930);
agricultural commune, with the highest level of common use of resources.
Also, various cooperatives for processing of agricultural products were installed.
In November 1929, the Central Committee decided to implement accelerated collectivization in the form of kolkhozes and sovkhozes. This marked the end of the New Economic Policy (NEP), which had allowed peasants to sell their surpluses on the open market. Stalin had many so-called "kulaks" transported to collective farms in distant places to work in agricultural labor camps. In response to this, many peasants began to resist, often arming themselves against the activists sent from the towns. As a form of protest, many peasants preferred to slaughter their animals for food rather than give them over to collective farms, which produced a major reduction in livestock.
Collectivization had been encouraged since the revolution, but in 1928, only about one percent of farm land was collectivized, and despite efforts to encourage and coerce collectivization, the rather optimistic first five-year plan only forecast 15 percent of farms to be run collectively.[4]
All-out drive, winter 1929–30[edit]
Yakov Yakovlev, People's Commissar for Agriculture appointed in 1929
The situation changed incredibly quickly in the fall of 1929 and winter of 1930. Between September and December 1929, collectivization increased from 7.4% to 15%, but in the first two months of 1930, 11 million households joined collectivized farms, pushing the total to nearly 60% almost overnight.
To assist collectivization, the Party decided to send 25,000 "socially conscious" industry workers to the countryside. This was accomplished during 1929–1933, and these workers have become known as twenty-five-thousanders ("dvadtsat'pyat'tysyachniki"). Shock brigades were used to force reluctant peasants into joining the collective farms and remove those who were declared kulaks and their "agents".
Collectivization sought to modernize Soviet agriculture, consolidating the land into parcels that could be farmed by modern equipment using the latest scientific methods of agriculture. It was often claimed that an American Fordson tractor (called "Фордзон" in Russian) was the best propaganda in favor of collectivization. The Communist Party, which adopted the plan in 1929, predicted an increase of 330% in industrial production, and an increase of 50% in agricultural production.
The means of production (land, equipment, livestock) were to be totally "socialized", i.e. removed from the control of individual peasant households. Not even any private household garden plots were allowed for.
Agricultural work was envisioned on a mass scale. Huge glamorous columns of machines were to work the fields, in total contrast to peasant small-scale work.
The peasants traditionally mostly held their land in the form of large numbers of strips scattered throughout the fields of the village community. By an order of 7 January 1930, "all boundary lines separating the land allotments of the members of the artel are to be eliminated and all fields are to be combined in a single land mass." The basic rule governing the rearrangement of the fields was that the process would have to be completed before the spring planting.[9]The new kolkhozy were initially envisioned as giant organizations unrelated to the preceding village communities. Kolkhozy of tens, or even hundreds, of thousands of hectares were envisioned in schemes which were later to become known as gigantomania. They were planned to be "divided into 'economies (ekonomii)' of 5,000 – 10,000 hectares which were in turn divided into fields and sections (uchastki) without regard to the existing villages – the aim was to achieve a 'fully depersonalized optimum land area'..."[citation needed] Parallel with this were plans to transfer the peasants to centralized 'agrotowns' offering modern amenities.
In the prevailing socio-economic conditions, little could become of such utopian schemes. The giant kolkhozy were always exceptional, existing mainly on paper, and in any case they were mostly soon to disappear. The peasants chose to remain in their traditional, primitive, villages.[10]
"Dizzy with Success"[edit]
The price of collectivization was so high that the March 2, 1930 issue of Pravda contained Stalin's article Dizzy with success, in which he called for a temporary halt to the process:
It is a fact that by February 20 of this year 50 percent of the peasant farms throughout the U.S.S.R. had been collectivized. That means that by February 20, 1930, we had overfulfilled the five-year plan of collectivization by more than 100 per cent.... some of our comrades have become dizzy with success and for the moment have lost clearness of mind and sobriety of vision.
After the publication of the article, the pressure for collectivization temporarily abated and peasants started leaving collective farms. According to Martin Kitchen, the number of members of collective farms dropped by 50% in 1930. But soon collectivisation was intensified again, and by 1936, about 90% of Soviet agriculture was collectivized.
Peasant resistance[edit]
Theoretically, landless peasants were to be the biggest beneficiaries from collectivization, because it promised them an opportunity to take an equal share in labor and its rewards[clarification needed]. In fact, however, rural areas did not have many landless peasants, given the wholesale redistribution of land following the Revolution. Alternatively, for those with property, collectivization meant forfeiting land up to the collective farms and selling most of the harvest to the state at minimal prices set by the state itself. This, in turn, engendered opposition to the idea. Furthermore, collectivization involved significant changes in the traditional village life of Russian peasants within a very short time frame, despite the long Russian rural tradition of collectivism in the village obshchina or mir. The changes were even more dramatic in other places, such as in Ukraine, with its tradition of individual farming, in the Soviet republics of Central Asia, and in the trans-Volga steppes, where for a family to have a herd of livestock was not only a matter of sustenance, but of pride as well.
YCLers seizing grain from "kulaks" which was hidden in the graveyard, Ukraine
Peasants viewed collectivization as the end of the world.[11] By no means was joining the collective farm (also known as the kolkhoz) voluntary. The drive to collectivize came without peasant support.[12] The intent was to increase state grain procurements without giving the peasants the opportunity to withhold grain from the market. Collectivization would increase the total crop and food supply but the locals knew that they were not likely to benefit from it.[13] Peasants tried to protest through peaceful means by speaking out at collectivization meetings and writing letters to the central authorities. When their strategies failed, villagers turned to violence: committing arson, and lynching and murdering local authorities, kolkhoz leaders, and activists.[14][15] Others responded with acts of sabotage, including the burning of crops and the slaughter of draught animals. According to Party sources, there were also some cases of destruction of property, and attacks on officials and members of the collectives. Isaac Mazepa, prime minister of the Ukrainian National Republic (UNR) in 1919–1920, claimed "[t]he catastrophe of 1932" was the result of "passive resistance … which aimed at the systematic frustration of the Bolsheviks' plans for the sowing and gathering of the harvest". In his words, "[w]hole tracts were left unsown,... [and as much as] 50 per cent [of the crop] was left in the fields, and was either not collected at all or was ruined in the threshing".[16] Fueled by fear and anxiety, rumors spread throughout the villages leading to these acts.[17] Rumors associated the Soviet government with the Antichrist (godless and evil), threatened an end to traditional ways of peasant life, and worked to unite the peasants to protest against collectivization.
Collectivization as a "second serfdom"[edit]
Rumours circulated in the villages warning the rural residents that collectivization would bring disorder, hunger, famine, and the destruction of crops and livestock.[18] Readings and reinterpretations of Soviet newspapers labeled collectivization as a second serfdom.[19][20] Villagers were afraid the old landowners/serf owners were coming back and that the villagers joining the collective farm would face starvation and famine.[21] More reason for peasants to believe collectivization was a second serfdom was that entry into the kolkhoz had been forced. Farmers did not have the right to leave the collective without permission. The level of state procurements and prices on crops also enforced the serfdom analogy. The government would take a majority of the crops and pay extremely low prices. The serfs during the 1860s were paid nothing but collectivization still reminded the peasants of serfdom.[22] To them, this “second serfdom” became code for the Communist betrayal of the revolution. To the peasants, the revolution was about giving more freedom and land to the peasants, but instead they had to give up their land and livestock to the collective farm which to some extent promoted communist policies.
Women's role in resistance[edit]
Women were the primary vehicle for rumors that touched upon issues of family and everyday life.[23] Fears that collectivization would result in the socialization of children, the export of women’s hair, communal wife-sharing, and the notorious common blanket affected many women, causing them to revolt. For example, when it was announced that a collective farm in Crimea would become a commune and that the children would be socialized, women killed their soon-to-be socialized livestock, which spared the children. Stories that the Communists believed short hair gave women a more urban and industrial look insulted peasant women.[24] After local activists in a village in North Caucasus actually confiscated all blankets, more fear dispersed among villagers. The common blanket meant that all men and women would sleep on a seven-hundred meter long bed under a seven-hundred-meter long blanket.[25] Historians argue that women took advantage of these rumors without actually believing them so they could attack the collective farm “under the guise of irrational, nonpolitical protest.”[26] Women were less vulnerable to retaliation than peasant men, and therefore able to get away with a lot more.[27]
Peasant women were rarely held accountable for their actions because of the officials’ perceptions of their protests. They “physically blocked the entrances to huts of peasants scheduled to be exiled as kulaks, forcibly took back socialized seed and livestock, and led assaults on officials.” Officials ran away and hid to let the riots run their course. When women came to trial, they were given less harsh punishments as the men because women, to officials, were seen as illiterate and the most backward part of the peasantry. One particular case of this was a riot in a Russian village of Belovka where protestors were beating members of the local soviet and setting fire to their homes. The men were held exclusively responsible as the main culprits. Women were given sentences to serve as a warning, not as a punishment. Because of how they were perceived, women were able to play an essential role in the resistance to collectivization.[28]
Religious persecution[edit]
The removal of the bell from St Volodymyr's Cathedral Central Kiev USSR 1930
Collectivization did not just entail the acquisition of land from farmers but also the closing of churches, burning of icons, and the arrests of priests. [21] Associating the church with the tsarist regime,[29] the Soviet state continued to undermine the church through expropriations and repression.[30] They cut off state financial support to the church and secularized church schools.[29] Peasants began to associate Communists with atheists because the attack on the church was so devastating.[30] The Communist assault on religion and the church angered many peasants, giving them more reason to revolt. Riots exploded after the closing of churches as early as 1929.[31]
Identification of Soviet power with the Antichrist also decreased peasant support for the Soviet regime. Rumors about religious persecution spread mostly by word of mouth, but also through leaflets and proclamations.[32] Priests preached that the Antichrist had come to place “the Devil’s mark” on the peasants.[33] and that the Soviet state was promising the peasants a better life but was actually signing them up for Hell. Peasants feared that if they joined the collective farm they would be marked with the stamp of the Antichrist.[34] They faced a choice between God and the Soviet collective farm. Choosing between salvation and damnation, peasants had no choice but to resist policies of the state.[35] These rumors of the Soviet state as the Antichrist functioned to keep peasants from succumbing to the government. The attacks on religion and the Church affected women the most because they were upholders of religion within the villages.[36]
Dovzhenko's film, Earth, gives example of peasants' skepticism with collectivization on the basis that it was an attack on the church.[37]
Results[edit]
Resistance to collectivization and consequences[edit]
Soviet famine of 1932–33. Areas of most disastrous famine marked with black.
Due to high government production quotas, peasants received, as a rule, less for their labor than they did before collectivization, and some refused to work. Merle Fainsod estimated that, in 1952, collective farm earnings were only one fourth of the cash income from private plots on Soviet collective farms.[38] In many cases, the immediate effect of collectivization was to reduce output and cut the number of livestock in half. The subsequent recovery of the agricultural production was also impeded by the losses suffered by the Soviet Union during World War II and the severe drought of 1946. However the largest loss of livestock was caused by collectivization for all animals except pigs.[39] The numbers of cows in the USSR fell from 33.2 million in 1928 to 27.8 million in 1941 and to 24.6 million in 1950. The number of pigs fell from 27.7 million in 1928 to 27.5 million in 1941 and then to 22.2 million in 1950. The number of sheep fell from 114.6 million in 1928 to 91.6 million in 1941 and to 93.6 million in 1950. The number of horses fell from 36.1 million in 1928 to 21.0 million in 1941 and to 12.7 million in 1950. Only by the late 1950s did Soviet farm animal stocks begin to approach 1928 levels.[39]
Despite the initial plans, collectivization, accompanied by the bad harvest of 1932–1933, did not live up to expectations. Between 1929 and 1932 there was a massive fall in agricultural production resulting in famine in the countryside. Stalin and the CPSU blamed the prosperous peasants, referred to as 'kulaks' (Russian: fist), who were organizing resistance to collectivization. Allegedly, many kulaks had been hoarding grain in order to speculate on higher prices, thereby sabotaging grain collection. Stalin resolved to eliminate them as a class.
The Soviet government responded to these acts by cutting off food rations to peasants and areas where there was opposition to collectivization, especially in Ukraine. Many peasant families were forcibly resettled in Siberia and Kazakhstan into exile settlements, and most of them died on the way. Estimates suggest that about a million so-called 'kulak' families, or perhaps some 5 million people, were sent to forced labor camps.[40][41]
On August 7, 1932, the Decree about the Protection of Socialist Property proclaimed that the punishment for theft of kolkhoz or cooperative property was the death sentence, which "under extenuating circumstances" could be replaced by at least ten years of incarceration. With what some called the Law of Spikelets ("Закон о колосках"), peasants (including children) who hand-collected or gleaned grain in the collective fields after the harvest were arrested for damaging the state grain production. Martin Amis writes in Koba the Dread that 125,000 sentences were passed for this particular offense in the bad harvest period from August 1932 to December 1933.
During the Famine of 1932-33 it's estimated that 7.8-8.1 million people died from starvation.[42] The implication is that the total death toll (both direct and indirect) for Stalin's collectivization program was on the order of 12 million people.[41] It is said that in 1945, Joseph Stalin confided to Winston Churchill at Yalta that 10 million people died in the course of collectivization.[43]
Siberia[edit]
Main article: History of Siberia
Since the second half of the 19th century, Siberia had been a major agricultural region within Russia, espеcially its southern territories (nowadays Altai Krai, Omsk Oblast, Novosibirsk Oblast, Kemerovo Oblast, Khakassia, Irkutsk Oblast). Stolypin's program of resettlement granted a lot of land for immigrants from elsewhere in the empire, creating a large portion of well-off peasants and stimulating rapid agricultural development in 1910s. Local merchants exported large quantities of labeled grain, flour and butter into central Russia and Western Europe.[44] In May 1931, a special resolution of the Western-Siberian Regional Executive Committee (classified "top secret") ordered the expropriation of property and the deportation of 40,000 kulaks to "sparsely populated and unpopulated" areas in Tomsk Oblast in the northern part of the Western-Siberian region.[45] The expropriated property was to be transferred to kolkhozes as indivisible collective property and the kolkhoz shares representing this forced contribution of the deportees to kolkhoz equity were to be held in the "collectivization fund of poor and landless peasants" (фонд коллективизации бедноты и батрачества).
It has since been perceived by historians such as Lynne Viola as a Civil War of peasant against Bolshevik Government and the attempted colonisation of the countryside.[46]
Central Asia and Kazakhstan[edit]
In areas where the major agricultural activity was nomadic herding, collectivization met with massive resistance and major losses and confiscation of livestock. Livestock in Kazakhstan fell from 7 million cattle to 1.6 million and from 22 million sheep to 1.7 million. Restrictions on migration proved ineffective and half a million migrated to other regions of Central Asia and 1.5 million to China.[47] Of those who remained, as many as a million died in the resulting famine.[48] In Mongolia, a so-called 'Soviet dependency', attempted collectivization was abandoned in 1932 after the loss of 8 million head of livestock.[49]
Ukraine[edit]
See also: Holodomor and Collectivization in the Ukrainian SSR
Most historians agree that the disruption caused by collectivization and the resistance of the peasants significantly contributed to the Great Famine of 1932–1933, especially in Ukraine, a region famous for its rich soil (chernozem). This particular period is called "Holodomor" in Ukrainian. During the similar famines of 1921–1923, numerous campaigns – inside the country, as well as internationally – were held to raise money and food in support of the population of the affected regions. Nothing similar was done during the drought of 1932–1933, mainly because the information about the disaster was suppressed by Stalin.[50] Stalin also undertook a purge of the Ukrainian communists and intelligentsia, with devastating long-term effects on the area.[51] Many Ukrainian villages were blacklisted and penalized by government decree for perceived sabotage of food supplies.[52] Moreover, migration of population from the affected areas was restricted.[53][54] According to Stalin in his conversation with the prize-winning writer Mikhail Sholokhov, the famine was caused by the excesses of local party workers and sabotage,
I've thanked you for the letters, as they expose a sore in our Party-Soviet work and show how our workers, wishing to curb the enemy, sometimes unwittingly hit friends and descend to sadism. ... the esteemed grain-growers of your district (and not only of your district alone) carried on an 'Italian strike' (sabotage!) and were not loath to leave the workers and the Red Army without bread. That the sabotage was quiet and outwardly harmless (without blood) does not change the fact that the esteemed grain-growers waged what was in fact a 'quiet' war against Soviet power. A war of starvation, dear com[rade] Sholokhov. This, of course, can in no way justify the outrages, which, as you assure me, have been committed by our workers. ... And those guilty of those outrages must be duly punished.[55][56]
Starved peasants on a street in Kharkiv, 1933
About 40 million people were affected by the food shortages including areas near Moscow where mortality rates increased by 50%.[57] The center of the famine, however, was Ukraine and surrounding regions, including the Don, the Kuban, the Northern Caucasus and Kazakhstan where the toll was one million dead. The countryside was affected more than cities, but 120,000 died in Kharkiv, 40,000 in Krasnodar and 20,000 in Stavropol.[57]
The declassified Soviet archives show that there were 1.54 million officially registered deaths in Ukraine from famine.[58] Alec Nove claims that registration of deaths largely ceased in many areas during the famine.[59] However, it's been pointed out that the registered deaths in the archives were substantially revised by the demographics officials. The older version of the data showed 600,000 fewer deaths in Ukraine than the current, revised statistics.[58] In The Black Book of Communism, the authors claim the number of dead was at least 4 million, and characterize the Great Famine as "a genocide of the Ukrainian people".[60][61]
Latvia[edit]
After the Soviet Occupation of Latvia in June 1940, the country's new rulers were faced with a problem: the agricultural reforms of the inter-war period had expanded individual holdings. The property of "enemies of the people" and refugees, as well as those above 30 hectares, was nationalised in 1940–44, but those who were still landless were then given plots of 15 hectares each. Thus, Latvian agriculture remained essentially dependent on personal smallholdings, making central planning difficult. In 1940–41 the Communist Party repeatedly said that collectivization would not occur forcibly, but rather voluntarily and by example. To encourage collectivization high taxes were enforced and new farms given no government support. But after 1945 the Party dropped its restrained approach as the voluntary approach was not yielding results. Latvians were accustomed to individual holdings (viensētas), which had existed even during serfdom, and for many farmers the plots awarded to them by the interwar reforms were the first their families had ever owned. Furthermore, the countryside was filled with rumours regarding the harshness of collective farm life.
Pressure from Moscow to collectivize continued and the authorities in Latvia sought to reduce the number of individual farmers (increasingly labelled kulaki or budži) through higher taxes and requisitioning of agricultural products for state use. The first kolkhoz was established only in November 1946 and by 1948, just 617 kolkhozes had been established, integrating 13,814 individual farmsteads (12.6% of the total). The process was still judged too slow, and in March 1949 just under 13,000 kulak families as well as a large number of individuals were identified. Between March 24 and March 30, 1949, about 40,000 people were deported and resettled at various points throughout the USSR.
After these deportations, the pace of collectivization increased as a flood of farmers rushed into kolkhozes. Within two weeks 1740 new kolkhozes were established and by the end of 1950, just 4.5% of Latvian farmsteads remained outside the collectivized units; about 226,900 farmsteads belonged to collectives, of which there were now around 14,700. Rural life changed as farmers' daily movements were dictated to by plans, decisions and quotas formulated elsewhere and delivered through an intermediate non-farming hierarchy. The new kolkhozes, especially smaller ones, were ill-equipped and poor – at first farmers were paid once a year in kind and then in cash, but salaries were very small and at times farmers went unpaid or even ended up owing money to the kholhoz. Farmers still had small pieces of land (not larger than 0.5 ha) around their houses where they grew food for themselves. Along with collectivization, the government tried to uproot the custom of living in individual farmsteads by resettling people in villages. However this process failed due to lack of money since the Soviets planned to move houses as well.[62][63]
Progress of collectivization in the USSR 1927–1940[edit]
Year
Number of
collective farms
Percent of farmsteads
in collective farms
Percent of sown area
in collective use
1927 14,800 0.8 –
1928 33,300 1.7 2.3
1929 57,000 3.9 4.9
1930 85,900 23.6 33.6
1931 211,100 52.7 67.8
1932 211,100 61.5 77.7
1933 224,500 65.6 83.1
1934 233,300 71.4 87.4
1935 249,400 83.2 94.1
1936 – 90.5 98.2
1937 243,700 93.0 99.1
1938 242,400 93.5 99.8
1939 235,300 95.6 –
1940 236,900 96.9 99.8
Sources: Sotsialisticheskoe sel'skoe khoziaistvo SSSR, Gosplanizdat, Moscow-Leningrad, 1939 (pp. 42, 43); supplementary numbers for 1927–1935 from Sel'skoe khoziaistvo SSSR 1935, Narkomzem SSSR, Moscow, 1936 (pp. 630, 634, 1347, 1369); 1937 from Great Soviet Encyclopedia, vol. 22, Moscow, 1953 (p. 81); 1939 from Narodnoe khoziaistvo SSSR 1917–1987, Moscow, 1987 (pp. 35); 1940 from Narodnoe khoziaistvo SSSR 1922–1972, Moscow, 1972 (pp. 215, 240).
The official numbers for collectivized area (the column with percent of sown area in collective use in the table above) are biased upward by two technical factors. First, these official numbers are calculated as percent of sown area in peasant farmsteads, excluding the area cultivated by sovkhozes and other agricultural users. Estimates based on total sown area (including state farms) reduce the share of collective farms between 1935–1940 to about 80%. Second, the household plots of kolkhoz members (i.e., collectivized farmsteads) are included in the land base of collective farms. Without the household plots, arable land in collective cultivation in 1940 was 96.4% of land in collective farms, and not 99.8% as shown by official statistics. Although there is no arguing with the fact that collectivization was sweeping and total between 1928 and 1940, the table below provides different (more realistic) numbers on the extent of collectivization of sown areas.
Distribution of sown area by land users, 1928 and 1940
Land users
1928
1940
All farms, '000 hectares 113,000 150,600
State farms (sovkhozy) 1.5% 8.8%
Collective farms (kolkhozy) 1.2% 78.2%
Household plots
(in collective and state farms) 1.1% 3.5%
Peasant farms and other users 96.2% 9.5%
Source: Narodnoe khoziaistvo SSSR 1922–1972, Moscow, 1972 (p. 240).
Decollectivization under German occupation[edit]
During World War II, Alfred Rosenberg, in his capacity as the Reich Minister for the Occupied Eastern Territories, issued a series of posters announcing the end of the Soviet collective farms in areas of the USSR under German occupation. He also issued an Agrarian Law in February 1942, annulling all Soviet legislation on farming, restoring family farms for those willing to collaborate with the occupiers. But decollectivization conflicted with the wider demands of wartime food production, and Hermann Göring demanded that the kolkhoz be retained, save for a change of name. Hitler himself denounced the redistribution of land as 'stupid.'[64][65] In the end, the German occupation authorities retained most of the kolkhozes and simply renamed them "community farms" (Russian: obshchinnye khoziaystva, a throwback to the traditional Russian commune). German propaganda described this as a preparatory step toward ultimate dissolution of the kolkhozes into private farms, which would be granted to peasants who had loyally delivered compulsory quotas of farm produce to the Germans. By 1943, the German occupation authorities had converted 30% of the kolkhozes into German-sponsored "agricultural cooperatives", but as yet had made no conversions to private farms.[66][67]
See also[edit]
History of the Soviet Union (1927–53)
Dekulakization
Soviet famine of 1932–33
Holodomor
Decree on Land
Collectivization in Hungary
OZET
Eastern Bloc economies
Collectivization in Yugoslavia
Footnotes[edit]
Jump up ^ McCauley, Martin, Stalin and Stalinism, p.25, Longman Group, England, ISBN 0-582-27658-6
Jump up ^ Davies, R.W., The Soviet Collective Farms, 1929–1930, Macmillan, London (1980), p. 1.
Jump up ^ Constantin Iordachi; Arnd Bauerkamper (2014). The Collectivization of Agriculture in Communist Eastern Europe: Comparison and Entanglements. Central European University Press. p. 9.
^ Jump up to: a b c d e A History of the Soviet Union from Beginning to End. Kenez, Peter. Cambridge University Press, 1999.
Jump up ^ page 87, Harvest of Sorrow ISBN 0-19-504054-6, Conquest cites Lewin pages 36–37 and 176
Jump up ^ Fainsod, Merle (1970). How Russia is Ruled (revised ed.). Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. p. 526.
Jump up ^ Fainsod (1970), p. 529.
Jump up ^ James W. Heinzen, "Inventing a Soviet Countryside: State Power and the Transformation of Rural Russia, 1917–1929", University of Pittsburgh Press (2004) ISBN 0-8229-4215-1, Chapter 1, "A False Start: The Birth and Early Activities of the People's Commissariat of Agriculture, 1917–1920"
Jump up ^ James R Millar, ed., The Soviet Rural Community (University of Illinois Press, 1971), pp.27–8.
Jump up ^ R W Davies, The Soviet Collective Farm 1929 – 1930 (Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1980), pp.ix, 42–50, 60; cf. p.52.
Jump up ^ Lynne Viola, Peasant Rebels Under Stalin: Collectivization and the Culture of Peasant Resistance (Oxford University Press, 1996), 3–12.
Jump up ^ Fitzpatrick, Sheila (1994). Stalin's Peasants: Resistance and Survival in the Russian Village After Collectivization. Oxford University Press. pp. 3–18.
Jump up ^ Fitzpatrick (1994), p. 4.
Jump up ^ Viola, Peasant Rebels Under Stalin
Jump up ^ Fitzpatrick (1994), p. 234.
Jump up ^ Mazepa, Isaac (1933-19-34). Ukrainia Under Bolshevist Rule. 12. pp. 342–343. ISBN 9780919396517. Retrieved September 15, 2010. Check date values in: |date= (help)
Jump up ^ Lynne Viola. "The Peasant Nightmare: Visions of Apocalypse in the Soviet Countryside." The Journal of Modern History 62, no. 4 (1990): 751.
Jump up ^ Viola, Peasant Rebels Under Stalin, 60.
Jump up ^ Fitzpatrick (1994), p. 67.
Jump up ^ Viola, Peasant Rebels Under Stalin, 3.
^ Jump up to: a b Fitzpatrick (1994), p. 6.
Jump up ^ Fitzpatrick (1994), p. 129.
Jump up ^ Viola, "The Peasant Nightmare,” 760.
Jump up ^ Lynne Viola, “Bab’i bunti and peasant women’s protest during collectivization,” in The Stalinist Dictatorship, ed. Chris Ward. (London; New York: Arnold, 1998), 218–19.
Jump up ^ Viola, “The Peasant Nightmare,” 765.
Jump up ^ Viola, “Bab’i bunti,” 218-19.
Jump up ^ Viola, “Bab’i bunti,” 224-25.
Jump up ^ Viola, “Bab’i bunti,” 220-22.
^ Jump up to: a b Fitzpatrick (1994), p. 33.
^ Jump up to: a b Viola, Peasant Rebels Under Stalin, 49.
Jump up ^ Viola, Peasant Rebels under Stalin, 157.
Jump up ^ Viola, “The Peasant nightmare,” 762.
Jump up ^ Fitzpatrick (1994), p. 45.
Jump up ^ Viola, Peasant Rebels Under Stalin, 63.
Jump up ^ Viola, “The Peasant nightmare,” 767.
Jump up ^ Viola, “Bab’i bunti”, 217-18.
Jump up ^ Dovzhenko, Aleksandr (1930-10-17), Earth, Stepan Shkurat, Semyon Svashenko, Yuliya Solntseva, retrieved 2018-03-25
Jump up ^ Fainsod (1970), p. 542.
^ Jump up to: a b Fainsod (1970), p. 541.
Jump up ^ Fainsod (1970), p. 526.
^ Jump up to: a b Hubbard, Leonard E. (1939). The Economics of Soviet Agriculture. Macmillan and Co. pp. 117–18.
Jump up ^ McCauley, Martin (2013). Stalin and Stalinism. Routledge. p. 43.
Jump up ^ Joseph Stalin: A Biographical Companion by Helen Rappaport, p. 53
Jump up ^ Commerce in the Siberian town of Berdsk, early 20th century. Archived 2004-12-24 at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ Western-Siberian resolution of deportation of 40,000 kulaks to northern Siberia, May 5, 1931.
Jump up ^ Viola, Lynne, Peasant Rebels Under Stalin: Collectivization and the Culture of Peasant Resistance, Oxford University Press, Oxford (1996), p. 3.
Jump up ^ Courtois, Stéphane, ed. (1999). The Black Book of Communism: Crimes, Terror, Repression. Harvard University Press. p. 168. ISBN 0-674-07608-7.
Jump up ^ Pannier, Bruce (28 December 2007). "Kazakhstan: The Forgotten Famine". Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty.
Jump up ^ Conquest, Robert (9 October 1986). "Central Asia and the Kazakh Tragedy". Harvest of Sorrow: Soviet Collectivization and the Terror-Famine. Oxford University Press. pp. 189–198. ISBN 0-19-504054-6.
Jump up ^ The Black Book of Communism (1995), p. 159.
Jump up ^ "Ukrainian Famine". Excerpts from the Original Electronic Text at the web site of Revelations from the Russian Archives (Library of Congress). Hanover College.
Jump up ^ "Grain Problem". Addendum to the minutes of Politburo [meeting] No. 93. Library of Congress. 6 December 1932.
Jump up ^ The Black Book of Communism (1995), p. 164.
Jump up ^ "Revelations from the Russian Archives: Ukrainian Famine". Library of Congress.
Jump up ^ Correspondence between Joseph Stalin and Mikhail Sholokhov published in Вопросы истории, 1994, № 3, с. 9–24
Jump up ^ Courtois, Stéphane, Werth Nicolas , Panné Jean-Louis , Paczkowski Andrzej , Bartošek Karel , Margolin Jean-Louis Czarna księga komunizmu. Zbrodnie, terror, prześladowania. Prószyński i S-ka, Warszawa 1999. 164–165
^ Jump up to: a b The Black Book of Communism (1995), p. 167.
^ Jump up to: a b Wheatcroft, Stephen; Davies, RW (2004). The Years of Hunger: Soviet Agriculture, 1931–1933. Palgrave MacMillan.
Jump up ^ Nove, Alec (1993). "Victims of Stalinism: How Many?". In Getty, J. Arch; Manning, Roberta T. Stalinist Terror: New Perspectives. Cambridge University Press. p. 266. ISBN 0-521-44670-8.
Jump up ^ The Black Book of Communism (1995), p. 168.
Jump up ^ Merl, S. (1995). "Golod 1932–1933—Genotsid Ukraintsev dlya osushchestvleniya politiki russifikatsii? (The famine of 1932–1933: Genocide of the Ukrainians for the realization of the policy of Russification?)". Otechestvennaya istoriya. 1. pp. 49–61.
Jump up ^ Plakans, Andrejs (1995). The Latvians: A Short History. Stanford: Hoover Institution Press. pp. 155–6.
Jump up ^ Freibergs, J. (2001) [1998]. Jaunako laiku vesture 20. gadsimts. Zvaigzne ABC. ISBN 9984-17-049-7.
Jump up ^ Leonid Grenkevich, The Soviet Partisan Movement, 1941–1945: A Critical Historiographical Analysis, Routledge, New York (1999), pp. 169–171.
Jump up ^ Memorandum by Brautigam concerning conditions in occupied areas of the USSR, 25 October 1942. Archived 24 February 2012 at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ Joseph L. Wieczynski, ed., The Modern Encyclopedia of Russian and Soviet History, Academic International Press, Gulf Breeze, FL, 1978, vol. 7, pp. 161–162.
Jump up ^ Alexander Dallin, German Rule in Russia, 1941 – 1945: A Study of Occupation Politics (London, Macmillan, 1957), pp.346–51; Karl Brandt, Otto Schiller and Frantz Anlgrimm, Management of Agriculture and Food in the German-Occupied and Other Areas of Fortress Europe (Stanford, California, Stanford University Press, 1953), pp.92ff. Ibid., pp.96–9, gives an interesting case study of the dissolution process.
Further reading[edit]
Ammende, Ewald. "Human life in Russia", (Cleveland: J.T. Zubal, 1984), Reprint, Originally published: London, England: Allen & Unwin, 1936, ISBN 0-939738-54-6
Conquest, Robert. The Harvest of Sorrow: Soviet Collectivization and the Terror-Famine, Oxford University Press, 1986.
Davies, R. W. The Socialist Offensive (Volume 1 of The Industrialization of Soviet Russia), Harvard University Press (1980), hardcover, ISBN 0-674-81480-0
Davies, R. W. The Soviet Collective Farm, 1929–1930 (Volume 2 of the Industrialization of Soviet Russia), Harvard University Press (1980), hardcover, ISBN 0-674-82600-0
Davies, R. W., Soviet Economy in Turmoil, 1929–1930 (volume 3 of The Industrialization of Soviet Russia), Harvard University Press (1989), ISBN 0-674-82655-8
Davies, R.W. and Stephen G. Wheatcroft. Years of Hunger: Soviet Agriculture, 1931–1933, (volume 4 of The Industrialization of Soviet Russia), Palgrave Macmillan (April, 2004), hardcover, ISBN 0-333-31107-8
Davies, R. W. and S. G. Wheatcroft. Materials for a Balance of the Soviet National Economy, 1928–1930, Cambridge University Press (1985), hardcover, 467 pages, ISBN 0-521-26125-2
Dolot, Miron. Execution by Hunger: The Hidden Holocaust, W. W. Norton (1987), trade paperback, 231 pages, ISBN 0-393-30416-7; hardcover (1985), ISBN 0-393-01886-5
Kokaisl, Petr. Soviet Collectivisation and Its Specific Focus on Central Asia Agris Volume V, Number 4, 2013, pp. 121–133, ISSN 1804-1930.
Hindus, Maurice. Red Bread: Collectivization in a Russian Village [1931]. Bllomingtonm, IN: Indiana University Press, 1988.
Laird, Roy D. "Collective Farming in Russia: A Political Study of the Soviet Kolkhozy", University of Kansas, Lawrence, KS (1958), 176pp.
Lewin, Moshe. Russian Peasants and Soviet Power: A Study of Collectivization, W.W. Norton (1975), trade paperback, ISBN 0-393-00752-9
Library of Congress Revelations from the Russian Archives: Collectivization and Industrialization (primary documents from the period)
Martens, Ludo. Un autre regard sur Staline, Éditions EPO, 1994, 347 pages, ISBN 2-87262-081-8. See the section "External links" for an English translation.
Nimitz, Nancy. "Farm Development 1928–62", in Soviet and East European Agricultures, Jerry F. Karcz, ed. Berkeley, California (US): University of California, 1967.
Satter, David. Age of Delirium : The Decline and Fall of the Soviet Union, Yale University Press (1996.
Taylor, Sally J. Stalin's Apologist: Walter Duranty : The New York Times Man in Moscow, Oxford University Press (1990), hardcover, ISBN 0-19-505700-7
Tottle, Douglas. Fraud, Famine and Fascism: The Ukrainian genocide myth from Hitler to Harvard. Toronto: Progress Books, 1987
Wesson, Robert G. "Soviet Communes." Rutgers University Press, 1963
Zaslavskaya, Tatyana. The Second Socialist Revolution, ISBN 0-253-20614-6
External links[edit]
"The Collectivization 'Genocide'", in Another View of Stalin, by Ludo Martens. Translated from the French book Un autre regard sur Staline, listed above under "References and further reading".
"Reply to Collective Farm Comrades" by Stalin
Ukrainian Famine: Excerpts from the Original Electronic Text at the web site of Revelations from the Russian Archives
"Soviet Agriculture: A critique of the myths constructed by Western critics", by Joseph E. Medley, Department of Economics, University of Southern Maine (US).
"The Ninth Circle", by Olexa Woropay
Prize-winning essay on FamineGenocide.com
1932–34 Great Famine: documented view by Dr. Dana Dalrymple
COLLECTIVIZATION AND INDUSTRIALIZATION Revelations from the Russian Archives at the Library of Congress
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Aidan Gillen
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Aidan Gillen
Born
Aidan Murphy
(1968-04-24) 24 April 1968 (age 49)
Drumcondra, Dublin, Ireland
Occupation
Actor
Years active
1985–present
Spouse(s)
Olivia O'Flanagan (m. 2001 - 2014)
Children
2
Aidan Gillen (/ˈɡɪlɛn/; born Aidan Murphy; 24 April 1968) is an Irish actor.
He is best known for portraying Petyr "Littlefinger" Baelish in the HBO series Game of Thrones (2011–2017), Tommy Carcetti in the HBO series The Wire (2004–2008), Stuart Alan Jones in the Channel 4 series Queer as Folk (1999–2000), John Boy in the RTÉ series Love/Hate (2010–2011) and CIA operative Bill Wilson in The Dark Knight Rises (2012). He also hosted seasons 10 through 13 of Other Voices.
Gillen has won three Irish Film & Television Awards[1] and has been nominated for a British Academy Television Award, a British Independent Film Award, and a Tony Award.[2]
Contents
[hide]
1 Early life
2 Career
3 Personal life
4 Filmography
4.1 Film
4.2 Television
4.3 Music video
4.4 Audiobooks
4.5 Radio
4.6 Video game
5 Stage
6 Awards and nominations
7 References
8 External links
Early life
Gillen was born in Drumcondra, Dublin. He was educated at St. Vincent's C.B.S. in Glasnevin. He began his acting career as a teenager with the Dublin Youth Theatre, playing Nick Bottom in A Midsummer Night's Dream at the Project Arts Centre before moving to London.[3]
Career
Gillen played Stuart Alan Jones in the groundbreaking Channel 4 television series Queer as Folk and its sequel, for which he received a British Academy Television Award nomination for Best Actor. He was nominated for a Tony Award for his highly acclaimed Broadway role in Harold Pinter's play The Caretaker[4] and has also been nominated for an Irish Times Theatre Award for his portrayal of Teach in the Dublin Gate Theatre's 2007 production of David Mamet's American Buffalo.[5]
In 2004, having been spotted by producers in The Caretaker, Gillen was cast as Tommy Carcetti in the acclaimed HBO series The Wire, for which he received an Irish Film & Television Award for Best Actor in a Lead Role in Television. In 2008, he was named an "Irish cult hero" by the Sunday Tribune. He appeared in the 2009 film 12 Rounds, and in July of that year, he appeared in the one-off BBC2 drama Freefall. He co-starred as Phil Hendrick in the British drama Thorne.
In 2011, Gillen began playing Petyr "Littlefinger" Baelish on the HBO series Game of Thrones, for which he received his second Irish Film & Television Award nomination.[6] He appeared in all seven broadcast seasons,[7] until his character's death in the season 7 finale "The Dragon and the Wolf".[8] He starred as cop killer Barry Weiss in the British crime-thriller Blitz and in the British horror film Wake Wood. He played crime boss John Boy in the acclaimed Irish crime-drama Love/Hate,[9] for which he received his third Irish Film & Television Award nomination and second win.
In 2012, Gillen played CIA agent Bill Wilson[10] (referred to solely as "CIA" in the film's dialogue; the character's name is revealed in the film's novelization) in The Dark Knight Rises, his first role in a major Hollywood film.[11] Gillen said he enjoyed playing the role, but preferred low-budget lead roles to blockbuster bit-parts.[11] Gillen's character subsequently became the subject of an Internet meme popular among 4chan users known as "Baneposting", which references the dialogue between Wilson and Tom Hardy's character Bane in the film's opening plane scene.[12][13] The same year, Gillen also starred in the British spy-drama Shadow Dancer, and was announced as the new host of the music show Other Voices.[14][15]
Gillen starred in the BBC five-part thriller Mayday in 2013, and the Irish comedy-drama film Calvary the following year.[16] He shared a Screen Actors Guild Award nomination with the cast of Game of Thrones for Outstanding Performance by an Ensemble in a Drama Series. He also starred in the short film Ekki Múkk,[17] created for the Valtari Mystery Film Experiment by Icelandic band Sigur Rós. Gillen also starred as Janson in the second film, The Scorch Trials, in the Maze Runner trilogy.[18]
Personal life
Gillen married Olivia O'Flanagan in 2001. The couple have two children and lived in Dingle; they separated in 2014.[19] In 2009, when Gillen won an Irish Film and Television Award for his role in The Wire, he dedicated the award to his wife and children, whom Gillen has stated "were a big motivation" for him.[20] Gillen's current partner is singer Camille O'Sullivan.[21]
Filmography
Film
Year
Title
Role
Notes
1985 The Drip Young Guy Short film
1987 The Lonely Passion of Judith Hearne Youth at Liquor Store Credited as Aidan Murphy
1988 The Courier Boy Credited as Aidan Murphy
1995 Circle of Friends Aidan Lynch
1996 Some Mother's Son Gerard Quigley
1997 Mojo Baby
1998 Gold in the Streets Paddy
1998 Amazing Grace Young Man Short film
1999 Buddy Boy Francis
2000 The Second Death Pool Player Short film
2000 The Low Down Frank
2001 My Kingdom Barry Puttnam
2001 Robertson Major William Robertson Short film
2002 The Final Curtain Dave Turner
2003 Photo Finish Joe Wilde
2003 Shanghai Knights Lord Nelson Rathbone
2003 Burning the Bed Stephen Short film
2006 Trouble with Sex Conor
2008 Blackout Karl
2009 12 Rounds Miles Jackson
2009 Spunkbubble Dessie Short film
2009 Runners Terry Short film
2010 Treacle Jr. Aidan
2011 Wake Wood Patrick Daley
2011 Blitz Barry Weiss
2012 The Dark Knight Rises CIA Agent Bill Wilson[22]
2012 Shadow Dancer Gerry
2012 Ekki Múkk Little One Short film
2012 The Good Man Michael
2013 Scrapper Ray
2013 The Note Lars Short film
2013 Mister John Gerry Devine
2013 Beneath the Harvest Sky Clayton
2013 Song Dan Short film
2014 Calvary Dr. Frank Harte
2014 Still Carver
2014 Song Dan Short film
2014 Ambition[23] Master Short film
2015 You're Ugly Too Will
2015 Maze Runner: The Scorch Trials Janson
2016 Sing Street Robert
2017 The Lovers Robert
2017 King Arthur: Legend of the Sword Goosefat Bill
2018 Maze Runner: The Death Cure Janson Post-production
2018 Bohemian Rhapsody John Reid Filming
Television
Year
Title
Role
Notes
1982 Wanderly Wagon Shadow
1990 The Play on One Harry Episode: "Killing Time"
1992 An Ungentlemanly Act Marine Wilcox Television film
1993 A Handful of Stars Tony Television film
1993 Belfry Dominic Television film
1993 The Bill Jeff Barratt Episode: "Play the Game"
1993 Screenplay Gypo Episode: "Safe"
1994 In Suspicious Circumstances James Crozier Episode: "To Encourage the Others"
1999–2000 Queer as Folk Stuart Alan Jones 10 episodes
2000 The Darkling Jeff Obold Television film
2000 Lorna Doone Carver Doone Television film
2001 Dice Glenn Taylor 2 episodes
2002 First Communion Day Seamus Television film
2003 Agatha Christie's Poirot Amyas Crale Episode: "Five Little Pigs"
2004–2008 The Wire Thomas J. "Tommy" Carcetti 35 episodes
2005 Law & Order: Trial by Jury Jimmy Colby Episode: "Vigilante"
2005 The Last Detective Steve Fallon Episode: "Willesden Confidential"
2005 Walk Away and I Stumble Paul Television film
2009 Freefall Gus Television film
2010 Thorne Phil Hendricks 6 episodes
2010 Identity DI John Bloom 6 episodes
2010–2011 Love/Hate John Boy Power 10 episodes
2011–2017 Game of Thrones Petyr Baelish 41 episodes
2011–2013 Other Voices Himself (host)
2013 Mayday Everett Newcombe 5 episodes
2015 Charlie Charles J. Haughey 3 episodes
2017 Peaky Blinders William Wilson
Music video
Year
Title
Artist
2012 Ekki múkk Sigur Rós[24]
2014 Valentine I Draw Slow
2016 Cameo[25] Mick Flannery
Audiobooks
Year
Title
Notes
1994 Paddy Clarke Ha Ha Ha ASIN B0051H6FW4,
1995 Felicia's Journey ASIN B000PYA4MA, ASIN B002X7UY36
1995 The Barrytown Trilogy: The Commitments ASIN B002SQCXX6
1998 Irish Short Stories
2010 The Poetry of Ireland ASIN B003GQ6S2O
2015 The Art of War
Radio
Year
Title
Notes
2013 The Last Tycoon BBC Radio 4[1][2]
Video game
Year
Title
role
2016 Quantum Break Paul Serene (motion capture)
Stage
Year
Title
Role
Notes
1981 The Do-It-Yourself Frankenstein Outfit Robot Dublin Youth Theatre
1988 The Wexford Trilogy: A Hand of Stars Tony Bush Theatre
1989 Juno and the Paycock Soldier Royal National Theatre
1989 Blue Ed Ache / Fred National Theatre Studio
1989 The Long Way Round Albin Royal National Theatre
1989 The Water Engine Bernie Hampstead Theatre
1990 Lovers Meeting Joe Hession Druid Theatre Company
1991 The Patriot Game Pearse Abbey Theatre
1991 The Wexford Trilogy: Belfry Dominic Bush Theatre
1992 Drama at Inish Eddie Twohig Abbey Theatre
1993 The Wexford Trilogy Tony / Dominic Abbey Theatre
1993 Marvin's Room Hank Hampstead Theatre
Comedy Theatre
1994 The Playboy of the Western World Christopher Mahon Almeida Theatre
1995 Mojo Skinny Royal Court Theatre
2000 The Tempest Ariel Almeida Theatre
2001 Platonov Platonov Almeida Theatre
2003 The Caretaker Mick Roundabout Theatre
2005 Someone Who'll Watch Over Me Edward New Ambassadors Theatre
2007 American Buffalo Teach Gate Theatre
2007 Glengarry Glen Ross Richard Roma Apollo Theatre
2015 The Dead Sam Wanamaker Playhouse
Awards and nominations
Year
Work
Award
Result
2000 Queer as Folk British Academy Television Award for Best Actor Nominated
2000 The Low Down Edinburgh International Film Festival for Best British Newcomer[citation needed] Won
2004 The Caretaker Drama Desk Award for Outstanding Featured Actor in a Play Nominated
2004 The Caretaker Outer Critics Circle Award for Outstanding Featured Actor in a Play Nominated
2004 The Caretaker Tony Award for Best Featured Actor in a Play Nominated
2009 The Wire Irish Film and Television Award for Actor in a Lead Role Television Won
2010 Treacle Jr. British Independent Film Award for Best Performance by an Actor Nominated
2011 Treacle Jr. Milan International Film Festival Award for Best Actor[26] Won
2012 Love/Hate Irish Film and Television Award for Actor in a Lead Role Television Won
2012 Game of Thrones Irish Film and Television Award for Actor in a Supporting Role Television Nominated
2012 Game of Thrones Screen Actors Guild Award for Outstanding Performance by an Ensemble in a Drama Series Nominated
2014 Game of Thrones Irish Film and Television Award for Actor in a Supporting Role Television Nominated
2015 Charlie Irish Film and Television Award for Actor in a Lead Role Television Won
2015 Game of Thrones Empire Hero Award[27] Won
2016 Game of Thrones Screen Actors Guild Award for Outstanding Performance by an Ensemble in a Drama Series Nominated
2016 Maze Runner: The Scorch Trials Teen Choice Award for Choice Movie Villain[28] Nominated
2017 Quantum Break NAVGTR Award for Supporting Performance in a Drama Won
References
Jump up ^ "IFTA winners 2012 announced". RTÉ. Archived from the original on 29 April 2012. Retrieved 15 August 2012.
Jump up ^ Harris, David (2 February 2016). "Current (Aidan Gillen) and future (Richard E. Grant) Game of Thrones Actors discuss their careers". Winter is Coming. Retrieved 6 April 2016.
Jump up ^ Mark Lawson (2 October 2007). "'I don't mind nasty roles'". The Guardian. Retrieved 3 August 2013.
Jump up ^ "Aidan Gillen Tony Award". Broadwayworld. Retrieved 15 August 2012.
Jump up ^ "Theatre Awards Shortlist Announced". RTÉ. Retrieved 15 August 2012.
Jump up ^ "Aidan Gillen – Nominated for TWO IFTA awards". Live Journal. Archived from the original on 3 December 2012. Retrieved 15 August 2012.
Jump up ^ Dresdale, Andrea (12 April 2015). "'Game of Thrones' Premiere: What to Expect from Season 5". ABC News. Go.com. Retrieved 24 April 2015.
Jump up ^ MacDonald, Lindsay (27 August 2017). "The Game of Thrones Finale Featured a Major Reveal and a Long-Awaited Death". TV Guide. Retrieved 28 August 2017.
Jump up ^ "Third series of Love/Hate in development". RTÉ. Archived from the original on 25 May 2012. Retrieved 16 August 2012.
Jump up ^ Cox, Greg (24 July 2012). The Dark Knight Rises: The Official Novelization. London: Titan Books. ISBN 978-1-78116-106-7.
^ Jump up to: a b Mottram, James (14 September 2013). "Lost soul: Aidan Gillen is taking on an existential crisis in the spiky Mister John". The Independent. Retrieved 8 February 2017.
Jump up ^ Broderick, Ryan (25 January 2017). "Trump Supporters And Neo-Nazis Are Using Secret Chatrooms To Harass Shia LaBeouf". BuzzFeed. Retrieved 8 February 2017.
Jump up ^ "Aidan Gillen has accidentally become part of a bizarre 'alt-right meme'". The Daily Edge. 29 January 2017. Retrieved 8 February 2017.
Jump up ^ "Gillen is new Other Voices host". RTÉ. Retrieved 16 August 2012.
Jump up ^ "I did warn you not to trust me…". UniversityObserver. Retrieved 21 August 2012.
Jump up ^ "Aidan Gillen in BBC thriller Mayday". Digital Spy. Retrieved 21 August 2012.
Jump up ^ "Sigur Rós – Ekki múkk". Vimeo. Retrieved 30 September 2014.
Jump up ^ Kit, Borys (26 September 2014). "'Game of Thrones' Actor to Play Villain in 'Maze Runner' Sequel (Exclusive)". The Hollywood Reporter. Retrieved 31 August 2016.
Jump up ^ "Hot off the Wire". Herald. Retrieved 16 August 2012.
Jump up ^ "Winners of the 6th Annual Irish Film and Television Awards". Irish Film and Television Academy. Retrieved 16 August 2012.
Jump up ^ Greenstreet, Rosanna (6 May 2017). "Aidan Gillen: ‘My best kiss? Up against a caravan in County Sligo as a teenager’". The Guardian.
Jump up ^ The Dark Knight Rises novelization
Jump up ^ "Game of Thrones star takes lead in hard sci-fi 'Ambition' (Wired UK)". Wired.
Jump up ^ Carrie, Battan (24 September 2012). "Watch: New Sigur Rós Video Starring Aiden Gillen, a.k.a. Mayor Tommy Carcetti From "The Wire"". Pitchfork. Retrieved 7 September 2016.
Jump up ^ Madden, Peter (26 September 2016), CAMEO, retrieved 1 August 2017
Jump up ^ "MIFF Awards Winners MIFF Tour". Milan International Film Festival Awards.
Jump up ^ "Empire Hero Award". Empireonline.com. Bauer Consumer Media. 2015. Archived from the original on 14 July 2015. Retrieved 1 April 2015.
Jump up ^ Eliahou, Maya (9 June 2016). "Teen Choice Awards 2016—Captain America: Civil War Leads Second Wave of Nominations". E! Online. Retrieved 17 June 2016.
External links
Aidan Gillen on IMDb
The Guardian profile. 2012
The Guardian profile. 2009
Guardian profile. 2007
Authority control
WorldCat Identities
VIAF: 86455776
LCCN: no2001087113
ISNI: 0000 0001 1681 9772
GND: 143376527
SUDOC: 175057427
BNF: cb151004035 (data)
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Aidan_Gillen&oldid=804452222"
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values: آيدن جيلن – Arabic

values: এইডান গিলেন – Bangla

values: Ейдън Гилън – Bulgarian

values: Έινταν Γκίλεν – Greek

values: آیدان گیلن – Persian

values: 에이던 길런 – Korean

values: Էյդան Գիլեն – Armenian

values: איידן גילן – Hebrew

values: Эйдан Гиллен – Kazakh

values: ეიდენ გილენი – Mingrelian

values: エイダン・ギレン – Japanese

values: Гиллен, Эйдан – Russian

values: Ейдан Гіллен – Ukrainian

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