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British anti-invasion preparations of 1803–05
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James Gillray, Buonaparte, 48 hours after landing!--Vide John Bulls home-stroke, armed en masse (1803).
British anti-invasion preparations of 1803–05 were the military and civilian responses in the United Kingdom to Napoleon's planned invasion of the United Kingdom. They included mobilization of the population on a scale not previously attempted in Britain, with a combined military force of over 615,000 in December 1803.[1] Much of the southern English coast was fortified to repel a French landing. However Napoleon never attempted his planned invasion and so the preparations were never put to the test.
Contents
[hide]
1 Background
2 British armed forces
2.1 Regular Army
2.2 Army of Reserve
2.3 Militia
2.4 Volunteers
2.5 Royal Navy
3 Fortifications
3.1 Martello towers
3.2 Royal Military Canal
3.3 Western Heights
4 Telegraphs
5 Contingency plans
6 Legacy
7 See also
8 Notes
9 References
10 External links
Background[edit]
In the aftermath of the French Revolution of 1789 Britain and France were at war almost continuously from 1793 to 1802, and then from 1803 to 1815, interrupted by the brief Peace of Amiens of 1802–3 and Napoleon's first exile at Elba in 1814–15. In late 1797, Napoleon said to the French Directory that:
[France] must destroy the English monarchy, or expect itself to be destroyed by these intriguing and enterprising islanders...Let us concentrate all our efforts on the navy and annihilate England. That done, Europe is at our feet.[2]
Napoleon inspecting the army at Boulogne, 15 August 1804.
However Napoleon decided against invading for the time being and instead unsuccessfully attacked British interests in Egypt. In March 1802 the two countries signed the Treaty of Amiens, which brought to an end nearly nine years of war. However both the British Prime Minister Henry Addington and Napoleon viewed the peace as temporary, and so it was, with Britain declaring war on France on 18 May 1803.[3] William Pitt replaced Addington as Prime Minister on 10 May 1804.
In 1803 Napoleon turned his attention to invading England once more, saying: "All my thoughts are directed towards England. I want only for a favourable wind to plant the Imperial Eagle on the Tower of London".[4] Napoleon now planned an invasion on a bigger scale than 1798 and 1801, and built a new armada for the effort.[5] He assembled the Grande Armée of over 100,000 at Boulogne.
British armed forces[edit]
Commander-in-Chief of the Forces The Prince Frederick, Duke of York and Albany.
Regular Army[edit]
Addington's government had kept the Regular army at 132,000 men during the Amiens interlude, with 18,000 in Ireland and 50,000 in Great Britain (the rest serving abroad).[6]
Army of Reserve[edit]
In 1803 50 of the 93 regiments of the Army gained a second battalion, which became known as the Army of Reserve. These 50,000 men would be raised by ballot within one year. However each recruit was liable to serve in Great Britain only. These Reserve soldiers could volunteer as Regular soldiers and consequently receive money.[7] After 9 months recruiting fewer than 3,000 of the 42,000 men were balloted men.[8] Within one month of recruiting it had enlisted 22,500 men but by the end of 1803 it was short of the required 50,000 by 15,000 so the government stopped recruiting for it.[9]
Militia[edit]
The Militia was a territorial-based infantry to be used only for home defence and was not a standing army. It was to be raised by ballot. The government in December 1802, fearing war, held a Militia ballot. The ballot was run by churchwardens and overseers of the poor in each parish. A list of men aged between eighteen and forty-five, with many exceptions (such as seamen and Thames watermen), was posted on the front of the church door. However, if a man found himself on the list he could get out of serving by paying a fine or getting another man to fill his place.[10] Four months after the ballot, and a week into the war, the Militia was filled to 80% of the 51,000 required.[9]
Volunteers[edit]
Main articles: Volunteer corps (1794–1814) and Yeomanry
The British government had no choice—in view of Napoleon's avowed determination to invade the United Kingdom—but to rely on the patriotism of the people through a volunteer movement.[11] The volunteers' function, as laid down in July 1803 by the Commander-in-Chief of the Forces, Prince Frederick, Duke of York, was to conduct guerrilla warfare against the French occupying forces. They would operate in small bodies to harass, instill panic and wear out the French army. They were never to get deeply engaged with French troops and to retire when pressed. Local knowledge was to be used as much as possible and they were also expected to cut off French pillaging detachments.[12] In anticipation to criticisms that arming the people was dangerous, the Secretary at War in Addington's government (Charles Yorke) said on 18 July 1803 in introducing a Bill for amending the Defence of the Realm Act:
I say, that in these times, it is better to run the hazard even of the people making a bad use of their arms, than that they should be actually left in a state of entire ignorance of the use of them. For my own part, I can safely aver, that I cannot see any real danger which is likely to accrue to the internal peace of the Country, when I consider the present dispositions and feelings of the people.[13]
William Pitt, in response, agreed:
William Pitt.
I am sure there is not an heart that palpitates in a British bosom that will not rouse for the common cause, and cordially join for the defence of the country. ... That there was a time, Sir, when it would have been dangerous to entrust arms with a great portion of the people of this country, I have strong reasons to know, because it must be in the recollection of every man that incendiaries were at work amongst them; and so successful in the promulgation of revolutionary doctrines, as to have disposed them to exert any means, however desperate, which they thought could be successful, in subverting the Government and Constitution. But that time is now past; and, I trust, those who have been so grosly deluded have seen their error. At least I am convinced, that if any such there still remain, the portion is so small, that if armed and dispersed in the same ranks with their loyal fellow subjects, they would be converted by their example; and, like them, rejoice in the blessings of our happy constitution; like them glory to live under its auspices, or die in its defence.[14]
Even the prominent anti-war MP Charles James Fox supported the Bill:
This is the first measure which I could...come down to support, being a measure for the defence of the country...the mass of the country; acting, not in single regiments, but as a great mass of armed citizens, fighting for the preservation of their country, their families, and every thing that is dear to them in life...an armed mass of the country, who are bound by every feeling and by every tie to defend that country to the last drop of their blood, before they will give way to him and his invading forces.[14]
During 1803 the government's call for volunteers to resist an invasion was met with a massive response. However the government was unprepared for the numbers of volunteers, as within a few weeks 280,000 men had volunteered. On 18 August Addington issued a circular discouraging new volunteers "in any county where the effective members of those corps, including the yeomanry, shall exceed the amount of six times the militia".[15] This had little effect since by the first week of September there were 350,000 volunteers.[16] At least half of the volunteers of the summer and autumn of 1803 were not equipped with their own weapon. When the government tried to issue them with pikes this was met with contempt and attacked by the Opposition leader William Windham.[17]
The second half of 1803 marked the height of the invasion scare.[18][19][20][21][22] When the King reviewed 27,000 volunteers in Hyde Park, London on 26 and 28 October 1803, 500,000 people were estimated to have turned out on each of the two days to witness the event. The Chief Constable of Bramfield (John Carrington) travelled from Hertfordshire to see it, saying: "I never saw such a sight all my days".[19] These were the best-attended of reviews of volunteers which between 1797 and 1805 "were often of daily occurrence".[23]
In 1804 returns to Parliament recorded a total of 480,000 volunteers in uniform. In addition there were the regular forces and the militia, which meant that nearly one-in-five able-bodied men were in uniform.[24] The Speaker, addressing the King at the prorogation of Parliament on 13 August 1803, said "the whole Nation has risen up in Arms".[25] Addington called the volunteer movement on 4 September 1803 "an insurrection of loyalty".[26] The response to the call to arms to resist invasion in these years has impressed some historians: "If some dissentient voices were heard in 1797–8 when the aftermath of the Revolution still lingered in the land, there was increased enthusiasm in the patriotism of 1801, and burning ardour coupled with absolute unanimity in that of 1803–5".[27]
Royal Navy[edit]
First Lord of the Admiralty John Jervis, 1st Earl of St. Vincent.
The Royal Navy kept a constant blockade of French harbours from Toulon to the Texel, just outside artillery range, waiting for a French ship to sail close enough to be attacked.[28] Rear-Admiral of the United Kingdom Admiral Cornwallis had a fleet off Brest and Commander-in-Chief of the North Sea Admiral Keith possessed a fleet between the Downs and Selsey Bill.[20] A further line of British ships lay close to the English coast to intercept any French ships that broke through the blockade.[20] The French were unwilling to venture out of their ports and so in the two years only nine flotilla ships had been captured or sunk by the Royal Navy.[29] During the end of December 1803 a violent storm blew Cornwallis's fleet from Brest and it had to stay in Torbay, giving the French fleet two days opportunity to invade. Upon hearing this Addington gave orders to prepare for an imminent invasion, but the French never used this opportunity.[30]
First Lord of the Admiralty Lord St. Vincent is said to have told the House of Lords: "I do not say the French cannot come, I only say they cannot come by sea".[31][32]
A volunteer force called the Sea Fencibles had been formed in 1793; they manned small armed boats, watch and signal towers, and fixed and floating batteries along the coasts.[33]
Fortifications[edit]
Brigadier General William Twiss.
In July 1803 the Duke of York argued for the construction of field fortifications as soon as possible because "the Erection of such Works must be immediate with a view to their probable utility", placing them at "Points where a Landing threatens the most important interests of the Country".[34] In August he requested from Addington further funds for such fortifications, who eventually consented. The Duke of York's priorities were the building of considerable fortifications at the Western Heights looking over the port of Dover and then the construction of Martello towers along the Kent and Sussex coasts.[35]
Martello towers[edit]
Main article: Martello towers
Across the coast of Kent and Sussex the government constructed a series of well-fortified towers, known as Martello towers, between 1805 and 1808. In September 1804 Pitt's government ordered General Sir William Twiss to scout the south-east coast of England for possible sites for Martello towers, to be used as artillery emplacements. Twiss earmarked eighty-eight appropriate sites between Seaford and Eastwear Bay. Twiss also headed the team that designed the Martello towers.[36] Twiss's plan was adopted in October at a defence conference in Rochester attended by Pitt, Lord Camden, the Duke of York, Lord Chatham, Major General Sir Robert Brownrigg, Lieutenant Colonel John Brown and Twiss.[37] Eventually seventy-four towers were built, with two (Eastbourne and Dymchurch) being considerably larger with eleven guns and housing 350 soldiers. These became known as Grand Redoubts.[37] A second line of twenty-nine towers, from Clacton-on-Sea to Slaughden near Aldeburgh, was constructed by 1812, including a redoubt at Harwich. Forty were built in Ireland.[38]
Martello tower.
Royal Military Canal[edit]
Main article: Royal Military Canal
During the summer of 1804, Lieutenant Colonel Brown was sent to examine the coast to discover if flooding of Romney Marsh would be viable in case of invasion. Brown thought it would not be and believed security would be improved by the excavation of "a cut from Shorncliffe battery, passing in front of Hythe under Lympne heights to West Hythe...being everywhere within musket shot of the heights".[39] Brown then advocated an extension of the water barrier: "...cutting off Romney Marsh from the county, opening a short and easy communication between Kent and Sussex but, above all, rendering unnecessary the doubtful and destructive measure of laying so large a portion of the country waste by inundation".[39] This became known as the Royal Military Canal, with construction starting in 1805 and completion in 1810.
Western Heights[edit]
The Drop Redoubt at the Western Heights.
Main article: Dover Western Heights
General Twiss recommended a fortress at Dover, with work beginning in 1804. The Western Heights at Dover consisted of three parts: the Drop Redoubt, the Citadel and the Grand Shaft.[40] The Drop Redoubt was a detached fort close to the steep cliffs, surrounded by ditches and intended for soldiers to go out and attack French infantry, built between 1804 and 1808. The Citadel was a larger fort surrounded by ditches and was still unfinished when war with France ended in 1815. The Grand Shaft was a barracks containing sixty officers and 1300 NCOs and soldiers, begun in 1806 and completed in 1809.[40]
Telegraphs[edit]
In order for the government to better communicate with the coast in case of invasion, a system of telegraphs was constructed. In January 1796, a telegraph line from the Admiralty in London to Deal, Kent had been built. In December 1796 another telegraph line was constructed between the Admiralty and Portsmouth. In May 1806 a telegraph line from Beacon Hill on the Portsmouth line to Plymouth was built. A subsequent telegraph line was built between the Admiralty and Great Yarmouth, thus telegraphs covered the south-east, south-west and East Anglia.[41] Before, messages between Portsmouth and London had taken several hours (two days for Plymouth) to reach their destination but now communications between London and Portsmouth took only fifteen minutes. Between London and Hythe it was eleven minutes.[41]
Contingency plans[edit]
King George III.
The King made contingency plans in the event of a French landing, with a courtier writing on 13 November 1803: "The King is really prepared to take the field in case of attack, his beds are ready and he can move at half an hour's warning".[42] Another courtier wrote:
The king certainly has his camp equipage and accoutrements quite ready for joining the army if the enemy should land, and is quite keen on the subject and angry if any suggests that the attempt may not be made. ... God forbid he should have the fate of Harold.[43]
The King wrote to his friend Bishop Hurd from Windsor on 30 November 1803:
We are here in daily expectation that Bonaparte will attempt his threatened invasion; the chances against his success seem so many that it is wonderful he persists in it. I own I place that thorough dependence on Divine Providence that I cannot help thinking the usurper is encouraged to make the trial that the ill-success may put an end to his wicked purposes. Should his troops effect a landing, I shall certainly put myself at the head of my troops and my other armed subjects to repel them. But as it is impossible to foresee the events of such a conflict, should the enemy approach too near to Windsor, I shall think it right the Queen and my daughters should cross the Severn, and send them to your Episcopal Palace at Worcester; by this hint I do not the least mean they shall be any inconvenience to you, and shall send a proper servant and furniture for their accommodation. Should this event arise, I certainly would rather have what I value most in life remain, during the conflict, in your diocese and under your roof than in any other place in the island.[23]
The government's contingency plans laid down that the King would go to Chelmsford if the French landed in Essex, or to Dartford if they landed in Kent, along with the Prime Minister and the Home Secretary. Lord Cornwallis would be in command of the reserve army. The Royal Arsenal artillery and stores and the Ordnance Board's powder magazines in Purfleet, would be put on the Grand Junction canal to the new ordnance depot at Weedon, Northamptonshire. Soldiers would be paid in gold instead of paper money. The Bank of England books would be sent to the Tower of London and its treasure would be entrusted to Sir Brook Watson, the Commissary General, who would transport it in thirty wagons (guarded by a relay of twelve Volunteer escorts) across the Midlands to join the King at Worcester Cathedral. The Stock Exchange would close and the Privy Council would take charge in London. The press would be forbidden from printing troop movements and official government communiqués would be distributed. If London fell to the French, the King and his ministers would retreat to the Midlands and "use the final mainstays of sovereignty – treasure and arms – to keep up the final struggle".[43][44]
Legacy[edit]
By the 1 September 1805 Napoleon's invasion camps were empty due to the Grande Armée marching against the Austrians. The Battle of Trafalgar on 21 October relieved British fears of invasion as Admiral Nelson destroyed the combined French-Spanish fleet.[45] However the threat of invasion remained so long as Britain was at war with France. At Tilsit in July 1807 Napoleon and the Russian Tsar Alexander I agreed to combine the navies of Europe against Britain. The British responded with a pre-emptive attack on the Danish fleet at Battle of Copenhagen and they also made sure the French never secured the Portuguese fleet.[46] Captain Edward Pelham Brenton in his Naval History of Great Britain noted that after Trafalgar "another French navy, as if by magic sprang forth from the forests to the seashore, manned by a maritime conscription exactly similar in principle to that edict by which the trees were appropriated to the building of ships".[47] The First Lord of the Admiralty, Lord Melville, noted after the war that given time Napoleon would "have sent forth such powerful fleets that our navy must eventually have been destroyed, since we could never have kept pace with him in building ships nor equipped numbers sufficient to cope with the tremendous power he could have brought against us".[47]
See also[edit]
British anti-invasion preparations of World War II
Notes[edit]
Jump up ^ Charles John Fedorak, Henry Addington, Prime Minister, 1801-1804. Peace, War and Parliamentary Politics (Akron, Ohio: The University of Akron Press, 2002), p. 165.
Jump up ^ H. F. B Wheeler and A. M. Broadley, Napoleon and the Invasion of England. The Story of the Great Terror (Nonsuch, 2007), p. 7.
Jump up ^ Peter A. Lloyd, The French Are Coming! The Invasion Scare 1803–05 (Spellmount Publishers Ltd, 1992), p. 8.
Jump up ^ Wheeler and Broadley, p. 9.
Jump up ^ Frank McLynn, Invasion. From the Armada to Hitler. 1588–1945 (London: Routledge, 1987), p. 98.
Jump up ^ Lloyd, pp. 119-20.
Jump up ^ Lloyd, p. 121.
Jump up ^ Lloyd, p. 123.
^ Jump up to: a b Lloyd, p. 126.
Jump up ^ Lloyd, pp. 121-22.
Jump up ^ Linda Colley, Britons. Forging the Nation, 1707–1837 (Yale University Press, 2005), p. 284.
Jump up ^ Admiral Sir Herbert W. Richmond, The Invasion of Britain. An Account of Plans, Attempts & Counter-Measures from 1586 to 1918 (Methuen, 1941), p. 54.
Jump up ^ The Times (19 July 1803), p. 1.
^ Jump up to: a b The Times (19 July 1803), p. 3.
Jump up ^ Norman Longmate, Island Fortress. The Defence of Great Britain 1603–1945 (Pimlico, 2001), pp. 285-6.
Jump up ^ Longmate, p. 286.
Jump up ^ Longmate, pp. 286-7.
Jump up ^ Wheeler and Broadley, p. 10.
^ Jump up to: a b Colley, p. 225.
^ Jump up to: a b c McLynn, p. 100.
Jump up ^ Longmate, p. 284.
Jump up ^ Wendy Hinde, George Canning (Purnell Book Services, 1973), pp. 118-9.
^ Jump up to: a b Wheeler and Broadley, p. 14.
Jump up ^ Alexandra Franklin and Mark Philp, Napoleon and the Invasion of Britain (The Bodleian Library, 2003), p. 13.
Jump up ^ The Times (13 August 1803), p. 2.
Jump up ^ Philip Ziegler, Addington. A Life of Henry Addington, First Viscount Sidmouth (Collins, 1965), p. 200.
Jump up ^ Wheeler and Broadley, p. 13.
Jump up ^ Lloyd, pp. 55-6.
Jump up ^ Lloyd, p. 66.
Jump up ^ Fedorak, p. 167.
Jump up ^ Longmate, p. 267.
Jump up ^ Lloyd, p. 197.
Jump up ^ http://www.historyofwar.org/articles/weapons_sea_fencibles.html
Jump up ^ Fedorak, pp. 167-68.
Jump up ^ Fedorak, p. 168.
Jump up ^ Lloyd, p. 166.
^ Jump up to: a b Lloyd, p. 167.
Jump up ^ Longmate, p. 278.
^ Jump up to: a b Lloyd, p. 159.
^ Jump up to: a b Longmate, p. 279.
^ Jump up to: a b Longmate, p. 269.
Jump up ^ John Brooke, King George III (Panther, 1974), p. 597.
^ Jump up to: a b Lloyd, p. 93.
Jump up ^ Brooke, p. 598.
Jump up ^ Correlli Barnett, Britain and Her Army. A Military, Political and Social History of the British Army 1509–1970 (Cassell, 2000), p. 252.
Jump up ^ Richard Glover, Britain at Bay. Defence against Bonaparte, 1803-14 (London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd, 1973), pp. 17-18.
^ Jump up to: a b Glover, p. 19.
References[edit]
Correlli Barnett, Britain and Her Army. A Military, Political and Social History of the British Army 1509–1970 (Cassell, 2000).
John Brooke, King George III (Panther, 1974).
Linda Colley, Britons. Forging the Nation, 1707–1837 (Yale University Press, 2005).
J. E. Cookson, The British Armed Nation, 1793–1815 (Clarendon Press, 1997).
Charles John Fedorak, Henry Addington, Prime Minister, 1801-1804. Peace, War and Parliamentary Politics (Akron, Ohio: The University of Akron Press, 2002).
Alexandra Franklin and Mark Philp, Napoleon and the Invasion of Britain (The Bodleian Library, 2003).
Austin Gee, The British Volunteer Movement, 1794–1815 (Clarendon Press, 2003).
Richard Glover, Britain at Bay. Defence against Bonaparte, 1803-14 (London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd, 1973).
Wendy Hinde, George Canning (Purnell Book Services, 1973).
Peter A. Lloyd, The French Are Coming! The Invasion Scare 1803–05 (Spellmount Publishers Ltd, 1992)
Norman Longmate, Island Fortress. The Defence of Great Britain 1603–1945 (Pimlico, 2001).
Frank McLynn, Invasion. From the Armada to Hitler. 1588–1945 (London: Routledge, 1987).
Mark Philp, Resisting Napoleon: The British Response to the Threat of Invasion, 1797–1815 (Ashgate, 2006).
Admiral Sir Herbert W. Richmond, The Invasion of Britain. An Account of Plans, Attempts & Counter-Measures from 1586 to 1918 (Methuen, 1941).
H. F. B Wheeler and A. M. Broadley, Napoleon and the Invasion of England. The Story of the Great Terror [1908] (Nonsuch, 2007).
Philip Ziegler, Addington. A Life of Henry Addington, First Viscount Sidmouth (Collins, 1965).
External links[edit]
BBC History - Dan Cruickshank - Napoleon, Nelson and the French Threat
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Categories:
Napoleon's planned invasion of the United Kingdom
19th-century military history of the United Kingdom
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1803 in the United Kingdom
1804 in the United Kingdom
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text:
Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union
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Consolidated version of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union
The Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (2007) is one of two primary Treaties of the European Union, alongside the Treaty on European Union (TEU). Originating as the Treaty of Rome, the TFEU forms the detailed basis of European Union law, by setting out the scope of the EU's authority to legislate and the principles of law in those areas where EU law operates.
Contents
[hide]
1 History
2 Contents
2.1 Part 1, Principles
2.2 Part 2, Non-discrimination and citizenship of the Union
2.3 Part 3, Union policies and internal actions
2.3.1 Title I: Internal market
2.3.2 Title II: Free movement of goods
2.3.3 Title III: Agriculture and Fisheries
2.3.4 Title IV: Free movement of workers, services and capital
2.3.5 Title V: Area of freedom, justice and security
2.3.6 Title VI: Transport
2.3.7 Title VII: Common Rules on Competition, Taxation and Approximation of Laws
2.3.8 Title VIII: Economic and monetary policy
2.3.9 Titles IX to XV: Employment, social and consumer policy
2.3.10 Titles XVI to XXIV Networks, industry, environment, energy, other
2.4 Part 4, Association of the overseas countries and territories
2.5 Part 5, External action by the Union
2.6 Part 6, Institutional and financial provisions
2.7 Part 7, General and final provisions
3 See also
4 References
History[edit]
The TFEU originated as the treaty establishing the European Economic Community (the EEC treaty), signed in Rome on 25 March 1957. On 7 February 1992, the Maastricht treaty, which led to the formation of the European Union, saw the EEC Treaty renamed as the Treaty establishing the European Community (TEC) and renumbered. The Maastricht reforms also saw the creation of the European Union's three pillar structure, of which the European Community was the major constituent part.
Following the 2005 referenda, which saw the failed attempt at launching a European Constitution, on 13 December 2007 the Lisbon treaty was signed. This saw the 'TEC' renamed as the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) and, once again, renumbered. The Lisbon reforms resulted in the merging of the three pillars into the reformed European Union.
Contents[edit]
The TFEU consists of seven parts:
Part 1, Principles[edit]
In principles, article 1 establishes the basis of the treaty and its legal value. Articles 2 to 6 outline the competencies of the EU according to the level of powers accorded in each area. Articles 7 to 14 set out social principles, articles 15 and 16 set out public access to documents and meetings and article 17 states that the EU shall respect the status of religious, philosophical and non-confessional organisations under national law.[1]
Part 2, Non-discrimination and citizenship of the Union[edit]
The second part begins with article 18 which outlaws, within the limitations of the treaties, discrimination on the basis of nationality. Article 19 states the EU will "combat discrimination based on sex, racial or ethnic origin, religion or belief, disability, age or sexual orientation". Articles 20 to 24 establishes EU citizenship and accords rights to it; to free movement, consular protection from other states, vote and stand in local and European elections, right to petition Parliament and the European Ombudsman and to contact and receive a reply from EU institutions in their own language. Article 25 requires the Commission to report on the implementation of these rights every three years.[1]
Part 3, Union policies and internal actions[edit]
Part 3 is the largest in the TFEU. Articles 26 to 197 concern the substantive policies and actions of the EU.
Title I: Internal market[edit]
Title II: Free movement of goods[edit]
Including the customs union
Title III: Agriculture and Fisheries[edit]
Common Agricultural Policy and Common Fisheries Policy
Title IV: Free movement of workers, services and capital[edit]
free movement of people, services and capital
Title V: Area of freedom, justice and security[edit]
Including police and justice co-operation
Title VI: Transport[edit]
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Title VIII: Economic and monetary policy[edit]
Articles 119 to 144 concern economic and monetary policy, including articles on the euro. Chapter 1: Economic policy - Article 126 deals with how excessive member state debt is handled.[2] Chapter 2: Monetary policy - Article 127 outlines that the European System of Central Banks should maintain price stability and work with the principles of an open markets and free competition.[3]
Titles IX to XV: Employment, social and consumer policy[edit]
Main articles: European labour law and European consumer law
Title IX concerns employment policy, under articles 145–150. Title X concerns social policy, and with reference to the European Social Charter 1961 and the Community Charter of the Fundamental Social Rights of Workers 1989. This gives rise to the weight of European labour law.
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Titles XVI to XXIV Networks, industry, environment, energy, other[edit]
Title XVI, articles 170–172 empower action to develop and integrate Trans-European Networks. Title XVII, article 173, regards the EU's industrial policy, to promote industry. Title XVIII, articles 174 to 178 concern economic, social and territorial cohesion (reducing disparities in development). Title XIX concerns research and development and space policy, under which the European Research Area and European Space Policy are developed.
Title XX concerns the increasingly important environmental policy, allowing action under articles 191 to 193. Title XXI, article 194, establishes the Energy policy of the European Union.
Title XXII, article 195 is tourism. Title XXIII, article 196 is civil protection. Title XXIV, article 197 is administrative co-operation.
Part 4, Association of the overseas countries and territories[edit]
Part 4, in articles 198 to 204, deals with association of overseas territories. Article 198 sets the objective of association as promoting the economic and social development of those associated territories as listed in annexe 2. The following articles elaborate on the form of association such as customs duties.[1]
Part 5, External action by the Union[edit]
Part 5, in articles 205 to 222, deals with EU foreign policy. Article 205 states that external actions must be in accordance with the principles laid out in Chapter 1 Title 5 of the Treaty on European Union. Article 206 and 207 establish the common commercial (external trade) policy of the EU. Articles 208 to 214 deal with co-operation on development and humanitarian aid for third countries. Article 215 deals with sanctions while articles 216 to 219 deal with procedures for establishing international treaties with third countries. Article 220 instructs the High Representative and Commission to engage in appropriate co-operation with other international organisations and article 221 establishes the EU delegations. Article 222, the Solidarity clause states that members shall come to the aid of a fellow member who is subject to a terrorist attack, natural disaster or man-made disaster. This includes the use of military force.[1]
Part 6, Institutional and financial provisions[edit]
Part 6, in articles 223 to 334, elaborates on the institutional provisions in the Treaty on European Union. As well as elaborating on the structures, articles 288 to 299 outline the forms of legislative acts and procedures of the EU. Articles 300 to 309 establish the European Economic and Social Committee, the Committee of the Regions and the European Investment Bank. Articles 310 to 325 outline the EU budget. Finally, articles 326 to 334 establishes provision for enhanced co-operation.[1]
Part 7, General and final provisions[edit]
Part 7, in articles 335 to 358, deals with final legal points, such as territorial and temporal application, the seat of institutions (to be decided by member states, but this is enacted by a protocol attached to the treaties), immunities and the effect on treaties signed before 1958 or the date of accession.[1]
See also[edit]
EU law
Treaty on European Union
References[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b c d e f "Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union" (PDF). Eur-lex.europa.eu. Retrieved 17 March 2016.
Jump up ^ "EUR-Lex - 12008E126 - EN - EUR-Lex".
Jump up ^ "EUR-Lex - 12008E127 - EN - EUR-Lex".
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Rock Chalk, Jayhawk
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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"Rock Chalk, Jayhawk" (a.k.a. the "Rock Chalk" chant) is a chant used at University of Kansas Jayhawks sporting events. The chant is made up of the phrase "Rock chalk, Jayhawk, KU".
Contents
[hide]
1 History
2 Usage
3 References
4 External links
History[edit]
The chant was first adopted by the university's science club in 1886. Chemistry professor E.H.S. Bailey and his colleagues were returning by train to Lawrence after a conference. During their travel, they discussed a need of a rousing yell. They came up with "Rah, Rah, Jayhawk, Go KU",[1] repeated three times, which later became "Rock Chalk Jayhawk, KU".
By 1889, "Rock Chalk"—a transposition of chalk rock, a type of limestone, that exists in the Cretaceous-age bedrocks of central and western parts of the state as well as on Mount Oread, where the University is located, which is similar to the coccolith-bearing chalk of the white cliffs of Dover—later replaced the two "rahs." Those responsible for the change are unknown, with Bailey himself crediting the geology department,[2] and others an English professor.[3]
Kansas troops have used it in the Philippine-American War in 1899, the Boxer Rebellion, and World War II.[4] In the 1911 Border War football game, over 1,000 fans gathered in downtown Lawrence to listen to a "broadcast" of the game by telegraph and participated in cheers including the Rock Chalk.[5]
In the 1920 Summer Olympics, Albert I of Belgium asked for a typical American college yell, and gathered athletes replied with the chant.[4]
Former United States President Theodore Roosevelt called the Rock Chalk chant the greatest college chant he ever heard.[6]
Usage[edit]
Fans have used the phrase "Rock Chalk" in creative ways, such as Rock "Chocolate" Jayhawk ice cream.
It is best known as being loudly chanted at basketball games at Allen Fieldhouse and football games at University of Kansas Memorial Stadium. During pregame, the refrain of "Rock chalk... Jay-Hawk... KU," is repeated twice slowly, and then three times quickly. It is usually preceded by the Kansas alma mater "Crimson and the Blue,” and followed by the fight song, "I'm a Jayhawk.” Since the early 1990's, Kansas fans have been known to do the slow repetition of "Rock chalk... Jay-Hawk... KU" when the Jayhawks are believed to be safely ahead, and victory is guaranteed.
"Rock chalk" is also often used on campus as a way to say goodbye, with the reply being "Jayhawk.”
References[edit]
Jump up ^ "Rock Chalk K-State? Kind of, a century ago". The Topeka Capital-Journal. 2007.
Jump up ^ KUhistory.com - A Swell Yell
Jump up ^ "The Rock Chalk Chant". RockChalk.com. Archived from the original on September 8, 2012. Retrieved April 5, 2008.
^ Jump up to: a b DeReus, Bailey and Betsy McLeod (May 20, 2005). "The Land of the Jayhawks". The University Daily Kansan. Archived from the original on March 19, 2006. Retrieved April 5, 2008.
Jump up ^ "100 years ago: Football fans enjoy mechanized reproduction of KU-MU game". Lawrence Journal-World. November 27, 2011. Retrieved December 27, 2011.
Jump up ^ "The Chant". KU.edu.
External links[edit]
MP3 of the chant
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Helms and NCAA national championships in bold; NCAA Final Four appearances in italics
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Pop Rocks
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
For other uses, see Pop rock (disambiguation).
"Space Dust" redirects here. For other uses, see Space dust (disambiguation).
Strawberry Pop Rocks
Pop Rocks
Pop Rocks is a candy with ingredients including sugar, lactose (milk sugar), and flavoring. It differs from typical hard candy in that it creates a small popping reaction when it dissolves in one's mouth.
Contents
[hide]
1 Background and history
2 Manufacturing
3 Urban legend
4 References
5 External links
Background and history[edit]
The concept was patented by General Foods research chemists Leon T. Kremzner and William A. Mitchell on December 12, 1961 (U.S. patent #3,012,893),[1][2] but the candy was not offered to the public until 1975 by General Foods, which in 1983 withdrew it, citing its lack of success in the marketplace, and its relatively short shelf life.
Distribution was initially controlled to ensure freshness; but with its increasing popularity, unauthorized redistribution from market to market resulted in out-of-date product reaching consumers. After that, Kraft Foods licensed the Pop Rocks brand to Zeta Espacial S.A. who continued manufacturing the product under Kraft's license. Eventually Zeta Espacial S.A. became the brand's owner and sole manufacturer. Pop Rocks is distributed in the U.S. by Pop Rocks Inc. (Atlanta, Georgia) and by Zeta Espacial S.A. (Barcelona, Spain) in the rest of the world. Zeta Espacial S.A. also sells popping candy internationally under other brands including Peta Zetas, Fizz Wiz and Magic Gum.
In 2008, Dr. Marvin J. Rudolph, who led the group assigned to bring Pop Rocks out of the laboratory and into the manufacturing plant, wrote a history of Pop Rocks development. The book, titled Pop Rocks: The Inside Story of America's Revolutionary Candy, was based on interviews with food technologists, engineers, marketing managers, and members of Billy Mitchell's family, along with the author's experience. In the book, Dr. Rudolph points out that the Turkish company HLEKS Popping Candy flooded the market with popping candy in the year 2000.
A similar product, Cosmic Candy, previously called Space Dust, was in powdered form and was also manufactured by General Foods.[3]
In 2012, Cadbury Schweppes Pty. Ltd. (in Australia) began producing a chocolate product named "Marvellous Creations Jelly Popping Candy Beanies" which contains popping candy, jelly beans and beanies (candy covered chocolate).[4] By 2013 Whittakers (New Zealand) had also released a local product (white chocolate with a local carbonated drink "Lemon and Paeroa' or "L&P" for short). Prominent British chef Heston Blumenthal has also made several desserts incorporating popping candy, both for the peculiar sensory experience of the popping and for the nostalgia value of using an ingredient popular in the 1970s.[5][6][7]
Manufacturing[edit]
The candy is made by mixing its ingredients and heating them until they melt into a syrup, then exposing the mixture to pressurized carbon dioxide gas (about 600 pounds per square inch or 40 bar) and allowing it to cool. The process causes tiny high-pressure bubbles to be trapped inside the candy.[8] When it is placed in the mouth and comes into contact with saliva the candy breaks and dissolves, releasing the carbon dioxide from the bubbles, resulting in a popping and sizzling sound and leaving a slight tingling sensation. It also releases carbon dioxide when coming in contact with any liquid. The bubbles in the candy pieces can be viewed using a microscope.
Urban legend[edit]
Rumors persisted that eating Pop Rocks and drinking soda would cause a person's stomach to boil and explode.[9] This was, in part, caused by the false assumption that Pop Rocks contain an acid/base mixture (such as baking soda and vinegar) which produces large volumes of gas when mixed through chewing and saliva.[citation needed] One of these myths involved a character named Mikey from the Life cereal commercials. Mikey, played by child actor John Gilchrist, was falsely rumored to have died after eating a Pop Rocks and Coca-Cola mixture—namely, a six-pack of Coca-Cola and six pouches of Pop Rocks.[9]
Though the confection had been extensively tested and found safe, the carbonated candy still alarmed residents in Seattle. The Food and Drug Administration set up a hotline there to assure anxious parents that the fizzing candy would not cause their children to choke. General Foods was battling the "exploding kid" rumors as early as 1979. General Foods sent letters to school principals,[10] created an open letter to parents,[11] took out advertisements in major publications and sent the confection's inventor on the road to explain that a Pop Rocks package contains less gas (namely, carbon dioxide, the same gas used in all carbonated beverages) than half a can of soda.
Because of the unique flavor of the legend, and the duration of its perpetuation, the story has appeared in many other forms of media and fiction. On the very first episode of MythBusters, Adam Savage and Jamie Hyneman put the Mikey rumor to the test by mixing six packs of Pop Rocks and a six-pack of cola inside a pig's stomach, complete with enough hydrochloric acid to simulate the acid inside a human stomach. Despite the pig stomach growing to three times its initial size, it did not blow up even after time was allotted for digestion. In another stomach used as an experimental counterpart, only a large amount of sodium bicarbonate along with acid and soda (and without any Pop Rocks) was able to cause a gastric rupture.[12] The broadcast included interview clips with Pop Rocks Inc. vice president Fernando Arguis explaining the candy and the myth, and Adam later alluded to the myth at a presentation at Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute by showing that Pop Rocks and soda—albeit in a smaller amount—in his own stomach was not fatal.[13]
References[edit]
Jump up ^ Google Patents
Jump up ^ Video: ABC News, Pop Rocks celebrates 50 years (2006)
Jump up ^ Rumor in the Market Place, Fredrick Koenig, p.76
Jump up ^ Cadbury Marvellous Creations
Jump up ^ "Heston's Titanic Feast". Heston's Feasts. Channel 4.
Jump up ^ "Chocolate". How to Cook Like Heston. Channel 4.
Jump up ^ "Potato". How to Cook Like Heston. Channel 4.
Jump up ^ "Pop Rocks Candy FAQ". Archived from the original on November 3, 2001.
^ Jump up to: a b Mikkelson, Barbara (January 20, 2007). "Pop Rocks Death". Snopes. Retrieved 2007-08-19.
Jump up ^ Rudolph, Dr. Marvin J. (September 2006) Pop Rocks The Inside Story of America's Revolutionary Candy Appendix 5.
Jump up ^ Rudolph, Dr. Marvin J. (September 2006) Pop Rocks The Inside Story of America's Revolutionary Candy Appendix 3.
Jump up ^ Discovery Channel :: Mythbusters: Episode Guide
Jump up ^ http://poly.union.rpi.edu/article_view.php3?view=3544&part=1
External links[edit]
Pop Rocks official web site
Zeta Espacial S.A.
General Foods Corporation's U.S. Patent 3,012,893 for the concept behind Pop Rocks (pdf)
General Foods Corporation's U.S. Patent 4,289,794 for Pop Rocks (pdf)
Images of US patent 4289794 for Pop Rocks from the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office
Rudolph, Dr. Marvin J. (September 2006). Pop Rocks: The Inside Story of America’s Revolutionary Candy. Sharon, MA: Specialty Publishers LLC. p. 112. ISBN 0-9786318-0-3 ISBN 978-0978631802 – book detailing the story of Pop Rocks development to Pop Rocks today
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Pop_Rocks&oldid=818097438"
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