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Behavioral modernity
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Behavioral modernity is a suite of behavioral and cognitive traits that distinguishes current Homo sapiens from other anatomically modern humans, hominins, and primates. Although often debated, most scholars agree that modern human behavior can be characterized by abstract thinking, planning depth, symbolic behavior (e.g., art, ornamentation, music), exploitation of large game, and blade technology, among others.[1][2] Underlying these behaviors and technological innovations are cognitive and cultural foundations that have been documented experimentally and ethnographically. Some of these human universal patterns are cumulative cultural adaptation, social norms, language, and extensive help and cooperation beyond close kin.[3][4] It has been argued that the development of these modern behavioral traits, in combination with the climatic conditions of the Last Glacial Maximum, was largely responsible for the human replacement of Neanderthals and the peopling of the rest of the world.[2][5]
Arising from differences in the archaeological record, a debate continues as to whether anatomically modern humans were behaviorally modern as well. There are many theories on the evolution of behavioral modernity. These generally fall into two camps: gradualist and cognitive approaches. The Later Upper Paleolithic Model refers to the idea that modern human behavior arose through cognitive, genetic changes abruptly around 40,000–50,000 years ago.[6] Other models focus on how modern human behavior may have arisen through gradual steps; the archaeological signatures of such behavior only appearing through demographic or subsistence-based changes.[1][2][7][8][9]
Contents
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1 Definition
1.1 Critiques
2 Theories and models
2.1 Late Upper Paleolithic Model or "Revolution"
2.2 Alternative models
3 Archaeological evidence
3.1 Africa
3.2 Europe
3.3 Asia
4 See also
5 References
6 External links
Definition[edit]
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Modern humans

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Axis scale: millions of years ago.
Also see: Life timeline and Nature timeline
In order to classify what traits should be included in modern human behavior, it is necessary to define behaviors that are universal among living human groups. Some examples of these human universals are abstract thought, planning, trade, cooperative labor, body decoration, control and use of fire. Along with these traits, humans possess a heavy reliance on social learning.[10][11] This cumulative cultural change or cultural "ratchet" separates human culture from social learning in animals. As well, a reliance on social learning may be responsible in part for humans' rapid adaptation to many environments outside of Africa. Since cultural universals are found in all cultures including some of the most isolated indigenous groups, these traits must have evolved or have been invented in Africa prior to the exodus.[12][13][14][15]
Archaeologically a number of empirical traits have been used as indicators of modern human behavior. While these are often debated[16] a few are generally agreed upon. Archaeological evidence of behavioral modernity are:[2][6]
burial
fishing
figurative art (cave paintings, petroglyphs, dendroglyphs, figurines)
systematic use of pigment (such as ochre) and jewelry for decoration or self-ornamentation
Using bone material for tools
Transport of resources over long distances
Blade technology
Diversity, standardization, and regionally distinct artifacts
Hearths
Composite tools
Critiques[edit]
Several critiques have been placed against the traditional concept of behavioral modernity, both methodologically and philosophically.[2][16] Shea (2011) outlines a variety of problems with this concept, arguing instead for "behavioral variability", which, according to the author, better describes the archaeological record. The use of trait lists, according to Shea (2011), runs the risk of taphonomic bias, where some sites may yield more artifacts than others despite similar populations; as well, trait lists can be ambiguous in how behaviors may be empirically recognized in the archaeological record.[16] Shea (2011) in particular cautions that population pressure, cultural change, or optimality models, like those in human behavioral ecology, might better predict changes in tool types or subsistence strategies than a change from "archaic" to "modern" behavior.[16] Some researchers argue that a greater emphasis should be placed on identifying only those artifacts which are unquestionably, or purely, symbolic as a metric for modern human behavior.[2]
Theories and models[edit]
Late Upper Paleolithic Model or "Revolution"[edit]
The Late Upper Paleolithic Model, or Upper Paleolithic Revolution, refers to the idea that, though anatomically modern humans first appear around 150,000 years ago, they were not cognitively or behaviorally "modern" until around 50,000 years ago, leading to their expansion into Europe and Asia.[6][17][18] These authors note that traits used as a metric for behavioral modernity do not appear as a package until around 40–50,000 years ago. Klein (1995) specifically describes evidence of fishing, bone shaped as a tool, hearths, significant artifact diversity, and elaborate graves are all absent before this point.[6] Although assemblages before 50,000 years ago show some diversity the only distinctly modern tool assemblages appear in Europe at 48,000.[17] According to these authors, art only becomes common beyond this switching point, signifying a change from archaic to modern humans.[6] Most researchers argue that a neurological or genetic change, perhaps one enabling complex language, such as FOXP2, caused this revolutionary change in our species.[6][18]
Alternative models[edit]
Contrasted with this view of a spontaneous leap in cognition among ancient humans, some authors like Alison S. Brooks, primarily working in African archaeology, point to the gradual accumulation of "modern" behaviors, starting well before the 50,000 year benchmark of the Upper Paleolithic Revolution models.[1][2][19] Howiesons Poort, Blombos, and other South African archaeological sites, for example, show evidence of marine resource acquisition, trade, and abstract ornamentation at least by 80,000 years ago.[1][7] Given evidence from Africa and the Middle East, a variety of hypotheses have been put forth to describe an earlier, gradual transition from simple to more complex human behavior. Some authors have pushed back the appearance of fully modern behavior to around 80,000 years ago in order to incorporate the South African data.[19]
Others focus on the slow accumulation of different technologies and behaviors across time. These researchers[1][2] describe how anatomically modern humans could have been cognitively the same and what we define as behavioral modernity is just the result of thousands of years of cultural adaptation and learning. D'Errico and others have looked at Neanderthal culture rather than early human behavior for clues into behavioral modernity.[5] Noting that Neanderthal assemblages often portray traits similar to those listed for modern human behavior, researchers stress that the foundations for behavioral modernity may in fact lie deeper in our hominin ancestors.[20] If both modern humans and Neanderthals express abstract art and complex tools then "modern human behavior" cannot be a derived trait for our species. They argue that the original 'human revolution' theory reflects a profound Eurocentric bias. Recent archaeological evidence, they argue, proves that humans evolving in Africa some 300,000 or even 400,000 years ago were already becoming cognitively and behaviourally 'modern'. These features include blade and microlithic technology, bone tools, increased geographic range, specialized hunting, the use of aquatic resources, long distance trade, systematic processing and use of pigment, and art and decoration. These items do not occur suddenly together as predicted by the ‘‘human revolution’’ model, but at sites that are widely separated in space and time. This suggests a gradual assembling of the package of modern human behaviours in Africa, and its later export to other regions of the Old World.
Between these extremes is the view – currently supported by archaeologists Chris Henshilwood,[21] Curtis Marean,[22] Ian Watts[23] and others – that there was indeed some kind of 'human revolution' but that it occurred in Africa and spanned tens of thousands of years. The term 'revolution' in this context would mean not a sudden mutation but a historical development along the lines of 'the industrial revolution' or 'the Neolithic revolution'.[24] In other words, it was a relatively accelerated process, too rapid for ordinary Darwinian 'descent with modification' yet too gradual to be attributed to a single genetic or other sudden event. These archaeologists point in particular to the relatively explosive emergence of ochre crayons and shell necklaces apparently used for cosmetic purposes. These archaeologists see symbolic organisation of human social life as the key transition in modern human evolution. Recently discovered at sites such as Blombos Cave and Pinnacle Point, South Africa, pierced shells, pigments and other striking signs of personal ornamentation have been dated within a time-window of 70,000 – 160,000 years ago in the African Middle Stone Age, suggesting that the emergence of Homo sapiens coincided, after all, with the transition to modern cognition and behaviour.[25] While viewing the emergence of language as a 'revolutionary' development, this school of thought generally attributes it to cumulative social, cognitive and cultural evolutionary processes as opposed to a single genetic mutation.[26]
A further view, taken by archaeologists such as Francesco D'Errico[27] and João Zilhão,[28] is a multi-species perspective arguing that evidence for symbolic culture in the form of utilised pigments and pierced shells are also found in Neanderthal sites, independently of any 'modern' human influence.
Cultural evolutionary models may also shed light on why although evidence of behavioral modernity exists before 50,000 years ago it is not expressed consistently until that point. With small population sizes, human groups would have been affected by demographic and cultural evolutionary forces that may not have allowed for complex cultural traits.[8][9][10][11] According to some authors[8] until population density became significantly high, complex traits could not have been maintained effectively. It is worth noting that some genetic evidence supports a dramatic increase in population size before human migration out of Africa.[18] High local extinction rates within a population also can significantly decrease the amount of diversity in neutral cultural traits, regardless of cognitive ability.[9]
Highly speculatively, bicameral mind theory argues for an additional, and cultural rather than genetic, shift from selfless to self-perceiving forms of human cognition and behavior very late in human history, in the Bronze Age. This is based on a literary analysis of Bronze Age texts which claims to show the first appearances of the concept of self around this time, replacing the voices of gods as the primary form of recorded human cognition. This non-mainstream theory is not widely accepted but does receive serious academic interest from time to time.
Archaeological evidence[edit]
Africa[edit]
Before the Out of Africa theory was generally accepted, there was no consensus on where the human species evolved and, consequently, where modern human behavior arose. Now, however, African archaeology has become extremely important in discovering the origins of humanity. Since human expansion into Europe around 48,000 years ago is generally accepted as already "modern",[17] the question becomes whether behavioral modernity appeared in Africa well before 50,000 years ago, as a late Upper Paleolithic "revolution" which prompted migration out of Africa, or arose outside Africa and diffused back.
A variety of evidence of abstract imagery, widened subsistence strategies, and other "modern" behaviors have been discovered in Africa, especially South Africa. The Blombos Cave site in South Africa, for example, is famous for rectangular slabs of ochre engraved with geometric designs. Using multiple dating techniques, the site was confirmed to be around 77,000 years old.[29] Beads and other personal ornamentation have been found from Morocco which might be as old as 130,000 years old; as well, the Cave of Hearths in South Africa has yielded a number of beads significantly before 50,000 years ago.[1]
Expanding subsistence strategies beyond big-game hunting and the consequential diversity in tool types has been noted as signs of behavioral modernity. A number of South African sites have shown an early reliance on aquatic resources from fish to shellfish. Pinnacle Point, in particular, shows exploitation of marine resources as early as 120,000 years ago, perhaps in response to more arid conditions inland.[7] Establishing a reliance on predictable shellfish deposits, for example, could reduce mobility and facilitate complex social systems and symbolic behavior. Blombos Cave and Site 440 in Sudan both show evidence of fishing as well. Taphonomic change in fish skeletons from Blombos Cave have been interpreted as capture of live fish, clearly an intentional human behavior.[1]
Europe[edit]
While traditionally described as evidence for the later Upper Paleolithic Model,[6] European archaeology has shown that the issue is more complex. A variety of stone tool technologies are present at the time of human expansion into Europe and show evidence of modern behavior. Despite the problems of conflating specific tools with cultural groups, the Aurignacian tool complex, for example, is generally taken as a purely modern human signature.[30][31] The discovery of "transitional" complexes, like "proto-Aurignacian", have been taken as evidence of human groups progressing through "steps of innovation".[30] If, as this might suggest, human groups were already migrating into eastern Europe around 40,000 years and only afterward show evidence of behavioral modernity, then either the cognitive change must have diffused back into Africa or was already present before migration.
In light of a growing body of evidence of Neanderthal culture and tool complexes some researchers have put forth a "multiple species model" for behavioral modernity.[5][20][32] Neanderthals were often cited as being an evolutionary dead-end, apish cousins who were less advanced than their human contemporaries. Personal ornaments were relegated as trinkets or poor imitations compared to the cave art produced by H. sapiens. Despite this, European evidence has shown a variety of personal ornaments and artistic artifacts produced by Neanderthals; for example, the Neanderthal site of Grotte du Renne has produced grooved bear, wolf, and fox incisors, ochre and other symbolic artifacts.[32] Though burials are few and controversial, there has been circumstantial evidence of Neanderthal ritual burials.[20] There are two options to describe this symbolic behavior among Neanderthals: they copied cultural traits from arriving modern humans or they had their own cultural traditions comparative with behavioral modernity. If they just copied cultural traditions, which is debated by several authors,[5][20] they still possessed the capacity for complex culture described by behavioral modernity. As discussed above, if Neanderthals also were "behaviorally modern" then it cannot be a species-specific derived trait.
Asia[edit]
Most debates surrounding behavioral modernity have been focused on Africa or Europe but an increasing amount of focus has been placed on East Asia. This region offers a unique opportunity to test hypotheses of multi-regionalism, replacement, and demographic effects.[33] Unlike Europe, where initial migration occurred around 50,000 years ago, human remains have been dated in China to around 100,000 years ago.[34] This early evidence of human expansion calls into question behavioral modernity as an impetus for migration.
Stone tool technology is particularly of interest in East Asia. Following Homo erectus migrations out of Africa, Acheulean technology never seems to appear beyond present-day India and into China. Analogously, Mode 3, or Levallois technology, is not apparent in China following later hominin dispersals.[35] This lack of more advanced technology has been explained by serial founder effects and low population densities out of Africa.[36] Though tool complexes comparative to Europe are missing or fragmentary, other archaeological evidence shows behavioral modernity. For example, the peopling of the Japanese archipelago offers an opportunity to investigate the early use of watercraft. Though one site, Kanedori in Honshu, does suggest the use of watercraft as early as 84,000 years ago, there is no other evidence of hominins in Japan until 50,000 years ago.[33]
The Zhoukoudian cave system near Beijing has been excavated since the 1930s and has yielded precious data on early human behavior in East Asia. Though disputed, there is evidence of possible human burials and interred remains in the cave dated to around 34-20,000 years ago.[33] These remains have associated personal ornaments in the form of beads and worked shell, suggesting symbolic behavior. Along with possible burials, numerous other symbolic objects like punctured animal teeth and beads, some dyed in red ochre, have all been found at Zhoukoudian.[33] Though fragmentary, the archaeological record of eastern Asia shows evidence of behavioral modernity before 50,000 years ago but, like the African record, it is not fully apparent until that time.
See also[edit]
Archaic Homo sapiens
Blombos Cave
Cultural universal
Dawn of Humanity (2015 PBS film)
Evolution of human intelligence
Female cosmetic coalitions
FOXP2 and human evolution
Human evolution
Life timeline
List of Stone Age art
Nature timeline
Origin of language
Origins of society
Prehistoric art
Prehistoric music
Paleolithic religion
Recent African origin
Sibudu Cave
Sociocultural evolution
Symbolism (disambiguation)
Symbolic culture
Timeline of evolution
The Human Revolution (human origins)
References[edit]
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External links[edit]
Steven Mithen (1999), The Prehistory of the Mind: The Cognitive Origins of Art, Religion and Science, Thames & Hudson, ISBN 978-0-500-28100-0.
Artifacts in Africa Suggest An Earlier Modern Human
Tools point to African origin for human behaviour
Key Human Traits Tied to Shellfish Remains, nytimes 2007/10/18
"Python Cave" Reveals Oldest Human Ritual, Scientists Suggest
Human Timeline (Interactive) – Smithsonian, National Museum of Natural History (August 2016).
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Demond Wilson
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Demond Wilson
Demond Wilson (left) (as Lamont Sanford) with Redd Foxx (bottom right) (as Fred Sanford) in 1972
Born
Grady Demond Wilson
(1946-10-13) October 13, 1946 (age 71)
Valdosta, Georgia, U.S.[1]
Occupation
Actor, Producer, Author, Pastor
Years active
1971–2005
Spouse(s)
Cicely Johnston (1972-present)[2] or (1974–present)[3] (sources differ)
Children
6[3]
Demond Wilson[4] (born October 13, 1946) is an American actor, author, and pastor. He played the role of Lamont Sanford, the son of Fred Sanford (played by Redd Foxx) in the 1970s NBC sitcom Sanford and Son.[5][6]
Contents
[hide]
1 Early life and career
1.1 Sanford and Son (1972–1977) and other acting projects
1.2 Baby... I'm Back! (1978), and The New Odd Couple (1982–83)
2 Ministerial work
2.1 Literary works
2.1.1 Author of Christian books
2.1.2 Second Banana: book about Sanford & Son TV show
3 Recent TV and film appearances and projects
3.1 Faith Ties film project
4 Personal life
5 Filmography
5.1 Film
5.2 Television
6 References
7 External links
Early life and career[edit]
Wilson was born in Valdosta, Georgia, in 1946, and grew up in New York City, where he studied tap dance and ballet.[1] He made his Broadway debut at 4 and danced at Harlem's famed Apollo Theater at 12.[1] Raised as a Catholic, Wilson was an altar boy and spent summers with a Pentecostal grandmother in Georgia. He considered the priesthood, but took up acting, instead.[1] At the age of 13, Wilson's appendix ruptured, almost killing him. At that time, the young Wilson vowed to somehow serve God as an adult in some ministry capacity. Wilson served in the United States Army from 1966 to 1968 and was in the 4th Infantry Division in Vietnam, where he was wounded.[7] Upon returning home as a decorated veteran in the late 1960s, Wilson was featured in several Broadway and off-Broadway stage productions before moving to Hollywood, where he performed guest roles on several television series such as Mission: Impossible and All in the Family and acted in films such as The Organization (1971) and Dealing: Or the Berkeley-to-Boston Forty-Brick Lost-Bag Blues (1972).
Sanford and Son (1972–1977) and other acting projects[edit]
Later in 1971, after appearing as a robber on All in the Family with Cleavon Little, Wilson won the role of Lamont Sanford in the NBC sitcom Sanford and Son. Johnny Brown was considered for that role, but because of his commitment to Laugh-In, Wilson got the role instead. Brown later became well known as Nathan Bookman on Good Times. Wilson played Lamont through the run of the series, and became the star when Redd Foxx walked off the show in 1974 over a salary dispute with the producers and his character was written out for the rest of the season. Foxx returned the following year, and the pair worked together until 1977 when the show was cancelled despite being still very popular. In 1980–1981, Foxx attempted to revive the show with the short-lived sitcom Sanford, but Wilson refused to reprise his role as Lamont Sanford for the new series. In many interviews, the two had wonderful on- and off-screen chemistry together, through the years of Sanford and Son.
When asked in 2014, if he kept in touch with everybody from Sanford & Son, especially Foxx (who died on October 11, 1991), he responded: "No. I saw Redd Foxx once before he died, circa 1983, and I never saw him again. At the time I was playing tennis at the Malibu Racquet Club and I was approached by some producers about doing a Redd Foxx 50th Anniversary Special. I hadn’t spoken to him since 1977, and I called the club where (Redd) was playing. And we met at Redd’s office, but he was less than affable. I told those guys it was a bad idea. I never had a cross word with him. People say I’m protective of Redd Foxx in my book (Second Banana, Wilson’s memoir of the Sanford years). I had no animosity toward Foxx for (quitting the show in 1977) because I had a million dollar contract at CBS to do Baby... I'm Back!. My hurt was that he didn’t come to me about throwing the towel in - I found out in the hallway at NBC from a newscaster. I forgave him and I loved Redd, but I never forgot that. The love was there. You can watch any episode and see that."[8]
Wilson also appeared in the films Full Moon High (1981), Me and the Kid (1993), and Hammerlock (2000).
Baby... I'm Back! (1978), and The New Odd Couple (1982–83)[edit]
Wilson later starred as Raymond Ellis in the short-lived CBS comedy series Baby... I'm Back! and as Oscar Madison, opposite actor Ron Glass (who co-starred as Felix Unger) in the ABC sitcom The New Odd Couple, a revamped black version of the original 1970–75 series on the same network which starred Jack Klugman and Tony Randall.
Ministerial work[edit]
Wilson lived in Conroe, Texas for many years until 1984, when he became an ordained minister, fulfilling his childhood vow. Later, in 1995, he founded Restoration House, a center that helps rehabilitate former prison inmates by providing mentoring, spiritual guidance, and vocational training.
Literary works[edit]
Author of Christian books[edit]
Wilson has written several Christian books concerning the New Age Movement and its hidden dangers to society. New Age Millennium was released by CAP Publishing & Literary Co. LLC on December 1, 1998. (Demond's first name is misspelled "Desmond" on some book selling websites.) Wilson, who has also authored numerous children's books, stated the book to be an "exposé" of certain New Age "symbols and slogans".
Second Banana: book about Sanford & Son TV show[edit]
Wilson also has written the book Second Banana: The Bittersweet Memoirs of the Sanford & Son Years, which was released on August 31, 2009. According to an interview on the CelebrityCafe.com website, Wilson said: "It's just a documented truth, behind the scenes factual account of what happened during those years. Redd (Foxx) and I were making history back in those days. We were the first blacks to be on television in that capacity and we opened the door for all those other shows that came after us."[9][10][11]
Recent TV and film appearances and projects[edit]
Wilson has also made numerous guest appearances on the Praise The Lord program aired on the Trinity Broadcasting Network, and is a good friend of Clifton Davis. He has also appeared as a guest star on the UPN sitcom Girlfriends, playing Lynn's biological father.
In summer of 2011 Wilson started appearing with actress Nina Nicole in a touring production of the play The Measure of a Man by playwright Matt Hardwick. The play is described as "a faith-based production" and is set in a small town in south Georgia.[12]
Faith Ties film project[edit]
Wilson has been working since 2010 to produce and act in a melodramatic family film based on the play Faith Ties. Says Wilson of the project: "I play a broken down old drunk whose wife and daughter are killed and he's given up on life. The protagonist is a pastor who is in the middle while he watches the lives of people crumbling around him."[13]
Personal life[edit]
Wilson has been married to the former model Cicely Johnston[1][2] since the 1970s;[2][3] they have six children.[3]
Filmography[edit]
Film[edit]
Year
Title
Role
1971 The Organization Charlie Blossom
1972 Dealing: Or the Berkeley-to-Boston Forty-Brick Lost-Bag Blues Rupert
1981 Full Moon High Cabbie-Busdriver
1993 Me and the Kid Agent Schamper
2000 Hammerlock Morgan Rivers
Television[edit]
Year
Title
Role
Notes
1971 All in the Family Horace Episode: "Edith Writes a Song"
1971 Mission: Impossible Simmons Episode: "Underwater"
1972–77 Sanford and Son Lamont Sanford Main role (135 episodes)
1978 Baby, I'm Back Raymond Ellis Main role (13 episodes)
1979 The Love Boat Bart Episode: "Letter to Babycakes"
1981 The Love Boat Jesse (Isaac's Uncle) Episode: "Black Sheep"
1982–83 The New Odd Couple Oscar Madison Main role (18 episodes)
2004–05 Girlfriends Kenneth Miles Recurring role (4 episodes)
References[edit]
^ Jump up to: a b c d e Moses, Gavin (15 April 1985). "Sanford's Son, Demond Wilson, Leaves His Demons Behind to Become a Full-Time Evangelist". People. Retrieved 28 May 2015.
^ Jump up to: a b c Brown, Doug (13 October 1986). "'Sanford and Son' to Evangelist : Ex-TV Star Demond Wilson Turns to Religious Calling". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved 28 May 2015.
^ Jump up to: a b c d "Q&A: Wilson's life after 'Sanford & Son'". Tampa Bay Times. 17 June 2010. Retrieved 27 May 2015.
Jump up ^ Todd, Dana (20 April 1985). "Demond Wilson gives up Hollywood for preaching". Star-News. Retrieved 8 June 2015.
Jump up ^ Demond Wilson reference listed at Trivia Tribute website
Jump up ^ Demond Wilson bio at Celebrity Nooz.com Archived August 17, 2008, at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ Robinson, Louie (July 1972). "Sanford and Son: Redd Foxx, Demond Wilson wake up TV's jaded audience". Ebony. XXVII (9): 52–58.
Jump up ^ "Q&A With Demond Wilson". BeachcomberDestin.com. January 15, 2014. Retrieved August 9, 2017.
Jump up ^ Demond Wilson / Second Banana: Bittersweet Memories of Sanford & Son Years official website
Jump up ^ Demond Wilson interview at Celebrity Cafe Archived September 14, 2009, at the Wayback Machine.
Jump up ^ "The Measure of a Man homepage". Retrieved July 16, 2011.
Jump up ^ The Measure of a Man Stage Play official website Retrieved November 28, 2011.
Jump up ^ "Faith Ties". Christian Film Database. Retrieved November 16, 2012.
External links[edit]
Demond Wilson on IMDb
Official Website - Demond Wilson
TV.Com bio for Demond Wilson
Authority control
WorldCat Identities
VIAF: 53765243
SNAC: w62559wf
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Demond_Wilson&oldid=836868905"
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