Comment Disraeli a pu changer de parti politique et passer des radicaux aux conservateurs alors qu'il avait fait du voyage en Europe ?
1830–1837

Together with his sister's fiancé, William Meredith, Disraeli travelled widely in southern Europe and beyond in 1830–31. The trip was financed partly by another high society novel, The Young Duke, written in 1829–30. The tour was cut short suddenly by Meredith's death from smallpox in Cairo in July 1831. Despite this tragedy, and the need for treatment for a sexually transmitted disease on his return, Disraeli felt enriched by his experiences. He became, in Parry's words, "aware of values that seemed denied to his insular countrymen. The journey encouraged his self-consciousness, his moral relativism, and his interest in Eastern racial and religious attitudes." Blake regards the tour as one of the formative experiences of Disraeli's career: "he impressions that it made on him were life-lasting. They conditioned his attitude toward some of the most important political problems which faced him in his later years—especially the Eastern Question; they also coloured many of his novels."

Disraeli wrote two novels in the aftermath of the tour. Contarini Fleming (1832) was avowedly a self-portrait. It is subtitled "a psychological autobiography" and depicts the conflicting elements of its hero's character: the duality of northern and Mediterranean ancestry, the dreaming artist and the bold man of action. As Parry observes, the book ends on a political note, setting out Europe's progress "from feudal to federal principles". The Wondrous Tale of Alroy the following year portrayed the problems of a medieval Jew in deciding between a small, exclusively Jewish state and a large empire embracing all.

After these novels were published, Disraeli declared that he would "write no more about myself". He had already turned his attention to politics in 1832, during the great crisis over the Reform Bill. He contributed to an anti- Whig pamphlet edited by John Wilson Croker and published by Murray entitled England and France: or a cure for Ministerial Gallomania. The choice of a Tory publication was regarded as strange by Disraeli's friends and relatives, who thought him more of a Radical. Indeed, he had objected to Murray about Croker's inserting "high Tory" sentiment: Disraeli remarked, "it is quite impossible that anything adverse to the general measure of Reform can issue from my pen." Moreover, at the time Gallomania was published, Disraeli was electioneering in High Wycombe in the Radical interest.

Disraeli's politics at the time were influenced both by his rebellious streak and his desire to make his mark. At that time, British politics were dominated by the aristocracy, with a few powerful commoners. The Whigs derived from the coalition of Lords who had forced through the Bill of Rights 1689 and in some cases were their descendants. The Tories tended to support King and Church and sought to thwart political change. A small number of Radicals, generally from northern constituencies, were the strongest advocates of continuing reform. In the early 1830s the Tories and the interests they represented appeared to be a lost cause. The other great party, the Whigs, were anathema to Disraeli: "Toryism is worn out & I cannot condescend to be a Whig." There was a by-election and a general election in 1832; Disraeli unsuccessfully stood as a Radical at High Wycombe in each.

Disraeli's political views embraced certain Radical policies, particularly electoral reform, and also some Tory ones, including protectionism. He began to move in Tory circles. In 1834 he was introduced to the former Lord Chancellor, Lord Lyndhurst, by Henrietta Sykes, wife of Sir Francis Sykes. She was having an affair with Lyndhurst and began another with Disraeli. Disraeli and Lyndhurst took an immediate liking to each other. Lyndhurst was an indiscreet gossip with a fondness for intrigue; this appealed greatly to Disraeli, who became his secretary and go-between. In 1835 Disraeli stood for the last time as a Radical, again unsuccessfully contesting High Wycombe.

In April 1835, Disraeli fought a by-election at Taunton as a Tory candidate. The Irish MP Daniel O'Connell, misled by inaccurate press reports, thought Disraeli had slandered him while electioneering at Taunton; he launched an outspoken attack, referring to Disraeli as:

a reptile... just fit now, after being twice discarded by the people, to become a Conservative. He possesses all the necessary requisites of perfidy, selfishness, depravity, want of principle, etc., which would qualify him for the change. His name shows that he is of Jewish origin. I do not use it as a term of reproach; there are many most respectable Jews. But there are, as in every other people, some of the lowest and most disgusting grade of moral turpitude; and of those I look upon Mr. Disraeli as the worst.

Disraeli's public exchanges with O'Connell, extensively reproduced in The Times, included a demand for a duel with the 60-year-old O'Connell's son (which resulted in Disraeli's temporary detention by the authorities), a reference to "the inextinguishable hatred with which shall pursue existence", and the accusation that O'Connell's supporters had a "princely revenue wrung from a starving race of fanatical slaves". Disraeli was highly gratified by the dispute, which propelled him to general public notice for the first time. He did not defeat the incumbent Whig member, Henry Labouchere, but the Taunton constituency was regarded as unwinnable by the Tories. Disraeli kept Labouchere's majority down to 170, a good showing that put him in line for a winnable seat in the near future.

With Lyndhurst's encouragement Disraeli turned to writing propaganda for his newly adopted party. His Vindication of the English Constitution, was published in December 1835. It was couched in the form of an open letter to Lyndhurst, and in Bradford's view encapsulates a political philosophy that Disraeli adhered to for the rest of his life: the value of benevolent aristocratic government, a loathing of political dogma, and the modernisation of Tory policies. The following year he wrote a series of satires on politicians of the day, which he published in The Times under the pen-name "Runnymede". His targets included the Whigs, collectively and individually, Irish nationalists, and political corruption. One essay ended:

The English nation, therefore, rallies for rescue from the degrading plots of a profligate oligarchy, a barbarizing sectarianism, and a boroughmongering Papacy, round their hereditary leaders—the Peers. The House of Lords, therefore, at this moment represents everything in the realm except the Whig oligarchs, their tools the Dissenters, and their masters the Irish priests. In the mean time, the Whigs bawl that there is a "collision!" It is true there is a collision, but it is not a collision between the Lords and the People, but between the Ministers and the Constitution.

Disraeli was elected to the exclusively Tory Carlton Club in 1836, and was also taken up by the party's leading hostess, Lady Londonderry. In June 1837 William IV died, the young Queen Victoria succeeded him, and parliament was dissolved. On the recommendation of the Carlton Club, Disraeli was adopted as a Tory parliamentary candidate at the ensuing general election.
Benjamin Disraeli, 1er Earl de Beaconsfield, KG, PC, DL, JP, FRS (21 décembre 1804 – 19 avril 1881) était un homme d'État britannique, un politicien conservateur et un écrivain qui a exercé deux fois la fonction de Premier ministre du Royaume-Uni. Il a joué un rôle central dans la création du parti conservateur moderne, en définissant ses politiques et son large électorat. Disraeli est surtout connu pour sa voix influente dans les affaires mondiales, ses luttes politiques avec le chef du Parti libéral, William Ewart Gladstone, et son conservatisme « d'une seule nation » ou « démocratie tory ». Il a fait des conservateurs le parti le plus associé à l'Empire britannique et à l'action militaire visant à l'étendre, ce qui était populaire auprès des électeurs britanniques. Il est le seul Premier ministre britannique né juif.

Disraeli est né à Bloomsbury, alors faisant partie du Middlesex. Son père a abandonné le judaïsme après une dispute dans sa synagogue ; Benjamin s'est converti à l'anglicanisme à l'âge de 12 ans. Après plusieurs tentatives infructueuses, Disraeli est entré au Parlement en 1837. En 1846, le Premier ministre Robert Peel a divisé le parti à cause de sa proposition de révoquer les lois sur le blé, qui impliquaient la suppression des droits de douane sur les céréales importées. Disraeli s'est opposé à Peel au Parlement, devenant une figure majeure du parti. Lorsque Lord Derby, le chef du parti, a formé trois gouvernements dans les années 1850 et 1860, Disraeli a occupé les fonctions de chancelier de l'Échiquier et de chef de la Chambre des communes.

Après la retraite de Derby en 1868, Disraeli est devenu brièvement Premier ministre avant de perdre les élections générales de cette même année. Il est retourné dans l'opposition avant de mener le parti à la victoire lors des élections générales de 1874. Il a entretenu une amitié étroite avec la reine Victoria, qui l'a élevé au rang de pair en 1876, en tant qu'Earl de Beaconsfield. Le deuxième mandat de Disraeli a été dominé par la question d'Orient — le lent déclin de l'Empire ottoman et le désir des autres puissances européennes, comme la Russie, d'en profiter. Disraeli a organisé l'acquisition par les Britanniques d'une participation importante dans la Compagnie du canal de Suez en Égypte. En 1878, face aux victoires russes contre les Ottomans, il a œuvré au Congrès de Berlin pour obtenir la paix dans les Balkans à des conditions favorables à la Grande-Bretagne et défavorables à la Russie, son ennemi de longue date. Cette victoire diplomatique a établi Disraeli comme l'un des plus grands hommes d'État d'Europe.

Les événements mondiaux ont ensuite nui aux conservateurs. Des guerres controversées en Afghanistan et en Afrique du Sud ont sapé son soutien public. Il a irrité les agriculteurs en refusant de rétablir les lois sur le blé en réponse aux mauvaises récoltes et aux céréales importées à bas prix. Avec Gladstone menant une campagne de discours massive, les libéraux ont vaincu les conservateurs de Disraeli lors des élections générales de 1880. Au cours de ses derniers mois, Disraeli a dirigé les conservateurs à l'opposition. Disraeli a écrit des romans tout au long de sa carrière, en commençant en 1826, et a publié son dernier roman achevé, Endymion, peu avant sa mort à l'âge de 76 ans.
### Query ###
Comment Disraeli a pu changer de parti politique et passer des radicaux aux conservateurs alors qu'il avait fait du voyage en Europe ?

### Main Text ###
1830–1837

Together with his sister's fiancé, William Meredith, Disraeli travelled widely in southern Europe and beyond in 1830–31. The trip was financed partly by another high society novel, The Young Duke, written in 1829–30. The tour was cut short suddenly by Meredith's death from smallpox in Cairo in July 1831. Despite this tragedy, and the need for treatment for a sexually transmitted disease on his return, Disraeli felt enriched by his experiences. He became, in Parry's words, "aware of values that seemed denied to his insular countrymen. The journey encouraged his self-consciousness, his moral relativism, and his interest in Eastern racial and religious attitudes." Blake regards the tour as one of the formative experiences of Disraeli's career: "he impressions that it made on him were life-lasting. They conditioned his attitude toward some of the most important political problems which faced him in his later years—especially the Eastern Question; they also coloured many of his novels."

Disraeli wrote two novels in the aftermath of the tour. Contarini Fleming (1832) was avowedly a self-portrait. It is subtitled "a psychological autobiography" and depicts the conflicting elements of its hero's character: the duality of northern and Mediterranean ancestry, the dreaming artist and the bold man of action. As Parry observes, the book ends on a political note, setting out Europe's progress "from feudal to federal principles". The Wondrous Tale of Alroy the following year portrayed the problems of a medieval Jew in deciding between a small, exclusively Jewish state and a large empire embracing all.

After these novels were published, Disraeli declared that he would "write no more about myself". He had already turned his attention to politics in 1832, during the great crisis over the Reform Bill. He contributed to an anti- Whig pamphlet edited by John Wilson Croker and published by Murray entitled England and France: or a cure for Ministerial Gallomania. The choice of a Tory publication was regarded as strange by Disraeli's friends and relatives, who thought him more of a Radical. Indeed, he had objected to Murray about Croker's inserting "high Tory" sentiment: Disraeli remarked, "it is quite impossible that anything adverse to the general measure of Reform can issue from my pen." Moreover, at the time Gallomania was published, Disraeli was electioneering in High Wycombe in the Radical interest.

Disraeli's politics at the time were influenced both by his rebellious streak and his desire to make his mark. At that time, British politics were dominated by the aristocracy, with a few powerful commoners. The Whigs derived from the coalition of Lords who had forced through the Bill of Rights 1689 and in some cases were their descendants. The Tories tended to support King and Church and sought to thwart political change. A small number of Radicals, generally from northern constituencies, were the strongest advocates of continuing reform. In the early 1830s the Tories and the interests they represented appeared to be a lost cause. The other great party, the Whigs, were anathema to Disraeli: "Toryism is worn out & I cannot condescend to be a Whig." There was a by-election and a general election in 1832; Disraeli unsuccessfully stood as a Radical at High Wycombe in each.

Disraeli's political views embraced certain Radical policies, particularly electoral reform, and also some Tory ones, including protectionism. He began to move in Tory circles. In 1834 he was introduced to the former Lord Chancellor, Lord Lyndhurst, by Henrietta Sykes, wife of Sir Francis Sykes. She was having an affair with Lyndhurst and began another with Disraeli. Disraeli and Lyndhurst took an immediate liking to each other. Lyndhurst was an indiscreet gossip with a fondness for intrigue; this appealed greatly to Disraeli, who became his secretary and go-between. In 1835 Disraeli stood for the last time as a Radical, again unsuccessfully contesting High Wycombe.

In April 1835, Disraeli fought a by-election at Taunton as a Tory candidate. The Irish MP Daniel O'Connell, misled by inaccurate press reports, thought Disraeli had slandered him while electioneering at Taunton; he launched an outspoken attack, referring to Disraeli as:

a reptile... just fit now, after being twice discarded by the people, to become a Conservative. He possesses all the necessary requisites of perfidy, selfishness, depravity, want of principle, etc., which would qualify him for the change. His name shows that he is of Jewish origin. I do not use it as a term of reproach; there are many most respectable Jews. But there are, as in every other people, some of the lowest and most disgusting grade of moral turpitude; and of those I look upon Mr. Disraeli as the worst.

Disraeli's public exchanges with O'Connell, extensively reproduced in The Times, included a demand for a duel with the 60-year-old O'Connell's son (which resulted in Disraeli's temporary detention by the authorities), a reference to "the inextinguishable hatred with which shall pursue existence", and the accusation that O'Connell's supporters had a "princely revenue wrung from a starving race of fanatical slaves". Disraeli was highly gratified by the dispute, which propelled him to general public notice for the first time. He did not defeat the incumbent Whig member, Henry Labouchere, but the Taunton constituency was regarded as unwinnable by the Tories. Disraeli kept Labouchere's majority down to 170, a good showing that put him in line for a winnable seat in the near future.

With Lyndhurst's encouragement Disraeli turned to writing propaganda for his newly adopted party. His Vindication of the English Constitution, was published in December 1835. It was couched in the form of an open letter to Lyndhurst, and in Bradford's view encapsulates a political philosophy that Disraeli adhered to for the rest of his life: the value of benevolent aristocratic government, a loathing of political dogma, and the modernisation of Tory policies. The following year he wrote a series of satires on politicians of the day, which he published in The Times under the pen-name "Runnymede". His targets included the Whigs, collectively and individually, Irish nationalists, and political corruption. One essay ended:

The English nation, therefore, rallies for rescue from the degrading plots of a profligate oligarchy, a barbarizing sectarianism, and a boroughmongering Papacy, round their hereditary leaders—the Peers. The House of Lords, therefore, at this moment represents everything in the realm except the Whig oligarchs, their tools the Dissenters, and their masters the Irish priests. In the mean time, the Whigs bawl that there is a "collision!" It is true there is a collision, but it is not a collision between the Lords and the People, but between the Ministers and the Constitution.

Disraeli was elected to the exclusively Tory Carlton Club in 1836, and was also taken up by the party's leading hostess, Lady Londonderry. In June 1837 William IV died, the young Queen Victoria succeeded him, and parliament was dissolved. On the recommendation of the Carlton Club, Disraeli was adopted as a Tory parliamentary candidate at the ensuing general election.

### Supplementary Text ###
Benjamin Disraeli, 1er Earl de Beaconsfield, KG, PC, DL, JP, FRS (21 décembre 1804 – 19 avril 1881) était un homme d'État britannique, un politicien conservateur et un écrivain qui a exercé deux fois la fonction de Premier ministre du Royaume-Uni. Il a joué un rôle central dans la création du parti conservateur moderne, en définissant ses politiques et son large électorat. Disraeli est surtout connu pour sa voix influente dans les affaires mondiales, ses luttes politiques avec le chef du Parti libéral, William Ewart Gladstone, et son conservatisme « d'une seule nation » ou « démocratie tory ». Il a fait des conservateurs le parti le plus associé à l'Empire britannique et à l'action militaire visant à l'étendre, ce qui était populaire auprès des électeurs britanniques. Il est le seul Premier ministre britannique né juif.

Disraeli est né à Bloomsbury, alors faisant partie du Middlesex. Son père a abandonné le judaïsme après une dispute dans sa synagogue ; Benjamin s'est converti à l'anglicanisme à l'âge de 12 ans. Après plusieurs tentatives infructueuses, Disraeli est entré au Parlement en 1837. En 1846, le Premier ministre Robert Peel a divisé le parti à cause de sa proposition de révoquer les lois sur le blé, qui impliquaient la suppression des droits de douane sur les céréales importées. Disraeli s'est opposé à Peel au Parlement, devenant une figure majeure du parti. Lorsque Lord Derby, le chef du parti, a formé trois gouvernements dans les années 1850 et 1860, Disraeli a occupé les fonctions de chancelier de l'Échiquier et de chef de la Chambre des communes.

Après la retraite de Derby en 1868, Disraeli est devenu brièvement Premier ministre avant de perdre les élections générales de cette même année. Il est retourné dans l'opposition avant de mener le parti à la victoire lors des élections générales de 1874. Il a entretenu une amitié étroite avec la reine Victoria, qui l'a élevé au rang de pair en 1876, en tant qu'Earl de Beaconsfield. Le deuxième mandat de Disraeli a été dominé par la question d'Orient — le lent déclin de l'Empire ottoman et le désir des autres puissances européennes, comme la Russie, d'en profiter. Disraeli a organisé l'acquisition par les Britanniques d'une participation importante dans la Compagnie du canal de Suez en Égypte. En 1878, face aux victoires russes contre les Ottomans, il a œuvré au Congrès de Berlin pour obtenir la paix dans les Balkans à des conditions favorables à la Grande-Bretagne et défavorables à la Russie, son ennemi de longue date. Cette victoire diplomatique a établi Disraeli comme l'un des plus grands hommes d'État d'Europe.

Les événements mondiaux ont ensuite nui aux conservateurs. Des guerres controversées en Afghanistan et en Afrique du Sud ont sapé son soutien public. Il a irrité les agriculteurs en refusant de rétablir les lois sur le blé en réponse aux mauvaises récoltes et aux céréales importées à bas prix. Avec Gladstone menant une campagne de discours massive, les libéraux ont vaincu les conservateurs de Disraeli lors des élections générales de 1880. Au cours de ses derniers mois, Disraeli a dirigé les conservateurs à l'opposition. Disraeli a écrit des romans tout au long de sa carrière, en commençant en 1826, et a publié son dernier roman achevé, Endymion, peu avant sa mort à l'âge de 76 ans.

### Draft ###

Query: "Comment Disraeli a pu changer de parti politique..."

Translation check: User asking mechanism of party switch radical→conservative + European travel role.

**Core question**: Was continental tour causally linked to political transformation?

### 1. Contextualization

**Timeframe**: 1830s Britain. Political landscape:
- Radicals: reform, Whig opposition
- Tories/Conservatives: tradition, resistance to change  
- 1832 Reform Bill crisis → political realignment

**Disraeli context**: Young writer, father Isaac Disraeli (Jewish convert, literary figure). Literary career precedes political.

### 2. Party Evolution Mapping

**Initial positioning**: 
- 1832: High Wycombe by-election → radical candidate ●
- Reason: anti-Whig stance, support for electoral reform ●

**Transition period**:
- 1830-31: European tour (Italy, Greece, Middle East) ●
- Return: illness, financial strain but intellectual enrichment ◐

**Key shift markers**:
- 1834: Introductions to Tory circles via Lyndhurst ●
- 1835: Taunton by-election → conservative candidate ●
- 1837: Full conservative adoption ●

### 3. Travel Influence Analysis

**Direct impact assessment**:

European tour → cultural broadening:
├─ Mediterranean aesthetic appreciation
├─ Eastern religious/racial attitudes  
└─ Political philosophy expansion

**But**: Correlation ≠ causation issue

**Alternative explanations**:
- Personal ambition → high society circles appeal
- Literary success → financial stability enabling political shift
- Family connections → Tory sympathies inherited/cultivated

### 4. Evidence Synthesis

**Supporting travel influence**:
- Diary evidence: tour intellectually formative ●
- Literary output shift: more European themes post-1831 ●
- Political writing evolution: broader philosophical framework ◐

**Counter-evidence**:
- 1832 pamphlet with Croker (Tory publication) → pre-tour conservative tendencies? ◐
- Family financial difficulties → practical considerations over ideology? ○

### 5. Causal Evaluation

**Primary factors** (confidence levels):
1. Personal ambition + social climbing → P(0.8) ●
2. Literary success enabling political flexibility → P(0.7) ◐  
3. European tour as catalyst → P(0.6) ◐
4. Family Tory sympathies → P(0.5) ○

**Synthesis**: Tour likely accelerator rather than cause. 

**Mechanism**: Broader worldview → ability to articulate conservative arguments effectively → political positioning advantage.

**Key insight**: Disraeli's transformation reflects 1830s political fluidity, where ideological boundaries less rigid than later periods.

**Answer framework**: Multi-factor explanation emphasizing tour's role in intellectual preparation while acknowledging ambition/social factors as primary drivers.

∴ Response should emphasize complexity, avoid monocausal explanation, highlight 1830s political fluidity context.

### Answer###
La transition politique de Disraeli des radicaux aux conservateurs s'est déroulée sur plusieurs années, et son voyage en Europe en 1830-1831 a joué un rôle important dans cette évolution.

Initialement, Disraeli était attiré par les politiques radicales, notamment la réforme électorale. Il s'est présenté comme candidat radical aux élections de 1832 à High Wycombe et a contribué à un pamphlet anti-whig édité par John Wilson Croker en 1832. Cependant, sa position était déjà nuancée : bien qu'il s'opposât aux sentiments "tory" dans le texte, il considérait que "rien d'adversaire à la mesure générale de réforme ne pouvait émaner de sa plume."

Le voyage européen de 1830-1831, financé par ses romans à succès, a profondément marqué Disraeli. Il a développé une conscience plus large des valeurs européennes et une approche plus relativiste morale et culturelle. Cette expérience l'a sensibilisé aux attitudes orientales sur la race et la religion.

À son retour, Disraeli a commencé à fréquenter les cercles tory. En 1834, il fut présenté au lord chancelier Lyndhurst par Henrietta Sykes, et les deux hommes devinrent proches. Disraeli a progressivement adopté une philosophie politique qui valorisait le gouvernement aristocratique bienveillant et s'opposait au dogmatisme politique.

Sa première candidature conservatrice eut lieu lors d'une élection partielle à Taunton en avril 1835. Il a ensuite écrit des pamphlets politiques conservateurs et des satires sur les politiciens de l'époque, publiées sous le pseudonyme de "Runnymede" en 1836.

La mort de son père en 1841 et sa conversion définitive au conservatisme l'année suivante marqua la fin de son évolution politique. En 1837, il fut élu au Parlement comme candidat conservateur.

Cette transformation reflétait l'évolution politique de l'époque, où les frontières entre les partis n'étaient pas encore figées et où les expériences culturelles et intellectuelles pouvaient influencer les positions politiques.