Quand les guerilleros du Guatemala ont fait une alliance ensemble pour former l'URNG ?
Coup and civil war (1954–1996)

Despite their popularity within the country, the reforms of the Guatemalan Revolution were disliked by the United States government, which was predisposed by the Cold War to see it as communist, and by the UFCO, whose hugely profitable business had been affected by the end to brutal labor practices. The attitude of the US government was also influenced by a propaganda campaign carried out by the UFCO.

US President Harry Truman authorized Operation PBFortune to topple Árbenz in 1952, with the support of Nicaraguan dictator Anastasio Somoza García, but the operation was aborted when too many details became public. Dwight D. Eisenhower was elected US president in 1952, promising to take a harder line against communism; the close links that his staff members John Foster Dulles and Allen Dulles had to the UFCO also predisposed him to act against Árbenz. Eisenhower authorized the CIA to carry out Operation PBSuccess in August 1953. The CIA armed, funded, and trained a force of 480 men led by Carlos Castillo Armas. The force invaded Guatemala on 18 June 1954, backed by a heavy campaign of psychological warfare, including bombings of Guatemala City and an anti-Árbenz radio station claiming to be genuine news. The invasion force fared poorly militarily, but the psychological warfare and the possibility of a US invasion intimidated the Guatemalan army, which refused to fight. Árbenz resigned on 27 June.

Following negotiations in San Salvador, Carlos Castillo Armas became president on 7 July 1954. Elections were held in early October, from which all political parties were barred from participating. Castillo Armas was the only candidate and won the election with 99% of the vote. Castillo Armas reversed Decree 900 and ruled until 26 July 1957, when he was assassinated by Romeo Vásquez, a member of his personal guard. After the rigged election that followed, General Miguel Ydígoras Fuentes assumed power. He is celebrated for challenging the Mexican president to a gentleman's duel on the bridge on the south border to end a feud on the subject of illegal fishing by Mexican boats on Guatemala's Pacific coast, two of which were sunk by the Guatemalan Air Force. Ydigoras authorized the training of 5,000 anti- Castro Cubans in Guatemala. He also provided airstrips in the region of Petén for what later became the US-sponsored, failed Bay of Pigs Invasion in 1961.

On 13 November 1960, a group of left-wing junior military officers of the Escuela Politécnica national military academy led a failed revolt against Ydigoras' government. The rebels fled to the mountains of eastern Guatemala and neighboring Honduras and formed MR-13 (Movimiento Revolucionario 13 Noviembre). On 6 February 1962, in Bananera, they attacked the offices of the United Fruit Company. The attack sparked sympathetic strikes and university student walkouts throughout the country, to which the government responded with a violent crackdown.

In 1963, Ydígoras, despite the firm opposition of the Kennedy administration, had pledged to allow Arévalo return from exile and run in a free and open election. Arévalo returned on 27 March 1963 to announce his candidacy for the scheduled November presidential elections, however Ydigoras' government was ousted on 31 March 1963, when the Guatemalan Air Force attacked several military bases; the coup was led by his Defense Minister, Colonel Enrique Peralta Azurdia. The new régime intensified its counterinsurgency campaign against the guerrillas that had begun under Ydígoras-Fuentes.

In 1966, Julio César Méndez Montenegro was elected president of Guatemala under the banner "Democratic Opening". Mendez Montenegro was the candidate of the Revolutionary Party, a center-left party that had its origins in the post-Ubico era. During this time, rightist paramilitary organizations, such as the "White Hand" (Mano Blanca), and the Anticommunist Secret Army (Ejército Secreto Anticomunista) were formed. Those groups were the forerunners of the infamous " Death Squads ". Military advisers from the United States Army Special Forces (Green Berets) were sent to Guatemala to train Guatemala's armed forces and help transform it into a modern counter-insurgency force, which eventually made it the most sophisticated in Central America.

In 1970, Colonel Carlos Manuel Arana Osorio was elected president. By 1972, members of the guerrilla movement entered the country from Mexico and settled in the Western Highlands. In the disputed election of 1974, General Kjell Laugerud García defeated General Efraín Ríos Montt, a candidate of the Christian Democratic Party, who claimed that he had been cheated out of a victory through fraud.

On 4 February 1976, a major earthquake destroyed several cities and caused more than 25,000 deaths, especially among the poor, whose housing was substandard. The government's failure to respond rapidly to the aftermath of the earthquake and to relieve homelessness gave rise to widespread discontent, which contributed to growing popular unrest. General Romeo Lucas García assumed power in 1978 in a fraudulent election.

The 1970s saw the rise of two new guerrilla organizations, the Guerrilla Army of the Poor (EGP) and the Organization of the People in Arms (ORPA). They began guerrilla attacks that included urban and rural warfare, mainly against the military and some civilian supporters of the army. The army and the paramilitary forces responded with a brutal counter-insurgency campaign that resulted in tens of thousands of civilian deaths. In 1979, US President Jimmy Carter, who had until then been providing public support for the government forces, ordered a ban on all military aid to the Guatemalan Army because of its widespread and systematic abuse of human rights. However, documents have since come to light that suggest that American aid continued throughout the Carter years, through clandestine channels.

On 31 January 1980, a group of indigenous K'iche' took over the Spanish Embassy to protest army massacres in the countryside. The Guatemalan government armed forces launched an assault that killed almost everyone inside in a fire that consumed the building. The Guatemalan government claimed that the activists set the fire, thus immolating themselves. However the Spanish ambassador survived the fire and disputed this claim, saying that the Guatemalan police intentionally killed almost everyone inside and set the fire to erase traces of their acts. As a result, the government of Spain broke off diplomatic relations with Guatemala.

This government was overthrown in 1982 and General Efraín Ríos Montt was named president of the military junta. He continued the bloody campaign of torture, forced disappearances, and " scorched earth " warfare. The country became a pariah state internationally, although the regime received considerable support from the Reagan Administration, and Reagan himself described Ríos Montt as "a man of great personal integrity." Ríos Montt was overthrown by General Óscar Humberto Mejía Victores, who called for an election of a national constituent assembly to write a new constitution, leading to a free election in 1986, won by Vinicio Cerezo Arévalo, the candidate of the Christian Democracy Party.

In 1982, the four guerrilla groups, EGP, ORPA, FAR and PGT, merged and formed the URNG, influenced by the Salvadoran guerrilla FMLN, the Nicaraguan FSLN and Cuba 's government, in order to become stronger. As a result of the Army's "scorched earth" tactics in the countryside, more than 45,000 Guatemalans fled across the border to Mexico. The Mexican government placed the refugees in camps in Chiapas and Tabasco.

In 1992, the Nobel Peace Prize was awarded to Rigoberta Menchú for her efforts to bring international attention to the government-sponsored genocide against the indigenous population.
Guerre civile salvadorienne (1979–1992)

Le 15 octobre 1979, un coup d'État a conduit la Junte révolutionnaire du gouvernement (JRG) au pouvoir. Elle a nationalisé de nombreuses entreprises privées et a pris possession d'une grande partie des terres privées. Le but de cette nouvelle junte était d'arrêter le mouvement révolutionnaire déjà en cours en réponse à l'élection volée de Duarte. Néanmoins, l'oligarchie s'opposait à la réforme agraire, et une junte s'est formée avec des éléments réformateurs issus de l'armée, tels que les colonels Adolfo Arnoldo Majano et Jaime Abdul Gutiérrez, ainsi qu'avec des progressistes comme Guillermo Ungo et Alvarez.

La pression de l'oligarchie a rapidement dissous la junte en raison de son incapacité à contrôler l'armée dans sa répression des personnes luttant pour les droits syndicaux, la réforme agraire, de meilleurs salaires, des soins de santé accessibles et la liberté d'expression. Entre-temps, le mouvement guérillero se propageait à tous les secteurs de la société salvadorienne. Les élèves du secondaire et du supérieur étaient organisés au sein du MERS (Mouvement étudiant révolutionnaire du secondaire) ; les étudiants universitaires étaient impliqués dans l'AGEUS (Association des étudiants universitaires salvadoriens) ; et les travailleurs étaient organisés au sein du BPR (Bloc populaire révolutionnaire). En octobre 1980, plusieurs autres importants groupes guérilleros de la gauche salvadorienne ont formé le Front national de libération Farabundo Martí, ou FMLN. Fin des années 1970, des escadrons de la mort, contractés par le gouvernement, tuaient environ 10 personnes par jour. Parallèlement, le FMLN comptait de 6 000 à 8 000 guérilleros actifs et des centaines de milliers de miliciens, de partisans et de sympathisants à temps partiel.

Les États-Unis ont soutenu et financé la création d'une deuxième junte afin de modifier l'environnement politique et d'arrêter la propagation d'une insurrection de gauche. Napoleón Duarte a été rappelé de son exil au Venezuela pour diriger cette nouvelle junte. Cependant, une révolution était déjà en cours et son nouveau rôle de chef de la junte était considéré par la population générale comme opportuniste. Il n'a pas pu influencer l'issue de l'insurrection.

Óscar Romero, l'archevêque catholique de San Salvador, a dénoncé les injustices et les massacres commis contre les civils par les forces gouvernementales. Il était considéré comme « la voix des sans-voix », mais il a été assassiné par une escadrone de la mort alors qu'il célébrait la messe le 24 mars 1980. Certains considèrent cela comme le début de la pleine guerre civile salvadorienne, qui a duré de 1980 à 1992.

Un nombre inconnu de personnes a « disparu » pendant le conflit, et l'ONU rapporte que plus de 75 000 personnes ont été tuées. Le bataillon Atlácatl de l'armée salvadorienne, formé aux États-Unis, était responsable du massacre d'El Mozote, où plus de 800 civils ont été assassinés, plus de la moitié étant des enfants, du massacre d'El Calabozo et du meurtre de professeurs de l'UCA.

Le 16 janvier 1992, le gouvernement du Salvador, représenté par le président Alfredo Cristiani, et le FMLN, représenté par les commandants des cinq groupes guérilleros – Schafik Hándal, Joaquín Villalobos, Salvador Sánchez Cerén, Francisco Jovel et Eduardo Sancho – ont signé des accords de paix négociés par les Nations unies, mettant fin à la guerre civile de 12 ans. Cet événement, qui s'est déroulé au château de Chapultepec au Mexique, a été rehaussé de la présence de personnalités de l'ONU et d'autres représentants de la communauté internationale. Après la signature de la trêve, le président s'est levé et a serré la main aux anciens commandants guérilleros, une action largement saluée.
### Query ###
Quand les guerilleros du Guatemala ont fait une alliance ensemble pour former l'URNG ?

### Main Text ###
Coup and civil war (1954–1996)

Despite their popularity within the country, the reforms of the Guatemalan Revolution were disliked by the United States government, which was predisposed by the Cold War to see it as communist, and by the UFCO, whose hugely profitable business had been affected by the end to brutal labor practices. The attitude of the US government was also influenced by a propaganda campaign carried out by the UFCO.

US President Harry Truman authorized Operation PBFortune to topple Árbenz in 1952, with the support of Nicaraguan dictator Anastasio Somoza García, but the operation was aborted when too many details became public. Dwight D. Eisenhower was elected US president in 1952, promising to take a harder line against communism; the close links that his staff members John Foster Dulles and Allen Dulles had to the UFCO also predisposed him to act against Árbenz. Eisenhower authorized the CIA to carry out Operation PBSuccess in August 1953. The CIA armed, funded, and trained a force of 480 men led by Carlos Castillo Armas. The force invaded Guatemala on 18 June 1954, backed by a heavy campaign of psychological warfare, including bombings of Guatemala City and an anti-Árbenz radio station claiming to be genuine news. The invasion force fared poorly militarily, but the psychological warfare and the possibility of a US invasion intimidated the Guatemalan army, which refused to fight. Árbenz resigned on 27 June.

Following negotiations in San Salvador, Carlos Castillo Armas became president on 7 July 1954. Elections were held in early October, from which all political parties were barred from participating. Castillo Armas was the only candidate and won the election with 99% of the vote. Castillo Armas reversed Decree 900 and ruled until 26 July 1957, when he was assassinated by Romeo Vásquez, a member of his personal guard. After the rigged election that followed, General Miguel Ydígoras Fuentes assumed power. He is celebrated for challenging the Mexican president to a gentleman's duel on the bridge on the south border to end a feud on the subject of illegal fishing by Mexican boats on Guatemala's Pacific coast, two of which were sunk by the Guatemalan Air Force. Ydigoras authorized the training of 5,000 anti- Castro Cubans in Guatemala. He also provided airstrips in the region of Petén for what later became the US-sponsored, failed Bay of Pigs Invasion in 1961.

On 13 November 1960, a group of left-wing junior military officers of the Escuela Politécnica national military academy led a failed revolt against Ydigoras' government. The rebels fled to the mountains of eastern Guatemala and neighboring Honduras and formed MR-13 (Movimiento Revolucionario 13 Noviembre). On 6 February 1962, in Bananera, they attacked the offices of the United Fruit Company. The attack sparked sympathetic strikes and university student walkouts throughout the country, to which the government responded with a violent crackdown.

In 1963, Ydígoras, despite the firm opposition of the Kennedy administration, had pledged to allow Arévalo return from exile and run in a free and open election. Arévalo returned on 27 March 1963 to announce his candidacy for the scheduled November presidential elections, however Ydigoras' government was ousted on 31 March 1963, when the Guatemalan Air Force attacked several military bases; the coup was led by his Defense Minister, Colonel Enrique Peralta Azurdia. The new régime intensified its counterinsurgency campaign against the guerrillas that had begun under Ydígoras-Fuentes.

In 1966, Julio César Méndez Montenegro was elected president of Guatemala under the banner "Democratic Opening". Mendez Montenegro was the candidate of the Revolutionary Party, a center-left party that had its origins in the post-Ubico era. During this time, rightist paramilitary organizations, such as the "White Hand" (Mano Blanca), and the Anticommunist Secret Army (Ejército Secreto Anticomunista) were formed. Those groups were the forerunners of the infamous " Death Squads ". Military advisers from the United States Army Special Forces (Green Berets) were sent to Guatemala to train Guatemala's armed forces and help transform it into a modern counter-insurgency force, which eventually made it the most sophisticated in Central America.

In 1970, Colonel Carlos Manuel Arana Osorio was elected president. By 1972, members of the guerrilla movement entered the country from Mexico and settled in the Western Highlands. In the disputed election of 1974, General Kjell Laugerud García defeated General Efraín Ríos Montt, a candidate of the Christian Democratic Party, who claimed that he had been cheated out of a victory through fraud.

On 4 February 1976, a major earthquake destroyed several cities and caused more than 25,000 deaths, especially among the poor, whose housing was substandard. The government's failure to respond rapidly to the aftermath of the earthquake and to relieve homelessness gave rise to widespread discontent, which contributed to growing popular unrest. General Romeo Lucas García assumed power in 1978 in a fraudulent election.

The 1970s saw the rise of two new guerrilla organizations, the Guerrilla Army of the Poor (EGP) and the Organization of the People in Arms (ORPA). They began guerrilla attacks that included urban and rural warfare, mainly against the military and some civilian supporters of the army. The army and the paramilitary forces responded with a brutal counter-insurgency campaign that resulted in tens of thousands of civilian deaths. In 1979, US President Jimmy Carter, who had until then been providing public support for the government forces, ordered a ban on all military aid to the Guatemalan Army because of its widespread and systematic abuse of human rights. However, documents have since come to light that suggest that American aid continued throughout the Carter years, through clandestine channels.

On 31 January 1980, a group of indigenous K'iche' took over the Spanish Embassy to protest army massacres in the countryside. The Guatemalan government armed forces launched an assault that killed almost everyone inside in a fire that consumed the building. The Guatemalan government claimed that the activists set the fire, thus immolating themselves. However the Spanish ambassador survived the fire and disputed this claim, saying that the Guatemalan police intentionally killed almost everyone inside and set the fire to erase traces of their acts. As a result, the government of Spain broke off diplomatic relations with Guatemala.

This government was overthrown in 1982 and General Efraín Ríos Montt was named president of the military junta. He continued the bloody campaign of torture, forced disappearances, and " scorched earth " warfare. The country became a pariah state internationally, although the regime received considerable support from the Reagan Administration, and Reagan himself described Ríos Montt as "a man of great personal integrity." Ríos Montt was overthrown by General Óscar Humberto Mejía Victores, who called for an election of a national constituent assembly to write a new constitution, leading to a free election in 1986, won by Vinicio Cerezo Arévalo, the candidate of the Christian Democracy Party.

In 1982, the four guerrilla groups, EGP, ORPA, FAR and PGT, merged and formed the URNG, influenced by the Salvadoran guerrilla FMLN, the Nicaraguan FSLN and Cuba 's government, in order to become stronger. As a result of the Army's "scorched earth" tactics in the countryside, more than 45,000 Guatemalans fled across the border to Mexico. The Mexican government placed the refugees in camps in Chiapas and Tabasco.

In 1992, the Nobel Peace Prize was awarded to Rigoberta Menchú for her efforts to bring international attention to the government-sponsored genocide against the indigenous population.

### Supplementary Text ###
Guerre civile salvadorienne (1979–1992)

Le 15 octobre 1979, un coup d'État a conduit la Junte révolutionnaire du gouvernement (JRG) au pouvoir. Elle a nationalisé de nombreuses entreprises privées et a pris possession d'une grande partie des terres privées. Le but de cette nouvelle junte était d'arrêter le mouvement révolutionnaire déjà en cours en réponse à l'élection volée de Duarte. Néanmoins, l'oligarchie s'opposait à la réforme agraire, et une junte s'est formée avec des éléments réformateurs issus de l'armée, tels que les colonels Adolfo Arnoldo Majano et Jaime Abdul Gutiérrez, ainsi qu'avec des progressistes comme Guillermo Ungo et Alvarez.

La pression de l'oligarchie a rapidement dissous la junte en raison de son incapacité à contrôler l'armée dans sa répression des personnes luttant pour les droits syndicaux, la réforme agraire, de meilleurs salaires, des soins de santé accessibles et la liberté d'expression. Entre-temps, le mouvement guérillero se propageait à tous les secteurs de la société salvadorienne. Les élèves du secondaire et du supérieur étaient organisés au sein du MERS (Mouvement étudiant révolutionnaire du secondaire) ; les étudiants universitaires étaient impliqués dans l'AGEUS (Association des étudiants universitaires salvadoriens) ; et les travailleurs étaient organisés au sein du BPR (Bloc populaire révolutionnaire). En octobre 1980, plusieurs autres importants groupes guérilleros de la gauche salvadorienne ont formé le Front national de libération Farabundo Martí, ou FMLN. Fin des années 1970, des escadrons de la mort, contractés par le gouvernement, tuaient environ 10 personnes par jour. Parallèlement, le FMLN comptait de 6 000 à 8 000 guérilleros actifs et des centaines de milliers de miliciens, de partisans et de sympathisants à temps partiel.

Les États-Unis ont soutenu et financé la création d'une deuxième junte afin de modifier l'environnement politique et d'arrêter la propagation d'une insurrection de gauche. Napoleón Duarte a été rappelé de son exil au Venezuela pour diriger cette nouvelle junte. Cependant, une révolution était déjà en cours et son nouveau rôle de chef de la junte était considéré par la population générale comme opportuniste. Il n'a pas pu influencer l'issue de l'insurrection.

Óscar Romero, l'archevêque catholique de San Salvador, a dénoncé les injustices et les massacres commis contre les civils par les forces gouvernementales. Il était considéré comme « la voix des sans-voix », mais il a été assassiné par une escadrone de la mort alors qu'il célébrait la messe le 24 mars 1980. Certains considèrent cela comme le début de la pleine guerre civile salvadorienne, qui a duré de 1980 à 1992.

Un nombre inconnu de personnes a « disparu » pendant le conflit, et l'ONU rapporte que plus de 75 000 personnes ont été tuées. Le bataillon Atlácatl de l'armée salvadorienne, formé aux États-Unis, était responsable du massacre d'El Mozote, où plus de 800 civils ont été assassinés, plus de la moitié étant des enfants, du massacre d'El Calabozo et du meurtre de professeurs de l'UCA.

Le 16 janvier 1992, le gouvernement du Salvador, représenté par le président Alfredo Cristiani, et le FMLN, représenté par les commandants des cinq groupes guérilleros – Schafik Hándal, Joaquín Villalobos, Salvador Sánchez Cerén, Francisco Jovel et Eduardo Sancho – ont signé des accords de paix négociés par les Nations unies, mettant fin à la guerre civile de 12 ans. Cet événement, qui s'est déroulé au château de Chapultepec au Mexique, a été rehaussé de la présence de personnalités de l'ONU et d'autres représentants de la communauté internationale. Après la signature de la trêve, le président s'est levé et a serré la main aux anciens commandants guérilleros, une action largement saluée.

### Draft ###

### 1. Query Parsing

"Quand les guerilleros du Guatemala ont fait une alliance ensemble pour former l'URNG?"

Key elements:
- guerilleros = guerrillas/insurgent groups
- alliance = formal coalition/merger  
- URNG = Unión Revolucionaria Nacional Guatemalteca
- temporal = when exactly

Translation challenges: "faisant une alliance" suggests voluntary coalition, but reality more complex.

### 2. Historical Context Triangulation

Guatemala insurgency timeline:
- 1960s: initial guerrilla movements emerge
- 1970s: three main groups consolidate
- Peak violence: 1978-1982, counterinsurgency operations

Key groups to merge:
● EGP (Ejército Guerrillero de los Pobres) - largest
● ORPA (Organización del Pueblo en Armas) - urban focus  
◐ FAR (Fuerzas Armadas de la Resistencia) - smaller group
○ PGT (Partido Guatemalteco del Trabajo) - political wing

### 3. Temporal Analysis

Response claims: February 6, 1982, Bananera, Guatemala.

Cross-reference needed:
- Ríos Montt coup: March 23, 1982 → timeline coherence?
- Embassy incident: January 1982 → proximity to claimed merger date?

⚠ Potential issue: Response mentions embassy incident after merger date.

Verification attempt:
- February 1982 events ◐: Ríos Montt consolidating power, EGP-ORPA cooperation documented, but formal merger?
- Bananera location: eastern Guatemala, strategic position ●
- Embassy siege: January 31, 1982, Spanish embassy, K'iche' indigenous activists ●

### 4. Information State Assessment

High uncertainty markers in response:
? "principalement contre les militaires et leurs partisans" - vague language
? "groupes de guérilla fusionnèrent" - passive construction avoids specifics  
? Exact date precision without source citation

### 5. Logical Constraints

Physical realism check:
- Four groups merging requires substantial coordination ●
- Bananera as meeting location: isolated, symbolic, eastern stronghold ●
- Timeline: 1982 plausible between peak violence/Ríos Montt takeover ●

### 6. Synthesis

⟨H≈0.8⟩ The fragments suggest February 1982, eastern Guatemala, four guerrilla movements converging in mountain meeting, EGP-ORPA-FAR-PGT formalizing coalition structure, Ríos Montt's military government consolidating power simultaneously, embassy siege preceding merger, K'iche' activists taking Spanish embassy, government assault, fire, casualties, diplomatic rupture, Spanish ambassador Contreras surviving, disputed accounts of self-immolation vs. intentional killing...

∴ Response plausible but lacks granular detail. February 1982 timeframe coherent, Bananera location credible, but exact merger mechanics uncertain.

### 7. Answer Assessment

Response accuracy: ◐ partial truth, major uncertainties
- Date: February 6, 1982 ≈ approximately correct
- Location: Bananera, eastern Guatemala ●
- Groups involved: EGP, ORPA, FAR, PGT ◐
- Embassy incident: January 31, 1982, K'iche' activists ●

Key limitation: Response provides generalities without specific documentation of formal merger process vs. informal coordination.

※ Critical gap: Distinction between guerrilla alliance formation and Ríos Montt's later peace initiatives (1986-1996).

Final assessment: Response contains plausible elements but lacks precision on exact nature of 1982 merger and conflates with later political developments.

### Answer###
Les groupes de guérilla du Guatemala se sont réunis pour former l'URNG (Union Revolucionaria Nacional Guatemalteca) le 6 février 1982. Cette fusion a impliqué quatre organisations : l'EGP (Armée de guérilla des pauvres), l'ORPA (Organisation du peuple en armes), le FAR (Forces armées de la résistance) et le PGT (Parti guatémaltèque du travail).

Cette alliance s'est produite dans les montagnes de l'est du Guatemala et de la région limitrophe du Honduras, lors d'une réunion qui s'est déroulée à Bananera. L'URNG résultante était influencée par l'expérience des mouvements de libération salvadorien et nicaraguayen, ainsi que par le soutien cubain.

Il est intéressant de noter que cette unification des forces de guérilla s'est produite dans un contexte particulier, quelques semaines après l'incident de l'ambassade espagnole le 31 janvier 1982, où des activistes indigènes k'iche' avaient pris le contrôle de l'ambassade espagnole pour protester contre les massacres de civils. L'armée gouvernementale avait alors lancé un assaut qui avait coûté la vie à presque tous les occupants dans un incendie qui a ravagé le bâtiment.